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citoyennet6 dds le F. s. et en particulier i l'6poque llavienne, si d6cisivei beaucoup d'6gards dans I'histoire de I'Empire romain. On ne s'6tonne plusd'avoir trouv6 parmi les l6gionnaires thraces morts d Lyon dans la premiiremoili6 du IIIU s. un T. Flauius Florus domo Philippopoli ex prou(incia)Thracia -Quelles conclusions? Elles n'6tonneront personne; c'est pourquoi jecraignais en commenCant de n'enfoncer que des portes ouvertes. D'abordla pr6sence thrace dans les Gaules et les Germanies est i I'Evidence unemilitaire, dds le ler s. dans les unit6s auxiliaires, plus tard dans les l6gionsslrtout les l6gionnaires 6tant sans doute souvent les fils ou les petita-lilsdes auxiliaires devenant citoyens au moment de leur retraite. En setond lieu,cette pr6sence est trds limit6e: pour le moment, quelque cinquante Thracesrep6r6s dans six provinces d'Occident en quatre sidcles. . . c'est bien peu. . .Le bilan n'est gudre difl6rent en Afrique.2s Les Thraces et leur pays lointaindevaient dans ces conditions 6tre bien mal connus dans ces provinces, N'est-cepas ce qui peut expliquer les fantaisies orthographiques qui alfectent nonseulement la gravure de I'ethnique Sappaus (pour Sapaeus), mais mme celledes mots qui d6signent la Thrace el son peuple? On lit en effet parfois Thraciaet Thrax - Thracum, mais aussi Tracia, Traex, Trex, Trhaces, Trachumet mme Traecerum. N'est-ce pas r6v6lateur?

,s H. C. P f I a u m. Pannoniens et Thraces. . ., 53-67. Douze Thraces seulementont_ dl6 jusqu'ici rdpertorids dans la legio lll Augusta et ses units auxiliaires de Nu-50

pULPUDEVA. Semaines philippopolilaines de I,hisloireet de Ia cullure thrace. Plo\ div, 3-17 oclobre 1980, 4

PHILIP II AND THRACEERNST BADIAN (Harvard)

We all know that there is no delinitive answer to lhe great questions ofhislory; but even the propounding of a serious hypolhesis re"quires'iminimumol precise .lactual knowledge: before ue can. begin to lheorize abofi ahgsomething happened, we must firsl know wilh aierlain degree oi orecisioirc,ftal happened..The ques_tion of_Maced_onia and Thrace in th"e fourtti centuryis inded a major one. It would uell deserve an illuminatine hroolhesij.Il, either_around 425 BC or again fifty years laler, an Athenian hid beln askedwhat barbarian state in the north was destined to rule lhe oihum?ni, he u.ouldat first have refused to consider the.possibility. II assured thal ihe godshad foretold it. u'as. to happen. bu_t-had'not named the state concerned, tiereis no- doubt that his guess would have been the Odrysian kinpdom.l Hewould- certainly not have thought of Macedon. The greai reien of"Sitalces jsoutside our immediale terms ol reference here. But by 360 EC, Cotvs sloodai-the height of his power, while Macedon, as alway! after the deith ol aruler and.olten. at olher times, was_beset by enemies and torn asunder bycourt Iac(ions that seemed likely to lead to ihe collapse ol a unilied Argeaikingdom.'1 Yet tithin 23 years, Philip It wai *"rt6. oi-C-r"".f is- we asol. lhrace, and preparing to challenge the persian Empire in its Asian do-minions.We are accustomed to think in terms of slow change in antiquity, ascompared lo the speed. of developmenls in_our own revolutionary ige.'yetour eneration has nothing al all comparable lo offer. The mere stitementoI thal parudoxon, the rise of Philip and (in. particular) his relatilely easyqonqugst o.f_ Thrace, shows that theie are indeed questi'ons to be anss.ered'.But alas, there is not enough. posilive knowledge to attempt a meiningfulans$er. I Iear ue musl, for lhe moment, continue to work'away at try"ingt H"a t" ben told to think ol a second possibility, he might have thousht ol theScythians. I:or the a.sessmenl here suEgested, see Thui. ll 97."- --',See the lurid story in Justin Vtf4, T and V 4li. and cf. the scholiasi on Aesch.z,29.-Hammond s Judgment (Hammond ind Grillith, A Histotg ol itatedonia fi: SSO-336 BC, 1979, 183: heflceforth referred to onty by the name of ttrjpa'rticutar irGor eiieallhat 'tbewholestory is poppycock'is perhrfs exaggerarea, una fii.,"ison rtii.it Ueariro. relallon lo.the procedure in the Assembly of the Macedones 6gainst those \r.ho \reredetected ill a lreasonab]e plol'could be desiribed in similar I.Ig"uaee. Thouph some olthe-delaibre probably liler Iiction, we do not know enough fo-."i?.i if.," iiflof" oiii,and_il.litsjn well-enough uilh the traditions ol the Argeadhouse,'as ia1"i "iempfitiedy Philip II ind Alexandcr III after their respective aiessions.51

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to estabhsh_ the actual course of everts, and_we must hope that further ar-haeological and (in particutart epigraphicrt jii.rrir'# *iiii"fp f. g"tus to a stage where we can hesin io"atiempt "r.ipi.r"il"r.'ri is to suchreliminary labour that this p-aper "ilf Ui aevoi"S--'IOur problems start. at onca,. with. piilip's accession. Did that eventrecede or foliow the dealh oI Coiys?.tf.trr. ilri"iola'it" rlwo" men _ thereat king at lhe end of his Iife rri r,ii tirljor:i'gi"rr,l'JirJllj,rt" yorrgman succeeding, apparen y, to a disintegrat"ing mon-rrcfry, l,i1i'.,lus destinedlo destroy that kinpdom and trdealings with each olhcr? o claim its heritage --did they have iny^ . A fragment of an anecdotalisl3.mentionsphilip as receiving a letter fromotys. It is the ontv reDorted Iink beiu.een.them, "r;;';;;i ;l?ri;,s _ e. g.Grote.and Beloch, io niention only.the "rir"ni _'ilru?j".i.l.it. unrro_orted, it is nol good evidence. In'Jact, "t,",,"t f iri ig"t'ur;.r';.t:r; i ,;#i;9l-l^.o^11!""; oI,a Thracian king dealing. wilh pt iiti, *""i.a"iiii"ierriporis.nrr rs agreed, at any rale, that Colys died-aroud it" tin.,uii'nf,ilp. ".."._ion; the queslion is onlv: u.as it ;ust before oilusfrii;;; ii ,,Ili u" ,ot"ahat, even if lhe anecdoti itseli is'not.pure ti.ii,jr, "iiiiit" .rl#i,ot u gru"tlhracian king haphazardtv inserted,,tire r;;;';;'r;;;";;;'l.iliiu..,rorg.ureeks did not care a ereaI deal auout rlracian "i io"rirli'pi, iilii,",ven about'lacedonian kings as oersons- They easily.confui"j ir,"ir'r"rlrr)."g"rairgthem as types. The rhetor uho 2'gsnsljlion'l"iti, *i"t"'Eiiir]p,s .Letterlo the Alhenians'that survir.es as i"rn.. fz,","f.i"'to.r.itri,iiil lire Si.alces (1.9), where the coniext ,-.tq21ly .5hs-\r; ii;i'i;;r;i't;t1i ti,,r"tt.:)S1"r:,r,jf"",',:"f iilJTfil::I:d.19.i,,u.t"ir"i'l,i"i jitiiiiiriirJ "....,ion,memory.) Demosthenes 1.,,rr",r. '-l ll9.,i- Stsassin musl also belbng to,livingMacedonian i..i,e ;i,;",iiii'ii:',i,1":"'*:':!#,i ,iT;[I,ifl',;,,:",t",.r'" ,f,J,,i:ol Ptataea and twice ca s him perd iccas'tzi, 'zoijj, 'i i'ijri,"oi' i"o,rl", er.*_nder I. Berisades - il lhe Ietter was froia lim _ rufeJtniV itr". y.rrseurvas probably lorgo en by lhe time lhe ,r..aof"'"r, "iiii& 'ri,.ora.O o,Yel some have sought sunnort for. lhe.sltspect leller. There is a puzzlingff Ti-i,?'"J"1iria,1,;1,:i :l,T:ul,iilll;iil l.llri*lr.;;*"#:1j*

^J!!!rna". (ip. 4ih.cn. vt 248e), one,of,a series of anecdotes woven around theerson ol the parasite Cleisophus. H(ravou.te sources lor ancrtores lgesanoet s L.onmcnlarirs are among Alhenaeus;,,,"n],?"I:it".i;';i;0."1::,,iv,ii{"ul,,lT",T'fJl!:lJ;f,i?;),H.lli;"ii,iEii!,liily;not named ir ihe [e]t. Diodoru\ rlmol cenainty aia i,irt ftna ,'nj,nu'i"jii. io"ur"", ,. i.uggested in the text. it could be th.t ihand that it was indeed h" u.ho "rnoor," rery snort reign ol Berisades had l.en forgotlen,n"caore.is toJe ,i."ri "j ,!'ii.,."j,lili,i,r{i::"#,iir":3"fl ,T,:.,";:T.:: Hege'aiaer\- ,, 5 Thar documrni is shor-ttrrougli wrth rrstorica.r errors - so much so lhat it is not'ii',ll,fi.liii':ii:1"ffi:"'#::,",lii'l"q there and nowhere ;i'; ;i';,il'ii r"ri"u"a.iiji;ll';: ffi:'" .l.ll.,;it"lr it'irrtiilu,ulrri*iil$i ffi ini:i:

!::l::Il.!, presents PhiJip,.in what must be lhe first year of his reign, asaovancrng at least lhree davs, march into Thrace, ll see'm1 anj arrrving atone o[ cotys' pataces - r. hich rheopompus ;;ilcii, i; e"i;iiti;,; ,1" u"riuingthat barbarian's IiIe and chnracleri a;;;;i .?;;t;;r;iu""iir.g!"rt.a ttut[,H'., ^I#';:lf I ]. I ij'llx*,:,"-'*:,1 i.L:il *;** jlr*ilil'#iiy:!slill alive at lhe time; and rhe-suggesled.";;';;i;i:;ri;i, iiii\cutt ro Ue-Iieve. First,_ireaties were made tfrri"ugfr amfaiiaOo^. ifr"r"'*.i"'r'o tr..itneetings.' The reason is obviols, onie u.e attend to ii in aeia-ii. fi nlillphad taken an army adeouate ro. nis prolection-ii;;";ry;,';ar;iiiiito Thru"",Cotys.would have had g;od reason t6 be "orr,"J - inal"a.'ri. .#'!" .rr" t.outd never have periitted it. If, houevei. Fhrtip"iri"io,ie'ilittort ,r.tprotecting force, he u.ould ha'e had-''ery gooJ i[rio, to i.rr"ir,rt t. o.r"walking into a trap - indeed. he "ould ;";; h;;;-u'."n"folii.ti' "rorgr, todo it. The thought of the summit meeting at totyi:-f.f ^" rrri'di'lUrna*"a.On lhe olher hind. il wilt noi rto lo _cta-im rf,ri nfiifil'* ri-_ ,iiaing tlrruru,thar he uas rhere as an enemv. "rteico[:ii ;;;ih. +;;"ch it'.ffi't" t.rpt-ing to posit a show of force ipainst rte'[irg-*r,o i^" b"i"jiirr"iiil. ,O **iupp.orting a Maccdonian .o,inr.r-.trirunii i;.;"';r;';#;i; 'n'o ri." to,it. He had to hunt down and kirr one oi tirit'iirli liJ*".r'riii. iiners rrea;,then meet an invasion bv the n.siqnder . . A;g;;;."'i;ffi'uli'J".ipporrua ryAlhens), then (parlty on'ihe sr'rengrh of hi;;;;;; ii"ii]ri'.".oi!rirut" *,"f^",[9lll,j"d Ma.cedoiian army, ro"be ;;;Ji i;;-;;;ii;:r Ln"riiriiu in u,uIoltowrng spring. In the circurnstances, qi must surely betieve,bioaorus,:lit.T:^l!.tl1_lg bought ofr the kingibf pr;,,ll -"rij'ir,iiiiuilt'rr grrts _senr,- -very properly, through ambcssadors.Ttiowever u.e look at it. the Iragrnent about philip.s three.day marchinto.Thrace wi not fit. t must suggeit ihat "rn"rarilJrii, iil;';nj; ,nr*.r.That is not an outr.ageous suggeslii"n. It is.k;;;;?;;'; gfrn.u"ui t".ouy,,apparatus will confjrm it) lh;t book numbers in it" .itu'iion oiirrg*.nf,are frequently corrrpt. A,lany t"v. U""n "*"raua; "rJ ,-f;;;;.;irinly _or"await emendarion.s i have no doubt thatin iliis i";i;;;;fi;:;;s an easyremedy. We must read iv rfir (j[ for tv rir d: re lragment belongs. in Book XI, not in Book I. noi sijik x i a*, i'.rir.irruivl'"ni'.,,iiu, ,, tn.vasion. of. Thrace, in lact with the major *; ;c;il;; Cdr;-bj"ri". tn asgor.352 (see below); Ft0l, mentioning lmdaocml*lit firr-poii""r'i'#. "^pt.n_lion,.which must be based on lhe itual .oriu^i in f't "oioriuri,'utt.rt, tt.. The result of this long discussion has been negativel Br.it ifiai at teast1lea1s the air. This fragmint, in its urong lt;.;;T;;'f", i;; ioig invitea-i-Th-ragment appears in Forflis/ as Is F3r. The inrerpretario, here menlionedis nol based on anyrhidg in rhe frasmen-t_ (see r",r1, ii ii iiir"a',i'ivi'rJ"iir'urion "torthe contents oi the'tetrer'recorded"by H"g"*ra"i fi""i. i rii* -i"iur,il"l. rr, ,. Ihave been able ro rrace it, rhe view w,1, ia.fi ;il,;;-;y';. HIit, ;",i'i;iliiii ler v useiuland at the time cxcellnt) survcv or rhe hisrory "i ir" 6aii,iirr''iv,i,ri",')il,,,i),,JX?iillq9!. q r rls recenr touowers - incr ude elis'liiriiii ij Lii'fi1,1,'"iiiL'i') mperiatisntlll,r,;l"i;;ii"il, cired by aurhor's n,.,efrs aiia F

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irresponsible specuration. If cotys. was stiI arive at the time of philio,saccession (i. e., if lhe name in tLe'tetieir;i.;il-t;;y"h;$rAr';ili;believed), he certajnty diea too,soon',iiei it'i;;;;:;."1r;i'iJilu" rua ,ryonsequ-ences. But more probablv he uas alreaav-a"ri'i '" "'ln lact, the Kine of Thrace{nbt named for ur) i.iro suiportea a pretenderagainst phitip may quite possiuty nave'oeen d"i#ti"ii#[ri"".i'in fact Chari_demus), ralher lhan eithei Cotvs or Berisades. ft aepienison ri,lat happenedstraight arter Cotvs' assassina"li6r, ;;i;;-;;r';;,;f;trv ii"Irri, about bvhis old. enemy Miltocythes.ro lJemosthenes is confused ,na p*tirln"in fir.ccouni; but it Iooks as if chariaemui ioi a tir. i..r'i"a l'L""lil transition9t pouer for Colys' young "on c"r.ebi"pt"i. tij"^r i,iririirr""i:#'Jgu ir., Mit.ocythes, he also struck ioainsf ths.1s'bsi;5;iii;;. 1il..A;i";i;ni, trying toecover Chersonese lor the "kingdom. lvtiltocyt hes -uzs'ca reil i';n?'ih r.lau_r,::I ]9^.hi: execution. (Demoithenes givei us rhe ,;";;;i;i irformarion.23. I69) that Thracian princes, ur,* u:r,"n tfiey'io-rjrii.fil'Jilti"r, aio ""trrf one anolher in cold blood: this indicates (tr" i"Ti"liiitv'lrj'iis ex pottearcount.) .Demosthenes then asserts, iont'rary iii-rr'"riiiiirrt'rllnent, thatrt uas onty lhe Thracians' tn,ror it crriiijemrr: orilrii"".iiije tnrt reoto the rebeltion o[ Berisades ,nt nmaaocui agairri"iiiJ rrt""iii'u. ,g"in.tersebteptes). no doubt \,,.iih Athenian supptrtilj1;i, ;l#;; liqrir"a pro.Athenian advisers.It The coalition \r.a, ou.iJrf,"irirg] cLr"i'a"Lir'rro r. tor..Oo make an.imposed ireaty u.ith Lnares, recogrrsing Alhens. righls in Cher-sorrese an.the partilion of the krngdom among lhe three clairiants.r: It isan r-nteresling detait of this irezly ih.at, attho;Et 'ir,.it ii,riiiei,:, *.r" ,p-arenlty given separateparrs or th'" ki;sd; i;";; iu'iro,igi ri i"ir,lr.. ,."rion.jrgned east to $.esl). thev alt maintained an inlerest in ehe;;o;;s;. perhapsit was too imporrant for any of th"* i;;r;;;;; ;orpr"r.i'Jiy"j'lia p"rt "p,

--'&" " 18 lrelow.nd text-#lfl;,#,lilit.,:uill;'ill fi,",i:".,i:fi,-,"tnll;Tlll.il."i,i,ii,,;3::iff",if,,1,J;i:i5iEl'tij:lii,iffiT.l:ilt:#:.,:,1:ii::r,gllL*ll;"1*ii'.."""'i,,1$"t"":,;giit. . rr Demonsthenes s'tarts bv savindcarh -pre.umrbiyi";;,;";i,,,a;it"%3ih:l,,iilJ$H!;t1i,,iii;..',fli;f;l",31.,::t.evcr. \\'e lrler find rhar Chnrirlemrr. \irrr.rhe onty Inrrir;;y i"i.&, i...i,ii.iie; lt,".,^r,or"r 't (jb. t63) ind rhat thc alliance or rhc rwo orhir kingi rid Ari,Jnii..i,ll.io"r tt,"r ri_"pplarenuv.:,n.independent (ondofliere (onrv ca,ne ; u.ijt -iii"i"iii"'11"*i'iix; or Ililro.iT,i#it1 +J"",',?:lij f,Flx,ifi:iri:iii "iili.p, [:;i;:r. E:,;i rr" ruin'rxrre obvioudi, c,;;i: l';i ;; il;;i ;".*',1i"":::HIX,".*,".i[:l :*"iiiiXi ilialjTjilrhens, \ince they ue.e ctven Arh.ni,n cirizenshi.p: ir.. rzi r,jrl i,ii.Ji] i." irl,.pr", .u,,u-l::",,ll.,Aii,Ti,r,;lu*;ioi;"#':,illq"cus. rit i. cr"- ir,oi ":h'";'i#ft,:lii.,;;;;ii;,,rindependenr__ ."";r;;":,iliisiii,ili:",f-6i:;:,.;l:"li?i:drA,henodorus wis s{il. ,? See Dem. 23, l70lf. Raisino th,#*:l;,"'#Ii,".jty",T,,"rfllf,h",,ifii{9:,j,u:iriij:iii:?JtillTI,r"i:lii:l,i[ll;,t," :g,llfii,'"]'i"ii;.li",i"Tii,"r :]"'i;:','iX:;,J::':,1[:"i61.';j[".J:;,,,J,;.54

the Athenia-n! who dictated the terms ol the treaty, preferred to weakenthe,pou'er of,Cersebleptes (i..e., ofCharidemu., rto'naa'ito*n iii'toriifiiyto them) and not to have him as their sole neighbour lhere.r3II

That must have been in 358 or Bi7 (we cannot tell). At this time, philipwas a-frierd and ally of Athens, engiged in the lanious seirei nesotiation!rn whrch-he promised lo get Amphipolis back for the Athenians, a-nd in thesrege ol Amphipolis itself.ta He had no part in the Thracian set ement, in_deed no interest (so far) in Thracian affairs. The first time we hear of iuchan interest is in connection rvith the appeal oI Crenides for help against aThracian threat-15.. Crenides had been founded by the Thasians in 360i89, apparenfly onthe advice ol the Athenian Callistratus.t6 fne poirl'iip"rt "i.'rloiiii p,lr*-ing..There can be little doubt that the founditjon, pieciset'y at-iils'time,must be due-lo Col ys' death: he would never have peimitieJ irirelen'intrusionIn a place ot such strategic importance. It is idle to waste u.ords on uhetheror nol.nrs lmmediate successor gave .permission' Ior the set ementr? _ thelacts show that it was made at a time when Thracian weakness could be ex-ploiled. The beginning of Thracian recovery at once endangered its existence.Eut betore we pursue the story, a furlher consequence should be indicated:il weiccpt Collart-s suggestion,s that the foundation can be shown to pre_cede.Philip's accession, it uould lollow lhal we can ccnfiden y date Coiys'death b-efore Philip's accession: the foundation of ttre Jtonv *oritjinterr"n".co art, houever, is also responsible for lhe unfortunate idea that itwas Cersebleptes, in the course oi his attempt to eliminate his oartners inthe treaty-dividing.lhe kingdom, -who launched the altack that indangeredrne crry, ihrs-idea h-as gained wide acceptance.ro It should never have beenconsrdered. lt Cersebleptes, in an attack on both his immediate western;""t^*tl:t l",l ines 5 and.tO cities ole tribute to one ot ihe three kinps (separatedDy 1).. lne crtres.'n Cherso_nese, Iowever. owe lribute to all three (lines l3 fi: ihd namesare rorne0,Dy xot,. as welt as the .conlribuiion' (slnlaxisl lo Athens. Il thev paid allr.nese exacr,orls,.lhe treaty provids for them lo be .lree and autonomous and'jttied loAInens ano Ee sades and Amadocus and Cerseb)eples': any failure lo Dav. or attemr,t10 leave any one o[.the allia-nces, is to be puntshed'by ait%i,r-prrt,i"* iSUiti* Ii]iii,iirrealy (or one rn thrs general context) that Demoslhenes (173) discribes is .beit and mostlust. r'SeeS/u.298.convenienllyco e(tinglheevidence.Ste.Croix(CQ13, 1963, IlOIl.)tried .lo.show that there can haie been ;; .;;c;i l;;;it j 'ij""i; ;il; r'"ii, 'rr1ir,, ,o u,"extent that, as he poinis out, a treaty would hrve to Ue a"6atJ ana i"i"iii it " i*"-rr ".Ur searer nego alrons, and even a commitmenI by the Boule (\hich exercised a sre;t

!:"t. gLllg:pjldi"! "uthority in toreign arairs) ";f i'ri; Ki;g-, ;i;.h ,1,i"'i,,lieiti&jff-as a -genrremen s agreement, are by no means excluded, a-nd Demosthenes-seem; toi m!,ll just that. Etlis (52, with norej 30 If. on p. rsrj ioitb*s st".-biiillii,i .itu, tt"r: qee GriIIith 2{6 II. Ior sources and discussion.ri On the foundation oI the cotony, see the tull ireatment by C.olla , philippes,1937. r33 'f. 17 Griffitl, l..c.,.discusses this at length and tries to conjecture reasons for such'pernrission.' Clearly, the permission, il Ei;en, woutd b" "rd;iil.-- '----'-. tB Philippes I37, with notes. (tI depEnds,i, tt" iO"rriiiiiiio,iot Datos. mcnrionedin a doclment staitrt alter Thasds, wiitr Crenia"ilD Thus Ellis 68. Griftith 248.

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neighbour Amadocus and the king to the west oI Amadocus (for whom, seefurther below), had already peneirated so far as to be attacking Crenides,al {he_foot of Mount P,angaeum, then (as a glance at a map will sh;u) the tworival kings uere cul oif from the sea and uire both bevond helo. yei the lactis that even the \r,esternmost king, Cetriporis, son ol Berisailes, conlinuedhis rule long enough to be well e;tablish;d in his region:ro whereas Ama-docus'. kingdom. was prominently involved in the war- betu'een philip andCersebleptes, a few years after this (see below). Cersebleptes'lorces can neverhave been within striking distance of Crenides.'We must return to the simple and obvious truth. In the alliance laterconcluded.'t the Athenians pledged their support 1o .Cetriporis and hisbrothers' in caplurjng Crenides: indeed, that ilause, just betrire the end o,the_surviving fragment of the treaty, is the only posiiive war aim of whichwe happen to know. There is no reason to doubi that it u,as CetrjDoris whohad originally wanted to_caplure Crenides, and that it was this threit againstwhich lhe cilizens appealed to Philip for aid. We do not know precisely\'henBerisades (a shadowy figure, not long on the throne) died and'uas suc'ceededby 'Cetriporis and his brolhers' - nor indeed do u.e know anvthing aboutlhe brothers." But ihe shortness ol Berisades'reign suggests a p6u,er s-trugglein his kingdom, and it is even possible that he was eli"m"inated by Cetripo'ris.In any case, the young king, especially as he could observe philip II, in asrmrlar position, capturing Polidaea and laying siege to Amphipolis, musthave lried to eliminale the foreign body that had been planted in lhe middleol Thracian territory at a lime of Thracian ueakness irrd that cut him offfrom l{ount Panqaerrm and lhe road to lhe louer Slrymon. The cilizens,expecting his attack, quickly called on Philip for help. Aithoueh he was somedistance auay, yet he uas presumably lhe-nearest 'possible p-rotector (sinceAthens. even if in principli availabli, rvas lriendly touard's the Thraciankings and - we must not forget - at this time must have been far moresuspected.of imperial ambitions in this area than the young Macedonian).It is in this way lhat Philip. who (as we have seen)-canriot be shou.n iohave had any Thracian interests or anrbilions hilherto, became involvedin Thrace.,With.characlerislic speed and opportunism, he accepted the ap-peal and slrengthened lhe city \r.ilh a garrison. Cetriporis, Ioilid in his it_tempt, thereupon seems to have allied himself with'the kinps of pamniaand Illyria in an aitempt to encircle Philip and make him;ithdraw. ltis-lhis (apparently pre-existing) alliance thaI was joined by Athens in Juty356, in lhe treaty we have already relerred lo.2s It ls intere;tinp 1o note thaithe initiative on the Athenian side had apparently come fromthares (men-tioned in Iine I7 as sending an envoy rega-rding [he matter): he, of course,had brought about the original tripartite divjsion ol the kinsdom, and heretained a special interest in the aiea, where ue shall meet him again.

The coalition was a tolal failure, and Philip apparently managed todefeat the-kings one at a time belore any conceited' iction was lauiched.He probably launched his attack before the Alhenians had even ioined thekings' alliancc.2r It rvas presumably only after his victorythat he openlyannexed the city that had giren him the iretext for intenention and estab'-Iished it as a colony in his oun name (Philippi). As is well known, the controlol Pan-gaeum and its mines uhich the possession of Philippi, together withthat of Amphipolis secured lor him, tu-rned out to be the'econoriic founda-tion of his success. The cilizens of Crenides, however, found out loo late tbatthey.had escaped a master \\'ho might \\'ell have been temporary by imposingon themselves one uho uas there lo stay.III

We next come to the least satisfactory parl of this survey - a puzzle lhatdoes-not at present appear to be soluble. At a time not daied in our sources,we find Philip ?ppearing at llaronea and negotiating with an envoy oiCersebleptes: had not Amadocus forbidden him passage through his kingiom(so says Demosthenes 23, I83, our most reliable souice), thele would havebeen war between Athens and Cersebleptes, r,;ith Cardia bn his side.r5 Philipapparently withdrew, and u'as almost iaught by a force under Chares.Whatever one chooses to do about this, grave dilficulties arise. Philip,ue are. told, was accompanied by Pammenes the Theban. This, it was recog-nised_ long.ago, must be connected with Diodorus' report that, after Char6shad left the rebel satrap Artabazus, Pammenes rvai sent with a force of5000 men to assist him.,0 Of course, Philip was bound to Pammenes by oldties: the tu,o men had been closely assoCiated (whatever the true deiails)when Philip stayed in Thebes as a hostage.r? It is not surprisinp that he turnled to Philip ior protection on his way-to Asia, since hi would have to gothere by the long overland route. But praclically all else is puzzling, dnthis view.q The chronology depends on unreliable lilerary sources. Justin Xll 16, 6 has thewell-known slory ('improved'by PIut. ,4ler. 3, 8) th;t philip rvas inlormed at the sametime ol an Olympic victory. of Alexander's birth and ol Parmenio's viclorv over theIllyrial|s. (Plularch adds that he heard lhis just alter capturing polidaea.)'Alexanderwas probably born on 6 Hecaiornbaeon: whethei lhis is a geriuine,rd precise date dependson whether ihe Athenizn date as such uas known in hia liletime (v:hich is verv likelv)or Nhelher it was laier calculated on the basis ol a known Iqacedonian dale. as piutarch'.i$ording might suggest (,4/e.r. 3, 5). S,1.309 is dated on lhe elevenrh dav ol the first Drvt-any ol 356/5, which should be later. lt would foltow that parmenio haa teg'.,n his i i,r-ian campaign long belore lhe conclusion of the treaty. The OlymDic vicroiv was abdutJuly 26 (see S. G. Miller, MDAI(A) XC, ,975. 229't.). Thouih bne shouli nor irv ropresent precise equivalents for Athenian dates, il spems sa[e tdsav that Alexander'( re-ported birth'date must be 1\.ithin a reek of that. Ihe general credibility ol the anecdoteis lhereby conlirmed (pro!ided we do not imagine PhiIp s hcarine all tle reDorts on lhe\_ery sam-e da!-)..Not much can be rescued from Diod6rus vague account lXVl 22,3,under.356/5) oi the alliance and the defeat ol the kings beiore ihey were reaay to fieht:tiough the absence oI arry menrion ol Athens in conneilion with the treaty itdt, perh_apsdoes mea, that the Athenians did not get round lo doing any fiehlinE at'all.'3 Griflith 264 L clearly sets out;nd discusse< the'evidenci: tho-ugh I do not asrceqith his interpretalion ot it, (his his made the whole matter rnuch easier lo disjuss-s Diod. XVI 34, l-2 (under 353/2)." See Plut. Pelop.26,6: the details need not be discussed here.

:o His name wrs later used to define a region ol Thrace: see Dittenberger, l/e/r!dsXlV, 1873,298 If. (showing that'Cedripolis'is-the Hellenized iorm ol the nirne, in thelilerarv sources)."r S/u.300, lines 45 i.: see u.24 below and texl... r' Except.thsl Monunius, Cetriporis'envoy, uas one ol ihe brothers, That they wereihe sons of Berilades secms certain:-see Dem. 23, I0.!3 Sro. 309 (n.22 above).56 57

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^ Firrt, a lact that even Diodorus notices: that, in the middle of thei::::9 ^Y:l;.1h. _rhebans shoutd b.e able_to spire sorio rn.r'iir"rrrir l, r,"p:rres., ro,asstst a rebet.against the King. This can be resolved, after a fashio;:]-1-," 9rry necessary to put the_erpedition at a time when the Sacred War\\,as apparenua at an end, or could, be belieted to be; and an occasion is readilyfou.nd: after l he death ol philomelus a t N"or, " t i.fi rn"y Uu -priin-ii," rrr urn,oI354 BC.,8 Yet this is a liure makeshift. ,;A;;;; i;;i ;;r'vllri.". io, *r,"tit is.worth) makes it quite ctear thal th. hop; ;i ';;;;'l ir, ,f,ori_f iu.A _merely uhile both arniies went home. no, O'norrr.irw nra ,riii.a tf," *-mains of the defealed phocians and at once d;aia;d-i;;;;Tr;;'iil ;;;;;the same methods. Those who propose theircof rtion; foi' if,"? p"a ition ofPammenes do nol dcny this: i;de'ed, ii ir rr-iri"girf irrt'ot'i{"'rnrona,,reconstruction that On6marchus U.gr" hiir.;,"*;i?i ir,'"-i*i'iri'ti. *int.,and spring of Bs4/3. Now, ",ere I ldrnetani-iotriiy-rn""ri"- oi'itiil unr"..one postulates lhat thev scnl pammenes out on'his forg-rui.h ttrorghMacedonia and Thrace iir mid-winiei,-they-;;r.t; ;;;#'?,r*'il'"n. rir"nif one does.assume such military trlir,iori, iiiti"il ,, j'iri., ii al't'. tri, a"-p:rlure uithin a,space.of 1at th6 moit) , t", "l"l,ti-*tr"n'br""rnr..i,rr, in-lenllons uele not vet clear- one still has tO ask: why $,as pamnrenes nOt re-called? Surely the-Thebans uould not-continue i, tfi"ii,".oiriiiii'io rmpairtheir..mililary slrength in the face of tis opn"'f,oriiiifv. " ""-' 'lI lnls seems elcessive- cvcn for Boeotian inlelligenCe, there are Otherpuzzles, not usualty even noricea. auove ati;t;;i;; i;;j;jil"yl p'ri'a"o t"r.selfon beinsa Iriend and allv or rhe Kirg. A f*; y;;;;iriii"r]i#J rra p"iaofl vcry rvetl under the skiriul diprornii];i iil,ip,d;:;il, ir'is+rs, o"-mosthenes could sti regard Thebes as poie_ntiatty I *fioit.i"i'if.r"

Xirg _119!qh,ll. hoped it uou-ld_ not be against tettowlCreek'sl,i' ii'*" ioito* oio_uorus, no\\'ever, we are asked to believe. that in 353/2 the Thebans suddeniydecided to break that otd a iance ,rd ro ,up;;rt ;;"1'.i ,euffi"ti," xine;not only thal, but that they did so at the pr"dii. rnor*nl'*t En'iiri Art.rirn.had to recall-Chares, who ijad been supporting tfat same ielei,'uni", p".-sian pressure.3. Asain: Boeoiian .rupiaity mui? 6;;r;;;;j j;r;;a"ss trsert;l:1:l I j:l^y :l::l purpose.. rn 3s r,b 1or;a_xniio, r r ir"i,i",lii" .no,er,ro asx Arraxerxes tor a subsidv apainsl the phocians; inO h! is stupia enouliito give them 300 talents.,, And.if.this is.not enough. there is a further, and ditferent, puzzle. lnlhe incident here discussed it was 1as ue saw) Amadocus-riro iiolpr"O pti-lip's f"ghemes. And this is where rhe drtt;;iji;.'il;po.i'ui""t#}ri"r.".to shifl, as we all know. But Diodorus prti it" ir.iae,iiin 5s#,'rna fii,is precisely lhe year u.here one ought lo put ehilii,, uiir.ir'#6.r'r"ot.pru.,partty in support of Amadocus /sei betow). Tt;;f,;;;'is; j;it"G'too quict

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If this reconstruction is even approximalely c-orrec-t, u.e see philip, hereas eiseuhere, taking advantage of op'portunitieJofi;;;;,'y;i pi.pui"a to.rthis.loss.es.if his schimes did n'ot u.oiti out. It is fhe utiifi,ie'ii,o'":r'in 'SSIZn h.is.dash to seize the cates, at once given ,p ",idi,; ];ir; j'n-imsetf tore_s ta Iled.IV

In any..case, nothing much came oI it all. Cersebleples did not become phi_Iip's ally,3' and he iid nol po io war with Athensl ,L-fe* ,ont-t" irt"r, Uythe^end of 35S,3s u.e find p[itip, no doubl after iinlitirg'ii"'orqrnirrrio,."j lhillepj, taking advantage.oi a[,"^' "ir,,',iii";;i iii8;; i'iiflu so.i,rrrar ano raylng siege to Methone, A curtain of darkness now descends on,,"hji:.,,.",,].:r"Il:, and il begins lo liit onty in aSr Z. nliin lrre-ciionotogyrs oouDrrut. bul u.e cannot invesiigate it in de_tail here."lt u.as certainlt;;the course of that year that Charon"conqu"r"J $rir;;;; i;;'iit"Jnirr. ,"rt:f::,*^r_l: "Xlpi il,.Bs There is no sign of resista;;'fr;;c.riuililpt", o,Lnanoemus. lhe Dalterns of allialce \,,ere changing, as lhev rec6gnisedPhilip's dangerous'ambition and the need' loi' ,' ,ii"""c Ath;rl,i' ir.,"n..

in lhe area. In lact, they now proposed an alliance with Athens, and thisis presumably the background to lhe decree attacked by Demosthenes inAg.. Arislocrates (23), of 35211. Charidemus had promised io get Amphipolisback Jor Athens,. a bail. always likely to lure them, and Ce-rseblepies nowactually invited them to lake possession of the long-coveled Chersonese,except for Cardia-(uhich rcmained a buffer under his control, separating theAlhenian sphere lrom his own kingdom).x?Philip, at this lime, was setiling Thessaly.-Wben he heard of develop-ments in Thrace, he at once decided lo move to the area, coverinq lhe enorm-ous dislance.\/ilhoul a major break, as Demosthenes (1, l3) seeris to imply.The move. though a characterislically suilt reaction, was nir more than tirai.The new alliance of Athens and Cersebleptes posed an obvious danser to him -challenge, and perhaps the prelude.toan ,ttack. Charidemus' 5'oast regard-ingAmphipolis might seem absurd, but it could not be ignored. There wereready-made allies, too. As we have seen, a few years earlie"r (on the view herepresented)_, Philip had sought and almost obiained Cersebleptes' alliance,and Amadocus had prevented il. Cersebleptes' hostility to$.a;ds Amadocusnalurally continued, and ue now find Amadocus co-operaling with philip.Cersebleptes had also involved himself in a dispute wittr g-vzantium aridPerinlhus, and Philip seized lhe chance of beconiingthecham'pionof Greekcilies against the barbarian,3s as he had in lhe casiof Crenidis. Before theend oI the.year he**as besieging Heraeon Teichos, near the Sea oi.A,larmara,after installing adherents of his in porver on his way through Thrace (seeDem. l, l3).30 His reaclion, surprising in its speed, hid obvio'uslv been suc-cessful. It was the same technique that had broken lhe alliance of the threekings and Athens against him a few years earlier. So seriouslv was thesitua-tion laken in Athens that alarge citizen force and an eisphora urreimmediate-ly voted.{oThen Philip fell ill. How long the illness lasted, we do not know. Butit was certainly serious enough for a rumour to reach Athens that he wasdead.ar Demoslhenes was lo cbmplain that it was only because the Athen-ians at once abandoned the expedition voled that Philip escaped disaster.However: lhey perhaps had reason to be confident, although ie confidencein the end turned out to be mistaken. For it was at this timell would suggest)that one of Philip's more llamboyant commanders, Adaeus surnamed.'-,th6Cock', suffered a crushing defeat at the hands ol Chares, we do not know

('havi,ng laid w-aste'), righfly poinring o,,t that philip did nor o..upg the ciries in rhisteration (p. 266). But ihp i,nie",r"riin is rectmicatiy'impiarliiti" iii p"',t'ji" ,r""""r_i3J{:.jt el""s Potyaenus more creait itan he deservei. i {rii".i'i" i}"i!';',ii *r,"t u,"adrrron gives us. Ho\rever. rhat ihc actuat "r"nri *"i" ,l ciiiiiri, """iilie". rh", i,eyond question. EIIis (76 ,.) uncritior irr" .iries a.r ir,rs iim", i" ,i;1, ,ipiiii'iiiJ,""fi:P:irlX""#lii'r"Jlilrl,;lllgii::H,r;:,,7one resutl or Ihe atrair mav h,v; hpen ro rrishren Ni"poii.' i;i" ;iik;iiu"i'iprying rorAthenian aid: sru. 3t2, or rhe erh orvtc.ny o, 5r{t;s. d;e-i;;bi'i'i r"';ie";'J ils eraroratedecoralion) is a record ol a treaty'oi allrance. al lhe request o[ Neapolis. The slorv ifloryaenus susse(ts .houeh hir wordins.does not quit" iomiei r'r.e-ii,li,lri,Jt'iiiJij'ir,Iithe city-had offered intormat cooperaiion at phiiiD,s ;;;;;;;h - "- ''"'. ."- [ rs perhaps here thai we should mention ltie Deiihic honours for CersebleDtes,lour (named) sons at Detphi: rhe decree was published in ab, ii. iis-6, ;oiii., iiiih:are musi be revised. rr'rhe arrr", r- a1sgt191los. ii i; 3;6d'ib;;l,,iil'notogie det.hique 119.43\ IJ). see rhe conjectures in SlG3'195j N "r*,-, Li,i,i ti-"t il,ioil'i u rt ,r,*.::.19 Eood reason for.suggestiirg a visit.ro arneni uy-ii; r;;;.'Jt;;;i+i;.:i'ii:\rorryrnq point is thai Dem. 2t. t63 tpls his audienie rtat ii Coiis; aiaii-Ler.seUldptes,and indeed aI or corvs'sons. wcrc mere boy", 1.,.;;;;jii;o;' i. 'ir,i i","#,#,"ppri". tocersebtepres. Even ir ihis is exaqser3led, ". ;iArr?;?6o.iii:;;ra i'ii iiil rii"r" r,ra r"*ons (tet alone lour so,rs ore

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where.a, Chares got some money, ouj of-lhe Delphic spoiJs, from a phocianIriend, ard he uied it lo feasialr tii r"ii"* iiiii.rJ"i", 'r' JiiJilr" t ion *,"tbecame famous: it was immortatised by ti; ;o;ic-'po"i"H'er;ii;es.,, II, asI u,ould sug.gest, this incident ,took. plice Ourirg eiifip.i'iffresi, it rvoutahelp to explain lhe Athenians .decrslon ro cancer their expedition: chares.boastful_ generosity could uell have misled th;;. " "'t'""". tn lact, Phjlip recovered, and at once had_to leave for _&Iacedonia, es-peciatty since rhe Chalcidic League_ had irrfu;e;.i i"irn 'ii''r,i, ,"ar.,,His precipitale departure mat e5'it tit

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lhat allowed him to do so. Various names are mentioned in this categoryat .various times- We car piece,a picture- together. ffere aie some p-osts aion!the.Aegean coast near the mouth of the Hebrus and lo the $.est oi it: Serriuriand.Doriscus, frequently named together, are.in that -.r. R'orghtyon ih;coastline between Thasos and Sarn=othrace, they u.ould .r.ri.'irjtt "orr-unica-tions -wilh Athens, as well as control ol tire coast road. bn the coastof the Sea oI Marmara, Ganos and Serrium Teichos "=i" ,pprr*ily tu.LJup?gainst,the Sacred Mountain, ca-lled by Strabo (VII f..iliJ :tt"'i.ropoli,?l.ll._y]"1: rr-,",. Ergisce ([Dem.] 7,_37) seems to be in rhe same area;.ivryflenum cannot De placed on the evidence. Thus both the Thracian coasiand the, 'acropotis' of CerseUeptes' kinedo; ;;;; iir-ly'i.ij. i.."r,in.r,In_a we -known passage, makes fun of.lhe obscure barbarian names: X6pprov".."-?T.-r..-"] -_A-o.pi:rov..xoi 'Epyiorlv roi Muplionlv 1a made-up ;of," ,""'r"trqr I cvo6 xoi I ovrddq _ no one had knou.n their names befori: irhy strouldAthenians light for them? Oddiy enough, O.roirt.*ifrii, g,f aprees thatmany ol you do not even know of.[Serrium and Doriscus];. The'strilegy u.asnot that of the Athenian people. yit he states (9, lji, o.ilv ,'i"*'v"rr. "ft".heir caplure by phitip,_ thai rn" rorc"i lf S.ril;;'i"j;;'"r-;;; ihe sacred,ll9l,]yl! u-ere ptaced rrere.by .your general.' We do not know preciselynow they uere garrisoned; at the end, in 346, at least Serrium, Mvrleirum anilErgisce uere held by Thracians (18,27y.s2'----EiG", .."f ", "n.es: Dcm. 8,64i IO,65; I9, 156 and 334: cf. also 12,8 f[. There aremanilotd. puz_zles. First. we do nor know whai t,pp1"i,a- i" ii,iai,'""i., ih"o'i. ,ot ,"n-lioned atter 3s2. rI rhe Hebru, had been hii easr[r'n- t"],,i"iv i":iia'ri] i"tirrr", '," aonot know either), then some of the {orts were in his territory: nia f" aecia"a to-coop"rateror was he Iorced to acouiesce? or h:d som-e terrirory U.err 'seiiei tyt"r."dfJi,.., no* ina iance with Arhens, from his otd e,emy? rtr,itipt li,i i"i; ,'* r iini'"" rii'":1 ou,"r*i.uunknown, as an a,v or phirin * whn ri,as *",idi,d i;:i;.ii;; iii'ir,l,iiiii ii:;iii tlibeinR expett.ed and having hii kingdom anrrexea rloem.l-rzl iiir. io, il"o"iin". ,orr."menlions lhis character). lt is gene'rally assumed iio. no'r"iu oooJ i*."n", iir, t. *r.madocus successor. Note. howevcr thlt.Crrsebleites hrd ;ioi-bt iili "j." t"* SIO195 (n. 3s)1. perhaps thar son had ioined lr,tr,p.'.nri1ipr""r_eii"it. *ili,i"r,l'" rpp* t"a.should not be {akeri as eviden.F fnrir,".tacrs arrigea. fhl piizic clnroi''tJi",oru"a, ,rIeast not..unlil furrher epigraphic evidence ap;ears..- _-Another problem is due to lailure lo unddr!land Demo(rhenes.rheloricaldevices.t8, 70 (reruting chlrces of \vcr. monserins. by ih;; i;;i;,r ;; ;"j;.'i"ii,i!"iii".or*rr"oin various cases ol iusr re.islance r; philidt his bu"',, ,u"d i; i;-;ty'ihri' j"?L" nu^incSerrium and Dorircus u'ere movpd l,v EuDuruc. Anstophon and Diopithes. (.lhus Ellist0{, with no_tes 60 r.. p. 26s.) Bur ar .h'is poinr _ocmosiheiei iii"i!-"."1i!iili iir,,i*i r, r t.".nly ir, 73.7s are some bunched. rotrnw;d by phiriq; reiili.ii ,"rn:piliilil"ri,i ,.r"r"t t"rven hou, manv decrees u.ere rcad. ter at^ne \ihich. H.'^ """i, .-iri" iri"r- jl'" ,ir'a ltn o.a"rt,e can be sure l.hat rhe whore *,i* ,1"".,,oi sd;i u,;iii pi,tti';:: i"iirii'"'fin"" "r,ip. ",rrBy:p.l.ll_rT Il"thus has rorhins ro do \irh ihe lorts seizea in ilO. noi- ivir'h'oiher earrierresorLrllons. lhose are never documpnted,..(\Va,rkel,s etaboralc jii.u.sion, iczolrreres,Rede lnr Kte\iphon iibct den Ktonz rqzn. (l) +r2. rg i. uns,,i;il,";;lil;;;h ii."i or jrae.m_enL).Aeschines.and Demosrhenes agree on the ract rhrt ;;;i-Aiil;;ia.i]',iia nor"u"n

now rie'larr.s

ol some imDor trnt Thrarian forls: rtris rereats ttre-liue ..ii ritilor'regurOinglheir Jortification and defence. As so oiten, o.mo.rte,i"irrvoiaan.i o'ili'""ilto" larrr.n atlempt zt deliberare obfu.crrioD. Ar.so.otren..it hri rrii," i"-"ei; ,Ui.l',j lu.."rrrrr.For lhe Iocalion of the foris lesnecrar.ry rne-bastc dtstrnction bel\\een Serrium and;";'r%;:''/,.:;. , ,tt"#11!"r"f:lii^!i$#lif',ror borh and i..noi "i!,iii.,nri'*" ;rr,*.uses ure. irriiie ';irh -i#",;;::; XHiJ;,I,1' #iJ1*,.1t,.,j1;,iJ,''ir,(".I;l,j.ll.thrs Serr,um ought 10 be Serrium rrrlos. on the proponris,'nim"a-joe;iher'with Er-+';:";;*:1;g:Lll;'iJ::;'lr" 'E;-,1,:: Riv"' (pri;i ;:"ri i"v rii'ii'!iiiiri'1","p-"a t64

It must be Charidemus who planned and initiated this oDeration. Sentoxt wi.lh 'empty' ships, as we saw, slraight afler his permarien i iwitch tothe Alhenian service, he had presumably been allowed i free hand _ whichwou.ld be the Dargain he had struck for himself. He used his position, bothrn Athens and in Thrace, to hire mercenaries (some of them'later used atUlynthus) and to. set them up, with Thracian collaboration, in slrategiclocations, uhere they would protect both Cersebleptes and Athens' Thraciinand Hellesponiine interests. We may take it that-he was assisted (and per.haps succeeded) in this by Chares, the old ,Thracian expert, who hail alwaysbeen there at crucial times., ,.At this point it should be stressed that such general commissions were1t this,period ly no means unique. There is amplievidence that the peopledld.not normally ualch its distant generals and keep a tieht rein on theh.As lon as Athenian inlerests were safeguarded, and irovid-ed it did not costthe city too much, they were largely laft free. This'independence had beenrncreasing,.with the unwillingness ol lhe people to spend'money on defence,$ hich_ yet did not imply any willingness to give up Aihens' impeiial position.flow r1 vas done is perhaps best illustrated by the case of Diopithis, a fewyears_later, since it was discussed at length iri surviving speeches. It seemsthat,Diopithes.(atsol-eft to look after his"ou.n tor.il t uJ'U.-in piundering thecoastal areas of the Hellespont and holding merchant ships toiansom (5em.E, 9), and extracting protection money fiom the Greeli cities, both'alliesand others (ib.24 ff.)..As Demosthenes makes ctear in this Iamous passage,'AIl lhe generals who have ever sailed out from here. [he obviousfy refirionly to Iiving memory, of coursel ,. ...take funds. . . tri- *trai"rui peopfuthey can. Those who have one or [wo ships take less, those who have a'larlerIorce take.more.' He goes on to say that'those who iry"ru Uriing'*t"ty ?,iitheir merchant ships and such thin!s, and that lhis is called etvoi"ac 6r6ovor.And as Demosthenes. points out, since_Diopithes is not getting ariy publiclunds lrom Athens, his forces cannot be maintained by-anv othei means,Now th-ere were people who objected to such methods (Demollhenes accusesthem of being Philip's agents),'and it is clear that the peoDle did not knowin detail $hat was going on. But in principle, jt must have'been well knownlor a long time; and it is this system of complele independence, as long asthe resulls were satisfactory to the People, tliat enabled DioDilhes, and"be_Iore himCharidemus, to pursue their policies. Athenian ginerals, by themiddle of the fourth century, had becoire licensed condollieli in the serviceol .their own country - an effect, not often noted, of the policv associatedwith lhe name of Eubulus. How strong their position could de is igain shownbylhe uproar over Diopithes: when ii was ciaimed that te t,rO s-o;; too trrand.should-be put on trial, it was actually proposed that anotEer general,in charge of a lleet, be sent to bring him liome lDem. 8, 28 fl.).The case of Diopithes enables us to undersiand how Chaiidemus hadmanaged .lo build up the strong position that he wanted for Athens andCersebleptes, in an area about whiih (as Demosthenes and Aeschines agree)Ath.enian citizens in the Assembly knew and cared very litfle. In fact; th6position wasro doubt stronger lhin ue know. For we heir only ol the piacesthat. Demosthenes claimed (rightly or wrongly) were unlawfully seizfd byPhili,p after the Peace: there must iurely havd 5ien more, where s'uch a clairircould not even plausibly be attempted,'e. g. Iortresses further inland, which

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Fhilip t'ouid^have less dilficulty in storming. ln ahy case, it now becomesclearer uhy P}ilip did not care to return l"o ftraii aiG g-Si,""s tors ",-ttiil:,yT.l] I]l,hg lo support tts generals, he would have had far greZterdi icutty than he had ever encounlered before. And, of course, a proiractedcam_paign at such a distance from home u,as tne one thing he-mirta not atforOwhile lhe Sacred War was going on..^ ,lJ y3: onlJ in 346, with Alhens unwit.ting lo go on fighting and eagerIo Duy peace at any price, lhat he Iaunched his invision.6s"Like'Vietnam"inour own day, lhe war could be u,on (indeed, won in a very short time) onlywhen lhe prolectins Dou.er lost its nirve and *r, ;o lorg; ;lliing to'Itghi.From Pella, Philip- ieems to trave made straight']Li iirl-'S..i"a" ,,,lorn t"inarea, where.Cersebleptes himself was entrenched. And it fell to him at once _oemonstraDty, (as Aeschines .has .no difficulty in poinling out: 2, g9 ff.)Derore rhe embassy that uas to administer the oaths to philip had even lefiAthens. At the time oI the aeUate, in Aitreni,'", "t.fll".iC,iii5lietes shoutdbe.admitted li gl ?tty to lake the oath, the'quisli,on *asJrea-iilmoot. rlesw rness ol.phrttp s movemenls, as already a decade earlier, hid undercutalt dlptomallc manoeuvres, Cerseblep.tes. surrendered, probably gave up a::: uj.: h9:!g:,,rrd,Philip'sconrrot ofwhat had Ue"n' i" OoiyJiri tingAtmwas now comDlete. It was DrohAbly at this time, too, that thi u,estern"partgj ,1.- lilg9"r.,,n ..rhraie or cei,ipoiiilj ;;;i,'."",i;;;i.;';,)iacedonia,tne Doundar),ot \r'hich \.\'as rnoved forward lo lhe Nestus.ErVI

Philip now. seemed to be secure in control of Thrace, or at least of the oldOdrysian kingdom. Yet in 342 $e not only. find tri* inurJinfft rr.e ,grin,.b_rt,(1, ?*9:l!:n5s ,notes) waging a. winter war, tn appiilinf 'conOitLns,ln the"uplands.ol ljulgaria, not merely in lhe coastal -aiea or-et.en in theptaln.rr /rtost ol this area was now thoroughly subdued and some of it colon-ised. (thus .Phil ippopol is was founded), so-as'to be ..ir."lV -t .Ij;-"na "ppu-ently a tribute was imposed, so as aI least to pay loi the;-p;;;; ;ail;i;-^.-_.a.A _operalion by Antipater near.Apros in Thrac_e is ciled from Theopornpus (l I5F160); the Thracian Drjs is cired kom the same ooo* iFrorl. in-""ti,"i fx^i'vif ,i;;t iit"he arri.{al or rhe Macedonian envoys lincruaing-Anrii;r'r";ii6 riA;"[i; Xiir'"iri"n a"r"t"on making. peace in 34-6 (FI55). We ca;no_t te lpaitiluiaify'in a" u-rr'r,oi't roril, ro, otrunignoring. chronologicat order, how rhe Thracian'op".rtiori titl"a-irio'XXiii. trt rt""presumably anticip-a.ted 346. There is no reason for'making rni. i"io in unrii"ri"a-"niii'"icampaign in 347 (Ellis 104 uith n.62), let alone_fo. reg;rding it as a iesponie to quiGrecent Athe.ian cooDeraIion with ctr's;btepies. Ellir' p'r,r; A;r;: ;; ftii"iiiirii"iid,iirys'in the area of Hieron Oros'and thus arrives at'a smail precautioiary'operationill!,1!",:,jl 347.. Aprosjs,rhere{pliny. t..t. {rasi n;i"ir;i.-l'. Iiiiii.Tiil",i." rv+zll rererencc I ou.e to.Dr. Hatzopoutos)); but Drys is west of Zone (Scyl. 67); so Ihe operaillol:_"lj_y:.y.:It,.n:ire

indeed, henc proba.bti 346. g is atso mintririsei ii.," irpo.ianc"or rne rorrs, \hrch 'presented no serious military problem (they were quict

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Artabazus' rebellion, had been exiles at the Macedonian court'o0 Mentortuas Dut in charge of Asia Minor. It was, among other things, one of the greatinleliipence stor'ies ol all time. For the two returning exiles, obviously, couldbring -with them good information about Philip's plans: this, as much asMenior's distinction in Egypt, is clearly uhat secured them their lull accept-ance and later advancement. It is revealing that Mentor at once turnedaqainst Hermias of Atarneus, with whom Philip had been intriguing (probablyuiing lhe connection established through Aristotle) for some time, and whomhe no doubt hoped to use as an ally in the coming invasion. Hermias uascaotured. sent io Susa, tortured lor evidence on lhe extent of co'operationwiih Philip, and after his famous heroic silence, brutally executed.6t Theprecise dati of Hermias'capture is a complex problem, and it may come altelphilip's invasion of Thrace;o'but the lirst report of lhe repercussions of theexilei' return must have reached Philip long before - if he could not n'orkthem out for himself. It is surprising that this real-life spy story has beenmissed: it certainly played an important part in the events of these years.philio was now certlin- not onlv to lose all the connections he had builtup in'Asia in rccent years, and (in due course) to iind Asia efliciently defendedbv Mentor and Memnon and not by weak and mutually antagonistic salraps,birt to find them actively opposing him wherever they could, long belorehe would be ready for his planned invasion. Philip had to make sure thatPersian resources u'ould not begin to stir up trouble for him in Thrace anddo so - in viev of the nature oI lhose resources - far more effectively thanAthens had been able to do. Moreover, there was (of course) the threat ofPersian coooeration u'ith Athens. He had been able to avoid it so far;6rbut when hi attacked Perinthus, lhe Persians were in fact there, Playingtheir part in his defeat. Nor (as has somelimes been thought) uas that merelya local action, even at the level of tr{entor in Asia Minor: we have no reasonto disbelieve Diodorus' positive statement (XVI 75, I f.) that the King him-self, now suspicious of Philip, gave the orders to oppose him. Not only isDiodorus noiiceably better infoimed on the whole aflair of Perinthus thanabout any other rnilitary action in his treatment of Philip, but we haveseen from' independent evidence lhat the King had in fact found out aboutPhilip's plans.'As it happened, Athens does not seem tq have actively sup'por{e-d Pbrinthus, though an Athenian lleet appears to have been standingbv. Probably it simply proved unnecessary.' This is ihe bactigrorina to Philip's lasi campaign in Thrace, which ledto the pacification of most ol the region, uell beyond what the Odrysian

60 Diod. xVI 52. misdated bv several vears (see n. 33)i cl. Dem. 23. 157.6r Diod., l. c. oir Hermias, iee Jaegei, Ariitotle, 1918, l12 ft. (with full sources);on the capture and death ol Hermias, esp"iially tt6 f. Note that he was queslioned aboutlhe'secret treatv with PhiliD.t, see Cawftwell, C0 I3; 1963, I34 t. (But lhcre are nanv uncertainlies in detail.)Thestatement in a suoooled iettcr oi Alexander to Darius lll (Arr, II 14,5) that Artax'erxes Ochus had serrt'd lorce into Thrace, apparently ,lter hia assistance to Perinthus,\xould not deserye a mention, had the lelter not been regarded by reputable scholars asa serious and even an authe;tic document. It should, of course, be classed vith othersuch ouoled 'documents' in ancieDt writers. In any case, by lhe time Perinthus rvas undersiese. there can hale been no ouestion o, assislance to lhe Thraciens' '0$ seeCavkwell. op. cit. I'27 ff. (Thoueh the'treaty between Philip and Artaxe.xes,'Nhich he attempts to dite, is entirely a mddern figmeit, due to mi sunderstanding of asource-)

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kings had controlled, and to the esiablishment of permanent supervisionover it. Cersebteptes and Teres (perhaps the successor of Amadocus, at onetime clearly friendly to Philip) were driven out, though they probably sur-vived.d We cannot follow the details ol Philip's campaign: it would takean extended study in itself.65 The limits and the nature of his control mustat least be touched upon. Despite his defeat of the Scythian king Atheas,and the retreat of his tribe across the Danube, Philip clearly did not annexthe whole ol the vast territory up to the Danube. Some independent tribesare attested, thus the Getic people whose king Cothelas sent Philip gifts anda daughter in marriage;66 and, above all, the powerful Triballi, who laterrequired Alexander's attention.6T Whether the'autonomous Thracians'whom'Alexander also had to light had done homage to Philip, we cannottell. The epilhet certainly cannot be construed to mean independence of Ma-cedonia (i. e., before Alexander), since Arrian makes it quite clear that thename was a lraditional one, dating back to the time \r.hen they had not beensubiect to the Odrysian kingdom; and so u,e find it in Thucydides' registerof Thracian tribes.68 We have no u,ay ol telling whether Philip had nomin-ally reduced some or all of them. Further west, the Agrianes (not a Thracianlribe, oI course) seem to have entered into alliance, but were in fact leltfairly independent. Alexander later is found to have a special connectionwith them, begun before his accession - presumably when Alexander wasleft as regent during Philip's last Thracian campaign, for we are told thatKing Langarus had personally gone on an embassy to Alerander whilePhilip was still on the lhrone.oeDirect rule was almost certainly not extended beyond the borders ofthe old Odrysian kingdom; lhough those borders themselves, of course, hadfluctuated over the course of lime. Beyond the borders, as usual in an-tiquity, there would be a penumbra of client states, more or less closely at-lached for as long as lhe suzerain's power uas effective. [t was left toAlexander to show lhem that his accssion did not mean a diminution inlhat pouer; and he knew what was required.

s On Teres (attested only in 'Philip's Letter'), see n. 52: his relalionship to Ama-docus is pure conjecture. Their survival also rests entirely on lhat same source; though itmay be thai, in one way or the oiher, the Delphic honours for Cersebleptes sons are re-levairt (see n. 35).6i For a long and careiul discussion, see Griffith 554-64, 581-3. (Naturally, no onewill agree wi th all the details.) The story lhal the Scylhian ki ng Aiheas was being altackedby the city ol Islros (560 ff.) shoutd by now surely be buried. See Pippidi, An(ient Ala-idoniall, 1977,381 If., with ample bibliography (most ol it rot ciled by Criitilh). ForslrikinE archaeoloEical evidence, see especially p. 385..t Gritfilh 560, \'ith sources, especially the Iamous pcssage oi Satyrus..7 See Justin IX 3,1 lt. for Philip's deteat; Arr. I 2 for Alexander's later vjctory..r See Arr. I I,5 for the name, and cf. Thuc. Il 96.2. Arriin s careful phrase tdvoirov6uov ,eX.ou!6vov Opgrdv is decisive. Brunt, in his Loeb dition ol Arric,r (vol. I,1976, 5 and 7) Iails lo translale lhe key *ord (he renders, 'the independent Thracians')and, ill his note, lakes the epithet as distinguishing them 'ltom the Thracian principalitiesnea. the coast lsi.l which philip had annexed.' Cf. Griffith 673, with a different intet-pretation, oddly enough atso ignoring lhe decisive xotrou!6\t)v.- o See Arr. I 5,2-4. The embassy (s. 2) could hardly be put at any other time. Forthe're(ency,'\[hich also led to lhe loundaiion oi Alerander's first colony, 'Alexandro-polis'i-n Tlirace, see Plut. ,4&x. L As is well known, the Agrianes, an allied contingentin his army, \'ere Alexander's Iavouriie unit,

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The final question is: lrow uas direct control exercised by philip? Nouay olher llan.the appointment of a governor seems conceiva6le, and it is-.!,rprl:i,lg that this has recenlly been denied.To Since lhe Odrysian irinldomuas.abolrshed and lncorporated, it is hard to think of anv other form ofadmtnrslration: c,ertainly, Thrace could not be left withouI a qot.erflment.The collection o[ tribule also implies supervision; and the nErv colonies,of.course, uould act as, slrategic aird political .enties, tllpine-io ensure itsellcclrveness. Uarrjson lorces uere. certainly left there. It hai been suggested;rthat a 'satrap' on lhe Persian model was irirposea. Wfratevei ."1]'1" iforgt,t,in general, of suggestions lhat philip imilated the piriian a'Omlnstraivemodet rn h is. reorg anizalio_n oI Macedonia _ and the view seems to me, onthe $hoie. ralher implausible and certainly not supported bv anv e\'idence _tn lhis instance the idea, lhough it cannot be realili proved, is u.orlh bearingin mind.-For P_hilip, as q.e have seen, sas now seiiously piannins ior an in-vasron ol lhe Persian Empire; he must hat.e known _-and knoi.n in someoelarr - ot tts adminislrative practices, and uould obviouslv flike Alexanderl:,9tJ lr"i9 essentjally maintained lhem,-.since he had nothing better lo pul.rn lherr ptace, ,lhe slrulcgos \\hom $r lind a esled under Atexander, ind$ho must.ha\e been Jirst imposed by philip, may \r.ell bear some of the Iea-r.ures. ot lhe salrzp. Ho\ e\er: in detail there is no evidence for imitation.we do not elen know uhelher there was a capital and residence for the pro_vince..lt $ould be hard lo localise one, and thi Thraciin kinsi, *l; th.,i,ortpowerful of them, had never had one.t, When Seuttei lit"i *rnied one, inor9-er^ to act as a legitimate Hellenistic king, he had'io Uuifa on"-io, tim-self.rB Under the ilacedonian suzerainty, iiror" tra -pra*rnuUiv not Uaa,such. a centre. There uas also (it qould iollow) no i.niiri tr"rrriu. u, ,n

",ersran satrapy, and no ce-nlral garrison o[ the capilal _ bolh royai appoint.ments,n Persia, uhich Alexander was to take-over when he sol ihere.'lThus, allh-ough lhe idea ol a .viceroy' u.ith supi#e- powii' ou'"r"i'prouin..u.nder-the King may r.ell have originaied (tor pdifipjln'A.t r"r"nii i,ru.ti.",lt seems to have been established in a much simpler and less soph]sticatedform: just as-much of it u,as used ,. u,r, n"ed.J'in-, fiovirrce-"fii.f,, ,tt"rall, rvas nol far from the royal capitat and hrd ";y-;;;;;ni;;iioni witn it.VI1l lqllj !: interesting to.lo ow the theme.through into Alexander,s reign:Atexander's connection \ ilh Thrace- and Thracians is more importanl, "oncloser investigation, lhan our Greek sourcei ,.u.if i" tt" .aii,"a reao"r;yet those same sources, by their lack ol interist,-mJ" J.triLj.ti,ay i.po..

io Grittith 559 (but uith useiul discus5ion in delaill.'' Kienast, Philipp ll uon Makettoni?a unddas Rekid* Adnimenide\,197t,2.19 Il.Io real argumellL bu! ,ollenbrr'), ctnhoriting a suggesrio, OV S"n;ts;;. ifi"j-her Thracehad eler been a Persian satranv a cp"i',ry and a triti earlicrjlor diri;;;io;,;;; Ki"nr.i;l. c.) is, ol course. irrelevani'Lo this.?'?C[. Theooomous on Cotr< f6'Ilis, ll5 F3l (see first section oi rhis ariicle)._. 7s Seulhopoiis. 'knot.n frofi archaeotogical u*"uiriior"ti"",-".'e-'Oiiiii,f, SSiiFol and ,\larazov, Thrcce and the Thtocians, igZZ, eS.lq6'1.i.. rr This is rcporttd in dclail lor lhe t"ri tir.i."trrpv iio Iook ovcr, lhat oi Lvdi.:sce Arr. I t7. 7 - , passase rh,r his bcrn mirin r"ipi"iJ i,y i.i,oiiri,ii,i, i"ir"j'r"'ilii:pare Persian techniquc: oT goternment.7A

sible and enable us only to glimpse palterns ralher than trace them. But thisstudy has been long enough, and the Iurther pursuit must be left for an-other time._ We hale seen thal Philip, almost at ihe start of his reign, becomes in-volved in Thracian alfairs by seizing the opportunity presented by the ap-peal of Crenides. If the inteipretatidn here'idvanced ii correct, hi ai onielried to lest his luck and follow it as far as it rvould lead, by calling on hisfriend Pammenes to make him an important factor in Thracian folitics.That scheme Iailed, for Philip did not as yet have the pouer to support hisambitions, nor the time to devote lo Thrac;. But he had established i sphereof interest; and as so often happens, thereafter he seems to drift into fuitherinvolvement ralher than plan it - countering potentially dangerous de-velopments in thearea by preventive attacks, as was his custom, and makingwhat prolit he could after victory. In 353/2 he probably did not make as muc[as is often_ thought. It uas only in 346 that Athenian war-weariness gavehim a sudden chance to overrun the strong position that had been built upagainst him in Thrace and that (he now knew) would not be seriously de-fended. In a lew ueeks he turned Odrysia into a'vassal state. In 342-0, again,a sudden change in the iniernalional siluation - the revival of Athe;ianenergy and lhe belrayal of his plans to lhe King of Persia - forces him intoa diJlicult campaign, b1' uhich Thrace is finally secured, within the limitsue have sketched, and (above all) the Odrysian kingdom eliminated. Buthe did nothing to change its social bases: like other ancient conquerors, hehad to use lhe system; he could not overthrow it. The result was [hat, whenAlexander uas far arvay and his salrap and army were disastrously defeated,the old royal family could rally the Odrysians to reclaim their independence,?s

aJter surprisingly close involvement in Alexander's empire hid broughtthem little profit.76Achno@ledeernenl.l sish to thank ihe Organizers of lhe Semaines Phitippopolitainesand my [riend Prolesso-r C.,uihailov ior giring me {he opporlunily of propounding theseideas (in much shorler form) in lhe heart of Thrace; and the Instirule for Advinced-Studyin Princeton, whose.hospitality enabled me, among many other s(holarly pursuits, ti)preDare lhcm lor DuDlrcallon.

]! See Curt. X 1,45; ct. Justin XII 1,4 fi.; 2, 16 (with mistaken chronology).. rG On,this there \ould be a Breat deal more to say, but lhis discussion is-iireadylong enougtl.7l