ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES FOR NEWLY ARRIVED LATIN AMERICANS IN LONDON:

Assessing barriers, skills and needs

Report prepared for Celebrating Enterprise - City University and the Carnaval del

Pueblo Association

October 2007

Centre for Enterprise and Economic Development Research (CEEDR) Middlesex University The Burroughs London, NW4 4BT 020 2411 6563 E-mail: l.sepulveda@mdx.ac.uk

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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.……………………………………………………………………………………3

1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 4

1.1. Latin America: ‘a migrant-producing factory’................................................................................ 4

1.2. Latin America and the United Kingdom .........................................................................…………6

1.3. ‘Others’, ‘strangers’, ‘unaccounted for’ ..........................................................................…………8

1.4. Aims ...............................................................................................................................…………9

1.5. Methodology ..................................................................................................................…………9

1.6. Profile of the sample ....................................................................................................…………10

2. ASSESSING CONDITIONS OF ENTRANCE TO THE LABOUR MARKET...................…………14

2.1. Reasons for coming to the UK .....................................................................................…………14

2.2. Formal education levels and skills ...............................................................................…………15

2.3. English proficiency .......................................................................................................…………16

2.4. Immigration status........................................................................................................…………17

3. ACCESSING EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES..........................…………19

3.1. Main activity .................................................................................................................…………19

3.2. Main occupation...........................................................................................................…………20

3.3. Job-seeking strategies .................................................................................................…………21

3.4. Employment conditions and rights ...............................................................................…………22

3.5. Conditions of entrance to labour market reconsidered ................................................…………26

3.6. Self-employment and enterprise ..................................................................................…………28

4. ASSESSING TRAINING NEEDS....................................................................................…………33

4.1. Experience of personal development activity in Britain................................................…………33

4.2. PDA needs...................................................................................................................…………34

4.3. Latin culture, PDA and socio-economic opportunity ....................................................…………36

4.4. Delivery model .............................................................................................................…………37

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4.5. The role of migrant organisations ................................................................................…………40

5. POLICY IMPLICATIONS ................................................................................................…………45

REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................…………48

APPENDIX 1.......................................................................................................................…………50

LIST OF MIGRANT ORGANISATIONS..............................................................................…………51

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Acknowledgements and Disclaimer The study on which this briefing paper is based was conducted by Leandro Sepulveda. It was funded by Celebrating Enterprise through the European Social Fund Equal Programme. The funding bodies accept no responsibility for any information provided or views expressed. The author gratefully acknowledges Celebrating Enterprise partners City University London and Carnaval del Pueblo Association for the support received to this project. Our gratitude also goes to all the Latin American organisations which participated in the study and, most importantly, to the fifty two Latin American ‘amigos’ and ‘amigas’ who kindly collaborated with the study. Support in recruitment and data collection was provided by July Camacho Castillo and Marcelo Gabriel Baños (research assistants).

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ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES FOR NEWLY ARRIVED LATIN AMERICANS IN LONDON: ASSESSING NEEDS AND SKILLS

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Latin America: ‘a migrant-producing factory’

A long history of economic, political and institutional ‘disasters’ has transformed the Latin American

continent from being a region of immigration1 to a region of emigration, especially from the 1980s

onwards when Latin America (LA) turned into a ‘migrant-producing factory’ (El País, 12/10/2005).

Hence it is said that Latin America is ‘on the move’. In 2005 there were approximately 25 million Latin

American and Caribbean citizens living overseas. This is equivalent to thirteen per cent of the

worldwide total migrant population, and 5 million more than in the year 2000, with most countries in

the region having more than half a million of their citizens living abroad (ECLAC, 2006). While the

United States is the preferred country of destination for most ‘Latino/a’ immigrants (approx 18 out of

the total 25 million reside in the USA), Europe has recently become an attractive point of destination

for newer members of the expanding ‘new Latin Nation’ (Portes, 2004). Recent studies revealed that

around the year 2000, an estimated total of 3 million Latin American and Caribbean nationals left the

region and settled in countries other than the US, with Europe being one of the main reception areas

(ECLAC, 2006; Pellegrino, 2004).

Latin American migration to Europe and especially to Southern European countries such as Spain and

Italy - both countries with historical economic, political and cultural ties to LA - has grown dramatically

in the last decade (Pellegrino, 2006). Spain is the second-largest country of destination for Latin

American immigrants after the US (ECLAC, 2006; Pellegrino, 2004), with a total of approximately 1.1

million documented migrants in 2006 (35% of the total 3,021,808 foreign population living legally in

Spain towards the end of 2006), mainly from Ecuador, Colombia, Peru, Argentina, Dominican

Republic and Bolivia (Gil, 2005). It is estimated that between 2000 and 2005 the Latin American

population in Spain alone increased sixfold (Gil, 2005; Torrado, 2005). According to Pellegrino

(ECLAC, 2006), Latin immigrants have made up almost half of all foreign nationals entering Spain

since 2000. Likewise, Latin American and Caribbean migration has diversified in terms of countries of

destination and other European countries such as Portugal, Switzerland, Sweden, and the United

Kingdom, are now part of the geography of the rising international Latin American diaspora (ECLAC,

1 Millions of immigrants from South European countries including Spanish and Italian migrated to the ‘the new world’ from the nineteenth until the mid-twentieth centuries.

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2006; Pellegrino, 2004). Caribbean migration to the UK however has a distinct history, and does not

follow the LA pattern.

A combination of ‘pull’ and ‘push’ factors, in the context of globalising North/South relationships, has

fuelled the increasing flows of Latin American migration to Europe. Among ‘pull’ factors that attract

Latin Americans to Europe the most obvious are the tightening of immigration controls and visa

regimes in the US after 11 September 2001, the development of Latin American social-migratory

networks in several parts of Europe, and the demand for migrant labour by many EU countries - which

results in amnesties (for example in Spain) or diverse visa regimes (in the UK) for foreign workers.

‘Push’ factors stem from recurrent economic crises, and political and armed conflicts which plague

Latin America. Broadly speaking, contemporary flows of Latin American migration have been divided

into two different trajectories of migration. The first relates to those who have fled their countries due

to political persecution, torture, kidnapping, and killings, as a result of dictatorial right-wing military

regimes in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay in the 1960s and 1970s, and armed conflicts in

Central America in the 1980s (i.e. Salvador and Nicaragua) and Colombia, from 1990s until present.

These are known in Latin America as ‘political refugees’.

The second and most important trajectory of migration relates to those Latin Americans who leave

their countries in search of better economic opportunities, known in LA as ‘economic refugees’. This

trend has a long history deepening dramatically following the ‘external-debt crisis’ of 1982, which

wiped out economies from Mexico to Chile, and the neo-liberal economic policies which since then

have been imposed by the ‘Washington Consensus’ throughout LA. Liberalisation, deindustrialisation,

privatisation and the hollowing-out of the state apparatus resulted in the so-called ‘lost decades’ where

unemployment, poverty and social injustices raged. Argentineans (2001-2002), Ecuadorians (1990s),

Peruvians and Bolivians (late 1990s and 2000s) are examples of the most recent ‘casualties’ of neo-

liberal policies. Despite the latest improvements observed in LA’s macro-economy, which in The

Economist’s words ‘is starting to transform social conditions with astonishing speed’ (18/08/2007), the

exodus of Latin Americans continues as inequality in income distribution and political/armed conflicts

continue to dictate the rhythms of production of this ‘migrant-producing factory’ (approx 38.5% of

people remain poor according to ‘optimistic’ national definitions). In reference to the UK case,

Mcllwaine (2007:8) is therefore right in pointing out that ‘Latin Americans have migrated to the UK for

a range of reasons relating to an intersection of political freedom and economic opportunity’.

The distinction between ‘political’ and ‘economic’ refugees is a highly controversial one. In fact,

political and economic reasons fuelling Latin American migratory flows are inevitably intertwined and

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cannot be explained without reference to each other. This said, political refugees from Latin America

are in general more politically active and hold higher levels of formal education and/or skills in

comparison to economic immigrants. This has resulted not only in different trajectories of integration in

refuge countries, notably in the labour market, but also in different trajectories of institutional

development (i.e. establishment of migrant organisations). Furthermore, the fact of being officially

granted ‘refugee’ status in some EU countries confers special rights to immigrants (i.e. access to

different forms of public support) which make the trajectories of socio-economic integration necessarily

different than those deployed by ‘pure’ economic immigrants i.e. to access employment and enterprise

opportunities in host societies. Hence, although at times artificial and politically controversial, the

distinction does matter especially in the countries like the UK.

1.2. Latin Americans and the United Kingdom

The origin of Latin American ‘migration’ to the UK can be traced to the latter period of the Spanish

colonisation of the new continent (1780s to 1800s) when the sons of the ‘criolla’ aristocracy would

travel to England to study in British art, science or military academies while lobbying for the

independence of the colonies from the Spanish crown. Strong financial and trading ties were created

with London following the independence of the Latin American colonies during the first half of the

nineteenth century which gave rise to an intense flow of diplomats, intellectuals and business people

to London from Latin America (Miller, 1998). In the aftermath of the World Wars and the Great

Depression, trans-Atlantic trade declined but London, as well Paris and increasingly the US, continued

to be a popular destination for privileged members of the Latin American upper classes.

It was not until the 1960s and 1970s that the concept of migration as such was introduced to describe

the arrival of Latin Americans in the UK. Unlike the previous period, Latin American migration gained

political momentum as a result of the consecutive waves of South Americans who sought asylum in

London (Argentineans, Brazilians, Chileans, Uruguayans and then Colombians). Refugee pro-

democracy/ human rights activists worked in solidarity with local trade unions, political parties and civil

and religious movements. The same period saw the establishment of a Latin American migrant

institutional framework. The Campaign Against Repression in Latin America (CARILA) and Casa

Latino Americana were created in 1977, the Latin American Women’s Rights Service (LAWRS) in

1978, and the Chile Democrático, which became the Indo-American Migrant and Refugee

Organisation (IRMO) in the early 1990s once democracy returned to Chile (Mcllwaine, 2005; 2007).

Thus the socio-economic background of new arrivals changed dramatically in comparison to previous

periods in which only privileged members of the dominant classes visited London. ‘Political refugees’

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were generally members of the middle and working classes and therefore better reflected the

condition of the majority of migrants from developing countries to wealthier Northern economies as an

economically vulnerable and ‘needy’ population. Arguably, social and economic diversification among

Latin American immigrants has become even more evident in the last decade or so as a result of

increased flows of ‘economic immigrants’ from the most diverse nationalities which have recently

entered the UK, more noticeably Brazilians, Ecuadorians, Peruvians, and lately Bolivians (Carlisle,

2006; Mcllwaine, 2007). It is important to highlight that, among these groups of new arrivals, many,

including Colombians, are choosing to enter the UK illegally, which is partly due to the tightening of

migratory controls by the Home Office and the high rate of refusal of asylum claims (Mcllwaine, 2005;

2007). Another aspect to bear in mind is the feminisation of recent flows of Latin American migration to

the UK and elsewhere, which should be understood as a gendered response to economic hardship in

the continent, which has affected women the most (Gil, 2005; Pellegrino, 2004).

As a consequence of the combination of past and recent developments the Latin American community

has began to re-shape itself and redefine its character as one of London’s new/emerging Black and

Minority Ethnic (BME) communities (Finella, 2005; Spence, 2005). In response to mounting demands

generated from within the community most Latin American ‘political’ organisations created in the

1970s have evolved into service-provider organisations (Mcllwaine, 2007), typically providing advice

and support to individuals on issues such as English language (ESOL classes), migration, housing,

benefits, health and care, and domestic violence, besides the organisation of social and cultural

events. New institutions have been established, including Latin newspapers (Noticias Latin America,

Express News, and Brazilian News), websites, radio programmes, religious groups, and religious

festivities. Entrepreneurship is also rising with many small businesses developing since the early

1990s (i.e. restaurants, cleaning companies, remittances and shipping houses, grocers, hairdressers,

clothing retailers, and Salsa nightclubs). Enterprise developments have also given rise to the

establishment of a dedicated Latin American development agency which provides business advice to

entrepreneurs in London (Latin American Development Association –LADA).

Cultural and artistic events are also booming. The Carnaval del Pueblo (Latin America People’s

Carnival), which takes place every August in Burgess Park (South London), is the largest Latin

American outdoor event in Europe. Attendance has grown significantly from 4,000 people in 1999 to

more than 130,000 in 2007 (Metropolitan Police).

1.3. ‘Others’, ‘strangers’, ‘unaccounted for’…

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One of the most contentious debates among migrant organisations, and in the limited literature

available on the Latin American community in London, is that of its size. This research does not

attempt to unravel this mystery. As Mcllwaine (2007:6) recently put it in her report on the Latin

population in London, ‘the simple answer is that no one knows’ – just as no one in the British

government knows the number of East European immigrants and asylum seekers living in Britain.

Estimates vary enormously from source to source and so do ‘guesstimations’ among the Latin

organisations consulted. They range from official estimates based on the 2001 census, which

calculate that approximately 46,000 nationals from Latin American countries reside in the UK, to

700,000-1 million according to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office report on Latin America (FCO,

2007).2 What it is widely accepted however is that the Latin American population in the UK is growing,

diversifying, concentrating in London, and seems to be here to stay.

The gap that exists between the smallest and largest estimates reflects not only a problem in the way

in which statistics on migration are collected but one with deep political and economic connotations.

Understanding the latter is as important as knowing how many Latin Americans actually reside in the

UK. Firstly, it is widely accepted that there is a high proportion of undocumented and individuals in an

‘irregular’ migratory situation within the Latin community, who do not appear in official Home Office

statistics (Mcllwaine, 2005, 2007; IRMO, 2006; Carlisle, 2006). Some Latin organisations put the figure

of ‘sin papeles’ (people without papers) at anywhere from 40 to 60 percent of the total population.3

Secondly, it is has been said that the Latin community is an ‘invisible’ community (Mcllwaine, 2007).

This invisibility relates to different factors. These include language barriers, lack of a permanent

address (which make them undetectable for census or survey purposes) (IRMO, 2006), and the

statistically irrelevant numbers of Latin Americans registered on local electoral registers (which

migrant organisations claim makes them politically negligible for local MPs despite the high

concentration of Latin Americans in some London boroughs). There is also the fact that Latin

Americans do not constitute a separate statistical category for the Home Office, being designated

instead as ‘other’ (IRMO, 2006; Mcllwaine, 2007).

2 A recent Labour Force Survey in June 2006 estimated that since 1997 there were 18,000 Colombians (a substantial increase from 8,000), 25,000 Brazilians (an increase from 4,000), 4,000 Argentineans (an increase from 3,000), and 1,000 Chileans (a decline from 2,000) (Mcllwaine, 2007). Recent studies on specific national groups of Latin Americans in London however contested this LF survey citing much higher figures. Colombians are estimated at 50,000-70,000 (Guarnizo, 2006) to 150,000 (Mcllwaine, 2005); Ecuadorians between 30,000 to 75,000 (James, 2005); and Bolivians between 15,000 to 20,000 (Sveinsson, 2007). More surprising were figures provided by a recent Foreign and Commonwealth Office report on Latin America which estimated that there are between 700,000 to 1,000,000 Latin Americans ‘visiting or living’ in the UK, including 200,000 Brazilians (the largest group); 140,000 Colombians; 70,000 to 90,000 Ecuadorians and 10,000 to 15,000 Peruvians (FCO, 2007:5). 3 This figure is consistent with estimations in the US where half of the 18 million Latin and Caribbean immigrants are undocumented (Pellegrino, 2006).

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Finally, there is the issue of the patterns of insertion into the UK labour market and the place that Latin

Americans occupy in what some have referred to as London’s new ‘migrant division of labour’ (May et

al, 2007, cited in Datta et al, 2007). Immigrants from Eastern Europe and less developed third world

countries, including Latin Americans, are a major new source of cheap labour for London’s expanding

low-wage economy which, as this report claims, seems to ‘submerge’ the Latin population further into

the obscurity of antisocial working hours, anonymity in most jobs they carry out, and the shadowy trap

of informalisation and the ‘cash-in-hand’ economy.

1.4. Aims The aims of this study are:

• To investigate patterns of insertion of Latin new arrivals into London labour markets and the

strategies pursued and assets mobilised to access the labour market.

• To examine the main barriers faced by Latin new arrivals in accessing job opportunities and

‘decent work’ – as defined by the International Labour Organisation (ILO, 1999; 2002).4

• To identify the main training and skill development needs of Latin Americans and to determine

which are perceived as a potential means to overcome these barriers.

• To explore the nature of an ideal delivery model aimed at supporting Latin American immigrants in

order to improve their prospects in the UK labour market and analyse the role that migrant

organisations can and do play within this model.

• To make policy recommendations to migrant organisations, local authorities and policy makers for

reaching and engaging more effectively with Latin immigrants and supporting them to access

better job opportunities.

Finally, the study must be seen as part of the recent interest observed among academics and

practitioners in London and beyond in this fast-growing, yet very under-researched community.

1.5. Methodology

The research methodology comprised the following elements:

• A review of existing academic literature on Latin American migration and other secondary sources

of information. 4 ‘Decent work’ relates to the aspirations of people in their working lives. It involves opportunities for work that are productive and deliver a fair income, security in the workplace and social protection for families, better prospects for personal development and social integration, freedom for people to express their concerns, organise and participate in the decisions that affect their lives and equality of opportunity and treatment for all women and men.

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• Semi-structured interviews with 52 Latin ‘new arrivals’ were completed between July and August

2007 which sought to target the most isolated individuals. ‘New arrivals’ is understood here as

those individuals who entered the UK between 1997 and 2007.

• Nationals from nine Latin American countries were sampled. The methodology sought broadly to

represent the different national groups according to their size (Colombians and Brazilians and then

Ecuadorians being the largest groups); years since arrival in the UK (Peruvians and especially

Bolivians being the more recently settled groups); and recently observed demand from services

provided by Latin American organisations (Brazilian and Bolivian new arrivals being the groups

that are generating more pressure on the system according to most organisations).

• Data was collected in Spanish, Portuguese and English as appropriate, using in-depth interview

techniques. A semi structured questionnaire was administered via face-to-face interviews.

• A range of purposive sampling methods were used. These included visiting areas with high

concentrations of both Latin immigrants and businesses such as Lambeth and Southwark (South

London), Seven Sisters (North London), and Willesden Green (North-West London); and

identifying Latin people in places of work, especially in Central London. Snowballing techniques

were also an important strategy used for accessing the target group (including referrals from

interviewees, church groups, and businesses). This study avoided recruiting individuals through

Latin organisations as the focus was on the most institutionally isolated members of this

community.

• In-depth interviews with 13 Latin American organisations, and others serving this community in

London, were also conducted.

• This research also drew upon 10 semi-structured interviews conducted with Latin entrepreneurs in

different parts of London between September and October 2006.

1.6. Profile of the sample

Country of origin

The sample was made up of new arrivals from nine major Latin American countries. It covered the

larger and more established national groups residing in the UK (Colombians and Brazilians) alongside

Bolivians, Ecuadorians, and Peruvians. In order of importance, these included: Colombians (14 cases

in total = 27%); Bolivians (11 = 21%); Brazilians (8 = 15%); Ecuadorians (8 = 15%); Mexicans (4 =

8%); Peruvians (3 = 6%); Argentineans (2 = 4%); and Venezuelans and Chileans (1 case each = 2%).

The sample was largely made up of Spanish speakers (85%) as well as a group of Brazilians (15%)

who speak Portuguese or ‘Brasileiro’ (as some interviewees stated).

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Figure 1. Country of origin

27

15

21

15

68

42 2

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Colombia

Ecuad

or

Bolivia

Brazil

Peru

Mexico

Argenti

naChile

Venez

uela

Year of arrival in the UK

The large majority of the participants had arrived in the UK during the last ten years (85% of the total)

and belonged to the first generation of immigrants. Those who arrived between 2005 and 2001

represented half of the sample. They therefore fulfil the criteria of ‘new arrivals’ stipulated in the

methodology. All of the Bolivians, Mexicans, and Peruvians in the sample arrived from 2001 onwards

and so did 60 per cent of Brazilians interviewed. Latin American organisations primarily identified

Bolivians and Brazilians, and then Ecuadorians and Peruvians, as the main national groups entering

the UK recently.

Figure 2. Year of arrival to London

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

> 1997 1997-2000 2001-2005 2006-2007

Period

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Age and Gender

All individuals in the sample were in the economically active age group with younger immigrants (aged

18 to 36) counting for 73 per cent of the total. Age groups were evenly distributed between female and

males. Age subgroups were classified as follows: a) 18-29 (31%); b) 30-39 (42%); c) 40-49 (13.5%);

and d) 49-55 (13.5%). The conventional profile of Latin Americans as young immigrants with no family

or parental responsibilities is reflected in the fact that about 60 per cent migrated alone to the UK.

Some participants said however that they had left children and relatives at home to whom they feel

strongly committed and need to support. The concept of a ‘transnational family’ is often used to refer

to this type of distanced/international family relationships.

Figure 3. Participants by age subgroup

18-2930-39

40-49 >49

05

1015202530354045

%

Age subgroups

Fifty-six percent of the participants were male (29 cases in total) and 44 percent female (24 cases). As

with the total Latin American population in the UK, accurate official statistics on gender within this

community do not exist although it is ‘guesstimated’ that women outnumber men. ‘Under-

representation’ of women in the sample is explained partly because women represent a ‘harder-to-

reach’ group (even for a female research assistant) and partly because the study purposely avoided

recruitment through migrant organisations which are in general visited by women.

Area of residence in London The participants resided throughout London. The main area of concentration was in the South London

boroughs (54% of the sample), most notably Lambeth (namely, Elephant & Castle and surrounding

areas), Brixton, Camberwell and Stockwell, which have traditionally been reception areas for Latin

immigrants. North London Boroughs were the second area of concentration (32%), especially in

Hackney, Islington and Haringey, notably in the Manor House, Seven Sisters, and Finsbury Park

areas. Parts of North-West London, especially Harlesden, Kensal Rise, Willesden Green and Dollis

13

Hill, were also popular (10% of the sample), especially among Brazilian new arrivals. As noted by

some organisations, North-West London is becoming the new ‘Elephant’ (for Elephant & Castle) or

‘Seven Sisters’ for the Latin community and in fact many Latin groups and business developments

such as grocers, coffee shops, and restaurants, have been established recently in this area.

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2. ASSESSING CONDITIONS OF ENTRANCE TO THE LABOUR MARKET

Four ‘conditions of entrance’ to the UK labour market for Latin American immigrants were analysed.

This study ex-ante assumes that these conditions or accumulated competitive assets play a critical

role in defining the degree of employability of new arrivals in the UK labour market. These were: a)

motivation and attitude toward work, which is highly correlated to the causes that brought immigrants

to the UK; b) level of formal education and skills; c) English language proficiency; and d) immigration

status.

2.1. Reasons for coming to the UK

Over 70 per cent of the participants said that they migrated to Britain for economic reasons (37 cases)

and that they had been attracted by the expectation of finding jobs and better economic opportunities.

This group comprised those immigrants who were specifically attracted by the high salaries paid in the

UK (54%), those who came searching for better opportunities in general (9%), and those who did so to

work while pursuing studies (8%). To a lesser extent, other factors such as asylum seeking (14%),

studying (9%), family/partner reunions (4%), and travel/tourism (2%), were also mentioned as the

main triggers of the migratory process.

Figure 4. Reason for coming to the UK

54

14

49

29 8

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Econom

ic rea

sons

Asylum

Family/

partn

erStudy

Travel &

touri

sm

To tempt

fate

Work & st

udy

It follows that this group of new arrivals can mainly be labelled as ‘economic immigrants’ or ‘immigrant

workers’ and as such they are likely to represent a highly motivated labour force. This view was

15

supported by most organisations interviewed, especially because many new arrivals took out loans

and/or spent most of their savings to cover their costs of migration and therefore, upon arrival, they

quickly needed to deploy income-generating strategies so as to survive in an expensive city like

London. For most, this means there is no option but getting a job.

2.2. Formal education level and skills

High levels of formal education and skills were found among the 52 participants. More than 50% of the

sample were university graduates or those that began, but did not complete, a degree. Engineers,

accountants, dentists, administrators, IT experts, school teachers, etc., were among the group of

highly-skilled immigrants (see Appendix 1). Secondary school and vocational/technical training was

completed by almost all of the other half of the sample (44%). Only a tiny minority had completed only

primary school (4%), which is mandatory throughout the continent.

A number of issues arise in relation to the high levels of formal education observed among Latin

Americans immigrants in London:

• It confirms findings from other studies which suggest that the Latin people migrating to the UK (and

Europe in general) are neither the poorest nor the least well-educated sectors of the population

(Mcllwaine, 2007; Pellegrino, 2001).

• Formal education at school and university was entirely attained (and paid for) in the country of

origin, which supports the ‘brain drain’ thesis identifying flows of qualified human resources leaving

Latin America in search of better economic opportunities elsewhere (Pellegrino, 2001).

• The stock of existing qualifications and skills suggests that there is an enormous economic

potential within the UK Latin American community which, in principle, could be capitalised on by

the UK labour market. Nevertheless, it is widely accepted that formal education and skills are

neither directly nor easily transferable from country to country and from labour market to labour

market.

• However, a note of caution should be placed here in relation to the figure of graduated and

unfinished degrees, as the ‘student condition’ was part of the migratory strategy used by all of

those who entered the UK with a student visa. On questioning, some respondents were vague

about the nature of the professional qualifications attained which suggested that they might not

have been students, especially not university students.

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Figure 5. Level of formal education

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40

Primary school

Secondary school

Vocational/technical

Universityincomplete

University

Postgraduatestudies

2.3. English proficiency

Evidence of basic proficiency in English is arguably one of the most important parts of the portfolio of

assets held by immigrant workers. Unlike Caribbean immigrants, Spanish and Portuguese speaking

Latin Americans find the language barrier something of an ‘Achilles heel’ when migrating to English-

speaking countries. Upon arrival, 81 per cent of the sample had ‘none’ or a ‘very basic knowledge’ of

English. Only 1 in 5, mostly professionals, reported an intermediate level (19%), and nobody claimed

to be fluent in English.

Figure 6. English proficiency

Intermediate19%

Basic

33%

None

48%

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More surprising perhaps is the fact that some interviewees said that their English had improved little, if

at all, as a result of residing and working in London. As explained below, causes of this relate to the

patterns of social and economic settlement and ‘integration’ of Latin Americans in the capital (see

Sections 3.5 and 4.2).

2.4. Immigration status

Increased diversification of the Latin American population is reflected in the varied menu of

immigration statuses held by participants. In order of importance, they were as follows:

• A quarter of the sample (the largest group) held a ‘student visa’ (25%).

• ‘Undocumented immigrants’ represented the second-largest group (23%). These mainly were

individuals in ‘irregular’ situations such as ‘overstayed’ students and holders of other temporary

visas which had expired at the time of the interview, and who were now pursuing different courses

of action in order to regularise their situation. Stories of individuals entering illegally to Britain were

also mentioned but none of these cases were part of the sample.

• Individuals with British citizenship represented a fifth of the sample (19%).

• The remaining individuals sampled held ‘Indefinite Leave to Remain’ (11%), other types of

temporary work permit (8%), European passports (i.e. Spanish or Italian) (6%), ‘refugee status’

(4%) or were ‘asylum seekers’ (4%) waiting to hear from the Home Office relating to their asylum

claims.

Table 1. Immigration status

Immigration status Frequency Percent British citizen 10 19 Indefinite Leave to

Remain (ILR) 6 11

Refugee 2 4 Asylum seeker 2 4 Work permit holder

(temporary) 4 8

Student visa 13 25 Undocumented/illegal

(overstayed) 12 23

Other 3 6 Total 52 100.0

18

The study thus reveals that about 50 per cent of the interviewees were either not legally entitled to

work (undocumented and asylum seekers) or were able to do so on a part-time basis only (those who

hold a ‘valid’ student visa). This study confirms the belief of academics (Mcllwaine, 2007) and migrant

organisations such as IRMO, CARILA and the Migrant Resource Centre that irregular migratory

situations are a generalised problem among the Latin American population in London.

Large-scale and statistically representative surveys are required in order to assess the exact

dimension of the problem of legality/illegality within the Latin American community and how these

factors impact on economic activity. Case study-based research like this along with information

generated through the migrant organisations allowed us to conclude that the problem not only exists

but is widening and can have devastating effects across the whole process of settlement of this

growing population. Immigration status determines access to health services, education, citizens

advice, accommodation, bank accounts, debit/credit cards, welfare allowances, driving licences, etc.

At another level, insecurity can have devastating psychological effects on individuals, stemming both

from abuse in the workplace by rogue employers (see Section 3.3) and the constant fear of being

detained and deported.

Hence, the conditions of entrance for Latin Americans into UK labour markets are marked by the

interplay of factors that in theory facilitate access to employment opportunities, such as positive

attitudes towards hard work and acceptable levels of qualifications, and others that may hinder it, such

as English proficiency and irregular migratory situations. It follows that policy strategies aimed at

supporting this community should seek to work on both fronts, exploiting opportunities where they

exist (i.e. existing skills) and minimising barriers wherever possible. As shown below, however, the

correlation between these four variables and employment is more complex and requires further

analysis.

19

3. ACCESSING EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES

This section considered the actual performance of the Latin labour force in London’s complex and

competitive labour market. Four aspects were examined, including: main activities carried out in

London; main occupation in the case of those who were employed; job-seeking strategies;

employment conditions; and self-employment and enterprise opportunities. By doing so, it also

assessed the extent to which the conditions of entrance to the labour market played a role in defining

the fortune of Latin new arrivals in the UK labour market.

3.1. Main activity

The participants were asked about their main activity in London. Ninety-four percent of the sample (49

cases) said they were employed at the time of the interview either on a full-time basis (56%) (the

largest group by far) or a part-time one (13%). This group also comprised those who were both

employed & students at the same time (23%); and self-employed (2% of the sample). One interviewee

was a full-time student and another was on incapacity benefit. Only one person in the entire sample

was unemployed and is estimated to represent a case of frictional unemployment – which involves

people being temporarily between jobs.

Figure 7. Main activity in London

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Stu

dent

Full-

time

empl

oyed

Par

t-tim

eem

ploy

ed

Une

mpl

oyed

Sel

f-em

ploy

ed

Em

ploy

ed &

stud

ent

Oth

er

%

At first glance, these findings show that in general respondents did manage to find the work for which

they migrated to Britain and that, as a result, their migratory expectations as economic immigrants

have at least partially been realised. This general proposition will help us to understand the

20

relationship that Latin immigrants develop with their source of employment-income in London (see

Section 3.4). Likewise, findings show that English proficiency and immigration status do not constitute

major barriers to finding employment. In this respect, only 11% of the whole sample pointed out that

‘finding a job’ constituted a problem for them upon arrival to the UK. However, the analysis of the

types of employment that Latin immigrants have in London and the employment conditions in which

they work reveal a very different picture.

3.2. Main occupation

Almost the whole sample of immigrants was employed in low-wage industries, filling job vacancies

typical for immigrants from less developed and transition countries in what has been referred to as

London’s ‘migrant division of labour’ (see Datta et al, 2007). In order of importance, these industries

were: cleaning or cleaning supervision (35% of the sample); retail/sales assistants (19%); and the

catering & restaurant trade (19%) (see Appendix 1).

Figure 8. Main occupation in London

Care2%

Nursery / pre-school

2%

Security10%

Self-employed

4%

Catering/restaurant

19%

Sales & Retail19%

Cleaning34%

Other activity10%

Seventy three percent of participants were concentrated within these three economic sectors which

clearly indicates that a factor of sectoral specialisation is operating within this community, which is

likely to determine the pattern of insertion for newly arrived Latin people in London’s labour market.5

5 The findings above differ slightly from other studies on Latin Americans in London, which broadly identified cleaning and

caring (i.e. au pair & nannies) as sectors of concentration of the Latin labour force (see Mcllwaine, 2005, 2007; Sveinsson,

2007). The caring sector was marginal as a main occupation among the respondents of this study. It may be the case that a

process of diversification towards other low-wage industries is taking place but it may also be related to the fact that other

studies recruited people mainly through migrant organisations (which are in general visited by women) and this could have

21

As for national groups, Bolivians and Ecuadorians were predominantly concentrated in the cleaning

industry, which reflects not only their condition as new arrivals but also as a disadvantaged group

within this community. To a lesser extent, new arrivals were employed in security-related activities

(10%) (i.e. as porters or stewards), and two people were self-employed (4%) – mainly ‘portfolio

entrepreneurs’ who work for others and run their own business in parallel. Self-employment and small

businesses are in fact an increasingly attractive income-generating strategy among the UK Latin

population (see Section 3.6).

Sectoral ‘forcible’ specialisation seems to constitute an enduring employment pattern for the Latin

workforce as workers frequently rotate from e.g. jobs in restaurants to cleaning, from cleaning to

sales/retail, and back to cleaning or catering and so on. Proof of this is that the percentage of people

whose first job upon arrival was in cleaning, retail/sales and catering (87% in total) does not differ

much from the 73% still employed in these three sectors at the time of the interview study (although

cleaning was down from 56 to 34 percent of the sample). Hence this pattern of access to and rotation

in the labour market can be seen as a circular ‘trap’ from which only the more entrepreneurial and

fortunate individuals can ‘break out’. Low-wage industries are in turn constantly exposed to tough

competition and displacement of enterprises and workforce (i.e. by cheaper migrant labour from East

European countries or the Balkans).

Retail & sales (up from 8% upon arrival to 19%) was perhaps the only evidence found of Latin people

climbing the ‘job ladder’. In theory, tasks carried out in retail/sales activities require less physical effort

and a better command of English. Becoming a supervisor was in turn the gold standard, and evidence

of ‘social mobility’, for those immigrants who continued to work in the cleaning industry. It must be

highlighted that the numbers of participants involved in cleaning fell from 56 to 34 percent, between

the first and current job positions, which indicates a slight move away from this sector towards other

activities, including retail and sales.

3.3. Job-Seeking Strategies

Participants were consulted in relation to the degree of difficulty in finding work in London, and the

strategies they employed to do so. Experiences of finding jobs were divided into two main groups. The

largest group claimed that finding a job ‘was not too hard’ or ‘was not hard at all’ (56% of the sample).

The second group instead claimed that it was ‘hard’ or ‘very hard’ (44%). Immigration status, English biased the sample. As shown further on, many participants did not know about the existence of Latin organisations nor had

they the time to search for or request institutional support.

22

proficiency and, most importantly, contacts within the Latin American community, explained the

different experiences. As regards job-seeking strategies, Figure 9 shows that the support received

from within the Latin American community was crucial for 72% of the respondents. In particular, 64%

of the sample identified ‘Latin friends’ as the main gate-keepers for facilitating access to employment

in London. This provides further evidence of the pattern of specialisation in terms of employment

opportunities for Latin Americans. Another effective ‘individual’ strategy pursued in searching for

employment was to walk along high streets and ask in shops, restaurants and newsagents (this

secondary strategy accounted for 12% of responses). Job adverts in newspapers, the Internet or Job

Centres were barely considered by the respondents.

Figure 9. Strategies pursued to find job

63

812

2 2

13

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Latin

ofri

ends

Fam

ilyfri

ends

Wal

king

&as

king

on

high

stre

et

New

spap

ers

Inte

rnet

Oth

er

Consequently, circuits of access to employment for Latin Americans in London were first and foremost

determined by the extent and ‘quality’ of the personal networks to which new arrivals have access.

These partly depended upon the nationality and socio-economic background of the person in question

and partly upon individuals’ efforts to appeal to the so-called ‘Latin solidarity’. Notably, Latin American

organisations were not mentioned as facilitators or sources of advice for finding jobs.

3.4. Employment conditions and rights

Several concerns were expressed in the field research by participants and organisations interviewed

in relation to the type of work to which Latin immigrants are drawn in London:

23

Multi-employment

A variety of income-generating strategies to make ends meet each month (also called ‘coping

strategies’) were pursued and having two, three or more jobs was the most common of these

strategies. Hence, the notion of ‘full-time work’ for the participants was one of, literally, ‘being occupied

all the time’ in different jobs instead of ‘having one job on a full-time basis’. Many pointed out that they

worked extremely long hours (ranging from 12 to 20 hours per day); two, three or more shifts,

sometimes starting very early in the morning and finishing late in the evening (notably, in the cleaning

industry), not to mention time spent commuting to employment.

Casual work

The activities carried out lent themselves to casual work and flexible employment arrangements,

notably through subcontracting chains. Subcontracting chains in the cleaning industry often comprise

of a large company (that holds a cleaning contract with a bank, a superstore, a government

department, or a university) and numerous smaller subcontracting companies which carry out the

actual work. Smaller subcontractors often hire Latin American supervisors (among others from

different nationalities) who not only supervise cleaning teams but are responsible for recruitment;

hence recruitment quite often is carried out and channelled through ethno-personal networks. Cases

of small Latino cleaning companies were also mentioned. The Latin American Development

Association (LADA) estimates that there are more than 80 registered small cleaning companies

owner-managed by Latins (see Section 3.6).

It is important to highlight that this model does not necessarily means employment instability and

insecurity. On consultation, 52% of the participants claimed that their jobs were ‘secure’ (or very

secure); this response appeared evenly distributed across the cleaning, retail/sales and catering

sectors.

Migrant ‘minimum wage’ and employment rights

Wages were on average around or below the National Minimum Wage (£5.35 per hour for those aged

22 and over at the time of interview) and well below the Living Wage for London estimated at £7.20

(Living Wage Unit, GLA, 2007). Participants complained about the general lack of respect of basic

employment rights such as annual leave and sick leave, let alone pensions. Even some workers with

valid work permits were neither aware of their rights nor exactly sure if they were working on- or off-

the-books. As expected, employment rights were not a major ‘contractual’ concern for undocumented

workers as they were not officially entitled to them. Instead their main worries were, firstly, getting paid

at the end of the week/month the amount they expected to get and secondly trying to keep the job

after that period. Several cases of abuse or exploitation were reported. Most strikingly was the case of

24

participants who did not get paid as agreed or were sacked by the employers without any warning or

explanation. Abuses of this nature however were not only a problem confined to those who work

‘cash-in-hand’ but also to those formally employed (PAYE registered).

Undocumented work and the ‘cash-in-hand’ economy

A number of irregularities which facilitated undocumented workers accessing London’s labour market

were reported. These included the use of the same National Insurance numbers, bank accounts, and

passports by different individuals which were borrowed, hired or purchased among migrant networks.

These irregularities must be seen as a part of the circuit of informality, informalisation, and illegality

observed within this and other new/emerging BME communities. Some individuals pointed out that

although control of documentation by employers is getting stricter, many do not request further

information about the authenticity of the documentation provided by potential employees. It must be

said that, in this particular case, not complying with regulations and falling within a continuum of

irregular employment arrangements is a consequence of working in the cash-in-hand economy, not its

cause, as frequently claimed by mainstream commentators and the media (Sepulveda and Syrett,

2007).

Life beyond work

The hard-going and exploitative work regime pictured above leaves immigrant workers little if any time

and energy for families, leisure and social life. Weekends (if free at all) were mainly regarded as

recovery time so as be able to cope with the hard week ahead. The negative effects of this work

regime were multiple. Children who have practically grown up on their own and partners who do not

see much of each other were reported to be generating all sorts of difficulties, such as children with

serious behavioural problems, truancy and drug using or selling, alongside family break-up.

Opportunities to make friends were also regarded as very rare, especially for older immigrants with

families (40 per cent of the participants claimed that they did not have many friends in London and 19

percent said they had none at all). A widespread feeling of sadness among Latin immigrants was

hinted at in field research and was largely the product of emotional instability generated by the

situations described above. This often led to anxiety and depression; many participants claimed to

know undocumented Latin people suffering from psychological distress and not having anywhere to go

to seek advice and help. Both the lack of trust in mainstream organisations such as NHS hospitals and

the language barrier, lay beneath this problem.

It has been said that women adapt more quickly than men to these circumstances and the cultural

change as they accessed jobs in London which they did not necessarily access in their countries

(Mcllwaine, 2007). Employment conferred on women greater economic independence and therefore a

25

higher status which has empowered them substantially placing them in a dominant role within

relationships where traditionally ‘machista’ cultures prevailed. Again, this issue and the complexities of

cultural adaptation to new roles and circumstances were mentioned as a source of conflict between

partners and family break-up.

Degree of satisfaction The views that economic immigrants hold about their jobs while working abroad does not always

reflect the type of work they carry out nor the work conditions that they face. It rather reflects the fact

that they are actually employed (a ‘luxury’ that many did not enjoy back home) and that, good or bad,

the job allows them to pay the bills, possibly leaving enough to save and send money home. Up to 80

per cent of the participants reported sending money home either ‘regularly’ or ‘sporadically’ (the

largest group). On consultation, 50 per cent of the participants had a generally positive view and were

satisfied about the job that they had, while another 20 per cent considered it as ‘very satisfactory’. In

contrast, only 20 percent considered their current job as ‘unsatisfactory’ and 10 percent as ‘very

unsatisfactory’. A higher degree of satisfaction was only evident from individuals working in the retail

and sales sector.

Figure 10. Degree of satisfaction

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

Highlysatisfactory

Satisfactory Unsatisfactory Veryunsatisfactory

Therefore, a combination of ‘dignity’ connected with the fact of being employed and contributing to

society, ‘resignation’ with regard to the job carried out (since better opportunities are rarely available),

26

and the economic impossibility of taking time off of work to search for better job opportunities,

underlay the perpetuation of situations like those described above.

3.5. Conditions of entrance to the labour market reconsidered

Immigration status

The evidence above shows that access to labour markets, and the working conditions to which many

Latin immigrants are exposed are crudely related to immigration status. Some participants claimed

that they felt powerless and unable to complain about unfairness in the workplace for fear of being

denounced and deported. The choice is often between facing the police, or turning a blind eye,

quitting, seeking work in the next cleaning company or restaurant, and getting on with it until the next

tricky situation arises.

The legal/migratory issue is without doubt a strategic area of work for migrant organisations that work

with the UK Latin American community, although it is an extremely challenging one. Organisations

such as IRMO, CARILA and the Migrant Resource Centre use their limited resources to advise and

support undocumented people and others so as to help them to regularise their situation. However,

pressure on migrant organisations is mounting and in many cases there is nothing they can do but

support political campaigns for the softening of visa regimes for immigrant workers or a general

amnesty. Having said this, findings revealed that immigration status is by no means the only barrier

that Latin American new arrivals face in accessing better and ‘decent’ job opportunities.

English proficiency

The English language did not represent a major barrier to access for the type of work which Latin

people commonly carried out in London. As noted by some participants and Latin organisations, one

does not need to speak much English to clean an office or do the dishes in a restaurant. In fact, if you

happen to be an undocumented worker, the less you talk and the more ‘invisible’ you are the better

and safer for your employer (who may breaking the law), for your colleagues (who may also be in an

irregular situation), and for yourself.

Furthermore, an estimated 50 to 60 percent of the participants shared the workplace with fellow Latin

Americans and the language used to communicate with each other was Spanish or Portuguese, not

English. This helps to explain why some individuals in the sample did not improve their English much

after some time living and working in ‘Londres’. Some people even noted that they had developed

language skills so as to ‘standardise’ their Spanish and learned new Spanish words in order to

communicate with other fellow Latins from different national groups. Thus, it can be said that London’s

27

new ‘migrant division of labour’ is determined not only by the ‘migrant condition’ of immigrant workers

but also by their ethnicity and language.

A vicious circle therefore may arise here regarding potential training programmes aimed at improving

English skills, as English does not stop people from gaining employment and both legal and

undocumented workers often see each other doing similar jobs and working under similar conditions.

Latin ‘role models’ with a good command of English and job-related social mobility are rare in the low-

wage industries where most Latin immigrant workers generally socialise.

Interestingly, in response to a question concerning daily problems derived from their level of English,

58 per cent of the respondents claimed that language affects them, either ‘frequently’ (27%) or

‘sometimes’ (31%). Most responses made direct reference to job-related language barriers, including

the lack of capacity of individuals to stand up for themselves in the face of unfair situations or being

unable to go and talk to managers, citizen advisors, and regulators to seek advice and thus defend

their rights. Inability to fill in forms and complain (verbally or in writing) about issues such as utility bills,

taxes, fees, etc., were also pointed out. This suggests that potential English (ESOL) programmes

targeting Latin Americans should try to address practicalities and everyday life issues like those

above.

Figure 11. Language barrier

It does affect frequently

27%

It does affect sometimes

31%

It doesn't affect42%

Education level and skills

A similar pattern as with English skills is evident with regard to education and skill levels. No matter

the experience of education or training they had in their countries of origin, once in the UK Latin

28

Americans will probably gain employment in cleaning, retail/sales, catering, security jobs, and the like.

As shown in Appendix 1, from the three qualified dentists on the list, one was employed as a part-time

steward, another as a cleaner and the last as a waitress. Similarly, an accountant and a forestry

engineer (with postgraduate degrees) were employed as cleaners and an electronic engineer as a

kitchen assistant. That is to mention but a few examples of the profound underutilisation of human

resources. Not surprisingly, 86 per cent of the participants claimed that the formal education and skills

they had gained in their home countries was not very useful in obtaining employment in the UK.

The roots of this problem are multiple and affect all immigrants, particularly from non-EU migrant

communities. Qualifications attained beyond the EU frontiers account for little in the UK and are rarely

officially recognised. Irregular immigration status may also deter people from applying for official

recognition of qualifications as this requires proof of identity, a valid visa, and processing through

official circuits which undocumented immigrants tend to avoid. There is also the language barrier

which, nonetheless, applies mostly to some migrant BME communities (notably, from the less

developed world), as well as ‘unspecified’ factors which some participants and migrant organisations

associated with discriminatory or racist practices that they had experienced.

The fact that professional/qualified immigrants were frequently forced into entering low skilled sectors

of employment (a de-skilling process) has had huge psychological side-effects, as the confidence and

self-esteem (and high status) enjoyed in their countries of origin diminishes, and they find themselves

at the bottom of the labour market.

3.6. Self-employment and enterprise

Latin American entrepreneurship and enterprise development in London dates back to the late 1980s

and early 1990s and was the result of two simultaneous and intertwined processes. On the one hand,

the increasing numbers of Latin Americans entering the UK in that period (especially Colombians)

and, on the other, structural changes occurring in post-industrial economies through which the

tendency to externalise and subcontract services within the public and private sectors became

prevalent.

Increasing numbers of LA migrants generated a set of demands for products and services to serve the

needs of this emerging community. Call centres (which then turned into Internet cafes) and money

transfer or ‘remittance’ shops, along with grocers, eateries, and shops selling Latin food, crafts, music

and videos, were the first business activities established. In time, the concentration of the Latin

population in certain areas of the capital encouraged small businesses to cluster, notably in Brixton

29

(‘Boulevard centre’), Elephant & Castle, Seven Sisters (Seven Sisters Market also known as ‘El

Pueblito Paisa’), Holloway Road, and more recently Willesden Green. Nowadays, enterprise activity

has diversified towards a wide range of products and services such as coffee shops, restaurants,

hairdressers, ‘shipping’ and ‘remittance’ shops, fashion retailers, and salsa nightclubs. The Latin

American Development Association (LADA), which has provided business advice to start-up

entrepreneurs since 1984, estimates that there are around 60 to 70 Latin cafés, eateries and

restaurants in London. Personal services including childcare (nannies), domestic cleaners, salsa and

Spanish teachers, musicians, beauticians and mobile traders such as plumbers, builders, home

maintenance, and ‘man with a van’, have also developed. Most typical goods are supplied to Latin

businesses by a small group of wholesale import/export companies which import directly from Latin

America, Spain and the US. LADA estimates that overall the wholesale sector is controlled by no more

than 10 companies.

Irregular and illegal business activity was also reported in field research (i.e. GPs and dentist

surgeries, and drug selling, especially among the youngest in the sample), although such activities

were not covered by this study.

The second process (the trend towards subcontracting within the public and private sectors) had a

direct boosting effect on the establishment of small subcontracting enterprises among the Latin

population, most notably in the cleaning sector. LADA estimates that there are more than 80

‘registered’ small cleaning enterprises owner-managed by Latin Americans, either on their own or in

partnership with a British partner. Many others are believed to be operating entirely in the informal

‘cash-in-hand’ economy. The cleaning sector deserves special attention here as arguably it constitutes

the single biggest employer of the Latin workforce in London.

Small ‘ethnic’ cleaning companies are generally subcontracted by local SMEs, which are

subcontracted by larger companies which in turn hold cleaning contracts with banks, finance

companies (notably, in the City), government departments, universities, underground, superstores,

schools, hospitals, and the like. As reported by LADA, the majority of the Latin small subcontracting

enterprises are owned-managed by Colombians. Over time, however, Ecuadorians, Peruvians and

Bolivians have also learnt the trade and have become entrepreneurs themselves. Spin-offs are quite

common in this sector as displacement pushes enterprises to bankruptcy and former cleaning

supervisors often take over existing contracts and cleaning teams by establishing their own

enterprises. As seen in Section 3.2, employees are women and men from throughout Latin America

and the less-developed world. The size of enterprises varies but typically small cleaning enterprises

comprise of 2 or 3 fulltime administrative staff, the owner, and 20 to 30 cleaners who are normally

30

subcontracted weekly, working 10 or more hours per day in shifts, and getting paid on average £5 to

£5.50 per hour, although supervisors get paid higher rates.

According to LADA’s managers and other organisations interviewed, Colombians are regarded as the

most ‘entrepreneurial’ national group among the Latin population and some areas of concentration of

Latin businesses like Seven Sisters and Elephant & Castle are often referred to as ‘little Colombia’ or

‘Colombian towns’. As Latin immigrants diversify, however, business ownership does as well. It follows

that nationals from Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru are now also part of the emerging Latin business

community.

As for legal aspects, the majority of these enterprises operate as Sole Traders or micro-enterprises,

the latter with an average of three to five employees. Compliance with tax duties and business

regulations is frequently regarded as a complex matter as many small owner-managers seem

unaware of regulations (i.e. Health & Safety) and rarely issue employment contracts to their

employees. It also appears that registration and compliance with tax and regulations comes largely

after, and not before businesses break even. Many small entrepreneurs share commercial premises

(i.e. in Seven Sisters Market and Brixton) and some operate as ‘multi-businesses’6, which allow them

to reduce substantially fixed costs and so survive in the market place (Sepulveda et al, 2007). LADA

estimated that more than 50 per cent of Latin businesses can be regarded as ‘survivalists’ as profits

for most businesses rarely exceed the £61,000 VAT payment threshold. As noted earlier, some

entrepreneurs are ‘portfolio entrepreneurs’, that is, they are partly self-employed and, in order to break

even and keep their business venture afloat, they are also employed on a part-time basis (i.e. in

cleaning companies).

As for the entrepreneurs’ profile, in general they had little if any business knowledge/training before

start up and were unaware of regulations and registration procedures. The majority of them were

employed in different activities and saved money for many years (at least four years on average) until

they decided to become self-employed. Like many small BME businesses, the difficulty that small

Latin enterprises have in findings new markets and ‘breaking out’ of ethnic niches in which they often

operate was identified as one of the main barriers for business growth by the group of 10 Latin

entrepreneurs interviewed. Market dependency, tough competition, and high levels of displacement

6 Multi-businesses comprise groups of two or more entrepreneurs who trade different products or services under the same roof (typically in one commercial premises on the high street), but only one of them appears on the papers or is registered as a business owner (i.e. the Leaseholder). This person is accountable for paying taxes, obtaining licenses and paying overheads. The other entrepreneurs share overheads, rent, taxes, etc. by informal arrangement, but they are not legally bound to do so. Internet cafes, which also operate as call centres, mobile phone accessory shops, coffee shops, and PC repair shops, fall into this category.

31

among Latin and other BME businesses, perpetuated situations of both informality and economic

survival as described above. As pointed out by LADA, only the most entrepreneurial individuals or

those who saw the real economic potential of their ventures are likely to leave shared business sites

(which are known as ‘galerías comerciales’ or ‘small shopping malls’) so as to re-locate to their own

high street premises. This transition may in turn imply getting properly organised and managed as a

business since overheads (i.e. Lease, rent, and utility bills) and exposition to inspections and

regulations increase substantially.

Most of the entrepreneurs in the sample fitted the model described above. The majority of them did

not have previous business experience in the UK (some had it back home) and were ‘pushed’ into

entrepreneurial careers as it was seen as a better economic alternative; i.e. a way out from cleaning or

other low-paid jobs and to tackle (overt or perceived) discrimination in the labour market. As regards

constraints that Latin entrepreneurs faced, major barriers to growth identified were poor or non-

existent marketing strategies, lack of business information and advice, and inaccessibility of

conventional sources of finance (i.e. bank loans). ‘External barriers’ to small businesses growth, such

as access to information and bank loans, seemed not only to be the result of ‘discriminatory’ practices

against Latin businesses (i.e. by bank managers or mainstream business support agencies) but also

the result of ‘internal barriers’ associated with the entrepreneurs’ own managerial skills i.e. poor book-

keeping practices, and lack of separation between personal and business monies.

Evidence also showed that some entrepreneurs have learnt (often by trial and error) and turned their

businesses into more efficient organisations. Support and advice received by professionals (notably

accountants) from within the community and organisations such as the Latin American Development

Association has proved critical for their learning curve and entrepreneurial careers in London.

The future of the Latin American business community is however uncertain. LADA estimates that the

projection for Latin businesses is mixed. Some sectors are increasingly saturated and business

displacement by other BME businesses which are better equipped managerially and financially is quite

common (i.e. grocers, coffee shops, Internet cafes, money transfer houses). Other sectors such as

Latin delicatessens (traditional products and restaurants) and notably the so-called creative industries,

may perform better should entrepreneurs in these sectors improve their business skills and learn ‘how

the system works’ in Britain. Opportunities in the creative industries associated with the ‘Latin culture’

are considered to be enormous but yet, for the time being these are just latent opportunities.

The emergence of Latin entrepreneurs from among the second generation and professionals who

have been educated in Britain (i.e. accountants and solicitors) may give the Latin business community

32

a huge boost, as has occurred within other new BME business communities (Sepulveda et al, 2007).

They critically combine Latin ‘ethnic knowledge’ with local knowledge, and therefore know how the

system works and how it can be positively exploited. Business support targeted at BME businesses

hardly reached the Latin American business community although organisations such as LADA and the

Association of Community Based Business Advice (ACBBA) are currently generating strategies to

build bridges between mainstream business support agencies and Latin American entrepreneurs.

Second generation entrepreneurs or those who were partly educated in the UK (i.e. at university level)

may facilitate the construction of bridges with the mainstream as well as the injection of new and

modern business ideas within the Latin American business community.

33

4. ASSESSING TRAINING NEEDS

This section sought to identify needs and potential demand for formal training and skills development

programmes expressed by the participants of this study, and to place such needs and demands in the

context of insertion of the Latin population in the London labour market. The concept of Personal

Development Activities (PDA) was used throughout this section to refer to classes, courses, and

training programmes. Five elements were examined: previous experience of training in Britain; training

needs (analysed from the demand-side standpoint); Latin culture and employment and enterprise

opportunities; delivery model for a potential PDA aimed at Latin Americans; and the role of Latin

support organisations.

4.1. Experience of PDA in Britain

Participants were asked whether they had completed or undertaken any PDA since their arrival in the

UK, in order to assess such an experience and see how it could be improved. Seventy-five percent of

the sample (39 cases) responded that they had never undertaken any PDA; no statistically significant

difference was found in this regard by age, gender or nationality - though Bolivians were perhaps the

least proactive national group regarding PDA. As shown in Figure 12, the reasons given for not having

taken up any class, course or training programme were as follows: ‘lack of time’, the single most-

mentioned deterrent factor (23% of the cases); ‘high cost’ (13%); ‘lack of information’ (8%); and ‘other’

reasons (i.e. unsuitable venue location) (5%).

Figure 12. Deterrent factors

13%

23%

8%

51%

5%

High cost (3rd) Lack of time (2nd)

Lack of information (4th) Two or more listed reasons (1st)Other (5th)

34

Most importantly, it was the combination of these three factors which principally deterred Latin

Americans from undertaking PDA (51% of the total). Not having spare time to attend PDA did not

come as a surprise as most people worked extremely long (and antisocial) hours (see Section 3.4). As

for financial resources, the opportunity cost of investing existing savings in PDA was considered to be

too high – it would have prevented people from being able to send money home or taking a short

holiday. In the unlikely event of having spare time and cash available, respondents knew neither what

nor where courses or training were available. Finally, location of venues also acted as a deterrent

factor in London due to high costs of public transport and long and time-consuming commuting

distances.

General English classes were the preferred PDA undertaken among the 25 per cent of the participants

who had basic experience in the British educational system. In second place came more technical

training such as payroll calculation, health & safety, and food hygiene, especially amongst the self-

employed and workers in the catering sector. Single mentions were given to courses in employment

rights, book-keeping, business & management, IT, first aid, and more artistic or ‘creative’ subjects like

script writing and popular music.

As regards the degree of satisfaction with PDA undertaken, it was in general very positive although

some complaints were heard in relation to the quality of available English classes (courses provided

by Local Authority colleges were delivered by non-native English speakers) and the fact that most

qualifications issued were not recognised by relevant bodies.

4.2. PDA needs

Participants were consulted in relation to a list of ten possible PDAs which a) they felt they needed in

order to improve their chances of getting better jobs and b) they were prepared to sign on to if PDA

were offered to them by or through a migrant organisation (see Table 2). It must be noted that this was

a very difficult question to answer for some participants who neither were thinking of pursuing PDA in

the feasible future at the time of the interview nor saw a relationship between PDA and access to

better job opportunities. In fact, the research assistants who administrated the questionnaire felt that it

actually was a rather inappropriate question to ask people who were going through extreme hardship

in life conditions. Hence findings below should be read with caution.

35

Table 2. Training needs Type of training a) Order of

Importance (%) b) Interest in signing in (%)

• English language • University / professional • Business & administration (e.g. taxation, payroll, book

keeping, marketing) • Computer, IT, internet • Community support, charity work, volunteering • Technical / Vocational (e.g. plumber, electrician, chef, care,

beauty, hairdresser) • CV writing & interview practice • Job seeking strategies • Latin culture, art & traditions (e.g. music, dance, craft, food,

carnival) • Secondary school, colleges

1st 2nd 3rd

4th 5th

6th

7th

8th

9th

10th

22 17 11

11 9 9

7 7

5 2

2nd 1st 3rd

4th

5th

6th

7th 8th

9th 10th

20 21 11

10 10 8

7

6.5

6.5 ------

Total 144 100 108 100 Three different subgroups of responses became evident by counting the frequency of mentions to

PDA listed in question ‘a’ (144 in total) and, to a lesser extent, in question ‘b’ (108):

1st group: English classes and university degrees or equivalent professional training were the most

appealing for the participants (around 20 percent out of the total number of mentions in each case).

2nd group: Business & administration, computers & IT, community support & volunteering, and

vocational & technical training came out in second place (10 percent of the mentions in each case).

3rd group: CV writing & interview practice, job seeking strategies, Latin culture, art & traditions, and

secondary-level education were the third level of PDA mentioned.

Although responses to this question should be treated with caution, findings did shed light on the

nature of labour market-oriented PDA which would be more appealing to the needs of Latin American

new arrivals.

As for the first group, incentives to undertake general English classes were high among the

participants but not as high as was expected in this process of consultation. University degrees or

equivalent professional training did not come as a surprise due to the high percentage of participants

with ‘unrecognised’ (and therefore frozen) or incomplete university degrees. Helping professionals to

36

both gain the relevant conversion of qualifications and obtain professional employment should be seen

as a key area of need.

The second group (practical/technical skill development programmes) demonstrated a clearer degree

of definition about what people would like to do and why. Business & administration, IT courses, and

vocational training were mainly seen as a realistic route out of cleaning work and, potentially, as a

route into self-employment and enterprise. Community support, charity work & volunteering was in

turn regarded as a very appealing alternative to access more gratifying jobs since, should they find a

job in a community-based organisation, they could support other people in need, including fellow Latin

American immigrants. As regards the third group, writing CVs or preparing interviews was generally

considered a practical issue which often is ‘sorted out’ through friends or family.

4.3. Latin culture, PDA and socio-economic opportunity

The study was particularly interested in analysing Latin culture as an economic asset since lately there

has been a growing interest in it within British media and society. This interest is for example reflected

in the rising attendance figures at Latin events in London such as the Carnaval del Pueblo and the

Cuban Carnival, as well as other expressions of Latin culture such as salsa classes, nightclubs, and

traditional eateries. Such activities have the potential to turn into job and enterprise opportunities for

Latin Americans in the diaspora and therefore they should be part and parcel of any institutional

strategy aimed at supporting this community.

Figure 13. Interest in Latin artistic and cultural activities

Yes, definitely18%

Not sure19%

Not at all35%

Don't know5%

Yes, maybe23%

37

Participants were consulted about whether they would be interested in getting involved in cultural

activities associated with the Latin community such as carnival organisation and floats, design of

costumes, music, and other artistic expression and cultural traditions. As seen in Figure 13, two main

groups of responses were collected. The first group was more inclined to get involved in Latin

activities (41% in total) and the second (and largest group) was more inclined to avoid participation in

such activities (54% in total). Having said that, it is important to highlight that from all PDA and

activities mentioned to the participants during interviews, culturally related activities were those that

attracted the highest level of interest among the respondents. Given the time restraints that people

generally had beyond work, the high degree of interest in cultural activities reported should be seen as

an opportunity to be explored by Latin and or other organisations which are looking to provide services

targeting the Latin population.

Latin culture can also serve as a catalyst and means to boost people’s self-esteem and sense of

belonging. However, a lot more needs to be done in order to both inform the target group about who is

doing what, where and when, and to encourage them to get involved in such activities. An example of

this gap of information which apparently exists between the Latin population and migrant organisations

is the fact that 29 per cent of the sample had never heard about Carnaval del Pueblo, 34% had heard

of the carnival but never attended, and only 37% had heard and attended at least once.

Understanding people’s attitude to Latin events such as the Carnaval del Pueblo was also important in

learning how new arrivals build and negotiate their ‘Latin identity’ in multicultural London. Opinions and

views of individuals who had heard of or attended Carnaval del Pueblo (26 in total) were as follows: a

very positive opinion about the whole event was expressed by the largest group (72% of the sample),

who said they enjoyed all of the Latin cultural and artistic activities which took place (i.e. music, dance

and food) and that the event turned into an opportunity to relax, see old friends and celebrate their

Latin roots. A mixed (19%) or negative (9%) opinion about the carnaval was expressed by the second

group (28% of the total). Some participants questioned the organisation of the event (especially the

fact that there were not many activities aimed at integrating the different ‘national’ groups) and the fact

that they felt that the Latin culture was somehow trivialised i.e. because there was too much alcohol

and party/business-driven activity and little about other things like Latin folklore, literature, and poetry.

4.4. Delivery model

Participants were consulted regarding the outlook that they had with respect to an ideal course,

training or skill development programme, considering issues such as location of venue, timing, costs,

language, and provider. Concerns expressed previously in relation to costs and venues dominated the

38

responses collected from the entire sample (see Figure 14). PDA supplied for free or at a very low

cost was the single most-mentioned factor as an ideal requirement (20% of the sample). Accessibility

in terms of timing and location was in turn the second main requirement (13%). Weekends and

evenings and convenient/central venues, were two of the main elements of accessibility. PDA

delivered using practical English was the third ideal requirement (10%). The fact that PDA should be

given by qualified persons and that diplomas should have official accreditation came fourth (6%). The

combination of two or more of these factors was the main requirement for almost half of the sample

(46% of the total).

Figure 14. Ideal PDA

3%20%

6%

13%10%1%1%

46%

Don't know Free or very low cost (2nd)High quality / given by professionals Time/location accessible (3rd)In English & practical English (4th) Official accreditation/certificateIn Spanish Two or more listed (1st)

As for the ideal provider of PDA programs targeting the Latin population, participants were given three

options to choose from: a) Latin organisations; b) Latin organisations along with English partner

organisations; and c) English organisations alone. Interestingly, 85 per cent of respondents stated the

need of an English organisation to be involved in organising and/or delivering PDAs, either as a

partner of a Latin organisation (50% of the sample) or acting on its own (35%) (see Figure 15). Only

15 per cent of the entire sample considered that Latin organisations on their own were the ideal

provider, mostly suggesting cultural affinities and that they could speak in their mother tongue

(Spanish or Portuguese).

Participants pointed out that only through the involvement of an English organisation could the quality

standard that they expected from an ideal PDA be ensured. In this sense, a group of participants

hinted at or claimed that they did not trust Latin organisations and this view was held amongst some of

those whom had never approached nor knew of the existence of such organisations.

39

Figure 15. Ideal PDA provider

15

50

35

05

101520253035404550

Latin organisation Latin organisationwith English org.

Englishorganisation

Partly this related to the fact that some participants (especially undocumented immigrants) felt

neglected by migrant organisations and partly due to the fact that Latin organisations are often seen

as linked to or controlled by one specific national group, which may be subjected to stereotyped

beliefs. The origin of these views often stem from internal conflicts or divisions that may exist within

the UK Latin American population (i.e. between employers and employees or among house mates

from different nationalities) and stereotypes among neighbouring Latin American countries.

Overall, this finding represented a strong message for Latin organisations which may be trying to

evolve and adapt to operate in the context of the new millennium. Two main factors are at the centre

of this claim. The first is mass migration of Latin immigrant workers to London and the emergence of

both older and second generation immigrants, which implies new demands on the institutional support

framework and, secondly, weaker political/institutional anchors of the new Latin population (notably in

relation to 1970/1980 refugees), which makes it much harder for migrant organisations to reach and

engage with this population. Furthermore, these factors should be seen operating in an economically

demanding and increasingly adverse political context for new economic immigrants; both competition

for job positions in low-wage industries is becoming tougher and tougher (notably owing to the flow of

a cheaper labour force from East European countries), and migration controls are becoming stricter

and stricter for non-European nationals.

40

4.5. The role of migrant organisations

As noted in the introduction to this report, migrant organisations constitute one of the pillars and

‘founders’ of the Latin community in the UK, and especially in London, where most of them are based.

In turn, a substantial part of the public support targeted at this community is actually channelled

through these organisations. The intention of this study was not to asses the overall role that

organisations play in supporting the settlement process of Latin Americans in Britain, be they

generalist service providers, national-group based, political or cultural ones. Instead, the intention was:

a) to explore the potential role that new arrivals see migrant organisations playing regarding service

provision; b) to assess their perceptions about organisations and the services that they provide; and c)

to examine how these perceptions fit into wider discussions regarding employment and enterprise

opportunities for the UK Latin population.

Figure 16. Service provision by Latin organisations

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

No answer

English courses / ESOL

Legal & migratory advice

Housing & accomodation

Welcome package for new arrivals

Job opportunities & job hunting

Access to benefits

Integration activities & local culture

Access to education & training

None

Late question Early question

Service provision

This section began by consulting participants about services or activities that they would like

organisations to deliver to Latin immigrants - beyond training needs and access to the labour market.

In order to control potential sources of bias, this question was asked prior to and after the round of

questions regarding labour market issues (initially as an open-ended question and then based on a list

of suggested responses).

41

In the early stage of the interview: priority was given to the supply of ‘welcome packages’ for new

arrivals and to ‘legal and migratory advice’ (15% of the sample in each case). A welcome pack should

comprise of information and guidance relating to immigration laws and rights, housing, employment

opportunities, public benefits, health services, etc. Legal & migratory advice in turn should include not

only general advice regarding immigrants’ chances of legalising their situation but the following up of

legal cases in court, etc. Services related to accessing job opportunities and education (schools for

children), English classes, and cultural and sport activities targeted at the Latin community were

mentioned in second place (approximately 10% of the responses in each case).

In the later stage of the interview: After participants were consulted in relation to their prospects in the

labour market, responses collected varied, substantially in some cases, and slightly in others. Legal &

migratory advice was by far the main priority given in relation to institutional support (33% of the

cases) and mentioned twice as much as in the earlier stages of the interview. English classes came

out second and also increased from 10% to 17% of the sample. This helped to confirm the important

role that both factors play in determining access to better socio-economic opportunities for this migrant

population. Interest in a welcome package for new arrivals reduced substantially (from 15% of the

sample to just one case), as did interest in activities assisting integration into British society. Interest in

services relating to access to benefits such as health services (GPs and hospitals) and schooling

increased while access to education and training and job opportunities maintained similar responses.

Finally, the percentage of participants that claimed that Latin organisations should provide no services

at all also reduced.

Priorities given to the action of Latin organisations through this process of consultation should not be

seen however as fixed demands/needs but as dynamic and changing through time. The key to

unlocking the dynamic nature of real needs and potential demands of services upon the institutional

support framework seems to be determined by the length of time that immigrants have resided in the

reception country and the political and economic environment relating to migration in that country, a

dynamic which also changed through time. The former has been captured by this study while the latter

represents a matter for an entirely different research project.

42

Main problem: upon arrival and at the time of the interview The study attempted to capture the view of the participants in relation to the main problems that they

had to face in two different stages of their migratory trajectory, upon arrival to Britain and at the

present time. It must be highlighted that judgments analysed below were in general the result of a

combination of problems or obstacles which people had or have to face rather than one problem in

particular.

• The majority of the participants stated that the ‘language barrier’ (English language) was the main

problem that they had had to face upon arrival (52% of the total) and they still have to face after a

period of time living in Britain (26% of the total – the largest group). However, the percentage of

respondents that expressed this view as a current problem reduced to half of the sample.

• Accessing suitable accommodation (15%) and finding a job (12%) came out in second and third

place respectively as arrival problems (suitable was defined as affordable, good quality, and

reasonable location).

• Although still an issue for 8 percent of the sample, accessing suitable accommodation was less of

a problem now than it was upon arrival for 15 percent of the participants.

• Finding employment opportunities was identified as the second main current problem by 23 per

cent of the sample (up to approx 50% upon arrival). It must be noted however that the exact

phrasing of the current problem was ‘access to better job opportunities’ and ‘improvements in work

conditions’ rather than finding jobs per se (as expressed upon arrival).

Table 3. Main problems in London

a) Problems upon arrival % % b) Current problems English language 52 26 English language Legal situation 7 8 Legal situation Housing & accommodation 15 8 Housing & accommodation Finding a job 12 23 Finding ‘better’ job & employment rights

Old issues Arising issues

Discrimination & racism 2 2 Home sickness High living cost 6 8 Adaptation to local culture & integration Access to school & doctor 2 17 Others (benefits, high living costs, food) Local culture 2 8 None Work conditions 2 --- 100 100

• Interestingly, ‘the legal/migratory issue’ only came out in fourth place as a current problem (8% of

the sample), along with other issues such as accommodation/housing and high living costs, and its

weight barely changed from arrival (7% of the sample). Most recent Latin migrants to the UK

43

entered with a student visa and therefore many had valid documentation until that visa expired.

Presumably, immigrants in this condition did not have major legal/migratory problems upon arrival

but that would have changed dramatically as visas expired and requirements to obtain work

permits got tougher (23% of the participants of this study were undocumented at the time of the

interview).

• This report argues that a combination of resignation as regards irregular migratory situations, and

the fact this has not stopped them from getting jobs, explains the fact that legal/migratory issues

were not seen as a major problem.

• There were also a number of issues that appeared on both occasions such as access to benefits

(mainly health & schools) and discrimination, although the main difference was perhaps that what

was previously a concern about the high living costs of London became a concern about problems

of adaptation to local culture and integration into British society.

• Finally, people pointed out that they had no major problems at all (8% of the sample).

The distinction between ‘upon arrival’ and subsequent ‘adaptation’ problems may therefore serve to

enable the design of services targeted at specific groups (i.e. by age, gender, year of arrival, socio-

economic background, family situation, employment sector, etc.).

As analysed below, however, there are another set of factors and circumstances that the system of

institutional support would need to address before designing specific support instruments and

initiatives.

General perceptions

Participants were requested to rate the role that Latin organisations played in advising, guiding, and

supporting new arrivals. As expected, the majority of participants claimed to have no idea about the

activities developed by migrant organisations and could not comment on their role (56%). However,

negative and very negative perceptions dominated the opinions given by the second largest group

(44%), some of whom had approached organisations. Specifically, their role in this sense was

considered ‘very unsatisfactory’ (21% of the total) or ‘unsatisfactory’ (15%), and only 6 per cent of the

participants expressed a positive view in this sense.

The reasons given to support this claim varied significantly. Some respondents said that organisations

were under-resourced and overstretched by demand, which affected their whole management and

delivery capacity. Others complained about the fact that they only supported ‘legal immigrants’

(notably, refugees), and others even claimed that organisations were corrupt. It must be said that

44

these negative statements contrasted with the rather positive and enthusiastic view gathered by the

author while visiting several Latin organisations and talking to their clients.

Figure 17. Degree of satisfaction with migrant organisations

56%

2%4%

17%

21%Doesn't know

Highly satisfactory

Satisfactory

Unsatisfactory

Very unsatisfactory

Participants were also consulted as to whether they a) had received any support from Latin

organisations (i.e. advice, guidance or training) and, b) were somehow involved in or had participated

in activities organised by the organisations. Forty-eight out of 52 participants (92% of the sample)

pointed out that they had never received any support and about 80 per cent said that they had never

been involved or participated in any activity organised by Latin organisations. Out of the 6 people who

did receive institutional support, churches or religious groups from within or related to the Latin

community, were the main providers. Similarly, activities organised by church or religious groups were

the most attended among the 20% of the sample who were involved or participated in Latin activities.

Church and religious groups were practically the only institutional tie that most participants had with

the Latin community in London. Church and religious groups (especially Catholic and Protestant-

evangelical) may therefore be seen as effective gate-keepers and eventually partners of policy

strategies aimed at gaining access to and engaging with the most isolated and perhaps needy groups

of the Latin population residing in the UK.

These responses suggest that migrant organisations should try to develop activities which improve

their image in the wider community. Most organisations recognised that, although they know and

(eventually) talk to each other, they rarely carry out collective actions or cooperate in joint projects,

though this may be a good way to advertise services and reach a wider range of people.

45

5. POLICY IMPLICATIONS

This study examined different aspects that help to understand the patterns of insertion of the Latin

American workforce in the London labour market, based on a process of consultation with fifty-two

Latin immigrants and thirteen migrant organisations. Overall, three intertwined levels of institutional

intervention should be addressed in order to both improve work and settling conditions for the Latin

American population in London and also attain the recognition by government, policy makers, and

society that this community deserves. The first level concerns political-institutional actions to defend

immigrants’ human and economic rights in the UK. The second level comprises actions aimed to

improve conditions of access to better job opportunities for Latin workers in the UK labour market. The

third level refers to those actions aimed at improving general settling conditions for the UK Latin

American community as a whole.

Political-institutional actions

Evidence demonstrated that structural conditions associated with what has been referred to as

London’s new ‘migrant division of labour’ seemed to play a far more decisive role in defining the types

of economic and occupational opportunities for the Latin population in Britain than do formal

education, training and skills. Therefore, it seemed that accessing better and ‘decent’ job opportunities

beyond the vicious circle of employment in low-wage industries depended not only upon improving

English proficiency and obtaining legal migratory status (two major barriers among Latins in London),

but upon the change of structural conditions. Radical changes in this sense are unlikely to occur in the

foreseeable future and the reasons may lie in the fact that there are influential public and private

vested interests which benefit from the status quo; namely, cheap and flexible labour, and

conformist/low-profile undocumented workers who are not recipients of welfare benefits. This, and not

their English proficiency, is what makes Latin Americans ‘invisible’ in the public eye vis-à-vis other

groups, such as Polish workers.

Collective political action by Latin organisations could for example raise awareness of this situation, so

as to denounce what is actually happening on the ground level for newly arrived economic immigrants.

This may help to generate a political consensus so as to influence policy makers to intervene in

improving employment conditions of immigrant workers trapped in the accessible but exploitative

London migrant economy. Campaigns for information and outreach work with the whole Latin

community are therefore required in order to generate awareness regarding employment rights and

strategies to contest unfairness in the workplace. The political actions undertaken by the Association

of Latin American Workers (ALAW) set up in 2004 by the Transport and General Workers’ Union

(T&G) to unionise Latin cleaners and campaign for the observance of the National Minimum Wage

46

and employment rights in low-wage industries are remarkable in this sense. More controversially,

some organisations also highlighted the need for supporting human rights campaigns to defend the

‘right to stay for all’ (i.e. ‘Strangers into Citizens’), amnesties to regularise irregular workers, and

initiatives which denounce the forthcoming new ‘Points-Based System’.

At the level of London Boroughs, official recognition of the Latin community by local authorities should

also be a central part of any strategy aimed to support the UK Latin population. Individual strategies by

some Latin organisations have succeeded in obtaining support from the local authority (i.e. in Lambeth

and Southwark) but collective action is needed so as to make that public support accessible and

customised to the needs of the wider community. The London Development Agency’s current interest

in the Latin American community as a result of a co-operation agreement signed by the Mayor with the

Venezuelan government in 2007 should be seen as an opportunity for collective action for the Latin

American constituency in London.

Labour market actions

Drawing upon this process of consultation, the needs for training and skill development programmes

among Latin workers and small entrepreneurs as well as the nature of a potential delivery model of

such programmes were also assessed. Evidence collected from field research suggested that actions

taken in the following areas are most likely to attract the interest of the Latin population:

√ English classes oriented towards problem-solving and practical issues √ Facilitating access to university studies or equivalent professional training and job opportunities

for qualified professionals √ Business & administration courses for employees and would-be entrepreneurs √ Computers & IT training √ Community support & volunteering qualifications √ Vocational & technical training √ Latin arts and cultural courses associated with the creative industries

It was also evident that the delivery model should carefully observe the restrictions existing among the

Latin population in terms of time, costs and location. Addressing the time constraints derived from the

long hours of work to which immigrant workers are subjected is central to providing the necessary

conditions for effective training and skill development programmes aimed to Latin workers. The quality

47

of PDA supplied and official recognition of diplomas issued were also part of an ideal delivery model

envisaged by its potential clients. Both requirements were in turn directly associated with the

participation of British organisations in the design and delivery of a PDA program alongside Latin

organisations.

Community-level actions

The process of consultation also demonstrated that a different approach to institutional support should

be taken when it comes to supporting the general needs of the Latin population in London. Different

areas of institutional action were recommended from the process of consultation. Latin organisations

were seen as playing an important role in different aspects of the settlement of the Latin population in

London. However, if organisations are to become part and parcel of an extended programme of

institutional support then they will have to change general perceptions about their role and inform the

community more effectively about actions and initiatives offered. Key areas of institutional action

included:

√ English (ESOL) classes (practical issues) √ Accommodation & housing (welcome information pack) √ Legal & migratory services (welcome information pack) √ Finding jobs and accessing better job opportunities (employment services) √ Access to health services & schools for children (welcome information pack) √ Activities to promote adaptation to the local culture and integration into British society √ Cultural and sports activities targeted at the Latin community as a whole, not by nationality √ Psychological assistance for couples, families, children, and individuals in need

48

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Mcllwaine, C. (2007) Living in Latin London: How Latin American migrants survive in the city, Queen Mary, University of London and Carila Latin American Welfare Group. Miller, R. (1998) Introduction. In P. Decho and C. Diamond (compilers) Latin Americans in London: A select list of prominent Latin Americans in London 1800-1996, Institute of Latin American Studies, London. Pellegrino, A. (2001) ¿Drenaje o éxodo? Reflexiones sobre la migración calificada, Documento del Rectorado, No 12, Montevideo, Universidad de la República del Uruguay. Pellegrino, A. (2004) Migration from Latin America to Europe: Trends and Policy Challenges, International Organization for Migration, Research Series 16, IOM, Geneva. Portes, A. (2004) The New Latin Nation: Immigration and the Hispanic population in the United States, Working Paper No 04-02, Princeton, Center for Migration and Development, Princeton University. Sepulveda, L., S. Syrett and F. Lyon (forthcoming) New Ethnic Minority Business Communities in Britain: Challenges of diversity and informality for the UK business and policy frameworks, Working Paper Series, Social Policy Research Centre, Health and Social Sciences, Middlesex University. Sepulveda, L. and S. Syrett (2007) ‘Out of the Shadows? Formalisation Approaches to Informal Economic Activity’, Policy & Politics, 35(1), pp 87-104. Spence, L. (2005) Country of Birth and Labour Market Outcomes in London. An Analysis of Labour Force Survey and Census Data. London, GLA. Sveinsson. K.P (2007) Bolivians in London: Challenges and achievements of a London community, Runnymede Trust, London. Torrado, V.T. (2006) La inmigración latinoamericana en España, Expert Group Meeting on International Migration and Development in Latin American and the Caribbean, Mexico DF, UN/POP/EGM-MIG/2005/12, 25th of May 2006, p. 2.

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Appendix 1. Interviewees by name, country of origin, education level, and occupation a. Name b. Country c. Education level d. Occupation in London

Maria Julio Cristina Juan Margarita Cecilia Alejandra Manual Felipe Miriam Sergio Amelia Gilberto Ricardo Victor Hugo Cesar Daniel Mirella Lucia Patricio Teresa Anabel Norberto Javier Eliana Elias Claudia Elizabeth Jose Antonio Angel Gissela Amanda Paola Richard Lorena Emiliano Joao Josue Maria Elena Alfonso Elsa Carlos Adela Marta Aparecido Fernando Jonas Samuel Simon Roberto

Colombian Argentinean Ecuadorian Colombian Bolivian Bolivian Mexican Mexican Peruvian Brazilian Colombian Colombian Brazilian Colombian Bolivian Ecuadorian Brazilian Venezuelan Peruvian Chilean Ecuadorian Peruvian Colombian Colombian Mexican Bolivian Bolivian Mexican Colombian Bolivian Ecuadorian Brazilian Brazilian Bolivian Ecuadorian Bolivian Bolivian Bolivian Brazilian Brazilian Bolivian Colombian Ecuadorian Argentinean Ecuadorian Colombian Brazilian Colombian Colombian Colombian Ecuadorian Colombian

University incomplete (UI) University (Dentist) UI (Accountant) UI (Engineering) University (Cosmetologist) University (School teacher) University (Media) UI (First year of Medicine) University (unspecified) Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school University (Pastor) Secondary school UI (Accountant) Primary school Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school University (Dentist) Technical school (Administration) UI (Media) Secondary school Technical school (unspecified) Secondary school (self-employed) UI (Fashion design) UI (PC networks) Technical school (unspecified) UI (unspecified) University (Mechanical engineer) Postgraduate (Forest engineer) University (Marketing) Secondary school Secondary school University (unspecified) University (Accountant) Secondary school University (unspecified) Secondary school University (Dentist) Primary school Secondary school Postgraduate (Electronic engineer) UI (unspecified) Secondary school UI (unspecified) Technical school (Tourism) Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school UI (unspecified)

Secretary (trade union) & volunteer (charity) Steward (event company) & volunteer Cashier Porter Cleaner Supervisor (cleaning company) & carer Waitress Waitress Manager (cleaning company) Business owner (travel agency & Brazilian food) Waitress & other casual works (unspecified) Sales assistant Pastor Sales (team leader) Cleaner Chef (catering company) Assistant (catering company) Cleaner (streets) Supervisor (cleaning company) Pre-school teacher assistant Cleaner Sales (superstore) Waitress School keeper (porter); cleaning & maintenance Waitress & restaurant manager Cleaner & self-employed Cleaner (manager) & volunteer (trade union) Kitchen assistant Nanny Porter Mechanic engineer Cleaner Sales assistant (store) Cook Part-time cleaner & student Cleaner Full-time cleaner & Part-time sales assistant Painter & several casual works Sales assistant Cleaner Waitress Incapacity benefit (former cleaner) Supervisor (cleaning company) Kitchen assistant & porter Cleaner (offices) House-wife Leafleting; part-time singer & sales Driver (delivering) Sales assistant Supervisor (cleaning company) Assistant manager (unspecified) (former cleaner) Sales assistant

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LIST OF MIGRANT ORGANISATIONS Casa de la Salud Latina

Carila Latin American Welfare Group (www.carila.org.uk)

Latin American Association (Casa Latino Americana) (www.casalatina.org.uk)

Latin American Disabled Peoples Project

Latin American Golden Years Day Centre

Latin American Women's Rights Service (LAWRS) (www.lawrs.org.uk)

Association of Latin American Workers (ALAW)

Latinoamericana Indoamerican Refugee & Migrant Organisation (IRMO)

Latin American Development Association (LADA)

PRAXIS (www.praxis.org.uk)

The Migrants Resource Centre (www.migrantsresourcecentre.org.uk)

Mafalda Latin American Community Nursery (www.mafaldanursery.com)

The Latin American Saturday School