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Anarchist correspondence

December 2013issue 0

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EDITO

This is point zero of a new project.

Since the first clandestine printing spaces and the bro-chures that passed under the cloak from hand to handto the distro tables at subway exits or in places with an-

archist activities, anarchists always have appropriatedthe means to spread anti-authoritarian ideas and strug-gles to feed the dialogue and subversive action. It is inthis sense that this publication is also intended as a tool,more precisely that of providing a space to nourish theinternational debate between anarchists. That is whythese particular pages focus on struggles that springfrom anarchist activities; autonomous, direct and self-organized struggles; struggles that go towards the de-struction of power in all its forms; struggles happeningtoday, yesterday or that are announcing itself.

There may have existed other projects that have ven-tured on a similar path. But we often felt confrontedwith fragmented information and news. In short, theyleft us hungry, without giving us enough material torefine methods, explore ideas, develop perspectives orsharpen affinities.

A regular publication that passes from hand to hand cre-ates opportunities for critical confrontation and debate. Apublication on paper appearing a few months apart leavesenough time to deepen some aspects. It may be a drop inthe sea, but this is the challenge that we want to take.

It seems that in recent years in many parts of the world,attempts to carry anarchist publications multiply again:pages dedicated to agitation, small papers like torchesin the darkness of resignation; as some attempts to ven-

ture into the necessary deepening of anarchist ideas, inthe critical analysis of social relations and the progressof domination. With enthusiasm then we put this projectof international correspondence in that multiple pack.Multiple, in the sense that the force of anarchism alwaysmay have been the refusal of ideological unity and sub-mission to party discipline. A force that lies in the mul-tiplicity and richness of individual beliefs and paths thatinspire, encourage and grow through mutual criticism.

Articles included in this zero issue generally alreadyhave been published elsewhere, although rarely on pa-per, but for future issues, we warmly invite comrades tosend contributions which correspond with the purposesof this publication. We would like to emphasize - theaim being to help correspondences between anarchistsacross borders that the number you have in your hands

is a number zero, a first invitation. It became bigger thanexpected, probably because we felt we had some catch-ing up to do. This does not mean, however, that thisnumber is complete, it certainly lacks a lot and this willremain the case in future issues. This project will neverbe representative, because then it should claim to be therepresentation of something defined, of a field with lim-its that we have no intention of honoring. Representa-tion is the deathblow for life, individuality and rebellionthat seeks to dispose of all its chains. Mechanisms ofrepresentation or of politics are unfortunately not stran-gers to anarchists and complicate cross-pollination,the deepening of affinity and confrontation (sometimesnecessarily harsh) of ideas and perspectives. We hopethat this publication will be one of many contributions tosmash these mechanisms to pieces.

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During its tumultuous history, anarchism has producedmany ghosts. Formal organizations have often, or evensystematically, stifled individual rebellion and the per-spective of direct and immediate attack against author-ity. Quantitative illusions have distorted the struggleagainst all power by presenting it as the construction ofa counter-power, able one day to counteract the domina-

tion. Political and opportunistic attitudes have strippedanarchism of its essence. However, there have alwaysbeen anarchists who were not duped by such sirens. An-archists who, without delay, begun the struggle againstauthority in all its forms, who have sought and foundtheir comrades and accomplices on the basis of affinity,who have not set aside or camouflaged their ideas inexchange for applause or a little temporary comfort andwho, through these paths, have developed revolutionaryand insurrectionary perspectives and methods that con-tinue to live to this day. This informal or autonomousanarchism - provided that the term anarchism without

adjectives is not enough - remains alive today, and, webelieve, needs anything that can deepen and sharpenideas: experiments with fights as well as critical con-siderations, correspondence between comrades as wellas explorations of subversive perspectives, practices ofattack against the achievements of domination as wellas agitation against resignation and acceptance which

are the pillars that maintain domination.We send our greetings to all translators from whom wehave boldly used the efforts (Contrainfo,Non Fides,Actfor Freedom Now,Brves du Dsordreand anonymous).And we apologize to those who may be bothered bythe inaccuracies in the translations; our goal is to makeavailable a translation that is good and understandable,but a perfect translation is not within our reach. Finally,we take this opportunity to greet all anarchists world-wide who fight against authority and deepen their ideason the paths of subversion.

correspondance@riseup.net

http://avalanche.noblogs.org

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TEXTBYTHE4 ARRESTEDANARCHISTSCONCERNINGTHEDOUBLEROBBERYIN

VELVENTO, KOZANI

February 2013 - Greece

Our days pass, our nights dont.

We run toward our escape, whilst around us a full-outmanhunt is playing out. Behind us lies a life that is pre-determined, carved from the hands of the sovereign,with the aim for us to internalise submission as an ob-jective condition, to morally legitimise systems of lawand rules, to equalise the individual with a statisticallogic of numbers. Ahead of us, the world of our uto-pian fantasies that is conquered with violence alone.One life, one chance and determined choices.

Gaze at the gap in-between the clouds and jump, be-cause the fall was never a more certain choice.

On Friday, 01.02, along with a group of comrades, weconducted a double robbery, of the Agricultural Bankand the Post Office in Velvento, Kozani. In our opinionit is of some importance to analyse, to an extent, theoperational part of the robbery. This, primarily in orderto highlight all the elements of the case, the choices thatwe made, the mistakes we conducted and the reasonsthat lead us to these:

And so, on that Friday morning, we attacked the two tar-gets split in two teams. Our aim from the upstart was totake the money from both safes, as it did indeed happen.

During our escape, a series of unfortunate events andmistaken handling of these lead to the exposure both ofour vehicle as well as our direction to the police.

Due to the police grip that was automatically formed,the comrade driving the van that was externally trans-formed to look like an ambulance, sought exit routes forthe team conducting the robberies. In this attempt ofhis, he made the mistake of driving three times in frontof a vehicle of the cops, which resulted in him being con-sidered suspect. A chase followed and then, due to non-familiarity with the area that he ended up in, he reachedfour dead ends in the mud-roads of the pits, which re-sulted in him being surrounded in the last one andhaving no other actual space to escape. And so, oncehe set the van alight, he was arrested. Following thesedevelopments and while our comrade with the escapevehicle was already in the hands of the cops, our avail-able options were significantly narrowed down.

We therefore decided to stop the first passing vehicle,since this would guarantee a more safe escape for usand our comrades. The main issue in this condition was

for the cops not to learn about the new escape vehicle ofour comrades and so we decided to keep its driver inthe van with us, until we would find a way for us to es-cape too. This is approximately when we crossed paths

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with a police car, which gradually turned into an intensechase until the city of Veroia, with most of the policeforces available in the area, behind us. We obviously didnot for a moment consider using the hostage in personas a human shield (we would not have a problem, forexample, should we have had the manager of a bank) after all, the police did not know of his existence. In the

end, he acted as a human shield for the cops, withouttheir knowledge since he comprised the reason forwhich we did not use our weapons in order to escape.Because our consciousness and our moral code do notallow us to risk the life of a random person who foundthemselves with us against their will.

At this point we would like to make clear that we did nothave the weapons just for the purpose of scaring off, butas a weapon in the off-chance of a clash between us andthe cops. Therefore, the reason why we did not act in thecorresponding way, in order to escape, was a conditionin which we found ourselves due to a mistaken handling.

The only option for an escape by this point was speed and our attempt to gain ground with our vehicle from thecops who were chasing us. Of course, the city of Veroiadoes not offer itself for something like this, and so wewere soon trapped in a narrow street, resulting in ourarrest. During our arrest, the only thing that we statedwas that the person that we had with us had nothing todo neither with the robbery, nor with us. Despite this,the cops continued beating him too, at least for as longas we had eye-contact with him.

The above narration is not conducted as part of someboosting or self-promotion, but in order to invert thelegacy of the arrests without a fight that the conditionslead us to.

* * * * *

The narration ends at the police headquarters in Veroia,where an hours-long torturing of three of us by the pigsof the police took place. The tactics are well-known andexpected: hood, tying with handcuffs behind our backsand beatings.

We consider a given that there is a clear separatingline behind us and the system, which marks the warbetween two worlds. The world of sovereignty, repres-sion and submission and the world of freedom, whichwe create and keep alive through the restless struggleagainst authority.

In this war, the pigs of the police comprise a permanenttarget of the anarchist guerrillas as a front-line andrepressive branch of the mechanisms of sovereignty.For this reason, we considered the stance of the copsagainst us a given. If the state did not fight us, then wewould have a good reason to be worried. Torturing, asa method, were, are and will be a weapon in the arse-nal of any given authority. Us, of course, as anarchists,

refuse to use methods of torturing against our enemiesand promote the dignified practice of political execu-tions, since we do not want to reproduce the rottennessof their world, but to eliminate it.

The opinion that sees people in struggle are pray in thehands of mechanisms of repression internalises the idea

of defeat amidst subversive circles. It is the acceptanceof a conceptualisation of curtailing the war against theenemies of freedom, as part of the acceptance of thebourgeois social morality and legality. And in order forus to be clear, the cue above concerns statements of thelike of those by ANTARSYA or by A.K. [Anti-authori-tarian Movement]. Which contribute more to reformismthan to radicalisation. It is unnecessary for us to refer tojournalists, SYRIZA [left-wing party] and other parts ofthe system which address us with friendly statementsin order to attempt to re-approach those consciousness-es that begin to divert from the norm, serving, in thisway, the stabilisation of the regime.

Now, concerning facing the practices of torture, our ownresponse lies in polymorphic action. The highlighting ofparticular events through actions of counter-informationsuch as communiques, posters, gatherings, demonstra-tions etc. is definitely necessary, in order for an ever-increasing number of people to reach a conclusion. Aconclusion that leaves no space for isolated incidentsor revanchist behaviours but leads to the understand-ing that physical violence was always a means of repres-sion and control by society. It comprises part of the warbetween sovereignty and revolt.

Of course, this message must spread equally with a mes-sage of terror for those natural torturers, the cops. Inorder for cops not to beat up, the intra-systemic denun-ciations and legal procedures have no meaning whilethey also imply concessions and an informal acceptanceof the juridical or journalistic authority. It takes resist-ance and resistance must have violent form, too. Be-cause an attack against the cops not only those ofVeroia either with stones, either with molotovs, etherwith guns, leads them undoubtedly to a reassessmentof their choices, counting their wounds before they layhand again. Because as it has been very correctly been

pointed out, the enemies have names and addresses.

* * * * *

We shall not refer in detail to the role of banks in anycase, at the time that we live in this is well-known to eve-rybody. They existence is a continued robbery. For us, asanarchists, they comprise a target for attacks of all kinds:arsonist, bombing, robbing. Of course, there was muchof a discussion about our case and there is undoubted-ly a need for us to inverse these impressions. To strike

against the continuous attempt of designification of ourchoice, and to highlight the rottenness of the sociologi-cal approach and the pseudo-humanitarian background,which they wanted to assign to us, due to our age.

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Next door kids and they attack a bank. Why?

Because robbery is a consciously political act. It doesnot comprise the next level of a restless adolescent pe-riod, aspirations for personal wealth, nor of course isit a result of our supposed laziness. Yet it includes thedesire not to bind our lives to the brutal exploitation of

waged labour. Our refusal to become gears for financialinterests. Our resistance against the charging ahead ofmental and value bankruptcy of their world.

It is clear for us that we do not negate creativity withinour communities. After all, putting together a robberyrequires mental and physical labour. Yet we refuse toenslave our creativity to the world of production andreproduction of labour. Of course, for us the negationof waged slavery would hold little meaning if we didnot at the same time act toward its destruction. Weare remorseless anarchists and we do not seek sym-pathy, compassion or understanding because we acted

wrong in a wrong world. We seek the spread of ourvalues and practices and we will fight for this until ourlast word, until our last bullet.

* * * * *

Each aggressive act of ours is also a moment of the totalrevolutionary war playing out at all levels. The moneyfrom this robbery was not destined for the artificial con-sumer paradise. It is simply the tool in order to move allforms of struggle. From the printing of communiques to

the purchase of weapons and explosives, for the fund-ing of illegal structures of defense and attack. From therental of our illegal houses to the supply of explosives inorder to blow up their social peace.

Our aim is the spread of direct action against the gener-alised condition of slavery that we experience. Whetherin a guerrilla formation, or openly, face-to-face, with anyway each of us appreciates to be more fertile and effec-tive, in any way fancied by each individual and group thatcontribute to the struggle. Always, the aim of each moveof ours, of every guerrilla attack, is the spread of revo-lutionary consciousness. In order to stand consciouslyagainst the world of universal enslavement, against an

ever-transforming enemy that sweeps everything in theirpath. Against this condition, the struggle for freedomand the attempt to assign combative elements to everyaspect of anarchist struggle is fertile and necessary.

Because anarchy can never become a pleasant ideaamidst the world of universal submission; rather, it finds

itself in a never-ending clash with it. It cannot limit it-self neither to harmless and democratically acceptableexpressions, nor to fetishisms of the mediums but itcomprises, rather, an undivided totality of all forms ofstruggle. Each individual or group, according with thedesires, the intentions and their reasoning, contributesby any means possible, to the continuation of the strug-gle. Anarchy is our way to organise, to live and to strug-gle. It is the organisation without any restrictions, it isthe incessant struggle. It is the extreme camaraderiethat we experience in the revolted communities, againstthe rotten social fabric.

In closing, we would like to greet all the comrades whoacted. Pasting posters, shouting slogans, organisinggatherings, issuing solidarity statements (from insideand outside prison).To those who, at this moment, pre-pare their attacks.

PS. 1. We also want to send our solidarity to the hungerstriker Spyros Dravilas, who gives a painful and toughstruggle for a breath of freedom. Much strength.

PS. 2. A short while ago, comrade Ryo from Indonesia

was killed in a random fray. Ryo was anarchist whopromoted international solidarity through his action.Now, even when he is absent from the hostilities thatwe cause against the existent, we are convinced that wealways look toward the same star, the star of continuousanarchist revolt. Honour to comrade RYO.

The anarchists:Nikos RomanosDimitris PolitisAndreas-Dimitris Bourzoukos

Giannis Michailidis

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LETTERFROMTHESIXCOMRADESACCUSEDFORTHEDOUBLEROBBERYINKOZANI/VELVENDO

BEFORETHEIRCOURTCASEON29/11/13

November 2013 - Greece

[Note: The date of the court case for the double rob-bery in Velventos/Kozani is set for the 29th of Novem-ber 2013. Normally the process was to take place at thecourt of appeal in Athens. Nevertheless the place hasbeen changed to a special room inside the female prisonin Koridallos, because the accused Andreas-DimitrisBourzoukos, Dimitris Politis, Nikos Romanos, YannisMichailidis (arrested close to Kozani), as well as FivosHarisis and Argyris Ntalios (arrested in Nea Filadelfeia[neighborhood of Athens]) are judged under anti terror-

ist law for robbery by criminal organisation (article187A of the penal code). The six comrades are accusedof armed robbery as supposed members of the groupConspiracy of Cells of Fire, which they denied, while atthe same time claiming responsibility for the robberiesby some, and speaking about their anarchist ideas.]

The 29th of November has been set as our court datefor the double robbery in Velvedo Kozani. The trial willtake place in the female section of Koridallos prisonsand not -as it was first announced to us- at the Appellateon Loukareos street. The courtroom, this sacred brothelof justice, was always the space where the ruling class-authority- had to prove its dominance against the il-legals of this state.

This is why the matter of solidarity its a permanent pain,when it appears in the cases of anarchists, and the copsof every category, riot cops, plainclothes cops, anti-terrorist cops, rush to fill the court rooms in an attemptto obstruct its expression. However because of the fail-ure of these practices and with an evident stress abouthow safe the transfers will be (from the prisons to thecourts) of a large number of anarchists, they found thesolution to both problems with the special court rooms(two for now) which are inside the female prisons. It isobvious that the change of court rooms from the Appel-late to the prisons was a result of combining both of thosereasons. On one side the minimal possible exposure at atransfer level and on the other the registering of all the

solidarians who will chose to go into the court room.For us the room does not make the difference, the court isa hostile ground whether its in the prisons, or the hang-

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ing gardens of Babylon. And if the tactic of registeringobstructs the presence of comrades inside the room, noone and nothing can stop the strength we take from thevoices and chants when they penetrate the prison wallsand the metal plates in the cop van. A gathering outsidethe courts can break the isolation they seek.

Besides, for us revolutionary solidarity is not limited toevents of support associated with a court room. Any-way the court is nothing but the space where the enemyvalidates its victory, is the mechanism of assimilation ofrepressive violence in democratic ideology. Especiallyin our case there is no alleged pressure towards thejudges for lighter sentences. The decisions are predeter-mined. And this is not what we are interested in, sincewe have a hostile relation with the judges not becausethey target us, but because their job is to crush peopleunder the boot of state authority.

Solidarity is a continuous relationship. Its forms of ex-

pression vary and meet its meaning as moments of at-tack on the system of authority and obviously a gath-ering at the courts can be one more such moment forwhoever feels like it, but it is neither a presuppositionnor the only moment in solidarity. And mainly, solidaritywith imprisoned revolutionaries is not a statistic whichis stirred up by actuality, it is a need, an emotion, it isthe realization of the community of the struggle, withwhatever means each comrade choses to express theirsolidarity, either with their presence outside the courtroom, or choosing to attack representations of domi-nance because of our trial.

Closing, we want to make it clear to all that COMRADE-LY RELATIONS that unite us, our common visions forfreedom, the dreams we contrive together will never beundermined by any kind of division concerning the at-titude towards the court or even the different chargesagainst us. The fact that some of us will have lawyersin this trial for example, while others will not, that some

have taken the responsibility for the robbery while oth-ers have not, are not reasons to divide the community ofstruggle which keeps us standing behind the walls.

In this court the essence is in that the state and its mech-anisms try anarchist adversaries of the system, their op-ponents. It is of less importance how they will make sureto keep us hostage as long as possible (see charges).

Their main concern is our condemnation as ENEMIESof the system. From our side we do not recognize anydipole of innocence-guilt (not in this or in any trial ofanarchist fighters). We are guilty for their world, guilty

for their innocence. Our thoughts and heart are nextevery attempt which tries to fight authority.

Rage and conscience.Fivos HarisisArgyris DaliosGiannis MichailidisDimitris BourzoukosDimitris PolitisNikos Romanos

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MOMENTSOFWARAND

BREATHSOFFREEDOM

May 2013 - Greece

February 9th 2013: prisoners of the Detention Centrein Orestiada break out in revolt

February 20th: attempt of revolt in Koridallos prison

February 24th: escape attempt with helicopter by aprisoner in Trikala prison

March 5th: hunger strike in Rhodes jail

March 5th: revolt in Nafplio prison

March 6th: mutiny of prisoners in Patra prison

March 7th: mutiny in Grevena prison

March 11th: seven prisoners escape from the jail ofFeres, Evros

March 17th: five prison guards held hostages in Malan-drinos prison

March 19th: escape from Agrinio prison

March 22nd: escape from Trikala prison

All the above incidents happened during the last fewmonths.

H ?

You know it much better than we do, and there is noth-ing more to tell you. Everyday life in Greek prisonsnowadays includes special forces of the police (EKAM),unexpected inspections in cells, tortures, 16 new meas-

ures announced from Roupakiotis. However, despite theauthoritys terrifying answer, reactions dont stop:

March 24th: mutiny in Larisa and Patra prisons

March 30th: mutiny of the prisoners of the first ward inKoridallos prison

April 3rd: mutiny in Koridallos female prisons

Letter of Anarchist Prisoners Initiative about theEKAM raids in cells

April 22nd: prisoners abstention from mess in Larisaprison

April 29th: 580 prisoners on hunger strike in Larisaprison

And while we are talking about yesterday, reactions go ontoday. And at this point the following question emerges:

R ,

Because they try to make us lose sight of the real ene-my. Because authority, either inside or out of the prisonwalls, always tries to find ways to divide us into catego-ries and turn our rage away from its real cause. Author-ity achieves this exactly when some prisoners fight witheach other for differences based on colour, race and re-ligion while on the other hand they treat prison guardsas if they were their friends.

The jailer is nothing but the worst pimp of the prison,simply because if he doesnt do his job right which is

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snitching you to his superiors, locking you up at night,searching you up and torturing you when he gets suchorders hell probably lose it.

What is also common between inside and outside of theprison bars is that there are always some bigger bossesthat tell us what to do and what orders to follow, so that

we wont lose the benefits that they offer us. And mostof the people, afraid not to lose such benefits, dontstand for themselves but obey every bigger or smallerboss, enslave themselves and follow orders.

As for us, cops, snitches, jailers , leaders, judges, inquis-itors, they are all our enemies and we wont back downon them. We dont beg, or snitch, or fear, we fight forbreaths of freedom, for what is ours .We go on fightinguntil the ultimate destruction of prison. Because eventhe best jail system is still a prison so that

N

No matter what weapons the enemy has in hand, eitherthey are called police special forces or jailers, camerasin the city streets or in the prison wards, journalists orsnitches, beating people up in demos or torturing an-archists, immigrants and prisoners, there are alwaysmoments when we can attack them, burn them or laughat them. We are able to attack at the enemy even in-side the prison, the only place which is built to controleverybody, to punish and isolate. Because the way tobreak our chains and destroy the prison bars, no matterif it has to do with the prison system or society itself, is

the passion for freedom and the struggle to gain it. Asthe imprisoned anarchist T. Theofilou writes, we shouldnever stop honoring those who escaped from prison ortried to, but our final goal is not to fly above those wallsbut to dance on their ruins. Because the freedom of eachone of us depends both on himself and on his peers, andafter joining our forces, let the fire of the riots be able toburn down every prison.

I

We are sending you this letter as anarchists that takepart in an assembly for the connection between strug-gles inside the society-prison (Thessaloniki). Outsidethe bars we give our own fights to smash the state andauthority. Anarchy is a way of life and holds no ground

for bosses, leaders, snitches or slaves. We take actionwithout following orders and we dont recognize superi-ors and inferiors. We fight for freedom and we hate notonly cops, but also every minion, every snitch, everyonewho turns into a slave on his own will.

We write this letter because we want to create a trueconnection with you that will last in time. A connectionthat will include a dialogue from both sides. A dialoguethat will be honest and so will give us the chance to cre-ate common struggles against the enemy. A connectionthat will give true meaning to our actions so that whenwe, for example, gather outside the prisons and shout

along with you, we can both feel like overcoming theprison walls that separate us.

Lets fight on the same side. On the side that cannotstand the state and authority but fights against them, un-til the destruction of every kind of repression that holdsus down.

FIRE TO THE PRISON CELLS

REVOLT NOW AND FOREVER

SOLIDARITY WITH THOSE WHO FIGHT, RESIST,REVOLT

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LETTERFROMTHEINITIATIVEOFANARCHISTPRISONERSINKORYDALLOSPRISONONTHE

ASSASSINATIONOFMARIANKOLA

Initiative of anarchist prisoners from Korydallos - August 2013 - Greece

This is the first and last time you will arrest me. Nexttime I will kill you or you will kill me.

[Marian Kola is one of the 11 escaped prisoners from theprison of Trikala, on the 23th of May. He was killed dur-ing a shooting in the north of Greece on the 21th of July,where also a anti terrorist cop was hurt. Three escapeeswere caught soon after the escape, one was arrested af-ter a robbery in Peristeri and two have been murdered

during a shooting with the cops on the 3th of July inKoniska. Marian Kola was also accused for the murdersof a cop in Distomo the 17th of June during a trafficcontrol and of a women while fleeing after a robbery onthe 27th of March in Isthmia that ended in a chase andshooting (K. Zogali, killed in her car by a stray bullet).The last time Marian Kola was arrested, in 2010 aftera robbery in Maroussi where a passer-by was killed bypolice bullets (Nicolas Todi), he was very clear towardsthe cops: This is the first and last time you will arrestme. Next time I will kill you or you will kill me.]

We know that everyone dies. But there are deaths whichoppress because they choose their own way.Katerina Gogou

With continual and extensive media coverage, the huntfor the escapees of Trikala prison continues for almostfour months, by keeping the audience in suspense, as ithas all the elements of an overproduction: cinematicescape, ruthless and bloodthirsty murders, hardand decided cops, scuffles, dead people and a manhuntover a huge area of the Greek territory.

The fourth power [media] is the most nodal for thefunctioning of democracy, because it mediates betweenother powers and citizens and it reminds us of the rulesof the game once again: the democratic state spares notime, effort and resources when the doctrine of securityshould be established.

All this time, the anxious journalists from the placesof operations, the reports with the imposing music, theemotionally charged descriptions of the escapees, thescenes with fully armed cops aim at one thing: creating asubversion of the social subconscious for the hunted es-capees and acceptance of the states omnipotence. Themedia coverage of the events is as useful for the success-ful end of the states operations as the police guns are.

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Even if any of the escapees who are still living momentsof freedom will finally try to escape with one or anotherway, the impression should remain that this didnt hap-pen because of the states weaknesses but because ofthe invisible support network that they have, becauseof the support of UCK [1] or maybe because of theirsupernatural abilities.

THE MIND IS ALWAYS THE TARGET

The death penalty of democracy is something totallyaccepted, even if this seems strange towards the sensi-tive humanitarian reflexes of those who turn a blind eye.With one basic difference, it is decided, disposed, con-firmed, not by any court but through the news reports,waiting just the way and the moment that its executionwill be enabled.

The smile that accompanied the dithyrambic Dendias[2] statements for the referral of the escapees of justiceif this could be possible shows with no pretence, thelogic and the morality of the power. A humiliating powerthat considers as a great victory and ultimate achieve-ment, that hundreds - maybe thousands - of cops with thehelp of special groups of army and marine corps, withthousands of guns and technical means at their disposal(helicopters, dogs, thermal cameras) and in alternativeshifts (so that they can rest) have succeeded - till the timethat we are writing these lines - to squeeze four people.

The unlimited thirst for the acquisition of freedom and

the determination for its conservation is the only motivethat can make a person not to surrender, having againsthim such a connection of forces.

But the show doesnt end with the execution of the es-capees. The state should take revenge for the humilia-tion that it suffered. It should respectively follow the hu-miliation of the undisciplined and the example of thosewho still do not recognize the states omnipotence.

From Homers age and the desecration of the dead Hectorby Achilles till the current internet age, the humiliation ofthe dead enemy is typical of the arrogance of the power.

The photos of the dead Marian Kola prove how purewere the times of brigand-like predominance when thesevered heads of the beautiful ones of the mountainshung as an example in a village square. In the digitalera the message is firstly transferred as it is everywherein the world through the screen and - most important -without the blood and the stench that comes from directcontact with the dead body. The arena is now digitaland the descended thumbs are respectively replacingthe icons of the public comments. Clear business!

With Marian Kolas death the court-police-penitentiary

system felt that it replaces its lost honour. He has beentargeted as the brain, the leader of the group, themost ruthless and bloodthirsty.

We didnt meet Kola personally, as nobody of the es-capees. Our aim isnt to draw the profile of saints or tomake some others heroes. Of course not to write obitu-aries, but on the occasion of these events to share somethoughts as the management of the situation from thestate is concerned, not only on the level of communica-tion, but also on the level of police-army. Besides we

also have information that comes from the state media,but our interpretation for the facts diverges.

E.L.A.S. (the Greek police) had some unfinished busi-nesses with Kola, after his escape from Thivas policestation and had much more after the operation in Vy-rona, in February 2010, where Kola and Bema were ar-rested. Then by multiple police gunfire, that is, fire withmurderous intent, Nicolas Todi was killed, of course thecop who had killed him was never prosecuted, indeedhe earned the characterization of ruthless. The daybefore in Marousi, Kola and another one comrade of hisdisarmed the crew of a police car and they escaped.

They tried to do the same thing in Distomo too, and ap-parently the scene would end bloodless, if the secondpolice car hadnt appeared. Both the events in Marousiand in Distomo, shows definitely cool-headed ratherthan bloodthirsty people. Everyone can understand thatit is more dangerous to try to disarm an armed man thanto kill him.

So, common sense leads us to the conclusion that thejournalists descriptions for the escapees correspondonly to the impressions game and not to the reality.

Of course, the escapees are armed and of coursethey will use their guns in order to escape if they aresqueezed, as they already did it so many times beforein blockages and persecutions. But it isnt the same toshoot armed men to assure your freedom as to executeunscrupulously generally.

Because there is another thing that stands for theabove, and this is that the escapees didnt shoot anycitizen despite the fact that in many times they hadcame across someone.

The existing moral commands the submission to thepolice orders. The rebel moral commands the freedom,laughing ironically to the police orders.

The cops having this thing in their minds, they donthesitate to venture into populated areas (Vyronas) orin the national road (Isthmia), accepting the possibilityof injuries or deaths accidentally passing people like N.Todi and K. Zogali.

As anarchists we dont accept the meaning of victimsoffset or of side effects, these are characteristics ofthe authoritarians logic that has contempt for life. Af-ter the arrests in Vyrona the minister of public orderChrysoxoidis had told this so bluntly, confirming it us:one citizen was killed but two dangerous criminalswere arrested.

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Media and much of the public opinion charge thedeaths of two people in Vyrona and Isthmia to the es-capees, on the grounds that they reacted when the po-lice told them to surrender. This opinion ignores thatthe defence of freedom for some people isnt negotiable.However, we could not point out that the main differencebetween the two events is that Todi had been executed

as the cops mistook him with the one that they wanted toarrest, while Zogalis death was an accident.

Eventually we will agree with the media view: the es-capees are - or they were - ruthless. They didnt haveany hesitation to defend their so hard-won freedom. Asone of Kolas fellow prisoners, Marousko, who knewhim personally, wrote: Mario Kola was one of the pris-oners - or hostages - of the state that you thought thatwas accused for his diploma, quiet and gentlemanly,his behaviour towards prisoners was full of respect, buthe had a vice as everyone who had been found in thecement teeth of the state, he wanted his freedom at allcosts. He would also risk his life at least, but not the lifeof the others.

****

The militarisation of the state is raging rapidly. Moreand more often military style solutions are selected forvarious things that in fact or potentially, disrupt thefragile social balance.

In the last six months E.K.A.M [3] were responsible

for breaking the strike of subway workers, the raids insquatted anarchist places, the arrest of people at Skou-ries [4], the searching and the biting of prisoners.

The same heavily armed and specially trained unit wasused for such disparate missions that in most of them,there was no possibility of an armed rumble. The onlyreason for using it, was for the spreading of the inter-nalisation of fear and of the states oppressive power.

The operations against the escapees was a very goodopportunity for the enforcement in practice of the dog-mas ramification in special operations. For the first time

in Greece, there is coordination and action of specialforces from different units in a wide temporal and geo-graphical area. Police, army, marine corps are led fromthe same administrative center and they act together.

That doesnt mean that the police isnt enough for thesebusinesses. It would be funny to think something likethis, since the groups of the other forces are extremelylimited and the two, so far, ambushes came from po-

lice units. Simply, the event is the motive to developthe modern dogma of the fist of democracy. How basicmeanings of civil democracy escalate with their eye onfuture social conflicts.

So, the enemy forces are rallying, getting stronger, pro-ceeding and trying to impose much more severe condi-

tions. Faced with this reality, we have to make commonour acts of resistance, to forearm at all levels - organi-sational, conscious, material/technical - to evolve andblossom our ways and forms of struggle. To break theartificial divisions that the worlds power produces bylooking for the points that can connect us with the peo-ple that for their own reasons, revolt and dispute practi-cally, the legitimate order.

Either individually or collectively, either they throwstones in the demos, or they turn their Kalashnikovagainst those who impose the generalized lack of free-dom. And starting from common experiences to build

the conscious background of relations of solidarity.The solidarity with the outcasts of prison-society is notexpressed only when there is no cost, as a support tothe prisoners on condition that they remain passive, butwhen some activate, escape, stand up for, and defendtheir freedom armed.

Especially in the last case, where people are literally thetarget and the fourth power of the media defames themall day and night preparing their enforcement, complic-ity in state murders is not the bloodthirsty yell of thenetworking crowd and the convenient silences.

Notes

[1] Liberation Army of Kosovo.

[2] Secretary of the Protection of Citizens, similar to HomeSecretary.

[3] Special Forces from the police.

[4] Skouries in Halkidiki is the place where a gold mine isbeing re-opened. For years, the locals have been fighting de-termined against this project. In 2013, EKAM have conductednumerous house searches in the village of Ierissos, arriving at3-4 am, assault rifle in hand and literally kidnapping people.These terror operations followed a coordinated attack on thenight of February 17 by forty persons armed with Molotovcocktails and rifles which caused major damage to the site ofthe gold mine.

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SPARKSINTHEFRENCHPRISONS

Lucioles - September 2013 - France

Prison is a continuous torture and summer only wors-

ened it. Moreover, theres the overcrowding of theFrench prisons and the strikes of the screws at the endof the spring. In the beginning of May, there were about68.000 prisoners in France (this number, the highestever, says a lot about the war State and Justice arewaging against the poor). All this in prisons made tolock up 57.300 inmates, as to say that on the average,there are 120 prisoners piled up in spaces foreseen for100. Moreover, the strikes of the screws (who sincethey do not have the right to abstain from their disgust-ing work, block the entrances of the prisons duringtheir time off) reduce or lift visits, activities and walks,delay the canteen etc. To put it shortly: its the pris-

oners who are (again) paying when the dogs are nagabout some crumbs. Of course the solution isnt moreplace in prison, nor better conditions, nor more screwsor better paid screws. The revolts in prison are mostoften sparked by demands for partial improvements(transfers, better detention conditions, access to alter-native measures etc.) or by punctual abuses. But oneshould not forget that prison itself is an abominationand that the only solution is the destruction of prison.And lately, be it starting from demands and partial ob-

jectives, some prisoners have started doing it.

Summer began with the dreary normality of suicide.The 14th of June, a man hung himself in the prison ofNantes (the fourth person in three months over there);a prisoner in Baumettes (Marseille) finishes the same

way on the 8th of July. In Bois-dArcy, the 6th of Au-

gust, a young man of 29 years old hung himself. The29th of July, natural death of a prisoner in Bziers: hefell from the stairs and wasnt taken care of. But therewere also those who aim their hate against the nearestof those who are responsible for their imprisonment.First of all (as far as we know), a prisoner takes a smallrevenge against a screw of Saint-Quentin-Fallavier, tak-en hostage during an hour with a razor blade. Saturdaythe 20th of July, in Moulins-Yzeure, a man take a screwhostage with a nicely sharpened kitchen knife. This guy,recently transferred from Roanne where he was sus-pected of preparing to escape, wants to see his wife andbe transferred elsewhere. And then again on the 14thof August, in Ensisheim: a prisoner take a screw hos-tage because they refused him medical care. In Porche-ville, in the EPM (prison for minors), three adolescentslocked up in this penal colony for youngsters gave theirfriendly regards to the guards for nothing less than free-dom. The 5th of August, they hit and tied down a guard,and locked him up in a trash room. Then they tried toescape via the roof, but unluckily, they were arrested.Two prisoners of Meaux had more luck. On the 24th ofJune, during a sports activity outside of the prison, theymanaged to get the guards of the SPIP off their backsand ran away. Two days later, a prisoner manages to

escape from the court house in this same city by mixingup with the persons who came to assist to the spectacleof Justice. He was condemned for theft and just got 5years of prison

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In August, temperature rose even more. On Thursday,1st of August, in Bourg-en-Bresse, about twenty prison-ers revolt. They irrupt in a wing of the prison and de-stroy everything, in particular the surveillance camerasand the water pipes, which floods two floors. The kickoff for this uprising was the especially authoritarian be-havior of a screw and the fact that the Judges for the

Application of the Punishment (who decide on condi-tional releases etc.) are very strict. On Monday the 19th,in Blois, an umpteenth suspicious death of a prisoner.About sixty prisoners rise up and destroy a part of theprison. They also get other prisoners out of their cells.The super-screws of the ERIS (special anti-riot squad)crush the revolt, but the prison was quite damaged andhad to be partially evacuated. To continue, on Tuesdaythe 20th, in Chteaudun, about twenty prisoners attackcomputer surveillance room of the prison and try toburn it down. Then they climb up the roofs and throwstones to the guards. Next day, in the afternoon, another

thirty prisoners try to break out from the walk to reachthe outer perimeter. It took the ERIS, who were presentsince the day before, three hours to restore calm (withflashball, tear gas and de-encirclement grenades).About twenty prisoners are transferred to other pris-ons and the Penitentiary Administration, fearing thatthe revolt would spread to all the 590 prisoners, callsin reinforcements from Paris, Rennes and Dijon. In themorning of Thursday 22nd, in Bois-dArcy, a prisonerbecomes unwell and the doctor doesnt come. To pro-test, about twenty prisoners refuse to return to the cellsafter the walk till the ERIS arrive. Still the 22nd, itsthe turn of the prisoners of the Administrative Detention

Center (for clandestine immigrants, CRA) of Mesnil-Amelot. One of them is brutally beaten up by the copswhen he tried to jump over a fence to get a football back.The others start to hit a fence, which breaks down. Thecops react with sticks and tear gas. Later on, on twospots in the Center, fires were lit: one person is arrested,all the others are blocked on the yard. And the summerends (for the moment) good: with a nice escape! In thenight of Friday the 30th of August, eleven prisoners ofthe CRA of Vincennes manage to saw through the barsand run away.

The uprisings of August show us that the determinationof a few persons may bring about concrete results, likeputting the prison of Blois in a state of insecurity (as a

screw said). To this rebellions, the Penitentiary Admin-istration answers with isolation, violence, indictmentsand transfers.

And we, enemies of the prison, outside? The courageand the determination by which the rebellious prison-ers revolt call for our concrete solidarity. But then, our

hate for the prisons and everything that makes them ex-ist cant limit itself to giving echoes to the revolts insidethe walls. Everyone of us has a thousand reasons to de-spise prison and can find his own temporalities and ownmeans to attack the machine of imprisonment. If we donot have the strength to attack directly these disgustingwalls, then lets think about the fact that prison is notonly those walls. The guards do not stop being hangmenwhen they take off their uniforms. Thats maybe whatthose anonymous persons said to themselves when theyvandalized six cars on the car park of the personnel ofthe prison of Gasquinoy (Bziers) on the 25th of May2013, or those who burned four cars of guards just nextto the prison of Ploemeur on the 25th of October 2012.Thats maybe what those who broke, at the end of Janu-ary and in the beginning of February, the windows oftwo offices of the CGT in Paris, an union which apartfrom other disgusting things federates the screws. Andhow forget all those companies who fill their pocketsby making the prisons work, for example by bringingthe food, by catering, by cleaning, by maintenance, byexploiting the labor of prisoners etc. And there arealso the companies who build prisons (and sometimesremain owners of the prison while renting them to theState). Attacking all these things could be far more easy

than targeting the prisons directly, and also give someproblems to those who imprison. Thats maybe what theanonymous persons said to themselves when on the 15thof April 2013, they attacked Eiffage, one of the mainconstructors (and sometimes owner) of prisons. Anarson against construction engines, in Pontcharra-sur-Turdine, caused about 500 000 Euros of damage to thisvulture. These are some examples of how anybody canfight against prison.

In solidarity with the uprisings inside, if there are; but

foremost, and all the time, for a world of freedom.

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SOMENOTESONTHETAP

Tairsa - August 2013 - Italie

A brief summary

The pipeline or methane pipeline TAP (Trans AdriaticPipeline) should be about 900 km long, starting fromthe Caspian Sea reaching mainland in Salento [southernend of Puglia, NdT], on the shore of San Foca (Lecceprovince) to transport natural gas. In late June, the ShahDeniz consortium in Azerbaijan - members include Brit-ish Petroleum, Total and Statoil - has made its choicepreferring the TAP over the Nabucco project whichwould have had to go through Romania, Bulgaria, Hun-gary and Austria. The TAP Project, composed of AxpoHolding (Switzerland), E.On (Germany) and Statoil(Norway), was considered of strategic interest by theItalian government and the European Union and willsupply the European gas market.

Some questions

Opposition to the TAP, as to any bane, as well as astruggle against a prison, is a classical partial strug-gle; partial, to be clear, not in a negative connotation,but in the sense of defining a particular aspect. But hav-ing a wider horizon in all that we do and in the strugglesthat we make, trying to identify the power and authorityof any kind and in all their configurations, and tryingto oppose it, is the goal that we have. Our perspective

should be at the basis of our action, a thought whichaccompanies us continuously as well as a way of ap-proaching struggles. When we oppose war, a tech-nological disaster, a prison, repression, exploitation,authority, morality, we should always keep in mind allthese aspects and try to have an overall view. An ex-ample: when we oppose a nuclear plant, we oppose thenuisance it represents, the irreversible destruction ofthe environment, but what we have in mind is also theuse that will made of the nuclear energy: to continueto reproduce an economic and industrial system of ex-ploitation, or to perpetuate the super-technological and

super-controlled city life shaped for commodities rath-er than humans. This example, which may be valid inmany other cases, poses a problem. Can we participatein a struggle while separating, differentiating?

The TAP emerged with several issues: from the envi-ronmental devastation to the war, to the plundering ofresources, capitalist neo-colonialism, etc.; all these dis-courses are closely related. But what has not been done,perhaps, is attempting to connect all these aspects interms of perspective. Opposition to the TAP is part ofa broader opposition to the state and the economy: ina word, what is called Domination, which is also what

governs our lives like those of billions of people and be-cause of what we are precarious, exploited, controlled,repressed, etc. Now, we do not pretend that all thosewith whom we are related in a struggle, are comrades

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or whatever kind of people (just to be clear), having thesame approach, but our attempt is to go in that direction.Because when we speak or act out against exploitation,whether of nature or people, it is not intended as a rhe-torical exercise. What we want is the existence of hori-zontal relationships between individuals and, of course,the end of exploitation.

Some notes on method

After this introduction that may be evident but it is use-ful to try to be clear, we come to the mode of action.One that doesnt make it impossible to get in touch withanyone provided it is in a horizontal and self-organizedmanner. The logic of institutions, parties and delegationare part of the problem, and are therefore part of whatwe oppose. Also here in Salento, committees against theTAP pipeline were immediately created, with the main

reason that this construction would damage the tour-ist vocation of the territory. They immediately appliedthe usual standardized and institutional patterns: par-liamentary delegation, petitions, participating in round-table discussions with the TAP project - that is to saywith the multinational that will make the pipeline -, self-referential demonstrations - in the sense that they areoften only composed of banners with their initials -, in-terviews on television and in newspapers - contributingmore to the spectacularization of the opposition and notto the opposition itself; especially also as television andnewspapers are part of the problem. But it is like that,everyone chooses his path and acts accordingly. Themost important thing is that this is not our way to strug-gle and that since the opposition to the TAP also inter-ests us and concerns us, not only because it is located inthe area where we live, we want to search another modeof intervention. The error, in our opinion, is to think thatif committees are created, you can always find accom-plices there to struggle together. It could happen, butconsidering it in a systematic way, as if it were a fact isan error that wastes, among other things, time and en-ergy. The struggle against the TAV in Val Susa, to whicheveryone refers, probably contributed to this ambiguity.As if the important struggle going there for several dec-

ades would be reproducible anywhere or would be theonly feasible model. Often, committees have a structureand a way of doing that is very political and that differslittle from the institutional way of doing this, that we failto see because we are blinded by an appearance of ac-tion at the basis.

Immediately putting forth our mode of intervention,without delegations, without politics and with our cri-tique on commodities and the existent; searching ac-complices or partners starting from ourselves: that iswhat we intend to do to try now to aim high and to fightagainst a bane, in this case a pipeline, to act against thisdeadly existent. But here arises another question: if wecan not find anyone with whom to wage a struggle, whatto do? The answer depends on the discussion, the will

and the rage that you want to exert. If we start from theidea expressed by a comrade, that each of us can poten-tially change things, then there are only still a few in-gredients to add: the identification, study, fantasy whichcan sometimes be much stronger and potent weaponsthan we think. Even with small numbers, if one is deter-mined, we can carry a struggle, or at least attempt to

disrupt the mechanism against which we oppose. Thelogic of quantity rather leads one to think that if weare not many we can do nothing, and this constitutes arenouncement and a missed opportunity to put forth ourcritique of the existent. It is clear that it can sometimesbe important to be a lot, because you can do things thatare not feasible alone. But we who do not seek consen-sus and do not necessarily think in terms of organiza-tion, have more freedom in that sense .

Against delegation

As always happens, someone in the committees is drivenby a genuine intention to oppose the nuisances, but hismodes of action, petitions or media use, are antitheti-cal to ours. Especially since their leaders never lose thehabit of intervening in any given occasion, consideringthemselves as the sole representatives of the struggle,speaking for others or dissociating from other meth-ods. All it needed was a No Tap scribbled by some-one on the wall of a golf club (which is already itself anuisance, given that to irrigate its huge lawns it takesthe water of neighboring farmers, lowering to alarm-ingly levels the groundwater), which hosted in closeddoors and protected by the police, a meeting betweenmembers of the TAP and local administrators to trig-ger denunciation and dissociation. We wonder if, whenbulldozers arrive to begin the works, the sympatheticactivists from the committees will demand special lawsand deportation against those that will have enough willand rage to really oppose. Expecting that the variousmembers of the committees will at one point realize thatpetitions or parliamentary delegations do not amount toanything, is an illusion. Especially as to delegate meansto reproduce, not hinder, the representative and authori-tarian system. Discussion, criticism and action may in-

stead be immediately valid instruments of opposition,very simple and accessible to all, taking into accountthe perspective that we talked about earlier. The TAP isonly one aspect of Domination, although very large, butwe are also interested to intervene in the relationshipbetween individuals, what we are interested to put forthas a mode of action is a truly horizontal, self-organizedand from the bottom. And if the struggle can be con-ducted in this mode, perhaps even involving some ormany other people very different from us, extending thecritique of authority and questioning at least part of thisexistent then we would have acted in a right direction,

even apart from the final result of the struggle against aspecific nuisance.

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A spark that can propagate

From the moment the TAP Project was selected to putthe pipeline into existence, the various local and na-tional institutions have expressed their position. Someenvironmental groups such as Legambiente felt com-pelled to express their positive advice. The Italian

government immediately declared itself in favor of theproject, considering it strategic to the national economyand beginning to mystify the reality about the impacton the territory, new jobs and smaller bills. Local andregional politicians, starting with the governor [of theregion] Vendola [Communist, NdT] and his deputies,have on the contrary begun to speak of consultation,negotiation, confrontation and necessary dialogue withthe local populations and the involvement of citizensand committees in carrying out the work. It is not dif-ficult to understand that their idea of dialogue meansto pacify, to avoid that the suspicion of a large part ofthe inhabitants of Salento towards the project, some outof personal interest as tourism professionals, some seri-ously concerned about the impact on the environment,turns into hostility. The work must be done, they say,

but it is necessary that the opposition is kept under con-trol, that it remains in the democratic cage of petitionsand legal methods, pretending to participate while weundergo. Concealing the enforcement of an unnecessaryand harmful project that only serves the profits of somemultinationals, in dialogue with local administrators,perhaps by offering a serious economic and monetary

benefit, seeking to convince people of the goodnessof this work, but also its inevitability. The people area child, like someone said, and this is the moment forcandy. If thats not enough, the fact that this construc-tion is considered as strategic, can at any moment leadto its militarization. But this discourse hides a fear, aweak point of those who hold power. Opposition to anuisance can become a spark, a beginning, a fire thatspreads and questions more. An opportunity to opposein the first-person singular and to stop a monster andthen stop many others, among them also the mentalityof delegation. From work till school, home, leisure, the

places we inhabit, pieces of life that are stolen from usand we want to reappropriate them by sending to hellthe defenders of progress and this world.

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OUTOFCONTROL

Wut im Bauch - November 2013 - Germany

For the last few months, in Hamburg, there has beena broad based campaign of state repression and con-trol. Some of these events deserve a closer examina-tion. The few examples provided here are only a smallselection of everyday repression, but they provide aprecise picture of recent developments, and should beunderstood as experiments by the guardians of order.They want to create an environment of permanent fearand unbroken respect for their order, so as to assure itssmooth functioning.

Unmasking and compromising the danger zones

What is for a long time already the reality in St. Georgaround the Hansaplatz, and in St. Pauli (around the Reep-erbahn, the red light district of Hamburg) has, since thefirst of June 2013, reached the Schanzenviertel. A per-manent danger zone has been established from June tillend of October, and the cops have been authorized tocarry out controls at any time at any place. The relatedscenarios and their effects can be clearly seen in theSt. Georg district. Large groups of cops are specificallycontrolling and harassing those who are undesirables,for example those not able to pay for things or thosewho are excluded on the basis of racist thinking. Whatis taking place here, under the guise of security, is easyto reveal.

In St. Georg the sex workers should be disposed of, andsocially, which is to say financially weaker people shouldbe displaced in order to develop the area and make it

more profitable. In the case of the Schanzenviertel thegoals are the same, however the danger zone herewas primarily directed at the drug scene, and againstthose who are migrant looking and therefore, on rac-ist grounds, automatically associated with it. Let us beclear: the cops do not need any special justification forcontrols. If there is any doubt, their laws are on theirside. Danger zones are auxiliary to larger demonstra-tions of power and targeted campaigns of repressionthrough permanent bullying and control.

Dont take anything

On the 11th of July in the evening, on Holstenstrae,a confrontation between police and younger inhabit-ants took place. Once again, the cops had controlleda small group of young people, and along clear racistcriteria people who do not fit into the picture of the po-lice were harassed. On that late evening they defendedthemselves and clashed with the police, resulting in in-juries and arrests. Residents expressed solidarity, andtherefore brought law enforcements image of accept-ability into doubt. In the following days there was an at-mosphere of tension around the Holstenstrae. Duringthe following evenings, groups of hundreds gathered inlarge groups, in part to show solidarity. The cops oc-cupied the surrounding area, and drove up and down

the same street in minute-long intervals, with backupready and undercover cops deployed as well. Outburstsof rage would follow.

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A few cars were torched, and there were attacks on thepolice. The following weekend, on the 20th of July, therewas a demonstration in solidarity with the victims of re-pression and against control. This demo emerged outof a neighborhood assembly. A participant in the demosummed things up well: Dont put up with anything

The self-organized resistance, and broad solidarity,despite the media propaganda that tried to make theproblem one of religion and migration, is a sign that theincidents in Altona were not an exception or an unfortu-nate accident. They are a reality which many have longbeen aware of. The confrontation with the cops, and thewillingness to resist, did not come from thin air, and theHolstenstrae isnt located in some isolated suburb thatwould likely be referred to as a problem area. The per-sons who met each other on the streets during those eve-nings exchanged ideas and understood that they sharea world, even if they are affected to differing degrees byits excesses. The events of July are something that canflare up again anywhere and at any time.

Hand and hand in the name of security and control

On Friday evening, the 26th of July, over 200(!) pigsfrom the local police, the federal police, the DeutscheBahn security (cops of the national railway system, whoalso provide security at local commuter train stations)and the transit security authority launched a large co-ordinated offensive in the name of objective and sub-jective security. Around 6,000 people were controlled

in the commuter train and subway stations. There werehundreds of fines and charges pressed against individu-als, and once again coins rattled in the pockets of theHamburg transit system, not to mention the courts.

Uniforms of every color and armed guards in every cor-ner; this is how security and freedom taste!? The coop-eration between the ministry of the interior, the trans-portation authorities, the cops, the local transit securityand the Deutsche Bahn isnt any surprise; rather a quitelogical coalition of those who have an interest in a cli-mate of fear, surveillance and monitoring to help the

uninterrupted functioning of their businesses. This isfelt clearly by those who cannot, or will not, play along.Meanwhile, for example, large-scale control operationsin coordination with cops are the reality at the S-Bahn(high-speed commuter rail) station Veddel. The onlyfair conclusion that can be drawn from such an attackon all who wish to live free and uncontrolled is: We aredefiant and refuse to pay at all.

Borderless!

Again pigs, again controls! The daily reality on thestreets of Hamburg kicked of a wave of resistance whenthe authorities put out an ultimatum to a group of 300refugees from Lampedusa. They should be registered toget into the circle of bureaucracy and then in the end get

deported. The group of refugees refused to register andthe cops started an operation of huge controls againstpeople of color on different spots in the city for days.Around the 15th of October a wave of uncontrolled dem-onstrations and attacks against the controls and cops aswell as state institutions continued over 2 weeks withouta quiet day. Even if there was people on the streets whobelieved in the lies of politicians who tried to calm downthe escalation on the streets with negotiations there wasmoments which made clear that no reforms no rights orlaws will change this reality! As long as there is statesand borders there will be papers and there will be de-portation prisons which will be filled with immigrants...whether some will get papers or not.

Lets become uncontrollable!

All of these examples make it clear that the city isnta neutral space. Instead it is defined by the collabora-tion and interplay between mechanisms of Domina-tion. It begs the question how we oppose this totality,when repressive attacks have advanced so far into oureveryday life. The resistance to such a reality, againstthis situation, must start from everyday subversion. We

come together, and unmask oppression and exploitationwhere we encounter them, both in their smallest formsand at the root.

We confront them and attack them. It requires a newuncontrolled way to oppose these outgrowths of repres-sive conditions. For example, on the 24th of August,there was the uncontrolled stroll against monitoringthrough the Karolinenviertel to the nearby jail. Postersand flyers against danger zones, cops, prisons, repres-sion and their world were distributed and wheat-pasted,and slogans were sprayed without the cops being able

to intervene. For such a stroll nothing more is neededthan pamphlets, posters, wheat paste, spray cans, a bitof knowledge of the area, and a group of comrades.

People came into contact, conversations and discussionswith each other, became aware of conflict, and beforethe cops came, were all gone or disappeared into thepassing crowd. Lets create many dangerous momentsand places for every control mechanism.

For an uncontrollable life, free of Domination!

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Incomplete chronology of uncontrolled moments:

On the evening of the 13th of September 2013, nearly60 people marched, loud and masked, through Ham-burgs newest danger zone, the Schanzenviertel. Dur-ing the march, posters were wheat-pasted, hundreds ofpamphlets were distributed and slogans sprayed. To at-tract attention fireworks were set off. After the protestmarch took its planned route through the neighborhood,it dissolved itself at the S-Bahn station Sternschanze.The alarmed, but too late to arrive, anti-riot squad andcountless undercover cops drifted aimlessly for a timeafter the march through the streets.

In the evening of the 18th of October 2013, an uncon-trolled stroll from St. Pauli to the Schanze neighborhoodtook place. With a banner, chants, posters, fliers, graf-

fiti, stones and hammers, nearly 80 people took theiranger against the danger zones, the racist controls,the machinery of deportation and these reality condi-tions out on the streets. Some banks and shops got theirwindows smashed, and walls were painted with slogansagainst the deportation machinery and the State. Thewalk came to an end when the cops arrived.

The evening of the 8th of November around 50 peoplewalked uncontrolled through the Sternschanze. Slogansagainst control, cops and the deportation machinerywere shouted and spray painted. With color and stones

luxury buildings and shops were attacked. There were alot of pamphlets handed out to the many people on thestreets. The stroll ended before the cops arrived.

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WITHOUTILLUSIONS

Aufruhr - March 2013 - Switzerland

[The new Center for Police and Justice (Polizei- undJustizzentrum) is ought to be constructed on the site ofthe former station for commodities (its demolition willstart in 2013). In one building, this Center will bring to-gether the 30 existing police stations, different repres-sive organs and 300 places for prisoners.]

We are against the processes which are transformingthis city in an always less inhabitable place. Against thepolice occupation of the neighbourhoods, the instauring

of surveillance and the prison architecture. Against theupgrading projects which are imposed to serve theeconomy and the rich, on the back of the poor. From theWeststrasse to the Europaalle, passing along the newCenter for Police and Justice (PJZ). However, we thinkthat satisfying ourselves by saying no doesnt bringanything without the active and direct intervention.What do we mean by this?

Lets not delude ourselves. Protest which aim to showone is disagreeing and put pressure never broughtabout real changes. What might have been obtainedwere eventually some concessions that those who playthe chiefs of our lives and of our environment had thebenevolence to grant us, to again calm us. But theseconcessions are only granted to the extent they are be-ing compatible with theirinterests, which means funda-mentally not changing anything. If not, there answer isplain and simple repression.

If we want to intervene against these processes trans-forming the city always more according to the require-ments of capital and its interests (more gainful, with-out scuffles, clean, controlled, functional, dead...), if wewant to really bring about something, then we shouldnt

delegate this intervention to some politician, limitingourselves to to role of lobbyists. We should take this in-tervention in our own hands, exactly in the same waythat we want to take our life and the world that has been

taken from us in our own hands. And how to foil theeviction of a whole avenue, the destruction of our dwell-ings, the construction of new real estate complexes likethe PJZor the Europaalleewhich, directed against us,aim to introduce always more control or a more profit-able stratum of people in these areas? How to foil thiswhen wanting only to count on ourselves?

Through refusal, sabotage and direct action against theinterests of those responsible! By tearing down the mask

of irresponsibility and by intervening against those whorealize these projects of eviction, exploitation, imprison-ment and make profit out of it. From the companies whobuild and demolish to the architects, passing by the poli-ticians and the managers. It is them who realize theseprojects and it is through them that we can sabotage andblock these projects.

Also here, we shouldnt delude ourselves.This means donot always allow to foil efficiently the projects of thecolossus of power. But by this means, a real changetakes place, which doesnt consist of the realization orthe foiling of a project, but of the relations we developin the struggle. The relations between us, through self-organisation, solidarity and complicity. The relations toourselves, trough the perception of our force as indi-viduals. The relations to the world, through insubordi-nation and the overthrow of the passive roles imposedupon us. This kind of relations go against the function-ing of this world, and its only through these relationsthat a force can grow that might finally succeed in sub-verting profoundly the current world. What is changingreally when we take into our own hands the interven-tion against these projects of urban development andagainst anything that is destroying our lives, passing

through attack, is the feeling to no longer live like sim-ple pawns in an imposed world and to experiment ourfreedom in revolt.

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WITHOUTABREAK

ABOUTTHERECENTREPRESSIVESTRIKESAGAINSTANARCHISTSANDANTI-AUTHORITARIANSINBELGIUM

Some anarchist individualities - October 2013 - Belgium

A short reminder about events

Anarchists and anti-authoritarians in Belgium have beenhit by the repression a number of times over the past fewyears. The raids on five houses in Brussels, Ghent andLeuven in September 2013 are the latest episode. Threehouses and the anarchist library Acrata had alreadybeen raided at the end of May. These initiatives of judge

Isabelle Panou are within the framework of investiga-tions concerning terrorist organization, conspiracy andarson opened in 2008. But the repressive forces didnot limit themselves to raids. They have tried to recruitsnitches to spy on the activities of anarchists and anti-authoritarians on several occasions.

They have used extraordinary investigative methods,including concealing a video-surveillance camera insidethe flat of two Brussels anarchists. They also carry outsurveillance, draw up reports on the anarchist threat,organize administrative harassment to complicate com-rades lives, pass on information about individuals to

other police forces in the world, send out summons forinterrogation, publish slander in the press etc. A numberof comrades have also spent a few weeks behind bars.

Anyway, putting all these things into a broader context,it is easy to see that the repression is seeking throughvarious means to curb or paralyze the ideas and actionsaimed at destroying the world of authority.

This however does not mean we are talking of a heavyrepressive climate such as we see in other countries.Lets be clear on this point: thats far from the case.

Anyway, there is nothing surprising or particular aboutthe police having malicious intentions towards enemiesof authority.

The investigations are aimed in all likelihood at anumber of more or less intensive struggles, agitationand initiatives: the struggle against prison and solidaritywith revolts inside them, that against the constructionof the new detention-centre in Steenokkerzeel and themachinery of deportation, initiatives and attacks againstthe veins of the prison-city (construction of new fastRER train lines around Brussels and public transport ingeneral); agitation against bailiffs, against NATO and its

presence in Brussels, against the European institutionsand the Eurocrats and the struggle against the construc-tion of a maxi-prison in Brussels

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Where are we in all this?

Rather than racking our brains to analyze repressiveoperations of the State, we are more interested in con-tinuing to focus our attention on what we think, what wewant and what we intend to do to criticize the world ofcommodities and power, to encourage questioning and

refusal, to spread the revolt against all that oppressesus. In fact, throughout the years struggles have takenplace, even if they were often carried out in conditionsnot necessarily favourable and surrounded by slumps ofresignation. Corrosive ideas were spread, discussed andshared, hundreds of actions, attacks and sabotage inevery form, but always hostile to power have dottedthe path of struggle and revolt. Complicities have beenverified, solidarity has been expressed, affinities havebeen experimented and on a few occasions we wereable to see a crack in the concrete of oppression andsubmission. Of course, the deepening and sharpening ofanarchist ideas in these lands has not escaped the atten-tion of the guard dogs. The critique of the quantitativefixation and the fetishism of formal organization, the re-jection of all mediation and political representation havecontributed to the birth of informal spaces, in affinity andautonomous, where ideas have tried to go hand in handwith practice and the offensive. Thus comrades beganto open up their own path to face domination, each intheir own way, fighting the political logic of politicians,refusing the paralysis of waiting and arming their mindsand hands to destroy what is intolerable. It is the pas-sionate individual connection between ideas and will,desire and critique that pushes them to act to strike the

structures and men of domination at the time and in themanner they deem right and appropriate, extolling at thesame time sabotage and attack as the means availableto all those who want to fight for freedom. Sometimesthese comrades met in the streets or in shared revolts,other rebels, others insurgents, fighting their own wayagainst what oppresses them. If power could well beafraid of something, it is probably the possibility of anever wider contamination of ideas and practices, of re-ciprocal recognition between rebels and those in revolt,the encountering of various rebellions (in prisons, inneighbourhoods, in labour camps, in detention-centres,

in education-camps, recreation-camps , ) that still oc-casionally disrupt the nightmare of a life spent working,consuming, suffering and sleeping.

Where are they?

It would be foolish not to put the pressure against theanarchists and anti-authoritarians, their ideas and agita-tion, within a broader context. If we look at the exampleof Brussels, the capital of the European Union and inter-section of international relations, we can clearly see howthe State and capital are stepping up their efforts andgoing all out to perpetuate social relations of exploita-tion and oppression, adapting the environment to theneeds of capital and power, transforming the city into an

open prison to contain revolt and the disgust for a life ofmisery. The construction projects for the biggest jail inBelgium in the Brussels territory or the NATO siege, theextension of CCTV and the repressive network (new po-lice stations, more uniforms of every kind in the streets,militarization of public transport, heavy-handed opera-tions in poor neighbourhoods) go hand in hand with a

deliberate planned policy of isolation or gentrificationof popular neighbourhoods, redevelopment of the citythrough major property and commercial projects, exten-sion of the European area and services for Eurocrats,diplomats and capitalists, construction of new transportroutes such as the RER to oil the circulation of goodsand commodity-man. It would not be an exaggeration tospeak of an intensification of the war power has alwayswaged against the lower layers of the population. De-spite its arrogance, power realizes that this carries risksof tension and revolt, uncontrollable explosions such aswe could see in other countries in recent years. Despite

all the State propaganda and the drug of the commoditymarket, despite technological intoxication and rampantstupification, the spectre of insurrection is no longer justsome old thing belonging to bygone times, it is appearingagain timidly in the hearts and minds of those who aretired of suffering. That is why the State is targeting thosewho speak of insurrection, here as elsewhere, persistingin thinking and acting in first person to undermine therotten edifice of the authoritarian society . Its for thatreason that the State is trying to silence those who speakof rebellion and freedom, solidarity and revolution, thatswhy the State might find it useful to put aside a fewrebels, in order to limit their capacity cause damage in

words and deeds, and to scare everyone else.

Never innocent

In the face of these strikes, our thoughts immediately flyto the many comrades around the world who are behindbars, those in revolt murdered by power, the rebels whoface the State and capitalist monster daily, those who donot obey the rules of this rotten society and stand up, inthe dungeons of the prisons as well as in the corridors ofthe prison-cities. This helps us to understand than there

could never be any agreement or truce between those whofight against the reduction of our lives to those of com-modity slaves, slaves to authority, work, forced labour,and those in power aided by all their defenders. In thissense, we could never be innocent. If the threat of prisonis to be faced, it is also necessary to stubbornly reject thesolicitations of power, and, when our struggles and ideasattract the malicious attention of the defenders of order,to be even more determined. For us facing repression ispart of our rebellion and our struggle and we know thatcompromise or acceptance (albeit temporary or circum-stantial) of mediation or political pragmatism neutralizes

the subversive charge of our ideas and practices. Thisis not this an attitude of sacrifice or martyrdom, but asearch for coherence between ideas and action, which noone will ever be able to make us renounce.

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As some Uruguayan comrades facing re-pression said in a text recently, the defend-ers of order are always in search of themselves.Where there is subversive tension, affinity, solidarity,individuality, they seek structured organizations, hier-archies, leaders and political strategies. Where there issabotage and refusal, revolutionary violence and angry

uprisings, self-organization and individual initiative,they talk about terrorism, threats to be contained andconspiracy, whereas in truth it is they who are terror-izing the exploited and oppressed, they are the ones thatthreaten people every day to force them to stay in theranks, they are the ones who sacrifice so many lives onthe altar of profit and power.

Basically, they are unable to understand anythingabout anti-authoritarian ideas because to understandsomeones thoughts and desires, you must at least havetouched, perceived or imagined them yourself. As theirhorizon is only that of power, law and authority, theywill nearly always be blind in the area of anarchy andsubversion. In the face of the refusal of comrades to col-laborate in their repressive work in any way whatsoever,their attitude of contempt for those who protect the es-tablished order, the guard dogs are indeed well alone intheir repressive universe. This certainly does not pre-vent them from striking, but they will have to tread care-fully in hostile areas where no one will attempt to com-

municate with them, while the dialogue will be openedwith the revolts and potential accomplices in the battleagainst all authority.

We will abandon nothing

If the blows of the repression can also bring their shareof discouragement or concern, we would rather worktowards an affirmation of our ideas and practices. Weare there and will not let go of anything. If we are re-maining silent towards power, on the contrary we aresending a few words of encouragement and solidarityto all comrades and rebels. Lets stay on the course ofconflict, lets persist in our choice of revolt and attack,lets continue to tear away the mask of the illusion ofsocial peace. If power intends to turn everything into asocial cemetery, we will continue to burn alienated andauthoritarian relationships in the shadows, to get intoxi-

cated in disrupting the monotony that power would liketo impose, to spread the virus of revolt and the will tolive in this mortifying world.

Between collapsing before power, succumbing to socialcannibalism or fighting headlong for that which inflamesour hearts, there can be no doubt about the paths we willcontinue to travel.

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TAMARODANDTHECALLFORJUNE30

LSM - September 2013 - Egypt

Its been more than two years now that millions of peo-ple went down to the streets opposing the former top-pled president Mubarak, it was a scene that shockedthe whole society because it was a spontaneous, anti-political movement. This enormous wave struck the oldrotten political elite. For once the people felt they hadthe power to achieve something, contrasting the reform-ist demands that had been repeated for ages by the eliteand liberals, even by the islamists.

People broke the endless circle of opposing the systemfrom within the system, a system that could never be

fixed since its main pillar was corruption -like all sys-tems around the world- (here we are talking about thecorruption created by capitalists, the corruption basedupon the exploitation of the masses, on the impoverish-ment of the population for the sake of enslaving them,controlling their lives), and went out to shout threewords no more- bread, freedom, social justice. Itdidnt take so long for the SCAF to show up with theirdemocratic plan aimed at ending up the peoples up-rising, the sarcastic plan which started with the con-stitutional referendum and ended up with Morsi the socalled revolutionary president.

Since the first moment they were ruling over Egypt, theSCAF worked as hard as they could with the aim ofconcluding the most radical youth into their project ofdemocracy consisting of a set of procedures one has

to follow when demanding change, in a civilized way,a set starting with youth political parties and endingup with them on TV screens. And so they did, but notwithout paying the price attached to it: full loyalty to thecurrent system, opposing it in the way they teach you,acting as ifyou want to change it without ever doubtingits existence.

But they made a mistake and what was a successful planended up badly in the parliamentary elections. The sys-tem they wanted to preserve by changing its face is nolonger trusted by the people, the masses had learned its

lesson and at least this time they understood that no oneis to be trusted, except for the streets and their power asorganized conscious masses.

And so in the middle and at the end of 2011 they re-occupied what they had left, workers rose up with oneof the biggest strike waves that hit the nation since dec-ades, demanding what the state media called factionaldemands. The military administration was unable toliquidate the revolutionary spirit and turn it into a politi-cal action that ensures the system to maintain its rulesin a more acceptable way than in the past, and the presi-dential elections witnessed less participatio