african art at the art institute of chicago || art of the yoruba

The Art Institute of Chicago

Art of the YorubaAuthor(s): Moyo OkedijiSource: Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies, Vol. 23, No. 2, African Art at The ArtInstitute of Chicago (1997), pp. 164-181+198Published by: The Art Institute of ChicagoStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4104382 .

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Art of the Yoruba

MOYO OKEDI3I Assistant Professor of Art

Wellesley College

hey are renowned for their warmth and

hospitality and call themselves the Kaaro o o jiire? ones because of their customary

greeting ("Good morning, how are you?"). With a history of urbanization that dates back as early as the ninth century, Yoruba-

speaking peoples, popularly known as the

Yoruba, today number about twenty-five million and occupy the southwestern parts of

Nigeria and the southern parts of the Repub- lic of Benin. For centuries the Yoruba region (see map) has been divided into kingdoms, each with its own divine ruler and councils of elders and chiefs, as well as its own interpreta- tion of a shared cultural and artistic heritage. Though the extent of their influence has

changed, many of these kingdoms still exist

today, and Yoruba culture and art flourish. The impact of the Yoruba has also been felt in the Western Hemisphere, especially in Brazil, Cuba, and Haiti, where the descendants of

Yoruba slaves have maintained strong affinities to the beliefs and practices of their ancestors.

Yoruba art ranges from high abstraction to symbolism to realism.' This article exam- ines selected examples of Yoruba masterpieces to understand the aesthetic and cosmological views of the Yoruba people, who regard life as a long and precarious trail, traveling along the brittle surface of the spherical calabash. Ile

aye fele ("Life is delicate"), Yoruba people say; Yoruba art is a metaphor for this journey.2

According to the Yoruba, the pilgrimage of life begins at birth, which implies that even infants are fellow travelers who must carry their own baggage and map their own way

through a perilous course. Life, however, is

not an uncharted voyage, even though every

person must seek his or her own destination. The gods (known as the orisa), the ancestors, and the elders have already made the journey and have produced maps of the terrestrial

geography. Inscribed in the forms of visual

arts, these maps are the guides that the Yoruba

follows from birth to death, when he or she returns home. It is said that the infant at birth

is so baffled and overwhelmed by the epic scale of the journey ahead and the apparent confusion of the terrain, that he or she cries

out in anguish, Mo woru e, mo woru e! ("I am

done for, woe is me!"), assuming that he or she

is alone and helpless. The lamentation ceases

when the child realizes that, while he or she

takes the first tottering steps into an intimidat-

ing wilderness, the mother is present as a nur-

turer, shield, and guide. The infant becomes even more confident upon learning that there

is an elaborate support system, including

extended-family structures, ancestral and

divine interventions, and artistic rituals and

To Look at Yoruba art is to dance, sing, and chant poetry with one's eyes. The mind is treated

to the fullest orchestrations of intense feelings.

Museum Studies 165

ART OF THE YORUBA OKEDI3I

"BTHE YORUBA REGION REPUBLIC

..... OF BENIN

05,,iRiver N I G E I A

.Kisi Old Oyo,

0 *Ife BYO O YAGBA

SABE 0

0~4 r i Ita Orangun Erin0 EKITI

yoO Ede *Efon-Alaiye I3ESA

IBARAPA Ikere IGBIRA KETU OWU)

KetueIbadan *0 IFE

HORI EGBA Owo AKOKO .

EGBADO OWO

IDEBU ONDO

................

paraphernalia that render the road more com-

prehensible and the voyage less threatening. These rituals and paraphernalia serve as

the milestones marking the major episodes along the journey of life. Yoruba people say, Otooto la rin wa, ile aye la pade ("We came

separately and have met in the confluence of this world"). Since they are all pilgrims, they have organized themselves into a society, or a band of fellow travelers, following the foot-

steps and road signs strewn along the way by those who traveled ahead of them. Since this

journey is a metaphysical or psychic migration, the appropriate traffic signs are metaphorical ones, ritually situated and symbolically planted in the landscapes of the travelers' minds. In this

realm, motion is dance, and the sound produced by footsteps is music.

Yoruba art is therefore not only visual, but includes song, poetry, and dance. The very form of the objects establishes verbal and chor-

eographic meaning. To look at Yoruba art is to

dance, sing, and chant poetry with one's eyes. The aesthetic experience is celebrated with

every pore of the body and the mind treated to the fullest orchestrations of intense feelings, expressed in symbols of diaspora or of constant movement. In other words, Yoruba art

manifests, at its best, the fullest possible sense of perpetual emigration.

Because Yoruba art is one of motion, and the Yoruba aesthetic is one of transgressing boundaries, Yoruba artworks also represent the unknown, the future, the yet-to-be-arrived- at. For the Yoruba, the future can be revealed

largely through performances and divination rituals. The act of painting, sculpting, or pot- making is therefore performative. A good example is the way in which sculptors main- tain a percussive rhythm with their tools when

they carve, as if drumming. Similarly, black- smiths sing to the rhythm they generate while

operating the bellows, which is said to be

166 Museum Studies

ART OF THE YORUBA OKEDIJI

chanting, Fina, fina, fina ("Fan the flame, fan the flame, fan the flame"). But it is mainly through rituals of divination that the unknown manifests itself best, for the diviner, known as the babalawo, can reveal the future of each Yoruba pilgrim through his knowledge of the

past. The diviner's ability is predicated on his identification with Eleriipin, the one who wit- nessed the genesis of life.! Since the babalawo knows the beginning of life, he is also able to determine its impending course by using an elaborate array of art forms.

The babalawo claims the center of the Yoruba psychic migration because of his onto-

logical perception (that is, his understanding of the nature of being). The one who knows where the people are coming from is in the best

position to know where they are going. With him lies the key to any understanding of the

logic of the migration and of the forces that facilitate its operation.

At the head of the human world is the

king, known as the Oba, whose actions reserve to him, and him alone, the employment of certain art forms (their use by anyone else is a serious crime). Representations of kings abound in Yoruba art; a fine example is found in the work of Olowe of Ise, whose veranda-post sculpture of a monarch is examined below

(cat. no. 25). Perhaps most exclusive to the ruler is the crown, called ade, a conical head-

gear that distinguishes the sovereign from others. Also discussed below is an example of the ade (cat. no. 26), a splendid work that is intri-

cately detailed with expensive beads of various kinds and colors. Just beneath the king in the social hierarchy is the council of chiefs, com-

posed of members of the Ogboni society. They too use art forms that elaborate their titles and

offices, such as a wrapper in the Art Institute's collection (cat. no. 27).

Representations of Yoruba divinities ele- vate metaphors of change to a more mytho-

graphic level. Four hundred and one divini-

ties, meaning a countless number, populate the Yoruba mind. They include Egungun (cat. no. 3o), Esu (see cat. nos. 26 and 32), and Ibeji (cat. no. 34). In their use of exciting, spectacu- lar, and corpulent forms to represent these

divinities, Yoruba artists reproduce the road

signs encountered by many on their psychic

journey. Riding on the wings of time, the Yoruba cultural system is one of mimicry that

nonetheless allows and provokes artists to

push the limits of political, spiritual, and

ancestral images. Nitori awon to m bo lehin

(for the benefit of those coming behind), these

artists, served by an eloquent aesthetic tradi-

tion, portray the constant flux of Yoruba life

as their people metaphorically travel along the brittle back of a gourd.

FIGURE 1

The beaded crown

of the Orangun-Ila

with its beaded veil that

obscures the face

of the king, or Oba.

The bird on the top

of the crown has the

long, white tail feathers

of the okin, which

is often referred to as

"the royal bird."

Ila-Orangun, Nigeria,

1977. Photo: John

Pemberton III.

Museum Studies 167

25. Veranda Post (Opo Ogoga)

Opomulero moja alekan

Opo roso

Opo gbaja Opo ti o role Ka koju e soorun

The post upholds the building The post ties a wrapper The post sports the oja waist band

The post that fails to uphold the building

Ought to be abandoned in the sun5

This figure of a seated king and his wife was

installed in the palace of the Ogoga of Ikere, a

thriving town in the central region of Yoruba

country.' It is part of a Yoruba wooden sculptural form called the opo, or housepost, one of

the most imposing architectural embellish-

ments devised by Yoruba sculptors. Among the most prominent Yoruba artists who carved

houseposts is Olowe of Ise, who made this

168 Museum Studies

and three other figural posts while residing in Ikere from 90io to 1914.7 Essentially symbolic and prestigious, the carved Yoruba housepost is

usually not load-bearing. A part of palace archi-

tecture, it is rarely found in ordinary houses, which do not include such sculptural embellishments. The Art Institute's veranda post represents the monarch, his spouses, and atten-

dants, one of whom is now missing. It projects the authority, prosperity, and power of royalty. Placed in the center of the composition, the

king is further distinguished by being the only seated and crowned figure. His senior wife stands prominently behind him, her imposing height conveying the powerful role she plays in maintaining his power. Her location behind the king indicates her loyalty to and support for the ruler. Much smaller in scale is a junior spouse, who genuflects at the king's feet,

expressing her submission to his authority. The

remaining attendant holds a flute to his mouth, a symbol of the trickster god Esu (divinity of the crossroads), whose influence can help or hinder. The missing attendant once held a fan, a symbol of royal might.8

This sculpture was installed with others

along the length of the palace veranda. Together they elaborated the theme of royal power, suggesting that the prestige and preeminence of the king come from the people, both male

and female, who surround, inspire, protect, and provide for the monarch. As seen in a

1964 photograph of the palace in Ikere (fig. 2), Olowe of Ise also carved houseposts depict- ing an equestrian general, the eleshin (on the

right), and the powerful older women of the

society, the iyami (on the left). A fourth post, representing an equestrian figure and a kneel-

ing woman, was also made for the veranda, but was no longer present at the time the I964 photograph was taken.

Olowe of Ise's distinctive elongation of

figures is evident in this work. It departs from

the body proportions characteristic of Yoruba

sculpture, in which the head usually domi-

nates, sometimes comprising as much as one- third of the entire figure and conveying the critical role of the human head, ori, as the

body's seat and pilot. Olowe preferred to adopt a more natural approach that ignored the phil- osophical ramifications of conventional proportions. His elegant, long figures are at once

stately and graceful.

26. Crown (Ade)

Ade ori la fi n mo oba

Ileke orun la fi n mo ijoye Omu sikisikisi la fi n mo obirin

Ikun la fi n mo imu

The crowned head distinguishes the king The beaded neck distinguishes the chief The articulation of breasts distinguishes

femininity The thickness of snot distinguishes the nose

The crown, which is exclusively associated with monarchy, is the king's most distin-

guishing article of identity. Among the

Yoruba, the history of crowning is traced back to Oduduwa, the legendary founder of the Yoruba kingdom. Oduduwa gave a crown to each of his seven offspring, to be passed down among their descendants. While the crowns differed in their details from one

another, they were each identical in purpose and overall form, comprising a conical helmet covered entirely with myriad rare beads in intricate designs, and featuring a beaded veil

to conceal a king's face (see fig. i). In Yoruba the word for crown, ade, means "we cover" or "that which covers." The crown is therefore a sort of mask that conceals the individ-

ual identity of the monarch and connects him to the continuum of past rulers. It renders

25. Veranda Post

of Enthroned King

(Opo Ogoga)

Carved by Olowe

of Ise (died I938)

Nigeria, Ekiti, Ikere;

Yoruba

From the palace of

the Ogoga of Ikere

1910/14

Wood, pigment;

152.5 x 31.75 x 40.6 cm

(6o0 x 272/X 16 in.)

Major Acquisitions

Centennial Fund,

I984-550

FIGURE 2

A veranda at the palace

of the Ogoga of Ikere,

Nigeria, i964. The cen-

ter post, now in

the collection of the

Art Institute, depicts

a king and his con-

sorts. It is flanked by

posts representing a

woman with twins and

a horseman with

sword and spear.

Photo: John Picton,

with thanks to the

National Commission

for Museums and

Monuments, Nigeria.

Museum Studies 169

him larger than his physical self, revealing his

mythic dimension, which he shares with the

gods and the ancestors. The most prominent symbol on this

crown, as on many others, is the bird motif. Here birds are distributed around the crown's conical body up to its very summit. For the

Yoruba, birds represent the secret and mysterious powers of women, especially the mysti- cal, spiritual, and metaphysical forces con- trolled by older women known as the iyami. The iyami may use their powers creatively or

destructively. By wearing birds on his crown, the king placates the iyami, appealing to them not to use their powers against him. Punc-

tuating the bird symbols are faces of Esu, the Yoruba divinity of the crossroads. Esu embodies ase, the power of sanction, with which he causes things to happen or prevents them from transpiring.

When the king places the crown on his head (see fig. i), the dangling tassels cover his

eyes and protect his subjects from the feroc-

ity of his gaze. By virtue of his coronation, the king's eyes are considered too charged for

ordinary citizens to meet directly. The crown is part of a state costume, which also includes

26. Crown (Ade)

Nigeria, Ijebu, Idowa;

Yoruba

Owned by the

Dagburewe of Idowa

Late nineteenth/

mid-twentieth century

Glass beads, fabric,

string, copper alloy;

h. 102.8 cm (40o/2 in.),

diam. at bottom

27.6 cm (1o7/8 in.)

Cora Abrahamson

Endowment, I994.314

170 Museum Studies

a large, embroidered robe and other beaded

regalia, such as a staff and shoes. Made to be seen in movement, the beads of the king's costume shimmer and sway as he attends to court matters.

27. Ogboni Chief's Textile (Iro Ogboni)

Agidimalaja, awo lie Ife Awo nii gbe awo nigbowon Bi awo ko gbe awo nigbowon Awo a te

Agidimalaja, the secrecy of Ile Ife Oaths uphold honor Should honor fail to uphold oaths All secrets would be revealed

This luxurious textile was made to be worn by an elder of the Ogboni society during important ceremonies, including the coronation or burial of kings. The Ogboni society is a council

of community chiefs and officials that is com-

mitted to the governance of its local constitu- encies. Each Ogboni is part of a larger network

that is based on mutual cooperation, support, and intervention. As the legislative branch of

Yoruba government, the Ogboni works in

coordination with the king, who presides over

it and who is directly represented on its council.

Just as the ase (power of sanction) of the orisa

(gods) lies with Esu (divinity of the cross-

roads), the ase of governance resides with the

Ogboni, whose members are charged with the

responsibility of making decisions on behalf of

the entire community. Ogboni members are revered for their

wisdom (oye) and outstanding character (iwa). This textile, a handwoven wrapper adorned with embroidered designs, embodies the taste,

power, and dignity that are associated with

this august group. Arranged in three horizon-

tal sections, the motifs demonstrate the sup-

portive role of the Ogboni to the king, who is

27. Ogboni Chief's

Textile (Iro Ogboni)

Nigeria, Iwo; Yoruba

Early/mid-

twentieth century

Sixteen narrow strips

of indigo dyed cotton,

plain weave; joined

by hand stitching;

embroidered with

wool, in chain stitches;

edged with cotton,

buttonhole stitched

uncut fringe;

164 x 283 cm (64/2 x

iii 2 in.)

O. Renard Goltra

Fund, 1995.424

Museum Studies 171

depicted in the center, the foundation around whom everything else in the community is

arranged. Among the symbols surrounding the

king are birds that represent the spiritually powerful older women known as the iyami, without whose support the king could not function properly. Several elegantly coiffed women depict the mysterious powers inherent in all women, an appeal to them to employ their strength positively.

Sacred animals, including a chameleon, snake, and lizard, also appear on this textile. The chameleon is the servant of Olodumare,

supreme god of the Yoruba. Because of its

ability to blend easily into its environment, the chameleon is regarded as the ultimate diplo- mat, able to respond quickly to any given situ- ation and resolve differences amicably. Eques- trian figures represent warriors and traders, and their horses are a symbol of affluence.

A snake biting a lizard refers to the power of the king to take life, a force he has invested

in the Ogboni society. The power relations

shift when a snake (the king) encounters a

bird, which hovers, unreachable, just above

its head. This again alludes to the iyami, who

have the ability to frustrate the political and

social system.

28. Mask for Gelede

This wooden mask, which would have been

worn over the head like a helmet, is a superb

example of an art form that is found almost

exclusively among the Egbado, a subgroup

inhabiting the northwestern part of Yoruba-

land. A gelede is a festival of masks performed in veneration of the society's powerful older

women, the iyami. Egbado Yoruba commu-

nities perform gelede annually, at which time

they formally recognize the powers of the

iyami, and solicit their benevolence to ensure

the prosperity of the community. This mask is typical of what Western

museums and galleries display to represent

gelede. The actual festival involves street

orchestras, a lavish display of wooden and

cloth costumes, dance, music, singing, and

drama that are designed to entertain the view-

ers, who are also integrated into the performances. The wooden helmet at the top of the

masked dancer's head is part of a large, mixed-

media ensemble, including fabric, beads, seeds,

and bones, as well as other sculptural pieces attached to various parts of the masked dancer's

body (see fig. 3). This gelede mask represents the outsider, who can be a foreigner or a Yoruba

who does not adhere to the cultural norm.

Outsider status is indicated by the oblique facial mark across the nose, called baamu.

This type of mark may be given to an abiku

child (see cat. no. 32) to discourage it from

dying, or used to characterize hostile foreign-

ers, particularly the Dahomey, who live to the

west of the Egbado Yoruba. The headgear

172 Museum Studies

28. Mask for Gelede

Nigeria, Egbado;

Yoruba

Early/mid-twentieth

century

Wood, pigment;

18.7 x 31.1 x 34.3 cm

(73/8 x 1214 x I /2 in.)

Gift of Winter and

Hirsch, Inc., 1963.843

FIGURE 3

A gelede performance.

Meko, Nigeria, 1970.

Photo by Eliot

Elisofon, courtesy

of the National

Museum of African

Art, Eliot Elisofon

Photographic Archives,

Smithsonian Institu-

tion, Washington, D.C.

Museum Studies 173

29. Mask for Gelede

Carved by Fagbite

or Falola Edun

Nigeria, Ketu; Yoruba

Early/mid-twentieth

century

Wood, pigment;

40 x 36.8 x 48.9 cm

(153/4 X I4/2 X I9I/4 in.)

Anonymous loan,

3.1993

resembles a stylish type of hat, with two over-

hanging flaps, called abetiaja, meaning the ears of a dog. These flaps may also represent the

wings of birds, which the Yoruba associate with women. The calm look on the mask reflects the cool character of elderly females, who are

thought to conceal their power under a cloak of humility, patience, care, and obliviousness.

29. Mask for Gelede

Much of the enchantment of gelede sculpture resides in the elaborate elements in the top sec-

tion of the two-part helmet mask. This work, attributed to Fagbite or his equally famous

son, Falola Edun,9 represents the essence of the

drama inherent in gelede performances. It

features the struggle between civilization

and nature, human intelligence and animal

force. The artist selected the critical moment

when life and freedom are in the balance. Two

hunters grab a pangolin, a mammal with large, imbricated scales, by its hind legs; its forelegs are still free, suggesting that it is still possible for the pangolin to escape the clutches of the

two alert hunters. Like all gelede masks, this one has a lower

section that depicts a human face. The two

parts of the mask are separated and linked by a

flat, horizontal plane, which projects from the

top of the lower half. The face comprising the lower half is calm and cool, like the expression of all gelede masks. The eyes are boldly defined

and clearly drawn. Under each eye and below

the lips are three rhythmic facial lines, which

represent scarifications made by skilled practi- tioners on the faces of infants. In addition to

celebrating communal identity, such masks

signal individuality because no two faces are

alike. The neutral expression of the mouth,

together with the small nose, give the impres- sion of tranquillity.

The top section of the mask, in content if

not in form, sharply contrasts with the lower

half, with its depiction of the hunting scene. This drama becomes an allegory of the constant struggle that characterizes interactions in

nature. It also transforms ordinary events into

larger statements. The artist left the weaker

partner, here the pangolin, with an iota of hope, while challenging the hunters not to consider the battle won until the game is landed. It may also remind the victor to respect the vanquished.

174 Museum Studies

30. Headdress (Ago Egungun)

Bi Gbandu ba na o o Bo o dele ko o foogun bari re

Should the Gbandu masker touch you with its whip

When you get home, you must medicinally exorcise your head.

Containing the spirits of ancestors who return

annually to bless their living descendants, the

egungun is a Yoruba masquerade form that transcends the visual to embrace music, dance, and performance. Egungun masquerade costumes take many forms. Some are made entirely of cloth, while others include carved wooden masks or headdresses. This headdress is by Ojerinde Adugbologe, one of two major artists to emerge from the western region of Yorubaland during the late nineteenth cen-

tury. Its coiffure, facial features, and overall structure are similar to those of sculptures by Adugbologe's rival, Esubiyi. Adugbologe's work demonstrates a simplicity and elegance of form. The small size of this wooden head-

dress, too small to fit over a man's head, indicates that it was probably worn attached to a netted or sewn costume that covered the mas-

querader's face and body. The look on the figure's face is calm but

intense, with the penetrating gaze of its big

eyes--punctuated with holes to indicate pupils.

The high, round forehead suggests celestial

intelligence, while the shapely nose and hand-

some, protruding lips seem to signal a per- sonage replete with experience, knowledge, and authority. The dramatic coiffure, with its

swift, bold, asymmetrical swing, reinforces the focused expression of the face. The fine,

parallel lines of the coiffure imitate elegant strands of woven hair.

31. Female Figure with Offering Bowl

This superb shrine sculpture depicts a mother, with her baby strapped to her back, offering a

sacrifice that is contained in the bowl she holds.

The talented sculptor who carved this work

conceived the major features of the mother's

and child's bodies as combinations of fluid lines

-torsos, legs, arms, necks-set between two

spheres, the mother's head and the bowl. The

carefully delineated surface details, including an elaborate coiffure (now slightly damaged), facial scarification, necklaces, bracelets, and

waist beads, in combination with the deep pati- nation created by years of use and care, imbues

the sculpture with incomparable grace and

elegance. This type of figure could be found

in several shrines devoted to orisa, or gods,

including Osun, Sango, and Erinle. When

representations like this are found in Osun

30. Headdress

(Ago Egungun) Carved by Ojerinde

Adugbologe

Nigeria, Abeokuta;

Yoruba

c. i88o

Wood, pigment;

29.8 x 24.1 x 20.3 cm

(113/4 x 9/ x 8 in.)

Edward E. Ayer Fund,

given in memory

of Charles L.

Hutchinson, I969.240

Museum Studies 175

31. Female Figure with

Offering Bowl

Possibly from the

workshop of

Abogunde of Ede

Nigeria, Ede; Yoruba

Mid-nineteenth/early

twentieth century

Wood, beads, traces

of pigment;

62.2 x 19 x 31.7 cm

(24/2 x 7 /2 x 12'/2 in.)

Gift of the Alsdorf

Foundation, Mr. and

Mrs. James W

Alsdorf, Mr. and Mrs.

Joseph P. Antonow,

Samuel P. Avery Fund,

Herbert Baker

and Gwendolyn Miller,

the Britt Family

Collection, Gaston T.

de Havenon, Ada

Turnbull Hertle Fund,

Mr. and Mrs.

Edwin E. Hokin,

Robert Stolper,

Mr. and Mrs. Edward

H. Weiss; through

prior gift of Mr. and

Mrs. Raymond J.

Wielgus, 1988.21

176 Museum Studies

shrines, they are intended to give hope to infer- tile women who wish to become pregnant.

The work probably comes from Ede, an

important nineteenth-century Yoruba wood

sculpture center, which was renowned for the

Abogunde workshop. While this piece exhib- its affinities with other examples produced by the Abogunde workshop, it is possible that it

predates the sculptor Abogunde himself. The theme of mother and child is com-

mon among the Yoruba, who have a high rate of infant mortality. Yoruba mothers go to

great lengths to keep their children alive, even

offering sacrifices to encourage the divinities to intervene and assure the health and well-

being of their children. The Yoruba believe that children must also be protected from the lure of supernatural spirits. For instance, a child may be revealed to be a juvenile spirit, an

abiku, who torments his or her parents by taking an oath not to live, but to die soon after birth in order to return to the spiritual world. Such spirits may return to the same parents in the form of children over and over again in an endless cycle. This sculpture may thus represent a troubled mother making a sacrifice to

keep her offspring alive, or a joyful mother cel-

ebrating the birth of a new baby or rejoicing in the health of her children.

32. Esu Dance Staff (Ogo Elegbara)

Esu ma se mi Omo Elomiran ni koo se Onile Orita Omo Elomiran ni koo se

Esu do not touch me

Go and injure the children of others You whose house is at the crossroads

Go and injure the children of others

The ogo elegbara is the metaphoric represen- tation of the club carried by Esu, the Yoruba

divinity of the crossroads. Next to Olodumare, the supreme god, Esu is the most central divin-

ity, because with him lies the ase, the force that is the bastion of authority, with which any-

thing is possible and without which nothing is

possible. All the other divinities rely on him for the ase that guarantees them the ability to intervene in and control human lives. Esu's

power resides in his ogo, or club. Such staffs

may be seen in stasis, as decorations on a shrine altar, and in motion, as dance wands carried by priests during festivals and other ceremonies. They are not always held in the

hand, but may also be draped over the shoul-

der, in this case by the phallic crook formed by the central figure's oversized coiffure.

The figures on this ogo refer to the tur-

32. Esu Dance Staff

(Ogo Elegbara)

Nigeria; Yoruba

Mid/late nineteenth

century

Wood; 25.4 x 12.7 x

12.7 cm (Io x 5 x 5 in.)

Gift of Jay and

Anne Whipple,

1991.396

Museum Studies 177

moil that engulfed the Yoruba area during the civil wars of the late eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries. Ketu, a town in the western

region of Yoruba country where this sculpture was carved, was in the center of these

cataclysmal events. The warrior in the center of this ogo leads bound captives. He wears a

gun over his right shoulder, in the same manner as Esu priests sling the ogo elegbara over theirs. The artist thus drew a parallel between the ogo elegbara and a gun, at a time when firearms were used to subdue enemies. The artist seems to have concluded that the ogo

elegbara, in the hand of an Esu priest, is as

potent as the gun in the reach of a general.

33. Female Figure with Rooster Offering Bowl

Obidie meji abamu rederede Ewure meji abedo lukeluke

Erinla meji to fiwo sosuka

Two fertilized fowls Two pregnant goats Two buffalo with twisted horns

This impressive sculpture of a woman offer-

ing a rooster in sacrifice is also a lidded con-

tainer. Belonging to a type of sculpture known

as arewa (beautiful woman), it may have been

used for storing precious objects of divina-

tion, small presents intended for a divinity, or

kola nuts, which are frequently offered to

honored guests. Roosters are among the animals most fre-

quently demanded for sacrifice by the orisa, or gods. A sacrifice is made at the recommenda-

tion of a babalawo, or diviner, in order to pla- cate the orisa and restore spiritual harmony. As the poem above indicates, the diviner fre-

quently asks for sacrifices to be made in pairs, since even numbers are considered benign and

therefore befitting of a gift. The scarification lines on the face of the

kneeling woman suggest that this particular arewa may come from the workshop of the

distinguished sculptor Agbonbiofe, of the cen-

tral Yoruba town of Efon-Alaiye. Carved from

a single piece of wood, the worshiper and her

sacrificial rooster form a perpendicular com-

position in which one figure creates both visual balance and tension for the other. The

woman's profile is also contrasted with that of the rooster's. In this humorous depiction, the

fowl submits passively to being sacrificed while the devotee projects hopeful anticipation. The

178 Museum Studies

OPPOSITE PAGE

33. Female Figure with

Rooster Offering Bowl

Possibly from the

workshop of

Agbonbiofe

Nigeria, Ekiti, Efon-

Alaiye; Yoruba

Late nineteenth/early

twentieth century

Wood, pigment;

40.1 x 31.1 x 22.8 cm

(16 x 12'/4 X 9 in.)

Ada Turnbull Hertle

Fund, 1977.493

FIGURE 4

A woman holding two

sets of twin commem-

oration figures, called

ere ibeji. Ife-Olu,

Nigeria, 1975. Photo:

Marilyn Houlberg.

34. Twin Commemora-

tive Figures (Ere Ibeji)

Nigeria, Kisi or

Old Oyo; Yoruba

Early/mid-

twentieth century

Wood, beads, string;

left: 25.4 x 8.3 x 6.7 cm

(1o x 3 34 X 25/8 in.);

right: 25.4 x 7.6 x 6.7

cm (I0 x 3 x 25/8 in.)

Gift of Jeffrey

and Deborah Hammer,

1982.1513-14

Museum Studies 179

low-relief decorations incised on the surface of the container enliven its texture, make it easier to carry, and demonstrate the sculptor's virtu- osic carving skills. These innovative and varied

patterns are typical of wood sculpture from all

parts of the Yoruba kingdoms.

34. Twin Commemorative Figures (Ere Ibeji)

M ba bejire M ba jo M ba bejire M ba yo O wole alakisa O salakisa dalaso

If I had twins I would dance If I had twins I would rejoice They entered a household full of poverty Transformed it into one full of wealth

Among the Yoruba, who have an exceptionally high incidence of twin births, twins, called ibeji, are regarded as special children, the embodi- ments of spirits or even of divinities. For this

reason, twins are given privileges not available to everyone else. Twins must not be offended, nor must they even think they have been

cheated, because they have special spiritual powers that protect them and allow them to take revenge against anyone who wrongs them.

To give birth to twins is to commit to a

lifestyle of frequent and regular rituals and sacrifices on their behalf. The spirits of the ibeji are jealous, so the mother must insure that she

is never perceived to be partial to either twin, or the less favored, feeling slighted, might decide to die. If, despite all her care, one of the twins should die, a mother will consult a

diviner, who will most likely advise her to commission a sculptor to carve a twin com-

memoration figure, called ere ibeji. A pair of twin commemoration figures, such as these from the Art Institute's collection, indicate that both twins died, hence the mother com- missioned a sculptor to make two figures.

An ere ibeji is always given idealized

form, and the sculptor must provide ample space for the attachment of embellishments. It is the responsibility of the mother, the sur-

viving twin, and/or other relatives to care for the ere ibeji by adding beaded bracelets, neck-

laces, and anklets to the wooden figure, and

by bathing and ritually feeding it, as they would for a living twin (see fig. 4). Mothers

may also carry the figures during street performances, if instructed to do so by the diviner.

This pair of ere ibeji shows signs of wear from the constant attention of their caretakers. The sensuously modeled limbs and bold facial features have been worn by washing. Blue pigment has been applied to the figures' coiffures to accentuate their beauty. Further color accents have been achieved through the addition of beads. The figures are northern Yoruba in style, and may have been made in a workshop in Kisi or Old Oyo.

35. Wrapper (Adire Eleso)

This boldly patterned woman's wrapper is made using a technique called adire eleso, in which select parts of a cotton fabric are sewn

together so tightly that those areas will resist

dye. It is related to another type of resist dyeing favored by Yoruba women called adire eleko, in which a starch paste is applied to block out a

pattern before dyeing. This adire eleso wrapper was made

employing the technique of pleating and seed-

ing. To make the wrapper's horizontal lines, the artist used a needle and raffia string to care-

fully and tightly sew the pleats together. She then repeated the pleating in the opposite direc-

180 Museum Studies

tion, that is, vertically. In this way, the artist created a gridlike pattern, within which she could add details in two ways. In the first, she contin- ued to use the pleating method, but in a more decorative manner. In the second, a technique called seeding, she inserted into the fabric a number of pebbles, and then stitched around each one with a needle to form a chain of small circles. In these ways, she skillfully fashioned

symbols such as the star and crossroads in lin- ear designs that are broad, bold, and straight. The seeding method allowed her to create round shapes resembling tiny beads that appear to have been carefully strung together.

When the artist completed all the pleating and seeding, she soaked the fabric in indigo. After this, she dried it in the sun. Later she

removed the stitches to reveal the entire design. This ingenious technique allows indigo to seep

only partially into the pleated and stitched

areas, leaving a soft, white pattern against a

luminous background of dark blue.

35. Wrapper

(Adire Eleso)

Nigeria; Yoruba

Mid-twentieth century

Cotton, plain weave;

tie-dyed (resist

wrapping done with

raffia threads);

179 x 164.5 cm

(707/s x 643/4 in.)

Gift of Mr. and Mrs.

Richard J. Faletti,

1993-491

Museum Studies 181

NOTES FOR PAGES 149-74

3. The estimated number of altars in the palace in 1897 varies, as recorded by members of the British forces who took part in the conquest. Compare, for example, Charles H. Read and 0. M. Dalton, Antiquities from the City of Benin (London, 1899), p. 8; and Roth (note 2), p. 184, fig. 18o.

4. In my continuing study of Benin ivories, I have received valuable assistance from many sources. In I98o a Dickson History of Art Travel Grant from the University of California, Los Angeles, funded the initial examination, measure- ment, and photography of altar tusks in American and European collections. A Fulbright Dissertation Research Grant financed my fieldwork in Benin City during i98i and 1982. I am grateful to Ekpo Eyo for the sponsorship of the Department of Antiquities in Nigeria, and to the University of Benin for the use of facilities. I also owe a large debt of gratitude to Chief David Omoregie, who is now the Ineh, or leader, of Igbesanmwan, and other knowledgeable spe- cialists who assisted me in Benin City. The several travel grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities I received between 1987 and 1992 have supported archival study, further collection research, and the ongoing analysis of these materials. In 1993 and 1994, I was greatly aided by a research grant from the Joint Committee on African Studies of the Social Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies, and also by an NEH Interpretive Research Grant for additional study and fieldwork in Nigeria, in collaboration with Kathy Curnow of Cleveland State University. I have also profited from the kindness, knowledge, and insights of many individuals, too numerous to mention here. I particularly wish to thank His Highness Oba Erediauwa, Oba of Benin, for his interest, encouragement, and generosity.

5. Richard Burton, "My Wanderings in West Africa: A Visit to the Renowned Cities of Wari and Benin," Fraser's Magazine 67 (Mar.-Apr. 1863), pp. 279, 413.

6. See Barbara Winston Blackmun, "The Elephant and Its Ivory in Benin," in Doran Ross, ed., Elephant: The Animal and Its Ivory in African Culture (Los Angeles, 1992), pp. 162-83.

7. Roth (note 2), pp. 144-45.

8. Henry Gallwey, "Journeys in the Benin Country, West Africa," Geographical Journal I, 2 (1893), p. 128.

9. A Dutch visitor, Joshua Ulsheimer, commented on this as early as 1603: "They do not care for gold, nor for silver. Brass, however, they value highly." See Adam Jones, German Sources for West African History (Wiesbaden, 1983), p. 41.

io. Captain J. E Landolphe, Memoires du Capitaine Landolphe, Contenant

l'histoire de ses voyages, ed. J. S. Quesne (Paris, 1823), vol. 2, pp. 55-56. When he was in Benin, in the late eighteenth century, Landolphe was informed that when the Oba died, the altar used as a point of contact with his spirit was customarily built over the grave. It is not certain whether this practice is still followed, and in present-day Benin information of this type is classified.

II. For a list of the thirty-eight kings of Benin's present dynasty and a discussion of the sixteenth-century Obas, see Paula Girshick Ben-Amos, The Art of Benin, 2d ed. (London, 1995), pp. 21, 29-41.

12. Barbara Winston Blackmun, "The Face of the Leopard: Its Significance in Benin Court Art," Allen Memorial Art Museum Bulletin 44, 2 (1991), pp. 24-35.

13. Joseph Nevadomsky, "Kemwin Kemwin: The Apothecary Shop in Benin City," African Arts 22, I (NOV. 1988), pp. 79-81.

14. A. E C. Ryder, Benin and the Europeans (Ibadan, r969), pp. 25-29.

I5. Barbara Winston Blackmun, "Oba's Portraits in Benin," African Arts 23, 3

(July 1990o), pp. 61-69, o102-04.

I6. Roth (note 2), pp. 4-5.

17. Ibid., p. 6.

18. Blackmun (note Iy), p. 67.

19. Osemwengie Ebohon, Cultural Heritage of Benin (Benin City, 1972), p. 19.

7. Roth (note 2), pp. 144-45.

(July 1990o), pp. 61-69, o102-04.

17. Ibid., p. 6.

7. Roth (note 2), pp. 144-45.

(July 1990o), pp. 61-69, o102-04.

17. Ibid., p. 6.

7. Roth (note 2), pp. 144-45.

(July 1990o), pp. 61-69, o102-04.

17. Ibid., p. 6.

20. John King, "Extrait de la relation inedite d'un voyage fuit, en 1820, aux royaumes de Benin et de Waree," in Journal des voyages decouvertes et navi- gations modernes (Paris, 1823), pp. 516-17.

21. Burton (note 5), p. 409.

22. The fishlegged figure in general, and this version as a specific reference to Oba Ewuakpe, are discussed in Blackmun (note I5), pp. 68-69.

23. The circumstances of Ewuakpe's reign and the emblems associated with his image are explored in Paula Girshick Ben-Amos, "Who Is the Man in the Bowler Hat? Emblems of Identity in Benin Royal Art," in Baessler-Archiv, n.s., 31 (1983), pp. 161-83.

24. Jacob Egharevba, A Short History of Benin (Ibadan, 1968), p. 39.

25. Ben-Amos (note 23), pp. 169-70.

26. Blackmun (note I5), pp. 64-65.

21. Burton (note 5), p. 409.

25. Ben-Amos (note 23), pp. 169-70.

21. Burton (note 5), p. 409.

25. Ben-Amos (note 23), pp. 169-70.

21. Burton (note 5), p. 409.

25. Ben-Amos (note 23), pp. 169-70.

OKEDI3I, "Art of the Yoruba," pp. 164-81.

I. For a discussion of how scholars' views of Yoruba art have evolved, see Rowland Abiodun, "Naturalism in 'Primitive' Art: A Survey of Attitudes," Odu:Journal of West African Studies io (1975), PP. 129-36.

2. See Olabiyi Yai, "In Praise of Metonymy: The Concept of 'Tradition' and 'Creativity' in the Transmission of Yoruba Artistry Over Time and Space," in Rowland Abiodun, Henry J. Drewal, and John Pemberton III, eds., The Yoruba Artist: New Theoretical Perspectives on African Arts (Washington, D.C., 1994).

3. Rowland Abiodun, "Verbal and Visual Metaphors: Mythic Allusions in the Yoruba Ritualistic Art of Ori," Word and Image 3, 3 (1987), pp. 252-70.

4. See Wande Abimbola, Ijinle Ohun Enu Ifa, Apa Kiini (Glasgow, 1968).

5. The Yoruba poems quoted throughout this article are commonly known in Yorubaland. All translations are by the author.

6. For more information on this veranda post, see John Pemberton III, "Art and Rituals for Yoruba Sacred Kings," The Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 15, 2 (1989), pp. 96-111.

7. See Roslyn Adele Walker, "The Ikerre Palace Veranda Posts by Olowe of Ise," African Arts 24, 1 (Jan. 1991), pp. 77-78.

8. The veranda post was photographed in 1959 by William B. Fagg with this now missing figure intact. Fagg's photographs are now part of the Photo-

graphic Collection of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, London. A study set of Fagg's photographs is kept at the National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

9. See Rowland Abiodun, Henry J. Drewal, and John Pemberton III, Yoruba: Art and Aesthetics, exh. cat. (Zurich, 1991), pp. 29-32.

PETRIDIS, "Of Mothers and Sorcerers: A Luluwa Maternity Figure," pp. 182-95.

Library, archival, museum, and field research for my Ph.D. dissertation in the Department of Art History at the University of Ghent, Belgium, on which this essay is based, was made possible by a predoctoral fellowship and four travel grants from the Fund for Scientific Research-Flanders (1993-97). I am greatly obliged to Dr. Wilfried van Damme and Professor Elze Bruyninx, both at the University of Ghent, for their helpful suggestions after reading an ear- lier draft of this essay. The translation of the original version (in Dutch) was done by Peter Van de Velde. I express my sincere thanks to the Brooklyn Museum of Art, The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City, and the Frobenius-Institut an der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universitit in Frankfurt am Main for their permission to reproduce photographs and illustrations from their collections.

198 Museum Studies 198 Museum Studies 198 Museum Studies 198 Museum Studies

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