artigo de marjo de theije e cecília mariz - 2008

8/9/2019 Artigo de Marjo de Theije e Ceclia Mariz - 2008

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Localizing and Globalizing Processes in Brazilian Catholicism:

Comparing Inculturation in Liberationist and Charismatic Catholic

Cultures*

Theije, Marjo de.Mariz, Ceclia Loreto.

Latin American Research Review, Volume 43, Number 1, 2008,

pp. 33-54 (Article)

Published by University of Texas Press

DOI: 10.1353/lar.2008.0007

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L O C A L I Z I N G A N D G L OBA L I Z I N G

P RO C E S S E S I N B R A Z I L I A N C AT H O L IC I S M

Comparing Inculturation in Liberationist and CharismaticCatholic Cultures*

Marjo de TheijeVrije Universiteit Amsterdam

Ceclia L. MarizUniversidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro

Abstract: The authors discuss the various ways in which liberationist Catholicismand the Catholic charismatic movement in Brazil take positions in the overall global-izing and homogenizing cultural orces in universal Catholicism and wider society.They argue that in their discourses and practices, these two contemporary Catholicmovements reer to notions o both local and global and identiy with specifc partso global Catholicism by conronting processes o syncretism, acculturation, and

inculturation. Through an analysis o the meaning o tradition and roots, the use omusic, and the practice o pilgrimage, the authors show how both movements man-age the construction o distinctive religious cultures and orms o inculturation inthe context o tension between the local and the global.

INTRODUCTION

One o the most signifcant changes brought about by Vatican IInamely,the celebration o Mass in the vernacularreected the resolution o theCatholic Church to accept cultural dierences and local singularities. In a

period in which the world seemed to be achieving uniormity o culturesand societies as a result o intensifed communication and increased eco-nomic connections, the Catholic Churchwhich or centuries promotedcultural homogenization through the use o its own language (Latin) inprayer and liturgy, its standardized rituals, and the provision o a uni-orm religious education worldwidechanged its policy and initiated the

* This article results rom the research project The Journey o Praise, which concen-

trates on day-to-day dynamics in the Brazilian Catholic feld. The research was conductedin various locations in Rio de Janeiro and Pernambuco. We thank CNPq and VU UniversityAmsterdam or fnancial support. Our thanks also go to many colleagues and the threeanonymous reviewers o this journal or their useul comments on a previous drat o thisarticle.

Latin American Research Review, Vol. 43, No. 1. 2008 by the Latin American Studies Association.


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34 Latin American Research Review

process o aggiornamento. This meant, or example, the pursuit o dia-logue with other cultures and respect or cultural diversity and localorms o expression, at least at the level o discourse. The Vatican II shit

clearly illustrates what sociological theories on the globalization processcalled its double dimension (Bauman 1999; Robertson 1993). Globalizingprocesses reinorce local distinctiveness and, at the same time, homog-enize social lie.

In this article, we analyze the discourses and liturgical practices o twoCatholic movements in Brazil that claim to have originated rom Vatican II.We compare how these two movements interpreted the Catholic Churchsaggiornamento campaign and its intention to be open to local cultures,which Catholic theologians have called inculturation. We also analyze

the Catholicism that is inspired by liberation theology (which we reer toas liberationist Catholicism or catolicismo da libertao [CL])1 and the Cath-olic charismatic renewal movement (movimento de renovao carismticacatlico [MRCC]), because both are important movements in contemporaryBrazilian Catholicism, although in many respects they are poles apart andare dissimilar with respect to their position and current strength in boththe church and society.

In the past decade, the visibility o the MRCC has grown a lot com-pared to CL, but it is difcult to establish concrete numbers o Catholics

who identiy with each movement. Our estimate is that about one-fth oBrazilian Catholics can be categorized as sympathetic to CL and an equalnumber as involved in the MRCC.2 Looking at the two Catholic move-ments at the level o discourses and daily practice is interesting, becausethe question o aggiornamento and inculturation blends so well into thediscussions about the interrelationships between the local and the globalexpressed in religious terms. Our ocus in this article is on daily prac-tices; we do not intend to analyze the discourses o theologians. We di-

1. In Brazil, the Catholicism that draws on liberation theology is oten calledprogressiveCatholicism, a term we fnd unft or the current analysis because o its strong (and limited)political connotation. We use the term liberationist Catholicism, reerring to the ideologi-cal rooting o this Catholicism in liberation theology, also beyond its political reading (deTheije 2002).

2. Research carried out by the Centro de Estatstica Religiosa e Investigaces Sociais(CERIS) in six state capitals shows the importance o the movements: 18.2 percent o theCatholics identifed with the MRCC and 19.3 percent with a orm o community-orientedCatholicism. It is important to remember that these are not exclusive categories. The CLmovement has no membership system or specifc activities that could be defned as exclu-

sively liberationist. The CERIS research distinguishes a category o Catholics who identiywith the social dimension o Catholicism and uses participation in community centers andother community activities as criteria (Fernandes 2002, 109110). Nevertheless, we observethat part o those identifed with MRCC also participate in these community activities. Thecensus o 2000 revealed the relative decline o Catholicism in Brazil; however, 73.77 percento the population (125 million people) still identifed themselves as Catholic.


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LOCALIZINGANDGLOBALIZINGINBRAZILIANCATHOLICISM 35

erentiate three genres o discourses: those o theologians and intellectualmembers o the clergy; those o the pastoral agents or militant leaders,who are the main actors who reashion ideology and theology into liturgy

and religious practices;3 and those elaborated by the ollowers or ordinarymembers o each movement, who are the targets o the campaign. Here,we concentrate on the discourse elaborated by the pastoral agents as itcan be ound in booklets, songs, preaching, and prayers, and on the prac-tices o the laity. The analysis o the production o the intricacies that areinvolved in the use o the notions o global and local in the discourse andpractice o two dierent movements oers new insights into the processo the production o religious signifcation and understanding in the con-text o ever-more-complex globalizing and localizing orces.

Many authors have tried to identiy the consequences o globalizationor Brazilian belie systems (Ortiz 2001; Velho 1997). However, most othese works discuss globalization at a high level o generalization. Ouraim is not to repeat these debates, but to show how activist religiousleaders and lay church members ormulate notions o and reerences tothe global and the local in religious practices and discourses, and howthese reerences set standards or the way in which religious institutionsand groups unction in contemporary Brazil (see Peterson, Vsquez, andWilliams 2001; Vsquez and Marquardt 2003). The central questions o this

article emerged during our feldwork research in Pernambuco and Rio de Janeiro states, where we studied the relationships between CL and theMRCC in several local contexts. The very dierent reerences each makesto local and to global culture motivated us to analyze the way in whichthe Brazilian CL and the MRCC position themselves in and cope with thetensions between local and global in their local, regional, and nationalpractices and ideologies. We are especially concerned with the attitudesthat are discernible in the religious material and discourses produced ineach movement with respect to notions o the local or the global.

In the frst part o this article, we expand on the historical context inwhich, or centuries, Catholic Church leaders have promoted standarddiscourses and practices, and have thereore aced the need to respond tothe local and the global. We also introduce some o the main concepts thatrecur in the debate, such as acculturation, syncretism, and inculturation,each o which reers to the same phenomenon but has its own distinctconnotations. We then present a brie description o the two movementsunder study and their attitudes toward processes o acculturation, syncre-tism, and inculturation.

We subsequently discuss the way in which CL and the MRCC con-ceptualize and deal with their ollowers traditions and roots, in order to

3. This group includes the actors whom some authors call basistas (De Theije 2002; Leh-mann 1990, 1996).


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illustrate the goals and aspirations o the two groups. In the remainder othe article, we analyze the discourses o the two movements with respectto expressions o localizing and globalizing reerences, as these are to be

ound in the texts and music styles, and in the ritual practice o pilgrim-age. Our analysis shows that CL and the MRCC have quite dierent wayso coping with the overall globalizing and homogenizing orces in uni-versal Catholicism and with the tension this creates between the local andthe global, both in their discourse and in their practices. Our observationssuggest important contradictions between the expressed ideologies andthe actual practices.

It should be stressed that we have not set out to reiy or essentializethe concepts o local and global. In our interpretation, something can be

local or global depending on the context in which it is placed and thesocial experiences it reers to or o which it speaks. Elements that are re-garded as local or global interact and can be redefned in the process.Thus, the globalization process attributed new signifcations and valuesto local cultures. Local experiences and symbols acquire new dimensionsand lose importance in this process, or they become revalorized in thesearch or the roots o cultural identities and practices. This revalorizationleads to a redefnition o what local culture and tradition is. Although thisredefnition and constant re-creation are processes inherent to any tradi-

tion or culture, globalization has intensifed them. And because this hastaken place in a relatively short period, the tensions and contestations inthis process o cultural production became more visible and perceptible.Thereore, we call attention to the dynamic character o local and globalcharacterization, which, as distinct sides o the same coin, are part o aunique reashioning process.

TRANSLOCALCATHOLICISM: UNIVERSALBELIEF, SYNCRETISM,

ACCULTURATION, ANDINCULTURATION

As Robertson (1993) has shown, all world religions have promoted akind o globalization. Catholicism, like Christianity in general, has beenpart o a translocal project ever since it started to disseminate the messageo a universal ethics. The specifcity o Catholicism, though, is its empha-sis on a unique church and a unique authority: the pope. With its hierar-chical structure and centralized leadership, Catholicism is a primary ex-ample o purposeul transnational religious development (Levitt 2001, 2).Thereore, Catholicism has had to deal with the tension between its ideol-

ogy o universality and its own culture, or that o its agents who are work-ing to spread the universal ideology and moral principles. Catholicismhas continually needed to adapt to local cultures, and the tension betweenthe Catholic universals and the practices and experiences rooted in par-ticular cultural contexts has always been present.


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The Catholic Church has used several policies to respond to the prob-lems posed by its universal claims. Dierent orms o syncretism and ac-culturation that have occurred and are occurring, albeit to dierent de-

grees, are responses to these questions. Syncretism, the word usually usedto label the combination o elements taken rom various religious sources,was one result o the encounter o cultures (Droogers and Greenfeld2001). Oten these syncretisms were incorporated into the ofcial tradi-tion without actually being perceived. But in the theological and religiousdiscourses, syncretism was considered a negative process, to be rejectedas doctrinal or liturgical distortion (Teixeira 2001). Thereore, syncretismhas been viewed not as a simple cultural adaptation or translation, butas a contamination and mixture with alien creeds that change the con-

tent o the religious message. In contrast to syncretism, acculturation wasnot always considered harmul to Catholicism. In the discourse o churchauthorities, acculturation entails a dialogue with existing local tradition,which, although it needs to be controlled, may lead to some adjustments tothe universal liturgical customs. This acceptance o local tradition, how-ever, has its limits because the need or a common language contradictsthe wish to bring about acculturation. In addition, the ethical principles oreligion are universal and cannot be localized.

In Brazil, as in other parts o the world, Catholicism adopts localized

appearances. The representatives o the ofcial church use the expressioncatolicismopopular (popular Catholicism) or religiosidade popular (popularreligion) to describe the result o the translation o universal Catholicisminto local culture. The relationship between Roman Catholicism and thepopular has always been tense (Brando 1980). As Ortiz (2001, 62) putsit, the dispute between the lettered religion and popular religiosity isa constant in the history o all universal belies. The agreement on aunique, ofcial, universal version, defned and deended by the intellec-tuals o the religion, has always been an ideal rather than reality. A sig-

nifcant part o the history o the Brazilian Catholic Church has been thequest to convert popular religious practices and belies into the ofcialversion o the times through periodic campaigns (De Theije 2002, 2004).4Each campaign has embraced dierent attitudes toward the question osyncretism and acculturation. The process o Romanization, in the frstdecades o the twentieth century, and the campaign ostered by libera-tion theology, in the 1970s and 1980s, are the clearest examples o suchcampaigns.

4. Campaigns are organized endeavors to change the prevailing religious order. Theyare usually carried out by clergy or intellectuals who introduce specifc interpretations andexpressions, oten in accordance with the ideas and policies o the national and universalchurch. We draw on the work o Ortner (1989a, 1989b), who used this concept to analyzecultural politics in the realm o religion.


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The Romanization campaign aimed at restoring and centralizing cleri-cal authority, and in the process, expressions o syncretic religion andpopular orms o Catholicism were to be reormed or eradicated (De Groot

1996; Oliveira 1985). This policy started changing in some aspects aterVatican II, when the plurality o Catholicism became acknowledged andregional expressions gained a place in liturgy and rituals. To say Massin the vernacular can be interpreted as an adaptation to the local. Nev-ertheless, this recognition o diversity was accompanied by a process ohomogenization caused by the liturgical and theological renewals thatwere also endorsed by the centralized authority o Rome (Hervieu-Lger1997, 105). At the local level, these opposing policies oten caused conictsbetween dierent Catholic groups or between the clergy and the people

(De Theije 1990, 2006).The CL campaign was initially characterized by a tolerant discourse to-

ward local expressions o the Catholic aith, which eventually developedinto the inculturation discourse.5 Not only the social and political situa-tion o the aithul but also their culture became a central component o,and source or, religious meaning making. The poor Catholics o Brazilbecame the target and the inspiration or pastoral practice and policy. Aspart o this ocus on the underprivileged, CL also attempted to appreciatethe religion o the people (Lehmann 1996). The local is no longer merely

the deviant, to be controlled or expelled. Instead, inculturation became animportant topic in theological and pastoral practice. The intellectuals othe CL campaign used the term inculturation to mean the integration intothe Catholic ritual o indigenous religious rituals, symbols, and objects(Miranda 2000). Inculturation is the process that gives expression to a reli-gion that is specifc to a certain community, and it oten entails a reorma-tion o the religion itsel (Lehmann 1998, 612).6 It thus reers to a consciousprocess o religious re-creation in which, ideally, none o the composingelements dominates the others. As we understand it, the dierence be-

tween acculturation and inculturation lies in the ideological underpin-ning o the process. While the frst might go unnoticed as a side eect odisseminating the Catholic aith, the second is a deliberate campaign oreligious change, the main goal o which is to integrate indigenous andCatholic religious practices and belies. It is an ideologically desired ormo acculturation.

In the subsequent decades, Brazilian Catholicism was aected by anew campaign o religious change, in which the emphasis shited towardorms o Catholicism that had a predilection or the development o a per-

5. For a detailed analysis o this shit, see Lehmann (1996, 67). For a history o the neolo-gism inculturation, see Teixeira (2001).

6. In Latin America, the discussions about inculturation address the indigenous religiouspractices more than those o Aro-Americans or other groups (Brando 2002; Norget 1997).


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sonal relationship with God. From the 1980s onward, charismatic Catholi-cism began to occupy a place in the Brazilian religious landscape as parto a worldwide growth o charismatic Christianity (Introvigne 2004). The

frst studies on the MRCC in Brazil associated the movement with the con-servative reaction o the church to CL. Perceived as socially alienated andapolitical, the charismatic Catholics were described as being allied to thehierarchys proposal to demobilize CL (Oliveira 1978; Comblin 1983; DellaCava 1990, 1992). The content and orm o the religious meanings o theMRCC are generally described as individualistic, emotional, and therapeu-tic, and they are classifed as a orm o Catholic Pentecostalism (Machado1996; Mariz and Machado 1994; Prandi 1997). The similarities betweenPentecostalism and the MRCC led to the suggestion that the growth o

the MRCC would help the Catholic Church to withstand the competitionrom growing Pentecostalism in Brazil. Scholars no longer agree that thecontrasts with other Catholic groups are as strong as is reported in earlierresearch (Bo 2000; Mariz and Machado 2000; Souza 2000). Although thetwo kinds o Catholicism are dierent (and in some respects, even oppos-ing) ways o interpreting and experiencing Catholicism, in local practicesome groups and individuals adhere to both. In some areas, such as theDiocese o Garanhuns (Pernambuco), members o the MRCC participatein the rather liberationist-oriented pastoral work o the diocese and share

with the latter their concern or social justice. Double membership is noexception here (De Theije 1999, 2002). In other places, however, the twoorms o Catholicism seem to clash (Prandi and Souza 1996).

In just two decades, the MRCC has developed into a major phenomenonin Brazilian religiosity. In contrast to CL, the MRCC is not tolerant o lo-cal or indigenous orms o religion. Although MRCC ollowers oten makereerences to Aro-Brazilian religions and to Kardecist spiritismwhich isvery popular in Brazil, especially in its Aro-spiritist blended versiontheydo so in a negative way, repudiating these popular religions. Thus, in the

past three decades, several religious refgurations have taken place. WhileCL emphasizes the link between religious belies and local and nationalsocial structures, the MRCC stresses the sacraments and a personaland,notably, nonlocalizedbond with God. In the frst years o the twenty-frstcentury, both types o Catholicism exist in Brazil, each coping in its ownmanner with localizing and globalizing tendencies in Catholicism.

Globalization and Religious Campaigns

As a result o technological innovations that intensiy the historicaltendency toward globalization, the tension between the local/popularand the universal/intellectual/global has acquired new orms and mean-ings, and it surpasses the borders o the religions o universal ethics. Forcertain groups o Catholics, the globalization o culture, the crisis o na-


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tional identities, and the reappraisal o local and ethnic identities, amongother processes, brought into question the universality o some o theirpractices and belies that have traditionally been seen as global. In Brazil,

Catholic campaigns no longer propose a simple homogenization o reli-gion, as those o previous times did. The ollowing is an analysis o theprocesses that gave rise to the ormation o the campaigns o CL and theMRCC. It contextualizes the policies and cultural resources they use.

CL is the ruit o liberation theology, which in turn is the product o anintellectual reection, although it was sometimes suggested to be a creedthat sprang rom the poor. Elaborated by Latin American theologians, thetheology addressed the liberation o oppressed people in peripheral coun-tries. The CL movement can be seen as the result o a cognitive bargain

between theologians and pastoral workers whose background in the so-cial sciences was an important inspiration or the theology and pastoralpolicy they developed.7 Marxism, the dominant orientation in the socialsciences in the 1960s and 1970s, was particularly inspiring or liberationtheology (Lwy 1996; Mariz 1993, 1994; Lehmann 1990). The discoursewas built upon the social reality o Latin America, emphasizing thebattle against poverty and the economic and political dependency o thecontinent, while criticizing modernity as something arising rom the richor coming rom abroad (Mariz 1993; Lehmann 1996). For CL, the relation-

ship between local and global culture is a theme or explicit debate andreection. Both CL and liberation theologythe theology that inspiredit to a great extentare involved in a battle against any type o domina-tion o peoples in general. As such, this Catholicism attempts to overcomethe cultural oppression that results rom the invasion o local culture byglobal culture. To emphasize the place o the believers and their problems,CL always makes reerences to the social and economic problems o LatinAmerica and Brazil. The whole idea o option or the poor entails a lo-calization o the religious interpretations.

The text o the Tenth Interecclesial Meeting (held at Ilhus, Bahia, in2000) illustrates this position. Inculturation was a central theme o themeeting. In the text, global culture is denounced or being located inspecifc social and local contexts, as well as or deending the interestso some and oppressing others. Global mercantilism and the occidentalway o lie are criticized because they lead to the destruction o local cul-tures (Secretariado 2000). In some discourses, the local is interpreted asthe excluded, the threatened with extinction, which must be deended

7. This concept reers, in a broad sense and on a highly abstract level, to cognitive as-sumption exchanges between people who have held dierent worldviews. It can be inter-preted as a kind o syncretism. Cognitive bargain does not assume that this exchange isnecessarily related (although it could be) to any process o economic or political domination(Berger and Luckmann 1966).


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because it is the root o the dominated and explored peoples identitiesin the process o capitalist expansion. In this respect, CL resembles theinternational antiglobalization movement. Despite the criticism o global-

ization and global culture in its discourse, CL (like most antiglobalizationmovements) depends on and is part o a global network, and has beenhighly aected by the international context.8 Thus, CL not only was verymuch inuenced by global events, such as the crisis o socialism and theall o the Berlin Wall, but also oers (again like other antiglobalizationmovements) an alternative model o what a global society should be.

This view o globalization also gives a new status to popular religion asthe expression o local cultures. In northeastern Brazil, some o the writ-ten material produced by liberationist Catholics is in the orm o the tra-

ditional literatura de cordel (literally string literaturethe booklets arehung rom a string in the places where they are sold); much o this litera-ture is locally produced and concerns such popular themes as love, localhistory, and religious stories. Local popular music is incorporated into theliturgy, and Catholic rituals are adapted to local liestyles, or example byusing local oodstus as oerings or organizing a via crucis through theneighborhood (De Theije 2002).9 In Bahia and elsewhere, CL has intro-duced the Missa Aro (Arican mass) in an attempt to relate to the blackmovement by introducing elements rom the Aro-Brazilian religions into

the Catholic mass (Sanchis 2001; Burdick 1998).The MRCC is dierent rom CL in its attitude toward local cultures. In

part, this may be due to its roots. The MRCC arose among the laityNorthAmerican laypeople who wanted to undergo the experience o the HolySpirit in the same way the Pentecostals did. Thus, the MRCC emergedrom mystical experiences and rom a cognitive bargain with Pentecostal-ism in North Americas pluralistic society. In Brazil, the MRCC has avoideddiscussing the tension between the universal and the local values, and itpresents itsel as a universal or global discourse. For the MRCC, debates

on acculturation seem to be an absolute nonissue: the theme is absentrom the movements publications, inculturation is neither discussed norreected upon, and there is no discussion about ethnic identity or culture.The movement reers to universal aith rather than a localized, Brazil-ian, or Latin American Catholicism. It regards universal Catholicism, aswell as humanity in general, as the community o all individuals, withoutmentioning any peoples specifcally. Thus, contrary to CLs reafrmation

8. Liberationist theologians and Catholics have been active participants in the various

meetings o the World Social Forum held in Porto Alegre in Brazil and elsewhere.9. In this turn to the authenticity o the popular religiosity, CL gave signifcance to some

elements but not to all. Several authors have shown that the CL discourse also took awaya large part o the enchantment o popular Catholicism. For a systematic analysis o thispoint, which is oten utilized as an explanation or the ailure o CL to achieve overall suc-cess in Brazil, see Mariz (1993).


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o Latin American roots, the MRCC emphasizes its Catholic roots, whichare universal, rom and or all places. The charismatic discourse ocuseson individual spiritual need and suerings rather than on the commu-

nity experiences. By addressing a universal individual, the MRCC tendsto promote a global culture.10 Despite this, research in one northeasternparish has shown that local MRCC prayer groups can develop a localizedversion o the general system o belies and practices. In this particularparish, CL is well developed, and the charismatic groups incorporate parto its discourse and practice. The paradoxical outcome o this blendingwas that a group o charismatic youngsters sided with the liberationistbasistas during the election campaigns in the early 1990s and ormed aanatic let-wing militancy (De Theije 2002).

This brie discussion reveals paradoxes in the reashioning o the origi-nal roots o the movements into localized religious practices. First, thedierent origins mark each movement in a contradictory way. The MRCCarose rom a religious practice with geographical and specifc culturalcharacteristics but proposes a universal religion. In contrast, CLwhicharose rom a reection on the poverty in Latin America in the cognitivebargain between religion and transnational social sciencesproposes in-culturation. In this case, the deense o local cultures was the ruit o auniversalistic way o thinking, o a rationalist and theoretical theological

and sociological reection. Second, both movements can be considereda orm o syncretism, even i their participants would not readily admitthis. Although CL is the ruit o a reexive and intellectual endeavor, andthe MRCC o a ritual and mystical experience, both movements have re-defned Catholic religious lie as a whole. In this process, the intellectualroots o CL also gave rise to new mystical and ritual orms o religiousexperience, and the experience o the gits o the Holy Spirit in the MRCCalso brought about theological and intellectual reections. Both wereormed through creative redefnition, living the religion, and exchange

and usion with other worldviews.The two types o Catholicism deal with the tensions between the lo-

cal and the universal in quite dierent ways. The local and the globalbecome ideological reerences in the positioning o the movements and inthe identity they construct and perorm. The connecting point here is theallusion in the religious discourses to questions o origin and tradition.In the ollowing sections, we look at how these dierent constructions oorigins and worldviews are reected and reworked in the practice anddiscourse o the two movements. We start by analyzing the tradition that

is evoked and revived in the two movements.

10. As Robertson (1993) argues, the globalization process reinorces the idea o individualautonomy.


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Discourses on Tradition and Roots

Universal religions engender global identities. How do the MRCC and

CL respond to the input rom and the constraints imposed by the glo-balizing world and their translocal religious connections? Vertovec (2000,26) considers the growing awareness o global religious identities as oneeature o global religious change. In Catholicism, the expression MotherChurch illustrates the importance o the identifcation with Rome andthe amily o Catholics on all continents. Although this image is not newin Catholicism, people may have become more aware o it as a result othe prolieration o print and electronic media, and the three visits (1980,1991, 1997) by Pope John Paul II to Brazil. Both CL and the MRCC identiy

with the universal church o Rome, albeit with a dierent intensity andin dierent ways. Both movements also allude to a tradition, in the senseo memory and identity, that exemplifes the connection with the worldcommunity o Catholics. However, in this process o religious identifca-tion, the two movements allude to dierent traditions. The dierence isrelated to the act that each seems to have a dierent purpose in reerringto Catholic identities. Also, the degree o reection about what the tradi-tion should be and the role o the movement in the elaboration o it diers.While the texts produced by the intellectuals and leaders o CL elaborate

arguments on the need to fnd roots and the plurality within one religion,the texts o the MRCC emphasize the universality o creed.The MRCC seems to assume a unique tradition or memorythe Catho-

lic tradition that needs only to be revived or renovated in order to gainsupremacy. Membership in the universal Catholic Church is valued as animportant and positive element o charismatic Catholicism. As a result,it is the Catholic identity as such that the movement tries to inuence,an identity that is conceptualized and treated as a homogenous one andthe only genuine Catholic identity. The MRCC emphasizes those symbols

that dierentiate Catholicism rom other religions and rom secular so-ciety. The charismatic priest uses the cassock or other signs that identiyhim as a Catholic clergyman (Mariz 1998). The MRCC also reelaboratestypical Catholic practices and rituals, such as the rosary, the veneration oOur Lady, and the adoration o the Most Holy Sacrament. Especially theveneration o Our Lady is a vital and distinctive element o this Catholi-cism, which is also signifcant as a diacritic element in relation to Protes-tant Pentecostalism (Machado 1996). In addition, members o charismaticgroups are very attracted to sites in Brazil or abroad where recent appari-

tions o the Virgin Mary have been reported.There was a practical reason behind this emphasis on Catholic roots inthe Brazilian situation. In its frst decade, the MRCC encountered strongopposition rom the Brazilian churchs hierarchy and, as a consequence,ound it difcult to expand among the laity. Acceptance as a legitimate


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movement among bishops and clergy, as well as adherence by ordinaryCatholics, in a context where liberationist thought and liturgical practicewas dominating, was sought through the explicit and repeated reerence

to the importance o obedience to the church hierarchy. In the instructionsor the music ministry, it is stated, We must also seek catholicity. . . . Wemust pursue obedience to our Church that hierarchically is represented byour priests and bishops. Be obedient. Obedience is the ruit o love (Na-scimento 1998, 14). Charismatic Catholics in local prayer meetings stresstheir deerence to clergy repeatedly and in many orms; or example, whenthey say I am at the side o the pope to express their opinion on contro-versial topics such as party politics or birth control (De Theije 2002).

The Catholic roots are sought also in specifcs o Catholicism, its sym-

bols, and the practices that mark the dierences rom other religions. TheCatholic distinctiveness has to conront the secular cultural standardiza-tion. Members o the MRCC sport bumper stickers or wear T-shirts de-claring, Proud to be Catholic. Mary goes frst is another slogan thatunderscores the Catholicity o the movement (Nascimento 2001). TheCatholicism o the MRCC is also used to conront the identity o otherreligious groups. In Brazil, MRCC members seem to be more concerned(and are certainly more concerned than are those linked to CL) with thegrowth o evangelical churches in the country than are most Catholics.

They interpret the growing visibility o these churches in Brazilian soci-ety as a threat to their Catholic belies and identity. A signifcant exampleo the importance o the Catholic identity is provided by the song Aren-gao (Declamation), which starts with the line I am Catholic, apostolic,Roman and continues, I am Catholic, apostolic, Roman. I wont leave myaith or another aith (Associao 2001).

This positive attitude toward the universal claims o the CatholicChurch stands in sharp contrast to the outlook o CL, where the authorityand legitimation o the church o Rome is contested and even seems to

be pictured as a symbol o the domination o the West over the South oro the injustice o capitalism as a world system. In the case o CL, promi-nence is given to the intention to revive the tradition and culture o theaithul, stressing Christianity rather than Catholicism. This is stated inthe ollowing citation rom the text o the Tenth Interecclesial Meeting(Secretariado 2000, 30):

Jesus was aithul to the tradition and culture o his people, which is why hismessage is so universal! Because in the most proound and aithul source o any

race, culture or religion, there is human lie, there is the common ground o allpeoples, where God speaks to us.

The central theme o the text or this meeting is the acculturation o aith.The authors deend a versatile Christian religion because they want toprotect the cultures o all peoples, accepting that culture, liestyle, and re-


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ligion always mix. The esteem or cultural diversity is expressed in manyphrases: Since its origin, Christianity has been born in various and diver-sifed orms. Variety shows the beauty o Gods ace (Secretariado 2000,

38). Such phrases reveal clearly the positive attitude in relation to culturaldiversity as well as the abandonment o the project o universal standard-ization o religious experience. A little urther on in the same text, theauthors adhere to history and use the cultural dierences in the RomanEmpire to state:

Because o these dierences in living conditions, it was impossible or all com-munities to have the same ace. It was like today. In the north-east, the ways thepeople celebrate the word o God are dierent rom those in the south. The deco-rations in a chapel in inland Minas [Gerais] are dierent rom those in the cathe-

dral o Brasilia. A mass in Aro-Brazilian rites is dierent rom a mass sung inGregorian. (Secretariado 2000, 3839)

What is emphasized here is the need to recognize the dierent styles andtastes o each people within the same religious universe. However, the di-versity is explained by the geographical localization o each culture or bythe ethnic background (as is the case with the Aro-Brazilian cultures).

In contrast, the texts and songs o the MRCC contain very ew reer-ences to Brazilian or Latin American identity or to ethnicity in general.Moreover, where there is such a reerence, it has a connotation quite di-

erent rom the above-described liberationist one. O the 1,308 songs inthe 2001 edition o the much-used book o songs Louvemos o Senhor (Praisethe Lord), there are only three geographical reerencestwo to Brazil andone to Latin America. The songs are Families o Brazil, Brown Mothero the Heaven, and Our Lady o Brazil. The Brown Mother reers toOur Lady o Guadalupe (Mexicos patron saint) and contains reerencesto Latin American devotion: Dark Skinned Mother o Heaven, Lady oLatin America / With a look and charity so divine, and the same color asmany races. These texts show that there is not absolute indierence to

the notion o regional or national identity, or to ethnic identity. Neverthe-less, questions o identity are drawn on to enorce a Catholic identity. Sureenough, dierence is recognized, but the aim is to reafrm unity. Usinga notion o national identity based on geographical markers, the Catho-lic identity is nourished, rather than vice versa. As with the devotion oBrazilians to Our Lady Aparecida, the devotion o Latin Americans tothe Virgin o Guadalupe is emphasized to demonstrate the equality o allbelievers within one Catholic aith.

The dierences between CL and the MRCC become evident i one

looks at the attitudes o each movement toward Aro-Brazilian religions.A large number o MRCC ollowers are greatly discomorted by Aro-Brazilian religions; or them, it is unthinkable to integrate Arican ritu-als into a Catholic mass. Like the non-Catholic Pentecostals, many MRCCollowers consider Arican religion demonic (Mariz and Machado 1994).


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From the CL point o view, religious agents should respect the diversity otraditions and recapture the various cultural roots o the aithul. Its proj-ect o inculturation thus signifes the reelaboration o a plurality o local

cultures, including Aro-Brazilian culture (Sanchis 2001; Burdick 1998).However, the integration o local elements is concentrated on the level opolitical conscientization and ritual orms and does not include beliesheld by the people, such as belies in the miraculous power o saints, thepractice o promessas (vows), or the danger o macumba (Aro-Braziliansorcery). Tolerance by the CL o popular and local religious traditionsconceals a basic disbelie in the possibility that spiritual entities may ac-complish eects in real lie (Mariz 1993). Consequently, the inculturationstrategy o CL is a cognitive rupture with the popular culture.

The MRCC in turn can also be said to be reelaborating a tradition, but because it is primarily a Catholic identity, its boundaries are the globerather than a region. However, although the MRCC tries to avoid any dis-cussion on the topic o acculturation or inculturation, the movement doesnot manage to escape the local cultural propensities and ends up accul-turating. The prominence given during local meetings to the presence odemonic evils in adherents lives shows that these also orm part o thereligious beliesalbeit in a negative sense (De Theije 2002). Neverthe-less, MRCC members share with spiritists and other popular religions

many cognitive assumptions about the supernatural world (Mariz 1994).In the discourse o many Catholics (including charismatics), the spirits,the enemy, and the devil are acting beings that can cause illness, poverty,deprivation, and amily problems (Maus 2003). At the beginning o thiscentury, the charismatic clergyman Frei Inocncio exorcized demons andneutralized harmul despachos (ritual oerings in Aro-Brazilian religion)in the central cathedral o Rio de Janeiro, during meetings that were calledsessions o deliverance (libertao). The actual expulsion would takeplace behind closed doors, the riar said, in order to prevent the evil spirit

rom entering the persons attending the session. These examples showthat popular religious belies are integrated in charismatic Catholicism.The MRCC also shares rites and body expressions with other religions,as Maus (2000) shows in his comparison o charismatic healing practicesand those o indigenous groups in the Amazon region. Notwithstandingcommon elements, the MRCC discourse rejects all religious orms that arenot part o Roman Catholicism. This dierence between the two types oCatholicism in contemporary Brazil becomes still more evident when weanalyze the music o the songs o each group.

Local Music, Globalized Tunes and Styles

The campaigns o both CL and the MRCC use music to give expressionto aith. Not only the texts but also the rhythms and melodies o the songs


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they use are very dierent, urther revealing the position o each move-ment in relation to what we have called the tension between the local andthe global. The songs o CL disclose the quest or a oundation in the local

culture by adopting regional rhythms. For example, it is common or reli-gious songs in the Northeast to be based on a orr or baiomusic stylesthat are typical o rural areas in northeastern Brazil (De Theije 2002).

However, preservation and ortifcation are accompanied by changes.In the search or authentication o the liberationist ideology in the localculture, the CL campaign also reelaborates traditions and practices. Thisprocess o reinorcing the local while simultaneously changing it throughthe introduction o new elements that are universal rather than local canbe illustrated by one o the avorite songs in Pernambucan base commu-

nities: I am happy in the community. One verse goes, Community inthe Northeast / Struggle or liberation / To orm a chain / To break theoppression. Here, an explicit geographical reerence is combined with apolitical goal. This politico-religious project has a homogenizing charac-ter, because its goal is to unite the communities under one political ag.Thus, this project o inculturation contains universal and global elementsbecause it reers to values, ideas, and principles that are standardized ando all places.

The music o the MRCC has ar ewer links with the local or regional

traditions, and its songs sound more modern, in the sense o being con-nected to the globalized (or, rather, Americanized) popular mass culture.Many songs have a pop, rock, or other international rhythm. The criterionor choosing a rhythm is not whether it is a local or a global one; it mightbe both, and this is not considered important. What matters is the soundand its capacity to touch the aithul. Because the ollowers tend to haveglobalized ears, the music acquires this characteristic, too. The MRCCsongs are based on rhythms that are popular in the secular world. Thesong Senhor me queima (Lord burn me) sounds like a Bahian ax;

Vira de Jesus is sung to the tune o a Portuguese olk song (the vira), andthere are a Blues do Senhor and a Funk de Jesus. These are all exam-ples o attuning to the dominant styles in wider society. Today we needto put more popular music, a musician o a charismatic band said, toreally jump, sing, dance; that is what moves the churches today (Oliveira1999, 27). This is not to say that all that comes rom outside is incorporated:the MRCC picks and chooses rom the available tunes, and the culturalresources it draws on are global. We might call this popular culture urbanpopular culturea popular culture that diers rom the one admired in

CL ideology.In general, media and modern means o communication played an im-

portant role in the charismatic campaign (Souza 2001; Fernandes 2005; Car-ranza Davila 2000). In the interviews with ollowers o the MRCC, manymentioned that they listened to charismatic programs on the radio every


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every day. Rede Vidathe frst nationwide Catholic network, which hasbeen on the air since 1995broadcasts mainly charismatic programs (Mariz1998, 47). An exclusively charismatic television broadcasting network

TV Sculo 21was established only in 1999, although it had launchedas a production company already in 1981. The use o these mass mediamay promote a relative homogenization o the orm and content o theMRCC. As Levitt (2001, 12) puts it: There has also been a prolieration oemotional and spiritual communities and afnity groups that cross-cutnational traditions and make Catholicism even more portable than it wasbeore.

TRANSLOCALCONNECTIONS: PILGRIMAGE

The study o diaspora religions has drawn attention to another aspecto religious change that is o interest to our argument. The easier ormso contact between dierent localities resulting rom cheap long-distancetravel give religious groups the opportunity to maintain intensive contactwith the important centers o their religion (Cohen 1997, 187). In Catholichistory, pilgrimage has been the ritual used to confrm the contacts be-tween holy places and the community o believers. In contemporary Bra-zil, both CL and the MRCC utilize this tradition, confrming the connec-

tion with the universal church and with larger regional and local centerso sanctity: middle-class Brazilian Catholics make pilgrimages to Romeand Medjugorje, and local base communities in the Northeast organizetrips to Juazeiro do Norte or to smaller places in the region.

The connection with the centers o the religion may largely be an imag-ined one, though this does not necessarily make it meaningless. The caseo Medjugorje exemplifes this. Medjugorje is especially popular amongmiddle-class MRCC pilgrims, although this Bosnian site is not on Romeslist o ofcially recognized sacred places. Pilgrims rom Brazil include it

in their tour through Europe, along with such places as Rome, Lourdes,and Ftima. For the MRCC, the apparitions o Mary are especially impor-tant, which correlates with this movements emphasis on the venerationo Mary. Recent research in Brazil indicates that charismatic Catholics aretaking over Brazilian sites o recent, and sometimes Marian, apparitions(Steil, Mariz, and Reesink 2003). In contrast, it is important to stress that,despite their occurrence in Brazil, in general these alleged apparitionsadopt the discourse and ollow the model o the European apparitions atLourdes, Ftima, and La Salette.

In CL, too, the tradition o pilgrimage has been revived. The religiouscampaign o CL sought to rewrite the Catholic customs into the Braziliancontext rather than emphasize the connection with European places andtimes. In this process, CL pilgrimage became both a localized and a glo-balized practice. Pilgrimage in CL is localized because pilgrims visit local


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and regional sites, oten those close to where they live. A well-known ea-ture is the romaria da terra (land pilgrimage), in which poor and landlesspeasants undertake a religious journey to reect upon their dispossessed

position in society or to draw societys attention to their quest or landon which to live. Here, sites are selected because o their signifcance tothe local communities, and they are given a religious meaning or socialand political reasons rather than divine interventions. At the same time,CL pilgrimage becomes globalized because the ocus o the pilgrimage ismore on the process o getting there than on the place where the journeyends. In the discourse o CL, the more general term caminhada (journey) isa much-used concept. The journey is undertaken by Gods people and theultimate goal is to reach the Promised Land.

With respect to translocal connections, we want to briey mention twoother orms o contact with the world community o Catholics that havean impact on CL and the MRCC. First, many Brazilian priests and nunsare oreign born and maintain intensive contacts with their home coun-tries. It is interesting that most o them identiy themselves as liberation-ists, as part o CL. Thus, the inculturation o Catholicism in Brazil is para-doxically partly promoted by non-Brazilian priests. In contrast, althoughthe MRCC was brought to Brazil by two American missionaries (CarranzaDavila 2000), it now has a predominantly national cadre in the country.

Second, relationships are established by means o virtual travel. Tele-vision and the Internet oer tremendous possibilities or contacts withreligious sites and people worldwide. In a country as big as Brazil, na-tional links are also important. Although CL uses the media to spreadits message, MRCC ollowers are much more active in this realm. One othe most outstanding eatures o the cultural campaign promoting theMRCC is its prominence in the popular media. News about the MRCCand the most popular priest representing the movementFather MarceloRossiis regularly reported in newspapers and magazines, and Father

Rossi has appeared on several very popular Brazilian television shows.The role o this popular priest in the growth o the MRCC can be attrib-uted to the adoption o a secular style o making a show and providingentertainment, which adds a religious content to these orms (Souza 2001;Abreu 2005). Representatives o CL almost never appear on the televisionnews or in the daily papers because o their negative attitude toward theuse o media. CL leaders criticized the American evangelical electronicpreachers (Assman 1986) because they considered television an unsuit-able tool with which to evangelize people or liberate the poor. Della Cava

and Montero (1991) showed that no project to establish a Catholic televi-sion channel could develop during the period that Brazilian Catholicismwas under the leadership o liberationist bishops. They distrust televisionand consider it alienating and unft or transmitting liberationist mes-sages (Mariz 1998, 42). Protagonists o MRCC perceive television in a posi-


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tive way, and the movements emphasis on music, body movement, andemotionrather than on ideas and wordsprovides it with a religiouslanguage that is easily translatable into visual television language.

The Brazilian churchs growing interest and investment in media isnot a peculiarity o the Brazilian church, but part o global developments.Pope John Paul II incited this turn toward the media, and especially to-ward television, when he urged Catholics to search or strategies to evan-gelize via the new means o communication. The more global orientationo the MRCC as compared to that o CL seems to acilitate its perormancein the realm o popular media.

CONCLUSION

Both syncretism and acculturation are concepts that were developed inanthropological theory, while inculturation was elaborated in the contexto universal Catholicism as an answer to the tensions between a universalbelie and local meaning-making. The homogenizing orces o globaliza-tion pose a challenge to the Catholic movements in Brazil that we studied.Through a ocus on processes o inculturation, we have shown that no-tions o the global and the local are subject to reexivity and are beingreworked and reinterpreted, at the level o both institutional religion and

local communities.Beore we turn to our evaluation o the intricacies involved in the use

o the notions global and local and the attitudes related to the strainscaused by the processes o cultural homogenization and localization, hereis one last defnition o inculturation:

The Guidelines o the Evangelization o the Church in Brazil say that inculturationis: the process o penetration o the Gospel in the day-to-day lives o a people, insuch manner that it can express its experience o aith in its own culture. In other

words, it is the way to embody the Gospel in the lie o each people with its lan-guage, its culture, without losing the substance o the message. (CNBB 2001, 44)

This text was taken rom a booklet issued by the Brazilian National Bish-ops Conerence or use in local communities throughout the country. Itexemplifes the policy o the national Catholic Church toward cultural di-versity and respect or local religious traditions. Nevertheless, these gen-eral principles are worked out in quite dierent manners in CL and theMRCC, as we have shown in our analysis. In the production o religioussignifcation, the two movements draw on such dierent resources andprinciples that the outcome o the reinterpretation sets them quite apartin the Brazilian religious feld. The notions o and reerences to the globaland the local religious and secular context in which these religious groupsfnd themselves are pivotal to understanding their attitudes and actionsin contemporary Brazilian Catholicism.


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At an ideological level, the two movements take dierent attitudes to-ward the secular world, and each reers in a singular manner to univer-sal Catholicism. Where CL reers to globalized ideas in its elaboration o

the need to inculturate and to adopt the language o the local people, theMRCC reers to a homogenized universal aith as its unique orientation.The roots o the disparity in the inculturation process lie in each groupsunderstanding o the culture o its ollowers, or their tradition, and themain source o their collective identity. For CL this is a popular culture,the specifc traditional and religious culture o a given geographical re-gion or o one nation or ethnic group. In CL practice this local culture isconounded with the culture o the poorest people; that is, with the non-intellectual popular culture. This was demonstrated in our comparison o

the texts and musical styles o the two Catholic campaigns. We showedthat CL makes an eort to approximate popular culture, taking the au-thentic, mostly rural traditional music and culture as its source. In MRCCpractice, culture is contemporary mass culture, as the movement tries toassociate itsel with universal and international cosmopolitan culture,identifable as urban and modern. While the movement is critical o thecontemporary world and its secular values and customs, it acculturatesthrough musical styles and the use o mass media, thereby strengtheningidentities o youths and proessionals who are part o a globalized and

international world and liestyle.For CL, its rationalized interpretation o the religious message and

positive attitude toward inculturation might be just a cosmetic, superfcialprocess, because the theological essence o CL and its political project im-plicate proound cognitive ruptures in relation to the traditional culturethat it is trying to revive. The tolerance o popular religion conceals a lacko belie in the power o the spiritual entities and the power to accomplisheects in real lie. In contrast, the MRCC may be inculturating more inBrazilian popular Catholicism because the emotional and personalized

style o the MRCC permits certain continuity with elements o popularculture. The charismatic practices that allow laypeople direct contact withthe sacred, and through this contact the possibility o physical and spiri-tual healing, are similar to traditional popular religiosity. In local practice,MRCC appears to take the popular religious local traditions more seri-ously, notwithstanding the universal Roman Catholic discourse to whichit reers. Thus, although the MRCC does not have a policy o inculturation,its adaptability in the local context renders it a more inculturated identityin contemporary Brazilian Catholicism.

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