a royal garden ideology of eden sjot 2014 (1)

36
This article was downloaded by: [University of Exeter] On: 31 May 2015, At: 15:52 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Click for updates Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament: An International Journal of Nordic Theology Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/sold20 A Royal Garden: The Ideology of Eden Nicolas Wyatt a a 22 Hillway, London N6 6QA, New College, Edinburgh EH1 2LX Published online: 13 Jun 2014. To cite this article: Nicolas Wyatt (2014) A Royal Garden: The Ideology of Eden, Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament: An International Journal of Nordic Theology, 28:1, 1-35, DOI: 10.1080/09018328.2014.926689 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09018328.2014.926689 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http:// www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

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Ideologia del Eden

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Page 1: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

This article was downloaded by [University of Exeter]On 31 May 2015 At 1552Publisher RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number 1072954 Registered office MortimerHouse 37-41 Mortimer Street London W1T 3JH UK

Click for updates

Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament AnInternational Journal of Nordic TheologyPublication details including instructions for authors and subscription informationhttpwwwtandfonlinecomloisold20

A Royal Garden The Ideology of EdenNicolas Wyatta

a 22 Hillway London N6 6QA New College Edinburgh EH1 2LXPublished online 13 Jun 2014

To cite this article Nicolas Wyatt (2014) A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden Scandinavian Journal of the OldTestament An International Journal of Nordic Theology 281 1-35 DOI 101080090183282014926689

To link to this article httpdxdoiorg101080090183282014926689

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor amp Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the ldquoContentrdquo) containedin the publications on our platform However Taylor amp Francis our agents and our licensors make norepresentations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy completeness or suitability for any purpose ofthe Content Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authorsand are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor amp Francis The accuracy of the Content should not be reliedupon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information Taylor and Francis shallnot be liable for any losses actions claims proceedings demands costs expenses damages and otherliabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with in relation to orarising out of the use of the Content

This article may be used for research teaching and private study purposes Any substantial or systematicreproduction redistribution reselling loan sub-licensing systematic supply or distribution in anyform to anyone is expressly forbidden Terms amp Conditions of access and use can be found at httpwwwtandfonlinecompageterms-and-conditions

copy 2014 The Editors of the Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden

Nicolas Wyatt 22 Hillway London N6 6QA

New College Edinburgh EH1 2LX

Email niqmad3gmailcom

ABSTRACT Before ldquoParadiserdquo became concerned with explaining the pre-

sent ldquofallenrdquo condition of humanity due to a primal sin which later also be-

came eschatologised into the locus of a human post-mortem felicitous destiny

it already symbolised royal power and the kingrsquos role in the ritual manage-

ment of the state And before the Garden of Eden came to be understood as

ldquoin the eastrdquo or in some other place remote from the present real world it

was understood to be located in Jerusalem as the setting of the royal cult

Adam the gardener was originally a type of the king This paper examines the

evidence for these elements in the biblical Eden story (Genesis 2-3) and in

Mesopotamian and Egyptian iconography and ideology and attempts to set

the final form of the tradition within its historical context the destruction of

the state in 597586 BCE and its non-monarchical succeeding period under

Persian rule

Key words Adam Eden Exile Jerusalem Kingship Royal Ideology Sacred

Tree Zion

Introduction

It is probably fair to say that the narrative in Genesis 2-3 is one of the

foundation documents of western culture It has certainly determined the

whole self-understanding of humanity in Jewish and Christian thought with

an appreciable influence on Muslim anthropology It has been universally

interpreted throughout most of its history as treating the creation of man

followed by his ldquofallrdquomdashhowever that is understoodmdashand giving rise to our

present universal ldquofallenrdquo human nature Paradise has been ldquolostrdquo to be

ldquorestoredrdquo in the future at the last trump

But many elements within the story both narrative and incidental features

suggest that the original author(s) may have understood it very differently

and as referring to their own time and to conditions only recently imposed

upon them only a much later Jewish Christian and particularly Augustinian

hermeneutic giving rise to the final lapsarian interpretation If we examine

Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 2014

Vol 28 No 1 1 35 httpdxdoiorg101080090183282014926689 ndash

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2 Nicolas Wyatt

these clues we shall be enabled to appreciate the specifically royal

ideological ties which bind the story to an entire nexus of beliefs and to

iconographic architectural and ritual forms These in turn have a bearing on

why paradise subsequently became an eschatological theme and also explain

many of the features of its exposition in the Judaeo-Christian tradition

Within Jewish and early Christian thought the Enochic and similar

apocalyptic literature moved in an eschatological direction with significant

input from the prevailing Persian and Greek cultures as argued by J

Bremmer1 This material with celestial and remote conceptions of Paradise

remained in tension with the centre-of-the-world imagery to which our

present discussion will ultimately lead us

The Text of Genesis 24b-324

Let us begin with a brief study of the text concentrating on those features

which are particularly relevant to the issues under discussion My translation

runs as follows arranged to indicate the quasi-poetic nature of the

composition

a) The Creation of the Man and Woman

24b On the day when the Lord of the gods (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) made earth and

heaven

5 before any plant of the steppe was on the earth

or any herb of the steppe had sprouted

for the Lord of the gods had not yet caused it to rain upon the earth

and there was no man to till the soil

6 a mist (rsquoēdmdashor perhaps rather a mountain) was rising up from the

underworld

and was watering the whole surface of the ground

7 Then the Lord of the gods fashioned (wayyiṣer) the man (hārsquoādām) from

dust2 from the ground

and he breathed into his nostrils the breath of life

and the man became a living being

8 And the Lord of the gods planted a garden in the beginning (miqqedem)

and he placed there the man whom he had fashioned

9 Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree

that is pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things3

1 See his article ldquoThe birth of Paradise to early Christianity via Greece Persia and

Israelrdquo forthcoming in A Scafi (ed) The Cosmography of Paradise Warburg

Institute colloquia (London The Warburg Institute Turin Nino Aragno)

2 See discussion of cāpār in Z Zevit What Really Happened in the Garden of Eden

(New Haven CT and London Yale University Press 2013) pp 80-83 He translated

it as ldquoclodrdquo This volume appeared only when this article was at proof stage I have

been able to comment on only a few of his interesting interpretations

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 3

10 A river came out of Eden to irrigate the garden

and from here it divided into four sources (rārsquošicircm)

11 The name of the first is Pishon

this encircles the whole land of Havilah where gold is found

12 And the gold of this land is pure

Bdellium and carnelian are also found there

13 And the name of the second is Gihon (gicircḥocircn)

this encircles the whole land of Cush

14 And the name of the third river is Tigris

this flows this side of Assyria

And the fourth river is the Euphrates

15 And the Lord of the gods took the man and put him in the garden of

Eden to till it (lĕcobdāh)

and care for it (lĕšomrāh)

16 Then the Lord of the gods commanded the man

ldquoFrom every tree in the garden you may indeed eat

17 But from the tree of knowing all things you may not eat

For on the day that you eat it you will certainly diehelliprdquo

18 And the Lord of the gods said

ldquoIt is not good for the man to be alone

I shall make him a helper suitable for himrdquo

19 So the Lord of the gods fashioned from the ground all the living things

of the country

and all the birds of heaven

and he brought (them) to the man

to see what he should call them

And what the man called every living thing

that became its name

20 Then the man gave names to all the cattle

and to the birds of heaven

and to every living thing of the country

But for the man (himself) he did not find a suitable helper

21 Then the Lord of the gods caused a deep sleep to fall on the man

And he fell asleep

Then he took one of his ribs4

and closed up the flesh in its place

22 And the Lord of the gods turned the rib which he had taken from the

man into a woman

3 Hebrew hadda

cat ṭocircb wārā

cmdashlit ldquoknowing good and evilrdquo or ldquothe knowledge of

good and evilrdquo

4 Zevit What Really Happened pp 140-50 has an interesting alternative to this

seeing ṣelac as ldquopenisrdquo () But the expression rsquoaḥat miṣṣal

cōtacircw would appear to

preclude this

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4 Nicolas Wyatt

and he brought her to the man

23 Then the man said

ldquoAt last

Bone from my bone

Flesh from my flesh

This shall be called woman (rsquoiššacirc )

for from man (mērsquo icircš ) this was takenrdquo

24 So a man supports5 his father and mother and cleaves to his wife

and they are one flesh

25 And the two of them were naked (cărucircmmicircm) the man and his wife

and they were not ashamed

b) The ldquoFallrdquo of the Man and Woman

31 Now the snake was wiser (cārucircm) than all the living things of the

country which the Lord of the gods had made

and he said to the woman

ldquoDid God really say

lsquoYou shall not eat from every tree (in) the garden rsquo rdquo

2 And the woman said to the snake

ldquo From the fruit of the trees of the garden we may eat

3 but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God said

lsquo You may not eat from it nor may you touch it in case you

Diersquordquo

4 And the snake said to the woman

ldquoYou will not die

5 For God knows that on the day that you eat from it

your eyes will be opened

and you will be gods (kērsquolōhicircm6) knowing all thingsrdquo

6 Then the woman saw that the tree was good for food

and that it was delightful to the eyes

and that the tree was to be desired to make (one) wise

and she took (one) of its fruit and ate it

and gave it as well to her husband who was with her

and he ate

7 And both their eyes were opened

and they knew that they were naked

and they plucked fig-tree leaves

and made themselves loin-cloths

5 Following the insight of Zevit What Really Happened pp 156-57

6 I interpret the idiom here as kaph veritatis indicating identity rather than similarity

See B K Waltke and M OrsquoConnor An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

(Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1990) p 203 They defined the usage thus ldquothe

logical outcome of comparison is correspondence or identityrdquo This is integral to the

royal ideological slant of the narrative

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 5

8 Then they heard the sound of the Lord of the gods strolling in the garden

in the cool of the day7

and the man and the woman hid themselves from the presence of the

Lord of the gods

in the midst of the trees in the garden

9 And the Lord of the gods called out to the Man and said to him

ldquoWhere are yourdquo

10 And he replied

ldquoI heard the sound (you were making) in the garden

and I was afraid because I am naked (cecircrōm)

So I hidrdquo

11 Then he said

ldquoWho told you that you were naked8

Have you eaten from the tree

from which I said that you must not rdquo

12 And the man replied

ldquoThe woman whom you gave (me) to be with me

she gave me from the tree and I ate (from it)rdquo

13 And the Lord of the gods said to the woman

ldquoWhat is this that you have donerdquo

And the woman said

ldquoThe snake deceived me so I ate (from it)rdquo

14 Then the Lord of the gods said to the snake

ldquoWhat is this that you have done

Cursed are you above every animal

and above every living thing of the country

On your belly (cal gĕḥonĕkacirc) you shall proceed

And dust shall you eat all the days of your life

15 And I shall establish enmity between you and the woman

and between your offspring and her offspring

He shall bruise your head

and you shall bruise his heelrdquo9

16 To the woman he said

ldquoI shall make your childbearing pain very great

7 Given the symbolic aspect of Eden discussed here the source of this figure is

perhaps to be understood as a cultic procession with the image of the deity carried

out of the cella perhaps for evening sacrifices N Wyatt Myths of Power A Study of

Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (Ugaritisch-Biblische

Literatur 13 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 1996 p 369

8 Paronomasia ldquonakedrdquo (cecircrōm

cărucircmmicircm) and ldquowiserdquo (

cārucircm) Wisdom is in part

consciousness of onersquos nakedness

9 Is this a veiled allusion to the kingrsquos role as re-enactor of the Chaoskampf in his

battles On the theme see N Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinity Doth Hedge a Kingrdquo

Selected Essays of Nicolas Wyatt on Royal Ideology in Ugaritic and Old Testament

Literature (SOTS Monograph Series London Ashgate 2005) pp 151-189

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6 Nicolas Wyatt

In pain you shall bring forth children

yet for your husband shall be your desire

and he shall rule over yourdquo

17 And to Adam10

he said

ldquoBecause you obeyed the voice of your wife

and ate from the tree which I commanded you

lsquoYou may not eat from itrsquo

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work11

it all the days of your life

18 but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

19 By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food12

until you return to the ground

for from it you were taken

Dust indeed you are13

and to dust you will returnrdquo

20 Then the man named his wife Eve (ḥavvacirc )

because she was the mother of all living things

21 Then the Lord of the gods made clothes of skin for Adam and his wife

and clothed them

22 Then the Lord of the gods said

ldquoLook The man has become one of us14

knowing everything

10 Or ldquoManrdquo as name there is no article Similarly at 321 In 224 in contrast the

article is lacking because the term is indefinite

11 MT ldquoeatrdquo (tĕrsquoōkălennāh) Perhaps to be corrected to ldquoworkrdquo (tacabdennāh) Thus

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia apparatus p 5 (consonantal text to read hnlk)t for

hndb(t)

12 It is tempting to compare the phraseology here with the dream of Nebuchadrezzar

as interpreted by Daniel Daniel 42-30 The book of Daniel is of course from much

later than Genesis 2-3 (see discussion below on dating) but may itself contain earlier

elements The passage in questionmdashalso subversive of royal ideologymdashmay con-

ceivably have been told originally of Nabonidus and originated in the sixth century

P R Ackroyd Exile and Restoration A Study of Hebrew Thought in the Sixth

Century BC (Old Testament Library London SCM Press 1968) p 36 and n 97

citing W von Soden ldquoEine babylonische Volksuumlberlieferung von Nabonid in den

Daniel-erzaumlhlungenrdquo ZAW 53 (1935) pp 81-89

13 Rather than ldquoFor dust you arerdquo Emphatic kicirc cf for Ugaritic C H Gordon

Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute

1965) p 76 sect917 J Tropper Ugaritischer Grammatik (Alter Orient und Altes

Testament 273 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 20122) pp 809-810 sect857 and for Hebrew

M J Dahood Psalms III (AB 17a New York Doubleday 1970) pp 402-406

Waltke and OrsquoConnor Hebrew Syntax p 204 sect1129d The bicolon is asyndetic

not explanatory

14 The plural usage implies the divine council as the place where these words are

uttered On the concept see H W Robinson ldquoThe council of Yahwehrdquo JThS 45

(1944) pp 151-157 F M Cross ldquoThe council of Yahweh in Second Isaiahrdquo JNES

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

Dow

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 2: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

copy 2014 The Editors of the Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden

Nicolas Wyatt 22 Hillway London N6 6QA

New College Edinburgh EH1 2LX

Email niqmad3gmailcom

ABSTRACT Before ldquoParadiserdquo became concerned with explaining the pre-

sent ldquofallenrdquo condition of humanity due to a primal sin which later also be-

came eschatologised into the locus of a human post-mortem felicitous destiny

it already symbolised royal power and the kingrsquos role in the ritual manage-

ment of the state And before the Garden of Eden came to be understood as

ldquoin the eastrdquo or in some other place remote from the present real world it

was understood to be located in Jerusalem as the setting of the royal cult

Adam the gardener was originally a type of the king This paper examines the

evidence for these elements in the biblical Eden story (Genesis 2-3) and in

Mesopotamian and Egyptian iconography and ideology and attempts to set

the final form of the tradition within its historical context the destruction of

the state in 597586 BCE and its non-monarchical succeeding period under

Persian rule

Key words Adam Eden Exile Jerusalem Kingship Royal Ideology Sacred

Tree Zion

Introduction

It is probably fair to say that the narrative in Genesis 2-3 is one of the

foundation documents of western culture It has certainly determined the

whole self-understanding of humanity in Jewish and Christian thought with

an appreciable influence on Muslim anthropology It has been universally

interpreted throughout most of its history as treating the creation of man

followed by his ldquofallrdquomdashhowever that is understoodmdashand giving rise to our

present universal ldquofallenrdquo human nature Paradise has been ldquolostrdquo to be

ldquorestoredrdquo in the future at the last trump

But many elements within the story both narrative and incidental features

suggest that the original author(s) may have understood it very differently

and as referring to their own time and to conditions only recently imposed

upon them only a much later Jewish Christian and particularly Augustinian

hermeneutic giving rise to the final lapsarian interpretation If we examine

Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 2014

Vol 28 No 1 1 35 httpdxdoiorg101080090183282014926689 ndash

Dow

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2 Nicolas Wyatt

these clues we shall be enabled to appreciate the specifically royal

ideological ties which bind the story to an entire nexus of beliefs and to

iconographic architectural and ritual forms These in turn have a bearing on

why paradise subsequently became an eschatological theme and also explain

many of the features of its exposition in the Judaeo-Christian tradition

Within Jewish and early Christian thought the Enochic and similar

apocalyptic literature moved in an eschatological direction with significant

input from the prevailing Persian and Greek cultures as argued by J

Bremmer1 This material with celestial and remote conceptions of Paradise

remained in tension with the centre-of-the-world imagery to which our

present discussion will ultimately lead us

The Text of Genesis 24b-324

Let us begin with a brief study of the text concentrating on those features

which are particularly relevant to the issues under discussion My translation

runs as follows arranged to indicate the quasi-poetic nature of the

composition

a) The Creation of the Man and Woman

24b On the day when the Lord of the gods (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) made earth and

heaven

5 before any plant of the steppe was on the earth

or any herb of the steppe had sprouted

for the Lord of the gods had not yet caused it to rain upon the earth

and there was no man to till the soil

6 a mist (rsquoēdmdashor perhaps rather a mountain) was rising up from the

underworld

and was watering the whole surface of the ground

7 Then the Lord of the gods fashioned (wayyiṣer) the man (hārsquoādām) from

dust2 from the ground

and he breathed into his nostrils the breath of life

and the man became a living being

8 And the Lord of the gods planted a garden in the beginning (miqqedem)

and he placed there the man whom he had fashioned

9 Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree

that is pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things3

1 See his article ldquoThe birth of Paradise to early Christianity via Greece Persia and

Israelrdquo forthcoming in A Scafi (ed) The Cosmography of Paradise Warburg

Institute colloquia (London The Warburg Institute Turin Nino Aragno)

2 See discussion of cāpār in Z Zevit What Really Happened in the Garden of Eden

(New Haven CT and London Yale University Press 2013) pp 80-83 He translated

it as ldquoclodrdquo This volume appeared only when this article was at proof stage I have

been able to comment on only a few of his interesting interpretations

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 3

10 A river came out of Eden to irrigate the garden

and from here it divided into four sources (rārsquošicircm)

11 The name of the first is Pishon

this encircles the whole land of Havilah where gold is found

12 And the gold of this land is pure

Bdellium and carnelian are also found there

13 And the name of the second is Gihon (gicircḥocircn)

this encircles the whole land of Cush

14 And the name of the third river is Tigris

this flows this side of Assyria

And the fourth river is the Euphrates

15 And the Lord of the gods took the man and put him in the garden of

Eden to till it (lĕcobdāh)

and care for it (lĕšomrāh)

16 Then the Lord of the gods commanded the man

ldquoFrom every tree in the garden you may indeed eat

17 But from the tree of knowing all things you may not eat

For on the day that you eat it you will certainly diehelliprdquo

18 And the Lord of the gods said

ldquoIt is not good for the man to be alone

I shall make him a helper suitable for himrdquo

19 So the Lord of the gods fashioned from the ground all the living things

of the country

and all the birds of heaven

and he brought (them) to the man

to see what he should call them

And what the man called every living thing

that became its name

20 Then the man gave names to all the cattle

and to the birds of heaven

and to every living thing of the country

But for the man (himself) he did not find a suitable helper

21 Then the Lord of the gods caused a deep sleep to fall on the man

And he fell asleep

Then he took one of his ribs4

and closed up the flesh in its place

22 And the Lord of the gods turned the rib which he had taken from the

man into a woman

3 Hebrew hadda

cat ṭocircb wārā

cmdashlit ldquoknowing good and evilrdquo or ldquothe knowledge of

good and evilrdquo

4 Zevit What Really Happened pp 140-50 has an interesting alternative to this

seeing ṣelac as ldquopenisrdquo () But the expression rsquoaḥat miṣṣal

cōtacircw would appear to

preclude this

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4 Nicolas Wyatt

and he brought her to the man

23 Then the man said

ldquoAt last

Bone from my bone

Flesh from my flesh

This shall be called woman (rsquoiššacirc )

for from man (mērsquo icircš ) this was takenrdquo

24 So a man supports5 his father and mother and cleaves to his wife

and they are one flesh

25 And the two of them were naked (cărucircmmicircm) the man and his wife

and they were not ashamed

b) The ldquoFallrdquo of the Man and Woman

31 Now the snake was wiser (cārucircm) than all the living things of the

country which the Lord of the gods had made

and he said to the woman

ldquoDid God really say

lsquoYou shall not eat from every tree (in) the garden rsquo rdquo

2 And the woman said to the snake

ldquo From the fruit of the trees of the garden we may eat

3 but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God said

lsquo You may not eat from it nor may you touch it in case you

Diersquordquo

4 And the snake said to the woman

ldquoYou will not die

5 For God knows that on the day that you eat from it

your eyes will be opened

and you will be gods (kērsquolōhicircm6) knowing all thingsrdquo

6 Then the woman saw that the tree was good for food

and that it was delightful to the eyes

and that the tree was to be desired to make (one) wise

and she took (one) of its fruit and ate it

and gave it as well to her husband who was with her

and he ate

7 And both their eyes were opened

and they knew that they were naked

and they plucked fig-tree leaves

and made themselves loin-cloths

5 Following the insight of Zevit What Really Happened pp 156-57

6 I interpret the idiom here as kaph veritatis indicating identity rather than similarity

See B K Waltke and M OrsquoConnor An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

(Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1990) p 203 They defined the usage thus ldquothe

logical outcome of comparison is correspondence or identityrdquo This is integral to the

royal ideological slant of the narrative

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 5

8 Then they heard the sound of the Lord of the gods strolling in the garden

in the cool of the day7

and the man and the woman hid themselves from the presence of the

Lord of the gods

in the midst of the trees in the garden

9 And the Lord of the gods called out to the Man and said to him

ldquoWhere are yourdquo

10 And he replied

ldquoI heard the sound (you were making) in the garden

and I was afraid because I am naked (cecircrōm)

So I hidrdquo

11 Then he said

ldquoWho told you that you were naked8

Have you eaten from the tree

from which I said that you must not rdquo

12 And the man replied

ldquoThe woman whom you gave (me) to be with me

she gave me from the tree and I ate (from it)rdquo

13 And the Lord of the gods said to the woman

ldquoWhat is this that you have donerdquo

And the woman said

ldquoThe snake deceived me so I ate (from it)rdquo

14 Then the Lord of the gods said to the snake

ldquoWhat is this that you have done

Cursed are you above every animal

and above every living thing of the country

On your belly (cal gĕḥonĕkacirc) you shall proceed

And dust shall you eat all the days of your life

15 And I shall establish enmity between you and the woman

and between your offspring and her offspring

He shall bruise your head

and you shall bruise his heelrdquo9

16 To the woman he said

ldquoI shall make your childbearing pain very great

7 Given the symbolic aspect of Eden discussed here the source of this figure is

perhaps to be understood as a cultic procession with the image of the deity carried

out of the cella perhaps for evening sacrifices N Wyatt Myths of Power A Study of

Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (Ugaritisch-Biblische

Literatur 13 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 1996 p 369

8 Paronomasia ldquonakedrdquo (cecircrōm

cărucircmmicircm) and ldquowiserdquo (

cārucircm) Wisdom is in part

consciousness of onersquos nakedness

9 Is this a veiled allusion to the kingrsquos role as re-enactor of the Chaoskampf in his

battles On the theme see N Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinity Doth Hedge a Kingrdquo

Selected Essays of Nicolas Wyatt on Royal Ideology in Ugaritic and Old Testament

Literature (SOTS Monograph Series London Ashgate 2005) pp 151-189

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6 Nicolas Wyatt

In pain you shall bring forth children

yet for your husband shall be your desire

and he shall rule over yourdquo

17 And to Adam10

he said

ldquoBecause you obeyed the voice of your wife

and ate from the tree which I commanded you

lsquoYou may not eat from itrsquo

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work11

it all the days of your life

18 but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

19 By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food12

until you return to the ground

for from it you were taken

Dust indeed you are13

and to dust you will returnrdquo

20 Then the man named his wife Eve (ḥavvacirc )

because she was the mother of all living things

21 Then the Lord of the gods made clothes of skin for Adam and his wife

and clothed them

22 Then the Lord of the gods said

ldquoLook The man has become one of us14

knowing everything

10 Or ldquoManrdquo as name there is no article Similarly at 321 In 224 in contrast the

article is lacking because the term is indefinite

11 MT ldquoeatrdquo (tĕrsquoōkălennāh) Perhaps to be corrected to ldquoworkrdquo (tacabdennāh) Thus

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia apparatus p 5 (consonantal text to read hnlk)t for

hndb(t)

12 It is tempting to compare the phraseology here with the dream of Nebuchadrezzar

as interpreted by Daniel Daniel 42-30 The book of Daniel is of course from much

later than Genesis 2-3 (see discussion below on dating) but may itself contain earlier

elements The passage in questionmdashalso subversive of royal ideologymdashmay con-

ceivably have been told originally of Nabonidus and originated in the sixth century

P R Ackroyd Exile and Restoration A Study of Hebrew Thought in the Sixth

Century BC (Old Testament Library London SCM Press 1968) p 36 and n 97

citing W von Soden ldquoEine babylonische Volksuumlberlieferung von Nabonid in den

Daniel-erzaumlhlungenrdquo ZAW 53 (1935) pp 81-89

13 Rather than ldquoFor dust you arerdquo Emphatic kicirc cf for Ugaritic C H Gordon

Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute

1965) p 76 sect917 J Tropper Ugaritischer Grammatik (Alter Orient und Altes

Testament 273 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 20122) pp 809-810 sect857 and for Hebrew

M J Dahood Psalms III (AB 17a New York Doubleday 1970) pp 402-406

Waltke and OrsquoConnor Hebrew Syntax p 204 sect1129d The bicolon is asyndetic

not explanatory

14 The plural usage implies the divine council as the place where these words are

uttered On the concept see H W Robinson ldquoThe council of Yahwehrdquo JThS 45

(1944) pp 151-157 F M Cross ldquoThe council of Yahweh in Second Isaiahrdquo JNES

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

Dow

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 3: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

2 Nicolas Wyatt

these clues we shall be enabled to appreciate the specifically royal

ideological ties which bind the story to an entire nexus of beliefs and to

iconographic architectural and ritual forms These in turn have a bearing on

why paradise subsequently became an eschatological theme and also explain

many of the features of its exposition in the Judaeo-Christian tradition

Within Jewish and early Christian thought the Enochic and similar

apocalyptic literature moved in an eschatological direction with significant

input from the prevailing Persian and Greek cultures as argued by J

Bremmer1 This material with celestial and remote conceptions of Paradise

remained in tension with the centre-of-the-world imagery to which our

present discussion will ultimately lead us

The Text of Genesis 24b-324

Let us begin with a brief study of the text concentrating on those features

which are particularly relevant to the issues under discussion My translation

runs as follows arranged to indicate the quasi-poetic nature of the

composition

a) The Creation of the Man and Woman

24b On the day when the Lord of the gods (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) made earth and

heaven

5 before any plant of the steppe was on the earth

or any herb of the steppe had sprouted

for the Lord of the gods had not yet caused it to rain upon the earth

and there was no man to till the soil

6 a mist (rsquoēdmdashor perhaps rather a mountain) was rising up from the

underworld

and was watering the whole surface of the ground

7 Then the Lord of the gods fashioned (wayyiṣer) the man (hārsquoādām) from

dust2 from the ground

and he breathed into his nostrils the breath of life

and the man became a living being

8 And the Lord of the gods planted a garden in the beginning (miqqedem)

and he placed there the man whom he had fashioned

9 Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree

that is pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things3

1 See his article ldquoThe birth of Paradise to early Christianity via Greece Persia and

Israelrdquo forthcoming in A Scafi (ed) The Cosmography of Paradise Warburg

Institute colloquia (London The Warburg Institute Turin Nino Aragno)

2 See discussion of cāpār in Z Zevit What Really Happened in the Garden of Eden

(New Haven CT and London Yale University Press 2013) pp 80-83 He translated

it as ldquoclodrdquo This volume appeared only when this article was at proof stage I have

been able to comment on only a few of his interesting interpretations

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 3

10 A river came out of Eden to irrigate the garden

and from here it divided into four sources (rārsquošicircm)

11 The name of the first is Pishon

this encircles the whole land of Havilah where gold is found

12 And the gold of this land is pure

Bdellium and carnelian are also found there

13 And the name of the second is Gihon (gicircḥocircn)

this encircles the whole land of Cush

14 And the name of the third river is Tigris

this flows this side of Assyria

And the fourth river is the Euphrates

15 And the Lord of the gods took the man and put him in the garden of

Eden to till it (lĕcobdāh)

and care for it (lĕšomrāh)

16 Then the Lord of the gods commanded the man

ldquoFrom every tree in the garden you may indeed eat

17 But from the tree of knowing all things you may not eat

For on the day that you eat it you will certainly diehelliprdquo

18 And the Lord of the gods said

ldquoIt is not good for the man to be alone

I shall make him a helper suitable for himrdquo

19 So the Lord of the gods fashioned from the ground all the living things

of the country

and all the birds of heaven

and he brought (them) to the man

to see what he should call them

And what the man called every living thing

that became its name

20 Then the man gave names to all the cattle

and to the birds of heaven

and to every living thing of the country

But for the man (himself) he did not find a suitable helper

21 Then the Lord of the gods caused a deep sleep to fall on the man

And he fell asleep

Then he took one of his ribs4

and closed up the flesh in its place

22 And the Lord of the gods turned the rib which he had taken from the

man into a woman

3 Hebrew hadda

cat ṭocircb wārā

cmdashlit ldquoknowing good and evilrdquo or ldquothe knowledge of

good and evilrdquo

4 Zevit What Really Happened pp 140-50 has an interesting alternative to this

seeing ṣelac as ldquopenisrdquo () But the expression rsquoaḥat miṣṣal

cōtacircw would appear to

preclude this

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4 Nicolas Wyatt

and he brought her to the man

23 Then the man said

ldquoAt last

Bone from my bone

Flesh from my flesh

This shall be called woman (rsquoiššacirc )

for from man (mērsquo icircš ) this was takenrdquo

24 So a man supports5 his father and mother and cleaves to his wife

and they are one flesh

25 And the two of them were naked (cărucircmmicircm) the man and his wife

and they were not ashamed

b) The ldquoFallrdquo of the Man and Woman

31 Now the snake was wiser (cārucircm) than all the living things of the

country which the Lord of the gods had made

and he said to the woman

ldquoDid God really say

lsquoYou shall not eat from every tree (in) the garden rsquo rdquo

2 And the woman said to the snake

ldquo From the fruit of the trees of the garden we may eat

3 but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God said

lsquo You may not eat from it nor may you touch it in case you

Diersquordquo

4 And the snake said to the woman

ldquoYou will not die

5 For God knows that on the day that you eat from it

your eyes will be opened

and you will be gods (kērsquolōhicircm6) knowing all thingsrdquo

6 Then the woman saw that the tree was good for food

and that it was delightful to the eyes

and that the tree was to be desired to make (one) wise

and she took (one) of its fruit and ate it

and gave it as well to her husband who was with her

and he ate

7 And both their eyes were opened

and they knew that they were naked

and they plucked fig-tree leaves

and made themselves loin-cloths

5 Following the insight of Zevit What Really Happened pp 156-57

6 I interpret the idiom here as kaph veritatis indicating identity rather than similarity

See B K Waltke and M OrsquoConnor An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

(Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1990) p 203 They defined the usage thus ldquothe

logical outcome of comparison is correspondence or identityrdquo This is integral to the

royal ideological slant of the narrative

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 5

8 Then they heard the sound of the Lord of the gods strolling in the garden

in the cool of the day7

and the man and the woman hid themselves from the presence of the

Lord of the gods

in the midst of the trees in the garden

9 And the Lord of the gods called out to the Man and said to him

ldquoWhere are yourdquo

10 And he replied

ldquoI heard the sound (you were making) in the garden

and I was afraid because I am naked (cecircrōm)

So I hidrdquo

11 Then he said

ldquoWho told you that you were naked8

Have you eaten from the tree

from which I said that you must not rdquo

12 And the man replied

ldquoThe woman whom you gave (me) to be with me

she gave me from the tree and I ate (from it)rdquo

13 And the Lord of the gods said to the woman

ldquoWhat is this that you have donerdquo

And the woman said

ldquoThe snake deceived me so I ate (from it)rdquo

14 Then the Lord of the gods said to the snake

ldquoWhat is this that you have done

Cursed are you above every animal

and above every living thing of the country

On your belly (cal gĕḥonĕkacirc) you shall proceed

And dust shall you eat all the days of your life

15 And I shall establish enmity between you and the woman

and between your offspring and her offspring

He shall bruise your head

and you shall bruise his heelrdquo9

16 To the woman he said

ldquoI shall make your childbearing pain very great

7 Given the symbolic aspect of Eden discussed here the source of this figure is

perhaps to be understood as a cultic procession with the image of the deity carried

out of the cella perhaps for evening sacrifices N Wyatt Myths of Power A Study of

Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (Ugaritisch-Biblische

Literatur 13 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 1996 p 369

8 Paronomasia ldquonakedrdquo (cecircrōm

cărucircmmicircm) and ldquowiserdquo (

cārucircm) Wisdom is in part

consciousness of onersquos nakedness

9 Is this a veiled allusion to the kingrsquos role as re-enactor of the Chaoskampf in his

battles On the theme see N Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinity Doth Hedge a Kingrdquo

Selected Essays of Nicolas Wyatt on Royal Ideology in Ugaritic and Old Testament

Literature (SOTS Monograph Series London Ashgate 2005) pp 151-189

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6 Nicolas Wyatt

In pain you shall bring forth children

yet for your husband shall be your desire

and he shall rule over yourdquo

17 And to Adam10

he said

ldquoBecause you obeyed the voice of your wife

and ate from the tree which I commanded you

lsquoYou may not eat from itrsquo

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work11

it all the days of your life

18 but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

19 By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food12

until you return to the ground

for from it you were taken

Dust indeed you are13

and to dust you will returnrdquo

20 Then the man named his wife Eve (ḥavvacirc )

because she was the mother of all living things

21 Then the Lord of the gods made clothes of skin for Adam and his wife

and clothed them

22 Then the Lord of the gods said

ldquoLook The man has become one of us14

knowing everything

10 Or ldquoManrdquo as name there is no article Similarly at 321 In 224 in contrast the

article is lacking because the term is indefinite

11 MT ldquoeatrdquo (tĕrsquoōkălennāh) Perhaps to be corrected to ldquoworkrdquo (tacabdennāh) Thus

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia apparatus p 5 (consonantal text to read hnlk)t for

hndb(t)

12 It is tempting to compare the phraseology here with the dream of Nebuchadrezzar

as interpreted by Daniel Daniel 42-30 The book of Daniel is of course from much

later than Genesis 2-3 (see discussion below on dating) but may itself contain earlier

elements The passage in questionmdashalso subversive of royal ideologymdashmay con-

ceivably have been told originally of Nabonidus and originated in the sixth century

P R Ackroyd Exile and Restoration A Study of Hebrew Thought in the Sixth

Century BC (Old Testament Library London SCM Press 1968) p 36 and n 97

citing W von Soden ldquoEine babylonische Volksuumlberlieferung von Nabonid in den

Daniel-erzaumlhlungenrdquo ZAW 53 (1935) pp 81-89

13 Rather than ldquoFor dust you arerdquo Emphatic kicirc cf for Ugaritic C H Gordon

Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute

1965) p 76 sect917 J Tropper Ugaritischer Grammatik (Alter Orient und Altes

Testament 273 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 20122) pp 809-810 sect857 and for Hebrew

M J Dahood Psalms III (AB 17a New York Doubleday 1970) pp 402-406

Waltke and OrsquoConnor Hebrew Syntax p 204 sect1129d The bicolon is asyndetic

not explanatory

14 The plural usage implies the divine council as the place where these words are

uttered On the concept see H W Robinson ldquoThe council of Yahwehrdquo JThS 45

(1944) pp 151-157 F M Cross ldquoThe council of Yahweh in Second Isaiahrdquo JNES

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

Dow

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 4: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 3

10 A river came out of Eden to irrigate the garden

and from here it divided into four sources (rārsquošicircm)

11 The name of the first is Pishon

this encircles the whole land of Havilah where gold is found

12 And the gold of this land is pure

Bdellium and carnelian are also found there

13 And the name of the second is Gihon (gicircḥocircn)

this encircles the whole land of Cush

14 And the name of the third river is Tigris

this flows this side of Assyria

And the fourth river is the Euphrates

15 And the Lord of the gods took the man and put him in the garden of

Eden to till it (lĕcobdāh)

and care for it (lĕšomrāh)

16 Then the Lord of the gods commanded the man

ldquoFrom every tree in the garden you may indeed eat

17 But from the tree of knowing all things you may not eat

For on the day that you eat it you will certainly diehelliprdquo

18 And the Lord of the gods said

ldquoIt is not good for the man to be alone

I shall make him a helper suitable for himrdquo

19 So the Lord of the gods fashioned from the ground all the living things

of the country

and all the birds of heaven

and he brought (them) to the man

to see what he should call them

And what the man called every living thing

that became its name

20 Then the man gave names to all the cattle

and to the birds of heaven

and to every living thing of the country

But for the man (himself) he did not find a suitable helper

21 Then the Lord of the gods caused a deep sleep to fall on the man

And he fell asleep

Then he took one of his ribs4

and closed up the flesh in its place

22 And the Lord of the gods turned the rib which he had taken from the

man into a woman

3 Hebrew hadda

cat ṭocircb wārā

cmdashlit ldquoknowing good and evilrdquo or ldquothe knowledge of

good and evilrdquo

4 Zevit What Really Happened pp 140-50 has an interesting alternative to this

seeing ṣelac as ldquopenisrdquo () But the expression rsquoaḥat miṣṣal

cōtacircw would appear to

preclude this

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4 Nicolas Wyatt

and he brought her to the man

23 Then the man said

ldquoAt last

Bone from my bone

Flesh from my flesh

This shall be called woman (rsquoiššacirc )

for from man (mērsquo icircš ) this was takenrdquo

24 So a man supports5 his father and mother and cleaves to his wife

and they are one flesh

25 And the two of them were naked (cărucircmmicircm) the man and his wife

and they were not ashamed

b) The ldquoFallrdquo of the Man and Woman

31 Now the snake was wiser (cārucircm) than all the living things of the

country which the Lord of the gods had made

and he said to the woman

ldquoDid God really say

lsquoYou shall not eat from every tree (in) the garden rsquo rdquo

2 And the woman said to the snake

ldquo From the fruit of the trees of the garden we may eat

3 but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God said

lsquo You may not eat from it nor may you touch it in case you

Diersquordquo

4 And the snake said to the woman

ldquoYou will not die

5 For God knows that on the day that you eat from it

your eyes will be opened

and you will be gods (kērsquolōhicircm6) knowing all thingsrdquo

6 Then the woman saw that the tree was good for food

and that it was delightful to the eyes

and that the tree was to be desired to make (one) wise

and she took (one) of its fruit and ate it

and gave it as well to her husband who was with her

and he ate

7 And both their eyes were opened

and they knew that they were naked

and they plucked fig-tree leaves

and made themselves loin-cloths

5 Following the insight of Zevit What Really Happened pp 156-57

6 I interpret the idiom here as kaph veritatis indicating identity rather than similarity

See B K Waltke and M OrsquoConnor An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

(Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1990) p 203 They defined the usage thus ldquothe

logical outcome of comparison is correspondence or identityrdquo This is integral to the

royal ideological slant of the narrative

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 5

8 Then they heard the sound of the Lord of the gods strolling in the garden

in the cool of the day7

and the man and the woman hid themselves from the presence of the

Lord of the gods

in the midst of the trees in the garden

9 And the Lord of the gods called out to the Man and said to him

ldquoWhere are yourdquo

10 And he replied

ldquoI heard the sound (you were making) in the garden

and I was afraid because I am naked (cecircrōm)

So I hidrdquo

11 Then he said

ldquoWho told you that you were naked8

Have you eaten from the tree

from which I said that you must not rdquo

12 And the man replied

ldquoThe woman whom you gave (me) to be with me

she gave me from the tree and I ate (from it)rdquo

13 And the Lord of the gods said to the woman

ldquoWhat is this that you have donerdquo

And the woman said

ldquoThe snake deceived me so I ate (from it)rdquo

14 Then the Lord of the gods said to the snake

ldquoWhat is this that you have done

Cursed are you above every animal

and above every living thing of the country

On your belly (cal gĕḥonĕkacirc) you shall proceed

And dust shall you eat all the days of your life

15 And I shall establish enmity between you and the woman

and between your offspring and her offspring

He shall bruise your head

and you shall bruise his heelrdquo9

16 To the woman he said

ldquoI shall make your childbearing pain very great

7 Given the symbolic aspect of Eden discussed here the source of this figure is

perhaps to be understood as a cultic procession with the image of the deity carried

out of the cella perhaps for evening sacrifices N Wyatt Myths of Power A Study of

Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (Ugaritisch-Biblische

Literatur 13 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 1996 p 369

8 Paronomasia ldquonakedrdquo (cecircrōm

cărucircmmicircm) and ldquowiserdquo (

cārucircm) Wisdom is in part

consciousness of onersquos nakedness

9 Is this a veiled allusion to the kingrsquos role as re-enactor of the Chaoskampf in his

battles On the theme see N Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinity Doth Hedge a Kingrdquo

Selected Essays of Nicolas Wyatt on Royal Ideology in Ugaritic and Old Testament

Literature (SOTS Monograph Series London Ashgate 2005) pp 151-189

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6 Nicolas Wyatt

In pain you shall bring forth children

yet for your husband shall be your desire

and he shall rule over yourdquo

17 And to Adam10

he said

ldquoBecause you obeyed the voice of your wife

and ate from the tree which I commanded you

lsquoYou may not eat from itrsquo

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work11

it all the days of your life

18 but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

19 By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food12

until you return to the ground

for from it you were taken

Dust indeed you are13

and to dust you will returnrdquo

20 Then the man named his wife Eve (ḥavvacirc )

because she was the mother of all living things

21 Then the Lord of the gods made clothes of skin for Adam and his wife

and clothed them

22 Then the Lord of the gods said

ldquoLook The man has become one of us14

knowing everything

10 Or ldquoManrdquo as name there is no article Similarly at 321 In 224 in contrast the

article is lacking because the term is indefinite

11 MT ldquoeatrdquo (tĕrsquoōkălennāh) Perhaps to be corrected to ldquoworkrdquo (tacabdennāh) Thus

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia apparatus p 5 (consonantal text to read hnlk)t for

hndb(t)

12 It is tempting to compare the phraseology here with the dream of Nebuchadrezzar

as interpreted by Daniel Daniel 42-30 The book of Daniel is of course from much

later than Genesis 2-3 (see discussion below on dating) but may itself contain earlier

elements The passage in questionmdashalso subversive of royal ideologymdashmay con-

ceivably have been told originally of Nabonidus and originated in the sixth century

P R Ackroyd Exile and Restoration A Study of Hebrew Thought in the Sixth

Century BC (Old Testament Library London SCM Press 1968) p 36 and n 97

citing W von Soden ldquoEine babylonische Volksuumlberlieferung von Nabonid in den

Daniel-erzaumlhlungenrdquo ZAW 53 (1935) pp 81-89

13 Rather than ldquoFor dust you arerdquo Emphatic kicirc cf for Ugaritic C H Gordon

Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute

1965) p 76 sect917 J Tropper Ugaritischer Grammatik (Alter Orient und Altes

Testament 273 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 20122) pp 809-810 sect857 and for Hebrew

M J Dahood Psalms III (AB 17a New York Doubleday 1970) pp 402-406

Waltke and OrsquoConnor Hebrew Syntax p 204 sect1129d The bicolon is asyndetic

not explanatory

14 The plural usage implies the divine council as the place where these words are

uttered On the concept see H W Robinson ldquoThe council of Yahwehrdquo JThS 45

(1944) pp 151-157 F M Cross ldquoThe council of Yahweh in Second Isaiahrdquo JNES

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 5: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

4 Nicolas Wyatt

and he brought her to the man

23 Then the man said

ldquoAt last

Bone from my bone

Flesh from my flesh

This shall be called woman (rsquoiššacirc )

for from man (mērsquo icircš ) this was takenrdquo

24 So a man supports5 his father and mother and cleaves to his wife

and they are one flesh

25 And the two of them were naked (cărucircmmicircm) the man and his wife

and they were not ashamed

b) The ldquoFallrdquo of the Man and Woman

31 Now the snake was wiser (cārucircm) than all the living things of the

country which the Lord of the gods had made

and he said to the woman

ldquoDid God really say

lsquoYou shall not eat from every tree (in) the garden rsquo rdquo

2 And the woman said to the snake

ldquo From the fruit of the trees of the garden we may eat

3 but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God said

lsquo You may not eat from it nor may you touch it in case you

Diersquordquo

4 And the snake said to the woman

ldquoYou will not die

5 For God knows that on the day that you eat from it

your eyes will be opened

and you will be gods (kērsquolōhicircm6) knowing all thingsrdquo

6 Then the woman saw that the tree was good for food

and that it was delightful to the eyes

and that the tree was to be desired to make (one) wise

and she took (one) of its fruit and ate it

and gave it as well to her husband who was with her

and he ate

7 And both their eyes were opened

and they knew that they were naked

and they plucked fig-tree leaves

and made themselves loin-cloths

5 Following the insight of Zevit What Really Happened pp 156-57

6 I interpret the idiom here as kaph veritatis indicating identity rather than similarity

See B K Waltke and M OrsquoConnor An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax

(Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1990) p 203 They defined the usage thus ldquothe

logical outcome of comparison is correspondence or identityrdquo This is integral to the

royal ideological slant of the narrative

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 5

8 Then they heard the sound of the Lord of the gods strolling in the garden

in the cool of the day7

and the man and the woman hid themselves from the presence of the

Lord of the gods

in the midst of the trees in the garden

9 And the Lord of the gods called out to the Man and said to him

ldquoWhere are yourdquo

10 And he replied

ldquoI heard the sound (you were making) in the garden

and I was afraid because I am naked (cecircrōm)

So I hidrdquo

11 Then he said

ldquoWho told you that you were naked8

Have you eaten from the tree

from which I said that you must not rdquo

12 And the man replied

ldquoThe woman whom you gave (me) to be with me

she gave me from the tree and I ate (from it)rdquo

13 And the Lord of the gods said to the woman

ldquoWhat is this that you have donerdquo

And the woman said

ldquoThe snake deceived me so I ate (from it)rdquo

14 Then the Lord of the gods said to the snake

ldquoWhat is this that you have done

Cursed are you above every animal

and above every living thing of the country

On your belly (cal gĕḥonĕkacirc) you shall proceed

And dust shall you eat all the days of your life

15 And I shall establish enmity between you and the woman

and between your offspring and her offspring

He shall bruise your head

and you shall bruise his heelrdquo9

16 To the woman he said

ldquoI shall make your childbearing pain very great

7 Given the symbolic aspect of Eden discussed here the source of this figure is

perhaps to be understood as a cultic procession with the image of the deity carried

out of the cella perhaps for evening sacrifices N Wyatt Myths of Power A Study of

Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (Ugaritisch-Biblische

Literatur 13 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 1996 p 369

8 Paronomasia ldquonakedrdquo (cecircrōm

cărucircmmicircm) and ldquowiserdquo (

cārucircm) Wisdom is in part

consciousness of onersquos nakedness

9 Is this a veiled allusion to the kingrsquos role as re-enactor of the Chaoskampf in his

battles On the theme see N Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinity Doth Hedge a Kingrdquo

Selected Essays of Nicolas Wyatt on Royal Ideology in Ugaritic and Old Testament

Literature (SOTS Monograph Series London Ashgate 2005) pp 151-189

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6 Nicolas Wyatt

In pain you shall bring forth children

yet for your husband shall be your desire

and he shall rule over yourdquo

17 And to Adam10

he said

ldquoBecause you obeyed the voice of your wife

and ate from the tree which I commanded you

lsquoYou may not eat from itrsquo

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work11

it all the days of your life

18 but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

19 By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food12

until you return to the ground

for from it you were taken

Dust indeed you are13

and to dust you will returnrdquo

20 Then the man named his wife Eve (ḥavvacirc )

because she was the mother of all living things

21 Then the Lord of the gods made clothes of skin for Adam and his wife

and clothed them

22 Then the Lord of the gods said

ldquoLook The man has become one of us14

knowing everything

10 Or ldquoManrdquo as name there is no article Similarly at 321 In 224 in contrast the

article is lacking because the term is indefinite

11 MT ldquoeatrdquo (tĕrsquoōkălennāh) Perhaps to be corrected to ldquoworkrdquo (tacabdennāh) Thus

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia apparatus p 5 (consonantal text to read hnlk)t for

hndb(t)

12 It is tempting to compare the phraseology here with the dream of Nebuchadrezzar

as interpreted by Daniel Daniel 42-30 The book of Daniel is of course from much

later than Genesis 2-3 (see discussion below on dating) but may itself contain earlier

elements The passage in questionmdashalso subversive of royal ideologymdashmay con-

ceivably have been told originally of Nabonidus and originated in the sixth century

P R Ackroyd Exile and Restoration A Study of Hebrew Thought in the Sixth

Century BC (Old Testament Library London SCM Press 1968) p 36 and n 97

citing W von Soden ldquoEine babylonische Volksuumlberlieferung von Nabonid in den

Daniel-erzaumlhlungenrdquo ZAW 53 (1935) pp 81-89

13 Rather than ldquoFor dust you arerdquo Emphatic kicirc cf for Ugaritic C H Gordon

Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute

1965) p 76 sect917 J Tropper Ugaritischer Grammatik (Alter Orient und Altes

Testament 273 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 20122) pp 809-810 sect857 and for Hebrew

M J Dahood Psalms III (AB 17a New York Doubleday 1970) pp 402-406

Waltke and OrsquoConnor Hebrew Syntax p 204 sect1129d The bicolon is asyndetic

not explanatory

14 The plural usage implies the divine council as the place where these words are

uttered On the concept see H W Robinson ldquoThe council of Yahwehrdquo JThS 45

(1944) pp 151-157 F M Cross ldquoThe council of Yahweh in Second Isaiahrdquo JNES

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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015

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

Dow

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

Dow

nloa

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 6: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 5

8 Then they heard the sound of the Lord of the gods strolling in the garden

in the cool of the day7

and the man and the woman hid themselves from the presence of the

Lord of the gods

in the midst of the trees in the garden

9 And the Lord of the gods called out to the Man and said to him

ldquoWhere are yourdquo

10 And he replied

ldquoI heard the sound (you were making) in the garden

and I was afraid because I am naked (cecircrōm)

So I hidrdquo

11 Then he said

ldquoWho told you that you were naked8

Have you eaten from the tree

from which I said that you must not rdquo

12 And the man replied

ldquoThe woman whom you gave (me) to be with me

she gave me from the tree and I ate (from it)rdquo

13 And the Lord of the gods said to the woman

ldquoWhat is this that you have donerdquo

And the woman said

ldquoThe snake deceived me so I ate (from it)rdquo

14 Then the Lord of the gods said to the snake

ldquoWhat is this that you have done

Cursed are you above every animal

and above every living thing of the country

On your belly (cal gĕḥonĕkacirc) you shall proceed

And dust shall you eat all the days of your life

15 And I shall establish enmity between you and the woman

and between your offspring and her offspring

He shall bruise your head

and you shall bruise his heelrdquo9

16 To the woman he said

ldquoI shall make your childbearing pain very great

7 Given the symbolic aspect of Eden discussed here the source of this figure is

perhaps to be understood as a cultic procession with the image of the deity carried

out of the cella perhaps for evening sacrifices N Wyatt Myths of Power A Study of

Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (Ugaritisch-Biblische

Literatur 13 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 1996 p 369

8 Paronomasia ldquonakedrdquo (cecircrōm

cărucircmmicircm) and ldquowiserdquo (

cārucircm) Wisdom is in part

consciousness of onersquos nakedness

9 Is this a veiled allusion to the kingrsquos role as re-enactor of the Chaoskampf in his

battles On the theme see N Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinity Doth Hedge a Kingrdquo

Selected Essays of Nicolas Wyatt on Royal Ideology in Ugaritic and Old Testament

Literature (SOTS Monograph Series London Ashgate 2005) pp 151-189

Dow

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6 Nicolas Wyatt

In pain you shall bring forth children

yet for your husband shall be your desire

and he shall rule over yourdquo

17 And to Adam10

he said

ldquoBecause you obeyed the voice of your wife

and ate from the tree which I commanded you

lsquoYou may not eat from itrsquo

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work11

it all the days of your life

18 but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

19 By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food12

until you return to the ground

for from it you were taken

Dust indeed you are13

and to dust you will returnrdquo

20 Then the man named his wife Eve (ḥavvacirc )

because she was the mother of all living things

21 Then the Lord of the gods made clothes of skin for Adam and his wife

and clothed them

22 Then the Lord of the gods said

ldquoLook The man has become one of us14

knowing everything

10 Or ldquoManrdquo as name there is no article Similarly at 321 In 224 in contrast the

article is lacking because the term is indefinite

11 MT ldquoeatrdquo (tĕrsquoōkălennāh) Perhaps to be corrected to ldquoworkrdquo (tacabdennāh) Thus

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia apparatus p 5 (consonantal text to read hnlk)t for

hndb(t)

12 It is tempting to compare the phraseology here with the dream of Nebuchadrezzar

as interpreted by Daniel Daniel 42-30 The book of Daniel is of course from much

later than Genesis 2-3 (see discussion below on dating) but may itself contain earlier

elements The passage in questionmdashalso subversive of royal ideologymdashmay con-

ceivably have been told originally of Nabonidus and originated in the sixth century

P R Ackroyd Exile and Restoration A Study of Hebrew Thought in the Sixth

Century BC (Old Testament Library London SCM Press 1968) p 36 and n 97

citing W von Soden ldquoEine babylonische Volksuumlberlieferung von Nabonid in den

Daniel-erzaumlhlungenrdquo ZAW 53 (1935) pp 81-89

13 Rather than ldquoFor dust you arerdquo Emphatic kicirc cf for Ugaritic C H Gordon

Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute

1965) p 76 sect917 J Tropper Ugaritischer Grammatik (Alter Orient und Altes

Testament 273 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 20122) pp 809-810 sect857 and for Hebrew

M J Dahood Psalms III (AB 17a New York Doubleday 1970) pp 402-406

Waltke and OrsquoConnor Hebrew Syntax p 204 sect1129d The bicolon is asyndetic

not explanatory

14 The plural usage implies the divine council as the place where these words are

uttered On the concept see H W Robinson ldquoThe council of Yahwehrdquo JThS 45

(1944) pp 151-157 F M Cross ldquoThe council of Yahweh in Second Isaiahrdquo JNES

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

Dow

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

Dow

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

nloa

ded

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 7: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

6 Nicolas Wyatt

In pain you shall bring forth children

yet for your husband shall be your desire

and he shall rule over yourdquo

17 And to Adam10

he said

ldquoBecause you obeyed the voice of your wife

and ate from the tree which I commanded you

lsquoYou may not eat from itrsquo

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work11

it all the days of your life

18 but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

19 By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food12

until you return to the ground

for from it you were taken

Dust indeed you are13

and to dust you will returnrdquo

20 Then the man named his wife Eve (ḥavvacirc )

because she was the mother of all living things

21 Then the Lord of the gods made clothes of skin for Adam and his wife

and clothed them

22 Then the Lord of the gods said

ldquoLook The man has become one of us14

knowing everything

10 Or ldquoManrdquo as name there is no article Similarly at 321 In 224 in contrast the

article is lacking because the term is indefinite

11 MT ldquoeatrdquo (tĕrsquoōkălennāh) Perhaps to be corrected to ldquoworkrdquo (tacabdennāh) Thus

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia apparatus p 5 (consonantal text to read hnlk)t for

hndb(t)

12 It is tempting to compare the phraseology here with the dream of Nebuchadrezzar

as interpreted by Daniel Daniel 42-30 The book of Daniel is of course from much

later than Genesis 2-3 (see discussion below on dating) but may itself contain earlier

elements The passage in questionmdashalso subversive of royal ideologymdashmay con-

ceivably have been told originally of Nabonidus and originated in the sixth century

P R Ackroyd Exile and Restoration A Study of Hebrew Thought in the Sixth

Century BC (Old Testament Library London SCM Press 1968) p 36 and n 97

citing W von Soden ldquoEine babylonische Volksuumlberlieferung von Nabonid in den

Daniel-erzaumlhlungenrdquo ZAW 53 (1935) pp 81-89

13 Rather than ldquoFor dust you arerdquo Emphatic kicirc cf for Ugaritic C H Gordon

Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute

1965) p 76 sect917 J Tropper Ugaritischer Grammatik (Alter Orient und Altes

Testament 273 Muumlnster Ugarit-Verlag 20122) pp 809-810 sect857 and for Hebrew

M J Dahood Psalms III (AB 17a New York Doubleday 1970) pp 402-406

Waltke and OrsquoConnor Hebrew Syntax p 204 sect1129d The bicolon is asyndetic

not explanatory

14 The plural usage implies the divine council as the place where these words are

uttered On the concept see H W Robinson ldquoThe council of Yahwehrdquo JThS 45

(1944) pp 151-157 F M Cross ldquoThe council of Yahweh in Second Isaiahrdquo JNES

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

Dow

nloa

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

nloa

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 8: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 7

(lit good and evil)

So now lest he stretch out his hand and take also from the tree

of life and eat (it) and live for ever rdquo15

23 So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the Garden of Eden

(to prevent him) from16

tilling the ground from which he had been

taken

24 So he drove the man out

And he set in front of the Garden of Eden cherubs17

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

Discussion of the Text

a) The rivers

Let us begin our discussion with the matter of the rivers18

The rivers of Eden

echo the widespread appearance of four streams diverging from a common

source in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art In both cases it is one stream

which becomes many here apparently outside the garden (Genesis 210) We

shall return below to the identity of these streams and their significance for

the gardenrsquos location

12 (1953) pp 274-277 N Wyatt Myths of Power pp 338-352 Notice also the kaph

veritatis (see n 6) This background is the basis for my translation ldquothe Lord of the

godsrdquo (yhwh rsquoĕlōhicircm) 15 The sentence remains unfinished

16 This unusual translation will be justified in the discussion below

17 On these see N Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffin identifying and characterizing the

griffin in West Semitic traditionrdquo Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1

(2008) pp 29-39 Griffins and cherubs were both winged quadrupeds the former

with falconiform later aquiline heads the latter with human heads The biblical

seraphim were probably griffins rather than snakes as commonly supposed See

further discussion below

18 See E D van Buren The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin

Schoetz 1933) E Noort ldquoGan-Eden in the context of the mythology of the Hebrew

Biblerdquo in G Luttikhuizen (ed) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden EJ Brill 1999 pp 21-

36 T Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earth―or not Jerusalem as Eden in biblical literaturerdquo

in K Schmid and C Riedweg (eds) Beyond Eden (FAT 234 Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2008) pp 28-57 id Echoes of Eden Genesis 2-3 and Symbolism of the

Eden Garden in Biblical Hebrew Literature (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and

Theology 25 Leuven Peeters 2000) pp 273-84 N Stone ldquoThe four rivers that

flowed from Edenrdquo in Schmid and Riedweg Beyond Eden pp 227-250 The last of

these scholars summarised (pp 227-28) the tradition from the Lives of the Desert

Fathers of the six inquisitive monks who searched for Paradise finally discovering

that it was situated on top of a mountain This tradition parallels the Jewish one of the

four rabbis entering Paradise see G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81 (69 and references n 28) in M Bockmuehl and GG Stroumsa (eds)

Paradise in Antiquity Jewish and Christian Views (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 2010)

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8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 9: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

8 Nicolas Wyatt

b) A Mountain Tradition

But the first problem to treat is the ultimate source of these rivers the one

primary stream Is it as most translators have it a distillation from a

mysterious ldquomistrdquo (rsquoēd 19

) which wells up from the underworld This would

have no obvious parallel in the iconographic tradition however realistic it

may be Cyrus Gordonrsquos suggestion that the term should be seen as relating

to a Cretan (Minoan) term for or name of a mountain as in Mount Ida the

traditional birthplace of Zeus is intriguing This would allow harmonisation

with the Eden of Ezekiel 28 which is situated on a mountain Gordon noted

that

Ida the high mountain in central Crete was associated in antiquity with

artistic workmanship The name ldquoIdardquo may be the clue to the source of major

elements in the Hebrew creation account which are not of Egyptian or

Mesopotamian origin Gen 26 states that ldquorsquoēd rises out of the earth and

waters all the surface of the groundrdquo The traditional rendering of ldquoid as ldquomistrdquo

and the pan-Babylonian identification with Sumerian id ldquoriverrdquo are unsatis-

factory Rivers do not rise they descend What rises from the earth to water

the ground is a mountain carrying its streams to the surrounding countryside

Accordingly it is worth considering that ldquoēd means Ida pointing to East

Mediterranean elements in the Biblical Creation There is one objection

however that requires clarification namely that the Greek form of Ida begins

with long icirc- whereas ldquoēd reflects short i-20

Gordon also cited hdm id in the Ugaritic text KTU 14 i 34 though this text is

preferably to be corrected to hdm il and hdm here is in any case probably

Hurrian (atmi admi) not Minoan21

But this caveat does not affect Gordonrsquos

overall argument Further support for such a harmonisation can be found in

the vision of a future paradise in Isaiah 116-8 (see v 9)22

And even if

Gordonrsquos particular argument be rejected it remains a useful heuristic tool in

pointing us in the right direction the welling up of the primal stream still

implies an upland that is mountain scenario For what it is worth it should

19 Cf Akkadian educirc with the sense of flood high tide wave A Leo Oppenheim

(ed) The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary vol 4 E (Chicago Oriental Institute 1958)

pp 35-36 J Black et al A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (Santag 5 Wiesbaden

Harrassowitz 20022)

p 66 LXX πηγή already interpreted ldquospring sourcerdquo On this

term cf Hesiod Theogony p 282

17 C H Gordon ldquoHomer and the Bible the origin and character of East

Mediterranean literaturerdquo HUCA 26 1955 pp 43-108 (62) cited N Wyatt The

Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature

(London Equinox 2005) p 227 n 12

21 W G E Watson Lexical Studies in Ugaritic (Aula Orientalis Supplementa 19

Barcelona AULA 2007) pp 43-44 Note the Hurrian elements adduced by Zevit

What Really Happened pp 112-13 190

22 See N Wyatt Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Ancient Near East (The

Biblical Seminar 85 Sheffield Equinox 2001) pp 244-245

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 10: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 9

be observed that on the Mari fresco to be discussed below the foreground at

the bottom shows a scale-pattern which is the conventional way of

representing mountains in glyptic art

The mountain would as in the description here not only arise out of the

netherworld but implicitly afford an entrance to it a feature of cosmic

centres such as this garden represents if my argument is cogent This

centrality is borne out by the reference to the four rivers logically

(schematically) radiating out from the centre This approach would also

obviate the necessity felt by some scholars to see in Genesis 2-3 and Ezekiel

28 two different conceptions of Eden (one with and one without a mountain)

It makes more sense to see two allusions to the same common symbolic

tradition and indeed in this instance to see one (Genesis) as literarily

dependent on the other (Ezekiel) as we shall see Margaret Barkerrsquos

observations may also allow us to see these gardens harmonised in Isaiah 14

which while not explicitly Edenic surely represents the same mythical nexus

though it has now diverged and deals more specifically with a mortuary

context In Isaiah 14 the disobedient royal figure is the king of Babylon or

some other great power but the narrative is a West Semitic myth Barker

argued that

Ezekielrsquos oracles [in chapter 28] are clearly in the same setting [as that of

Isaiah 14] The first deals with a fallen god and the second apparently with

the first man in Eden If we read the two together in the light of the fallen

figure in Isaiah we see that the two figures are one and that the problems in

reading this text come from our using categories and distinctions quite alien

to Ezekiel The fallen god and the figure expelled from Eden were one and

the same Thus Ezekiel forms a link between Isaiah 14 and Genesis 2-3

Ezekielrsquos Eden is a strange magical place I believe that we glimpse here the

mythology of the old temple hellip23

The kind of intertextuality Barker recognised here is exactly the level of

sensitive comprehension that is essential for the appreciation of the mythical

world of biblical literature Furthermore Bernard Gosse followed by Terje

Stordalen also noted that the oracle of Ezekiel 2812b-15 directed in its

present form against the ruler of Tyre would originally have been addressed

to the high priest (for which we should perhaps read rather the king) in

Jerusalem24

The question is even worth raisingmdashthough any answer must

remain speculativemdashas to whether the melek ṣocircr in 2811 (and the

corresponding nĕgicircd ṣocircr in 281) really does designate the ruler of Tyre and

not rather the ldquoruler of the rockrdquo that is the sacred mountain in Jerusalem

23 M Barker The Older Testament The Survival of Themes from the Ancient Royal

Cult in Sectarian Judaism and Early Christianity (London SPCK 1987) pp 234-

235

24 B Gosse ldquoEzeacutechiel 2811-19 et les deacutetournements de maleacutedictionsrdquo Biblische

Notizen 44 (1988) pp 30-38 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo p 33

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10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

Dow

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

Dow

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 11: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

10 Nicolas Wyatt

This is all the more plausible in a world of divine kingship since ldquoRockrdquo (ṣocircr)

was a title of Yahweh himself25

We may further note that Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan on Genesis 215 involves an allusion to a mountain though it is not

explicitly identified with the garden this may be implicit

And the Lord God took Adam from the mountain of the service the place

from where he had been created and made him dwell in the Garden of Eden

so as to be serving in the Torah and observing its commandments26

The Location of Eden at the Centre of the World

Much ink has also been spilt on the vexed problem of the location of Eden

but the idea of four rivers radiating out from a single source (the reverse of

what happens in nature except at deltas) suggests the idea of a centre and its

relationship to the cardinal points Equally artificial is the location of Elrsquos

dwelling in Ugaritic tradition which is also a cosmic centre as described in

Ugaritic texts KTU 12 iii 4 13 v 5-7 14 iv 21-22 15 vi [-3 to -1 to be

restored] 16 i 33-34

Then he set his face indeed towards El at the source of the rivers

amidst the springs of the two deeps 27

Though I previously took these rivers to be plural (four in number

corresponding to those of Genesis 2)28

I think now that they may well be

rather two as riverine aspects of the two deeps of the second colon cited29

One lay above the firmament and one below the earth or netherworld as in

Hebrew cosmology A remarkable citation of this in the Qurrsquoan (1861-62)

indicates the longevity of the cosmology behind the formula30

The Identity of the Rivers

As to the identity of the rivers two the Tigris and the Euphrates are

immediately recognisable The other two have been regarded as problematic

The Gihon was identified with the Nile by the LXX of Jeremiah 218

followed by Josephus Antiquities 11331

who also in the same passage

25 See M C Korpel ldquoRockrdquo pp 709-10 in K van der Toorn B Becking and P W

van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden EJ Brill

19992)

26 ET M Maher Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis Translated with Introduction

and Notes (The Aramaic Bible 18 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1992) p 23

27 N Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit (The Biblical Seminar 53 London

Equinox 2nd

edition 2002) p 52 n 64

28 Wyatt Religious Texts p 52 n 63

29 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 196 Cf D T Tsumura Creation and Destruction

A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake IN

Eisenbraus 2005) p 136 n 59

30 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 227 n 13

31 Cited as 139 by J Skinner A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis

(ICC Edinburgh TampT Clark 1910) p 61

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

Dow

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

Dow

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015

Castilo
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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

Dow

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 12: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 11

identified the Pishon with the Ganges But Jeremiah himself had used the

term šiḥocircr for the Nile32

and the explicit identification with the Gihon can

thus only be dated with certainty from the time of the Greek translation ca

300 BC On the contrary it was the Pishon that was interpreted by Manfred

Goumlrg33

as the Nile from the Egyptian expression p3 šny ldquothe encompassing

onerdquo the river being conceptualised as an extension of the cosmic ocean

surrounding the world This is perhaps more compelling than Neimanrsquos

proposal34

to link the Pishon to Hebrew peten ldquosnakerdquo a metaphor for the

serpentine ocean though the term discerned by del Olmo35

who proposed

that bāšān (Ugaritic bṯn usually cited as cognate with peten) should be

recognised as having serpentine and maritime associations in various

geographical contexts followed up by myself36

seems to be another

reasonable etymological possibility So I have suggested in a discussion of

oceanic language that in Deuteronomy 3322 we should understand the text

as follows

Dān gucircr caryecirc Dan the whelp of a sea-monster

yĕzannēq min-habbāšān springs forth from the Serpent (sc the Ocean)

This meaning is concordant with Danrsquos original maritime location in the

Shephelah (cf Judges 517) before its migration to northern Galilee A link

with the sea peoples is suggested for Dan and Asher by Judges 517 and for

Zebulun by Genesis 4913 The Egyptian and Ugaritic etymological

proposals for Pishon are both attractive

32 This was explained as ldquothe pond of Horusrdquo (š[y] ḥr) by L Koehler and W

Baumgartner The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden EJ

Brill 1999) iv p 1477 They followed the proposal of Erman-Grapow Handwoumlrter-

buch 4 p 397) The older assessment by F Brown SR Driver and CA Briggs A

Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford Clarendon 1906) p

1009 that it is based on the lemma šḥr ldquoblackrdquo is also a possible explanation

though they labelled it ldquodoubtfulrdquo

The reference to the Gihon in Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2427 does not contrary

to some views identify the Gihon and the Nile See below at n 52

33 M Goumlrg ldquoZur Identitaumlt des Pishon (Gen 211)rdquo Biblische Notizen 40 (1987) pp

11-13 endorsed by Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 278 n 150

34 D Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishon mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic

rivers of Edenrdquo Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies

(Jerusalem World Union of Jewish Studies 1977) pp 321-328 Wyatt The Mythic

Mind p 192

35 G del Olmo Lete ldquoBašan o el ldquoinfiernordquo cananeordquo in P Xella (ed) Cananea

Selecta Festschrift fuumlr Oswald Loretz zum 60 Geburtstag = Studi Epigrafici e

Linguistici 5 (1988) pp 51-60

36 Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 204 See reasons ad loc for taking other Hebrew

leonine terms as synonymous with labbu (lit ldquolionrdquo) with the sense of ldquo(sea)

monsterrdquo

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12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

Dow

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

Dow

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 13: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

12 Nicolas Wyatt

Regarding the Gihon of Genesis 213 Neiman also proposed an

interesting link between the Hebrew gicircḥocircn which he associated with the

snakersquos belly (gāḥocircnmdashgĕḥonĕkacirc) in Genesis 314 and with Greek

ʾΩκεανος37

The latter in encircling the Greek world is like the Gihon

which ldquoencircles the whole land of Cushrdquo Whether or not this be regarded as

a viable etymology it is at least a likely paronomasia and the Gihon also had

a local reference as the stream supplying Jerusalem with water and also used

in royal rituals as in 1 Kings 133-34 38-40 (Solomonrsquos coronation) and

presumably in Psalm 1107

Minnaḥal badderek yišteh From the stream from the throne he

drinks cal-kēn yāricircm rōrsquoš and thus he raises up heads

38

I have taken derek in this latter passage to represent the idea of ldquodominionrdquo

translated here metonymically as ldquothronerdquo to be compared with Ugaritic drkt

as perhaps in Job 1224 and Psalm 10740 The Gihon in Jerusalem is perhaps

also alluded to in Psalm 369-10

yirwĕyun middešen becirctekacircirw They are filled with the abundance of

your house

wĕnaḥal cēdenĕkacirc tašqēm and the stream of your Eden gives them

to drink

kicirc-cimmĕkacirc mĕqocircr ḥayyicircm For with you is the fountain of life

bĕrsquoērĕkacirc nirrsquoecirc-rsquoocircr in your well a light is seen

reading the Masoretic text plural cădānecirckacirc (ldquoin your delightsrdquo) as singular

cēdenĕkacirc and Masoretic bĕrsquoocircrkacirc (ldquoin your lightrdquo) as bĕrsquoērĕkacirc (ldquoin your

wellrdquo) in parallel with mĕqocircr ldquofountainrdquo of the preceding colon ldquoTheyrdquo of

the first colon here are ldquothe gods and the sons of manrdquo of v 839

The stream is

to be associated with the throne as will be demonstrated below If the

proposed singular reading cēdenĕkacirc be accepted we have a clear implicit

identification of Eden with Jerusalem since ldquoyour houserdquo of the preceding

colon can only be the Jerusalem temple40

The implications of the identity of the rivers for locating Eden

What are we to make of these riverine data in terms of actually locating the

garden It hardly provides compelling evidence for a Mesopotamian location

as for those who took the name Eden (cēden) to represent the Sumerian EDIN

37 Neiman ldquoGihon and Pishonrsquo Wyatt The Mythic Mind p 192 LXX for gicircḥocircn is

Γηων

38 See Wyatt Myths of Power p 54

39 See Wyatt Myths of Power pp 66-67

40 For further examples of prophetic allusions of this kind see Ezekiel 471-12

(discussed below) Zechariah 148-11 and Joel 418 noted by Stordalen ldquoHeaven on

earthrdquo pp 33-34

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

Dow

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

Dow

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 14: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 13

= Akkadian edinu the plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates41

Such a

location ignores the claims of the Pishon and the Gihon for inclusion within

the writerrsquos immediate purview To reject the original identification of the

paradisal and the Jerusalem Gihon in view of this evidence on the strength of

its later identification with the Nile ( Jeremiah LXX et al) would seem to me

to be perverse What we have here are two different explanations for the data

which on any analysis remain incompatible (On Neimanrsquos analysis men-

tioned above the two are even reconciled) To my mind the local significance

of the Gihon for Jerusalem is to be taken seriously in view of the evidence

we have adduced42

Even if the etymology of the cosmic Gihon be unknown

and unconnected with the Jerusalem stream (the latter means ldquoGusherrdquo43

)

which is quite improbable it is hard to believe that the similaritymdashor even

identitymdashof the two names was not clearly in the authorrsquos mind That is he

was intentionally evoking Jerusalem even if not wishing to name it44

This

would also preclude any location of Eden further east as far afield as

Armenia as proposed by a number of scholars45

or even India as suggested

41 F Delitzsch Wo Lieg das Paradies (Leipzig J C Hinrich 1881) pp 4 6 79-80

cited by A R Millard ldquoThe etymology of Edenrdquo VT 34 (1984) pp 103-106 he

traced the acceptance of this explanation down to E A Speiser Genesis (AB 1

Garden City NY Doubleday 1964) pp 16 19 Millard himself rejected the

explanation in favour of the Aramaic term cdn ldquoenrich give abundancerdquo See also

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 284-86 and Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament II p 792

42 It should be clear that the claims of the Gihon in Jerusalem to be linked with that

of the Eden narrative cannot be squared with claims for identification with the Nile

43 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 189 gicircaḥ ldquoto burst

forthrdquo

41 Noortrsquos confident rejection of the equation ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 n 34 is

unsupported by any justification and seems cavalier Regarding his identification of

the Gihon with the Nile see discussion above Goumlrgrsquos explanation of the Pishon as

the Nile (see at n 30) at least has philological plausibility

45 A H Sayce Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the

Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures London Williams and

Norgate 1887) pp 237-238 envisaged Eridu a view revived by M Dietrich ldquoDas

biblische Paradies und der babylonische Tempelgartenrdquo in B Janowski and B Ego

(eds) Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (Tuumlbingen Mohr

Siebeck 2001) pp 281-323 pp 302-320 J Day Yahweh and the Gods and

Goddesses of Canaan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements 265

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 2000 pp 29-31 and D Rohl The Lost

Testament From Eden to Exile the Five-Thousand Year History of the People of the

Bible (London Century 2002) pp 27-29 located it in Armenia Note also the brief

(and inconclusive) survey of views in C J Collins Genesis 1-4 A Linguistic

Literary and Theological Commentary (Phillipsburg NJ P amp R Publishing 2006) pp

119-120 See also J Delumeau History of Paradise The Garden of Eden in Myth

and Tradition (New York Continuum 2000) pp 155-174 Goumlbekli Tepe in south-

eastern Turkey has also been identified as Eden S Thomas (nom de plume Tom

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14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

Dow

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 15: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

14 Nicolas Wyatt

on various mediaeval maps46

Furthermore it would certainly remove Eden

from the ldquonever-never landrdquo category some other scholars seem determined

to apply to it47

The four rivers represent the three major systems of the

ancient Near East and the world-ocean but crucially link them with the

sacred waters of the city of Jerusalem itself The point of allusions to the

Tigris and the Euphrates in a Jerusalem-centred text is surely to extend the

sacrality of the latter the place from which the Jews had been deported to

the place of their exile (a feature which obviously has a bearing on the dating

of the text) We see a similar pattern of the implicit inclusion of the place of

exile within the sacred territory in the stories of Jacobrsquos dream and of

Mosesrsquos vision of the burning bush48

Miqqedem in Genesis 28

The one feature within the text which might support an oriental location is

the use of miqqedem in 28 This Hebrew expression commonly translated in

this passage as ldquoin the eastrdquo is however to be understood here as a temporal

rather than a spatial formula meaning ldquoin the beginningrdquo49

so that it has no

bearing on the gardenrsquos location which is to be deduced on other grounds

We have in the description of the rivers a somewhat convoluted account

of a classic cosmic model the river emerges from its source at the true centre

and flows out via various branches to an ocean which surrounds a circular

world This is certainly the understanding of ancient cartography mutatis

Knox) The Genesis Secret (London Harper 2008) See also discussion in A Scafi

Mapping Paradise A History of Heaven on Earth (London British Library 2006)

Zevit What Really Happened pp 96-113 located Eden in Urartu (Armenia) biblical

Ararat

46 Among various examples we may note the Vercelli world map (ca 1191-1218)

where Paradise is located in India (Scafi Mapping Paradise figs 62a and b pp

132-133) while on Higdenrsquos Polychronicon (ca 1350 figs 63a and b pl 4 pp 134-

135) it lies northeast of India in both cases on the edge of the cosmic ocean The

Hereford Mappa Mundi (ca 1300) is similar Christopher Columbus and Amerigo

Vespucci were even tempted to locate it in the New World See M Bockmuehl

ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo p 192 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity

47 See M Barker The Gate of Heaven (London SPCK 1991) p 103 and cf Noort

ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 28 ldquoin the stories of Gen 2-3 Paradise is not located it is far awayrdquo

See also id p 33 ldquohellip the narrator wants to offer a mystified location for Paradisehellip

he does not want to locate Paradise in an accessible and locatable placerdquo

48 See respectively Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth (London Equinox 2010) pp

1-12 and The Mythic Mind pp 13-17

49 See N Wyatt ldquoInterpreting the creation and fall story in Genesis 2-3rdquo ZAW 93

(1981) 13 cf id The Mythic Mind pp 127-129 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo pp

28 41-43 id Echoes of Eden pp 207 261-264 Cf Koehler and Baumgartner

Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon III p 1069-1070 where it is considered the radical

sense

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

Dow

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 16: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 15

mutandismdashwhich lasted until the Middle Ages50

mdashand also corresponds to

the notion of cosmic rule in which kings reign ldquofrom sea to seardquo 51

The reasons outside the text that have appeared to reinforce the spatial

sense of miqqedem here are firstly the misapplication of the term edinu

noted above and secondly the supposition that since Abraham came ldquofrom

Ur of the Chaldeesrdquo (Genesis 1131) events prior to his migration to

Palestine must be located in the east since even a spatial sense for miqqedem

in Genesis 324 would locate the garden west of the place of expulsion The

patriarchal tradition though couched in primordial terms actually concerns

the exile of the Jews following the destruction of Jerusalem in 587-86 BCE52

so that Abrahamrsquos departure on his long journey west is not an account of a

primordial (Bronze Age) journey but rather a cipher for the exilesrsquo return

following the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus in 539 Genesis 2-3 serves as a

narrative of an original archetypal exile prefiguring the historical one

Other Biblical Support for the Location of Eden in Jerusalem

A reason from within the text for supporting the line I take53

mdashthat Eden is in

Jerusalemmdashis the fact which we noted above that there is only one river

actually within the garden Given the post-exilic dating now increasingly

recognised for the story this is best understood as a deliberate allusion to

Ezekiel 471-12 which in the prophetic vision of the new temple describes a

stream flowing out from beneath the stone pavement on the eastern side of

the temple building and then flowing south out of the temenos and on down

to the Arabah This passage is echoed in Revelation 221 modelled on

Ezekiel referring to

the river of the water of life shining like crystal coming out from the throne

of God and of the lamb hellip

and 1 Enoch 1419

and from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire

47 See W Horowitz Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Mesopotamian Civiliza-

tions 8 Winona Lake IN Eisenbrauns 1998 A Scafi Mapping Paradise

51 See the selection of texts in Wyatt Space and Time pp 81-88 115-20 and cf H

P LrsquoOrange Studies in the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (Oslo H Aschehoug

1953)

52 See D J Clines The Meaning of the Pentateuch (JSOTS 10 Sheffield JSOT

Press 1978) passim

53 See also Barker The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103 Stordalen ldquoHeaven on earthrdquo

passim L E Stager Jerusalem and the garden of Eden Eretz Israel 26 (1999) pp

183-194 id ldquoJerusalem as Edenrdquo Biblical Archaeological Review 26 (2000) pp

36-47 66 H Shanks Jerusalemrsquos Temple Mount from Solomon to the Golden Dome

(London Publisher 2007) pp 22-23 A Wood Of Wings and Wheels A Synthetic

Study of the Biblical Cherubim (BZAW 385 Berlin Walter de Gruyter 2008) p 49

Bockmuehl ldquoLocating Paradiserdquo

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16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 17: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

16 Nicolas Wyatt

though this text has pluralised the river Here are the justifications for

recognising a throne in Psalm 1107 As to the origin of this spring it can

only seriously be understood as emerging from the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc the ldquostone

of foundationrdquo which formed the bedrock floor of the temple cella This is

widely identified with the rock under the Dome of the Rock with its

conspicuous crevices into which water was poured during the New Year rites

to prime the source of all life54

Furthermore it is implicitly identical with the

Gihon the cityrsquos only supply of water Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira) 2425-27

which evidently shares the cosmological presuppositions of Genesis 2 states

that Wisdom brims like the Pishon the Tigris the Euphrates the Jordan ()

the Nile () and the Gihon55

homing in on the local river before extending

out again in vv 28-34 to the universal sea The almost chiastic form of this

passage ldquoin from the cosmic rivers and out again to the cosmic oceanrdquo

highlights the geographical and cosmic centrality of the Gihon and implicitly

of Eden The passages above appear to locate the throne of God (and thus of

the king56

) over the cĕben šĕtiyyacirc from which the stream flows

In earlier engagements with this problem I have identified Eden with the

ldquogardenrdquo mentioned within the topography of Jerusalem the so-called

ldquoKingrsquos Gardenrdquo (gan hammelek)57

Some other scholars have also endorsed

this view58

The precise location of this garden is unknown but it was

probably situated adjacent to the royal palace and the temple which were

evidently part of one overall construction It was associated with royal burials

and it is perhaps on this accountmdashif my identification is correctmdashthat post-

biblical tradition located the burial places of various ancient patriarchs here

Adam is buried in Eden according to Jubilees 429 and in the earthly

paradise while his soul ascends to the heavenly paradise above (third

heaven) in the Life of Adam and Eve (Apocalypse version) with Abel in

371-6 406 and with Eve in 43159

The following passages are also worth

noting Testament of Dan 512

54 See R Patai Man and Temple (London Nelson 1948 p 41 (B Ta

can 25b)

55 Note that in this passage the Gihon and the Nile are distinct in a series of six

56 Note the double function of the throne of deity and monarch in Psalm 1101 I

Chronicles 285 2923 in Barker The Older Testament pp 113 149 230 247

Wyatt Myths of Power pp 278 316

57 See Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 55-59 and 61-76 for specific discussions

and for tangential discussions presupposing Jerusalem symbolism the references in n

41 See also Francesca Stavrakopoulou ldquoExploring the garden of Uzza death burial

and ideologies of kingshiprdquo Biblica 87 2006 pp 1-21

58 D Neiman ldquoEden the garden of Godrdquo Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum

Hungaricae 17 (1969) 109-124 (cited in Stordalen Echoes of Eden p 33)

59 J H Charlesworth The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol 2 (Anchor Bible

Reference Library Garden City NY Doubleday 1985) pp 65 289-295 for Adamrsquos

burial by Enoch see Charlesworth vol 1 (1983) p 311 n 48Cb

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

Dow

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 18: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 17

the saints shall rest in Eden

and in the new Jerusalem shall the righteous rejoice

and 1 Enoch 6112

All the elect who dwell in the garden of life (shall bless him)60

This aspect of the garden belongs primarily to a discussion on the relation of

this garden to a post-mortem Paradise but it is reasonable to think that this

eschatological element derives from the older ideological sense that I am

attempting to reconstruct here

Another candidate for the garden might be part of the so-called ldquoHouse of

the Forest of the cedars of Lebanonrdquo an important annexe to the temple

which housed an armoury presumably used for ritual purposes since the

shields were all made of gold (1 Kings 1016-17 21 = 2 Chronicles 915-16

20)61

Barker identified Eden with the temple itself 62

as did H J van Dijk63

But perhaps we err in trying to make modern logical distinctions of this

kind where the ancients happily superimposed such levels upon one another

Perhaps the garden motif was intended to embrace the various aspects of the

sacred landscape On one level of understanding the garden is a synecdoche

for the whole kingdom the land flowing with milk and honey64

A

remarkable confirmation of this is the vision of the restored Jerusalem in

Isaiah 513 where Zion and Eden are equated

Indeed Yahweh has had compassion on Zion

he has had compassion on all her ruins

and will turn her wilderness into Eden

and her wasteland into the garden of Yahweh65

It is evident that in the time of Deutero-Isaiahmdashthe exilic periodmdashEden did

have the larger reference Here Zion itself is a synecdoche The later

60 Cited in Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 68 See further M Goodman

ldquoParadise gardens and the afterlife in the first century CErdquo pp 57-63 (and p 57 n 2

citing Targum Isaiah 457 and Targum Zechariah 214-47 on the perpetual dwelling

of the righteous in Eden) and G Macaskill ldquoParadise in the New Testamentrdquo pp

64-81

61 On this see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 183

62 Barker The Older Testament pp 25 233-237 The Gate of Heaven pp 57-103

esp 62 64

63 H J van Dijk Ezekielrsquos Prophecy on Tyre (Ez 261-2819) a New Approach

(Bibbia e Oriente 20 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1968) p 117 cited

without complete approval by Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p 25 n 26

64 See N Lohfink Das Siegeslied am Schilfmeer (Frankfurt J Knecht 1965) pp

91-92 cited by Mettinger The Eden Narrative p 50 see also the discussion in

Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp 307-316

65 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 67 See also Stordalen Echoes of Eden pp

321-324 (though I am not convinced by his view that vv 1-3 should be seen as a

unity)

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18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

Dow

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 19: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

18 Nicolas Wyatt

eschatological Paradise of Christian doctrine was identified with the ldquoCity of

Godrdquo the ldquoNew Jerusalemrdquo of Augustinersquos account based on Revelation 21-

22 and the subsequent iconographic tradition And the whole was filled with

arboreal imagery For such imagery (as architectural form) in the temple see

1 Kings 6293235 715-22 the tabernacle (some of its features are trans-

parently elements of the [second] temple) the menorah (an almond tree)

Exodus 2531-40 the palace 1 Kings 76-7 and the House of the Forest 1

Kings 7266

More relevant to our present discussion and in pursuit of

possible royal ideological aspects of this garden is the conclusion to the

Genesis account This states (324) that

[the Lord of the gods] set in front of the garden of Eden cherubs

and the flame of the whirling sword

to guard the way to the tree of life

The cherubs were sphinxes and are frequently found in royal contexts as

armrests on thrones67

attendants at or browsers on trees and so on Hebrew

distinguished śĕrāpicircm ldquogriffinsrdquo from kĕrūbicircm ldquosphinxesrdquo though the

Greek γρύψ cognate with kĕrūb meant ldquogriffinrdquo evidently associating them

at least unconsciously 68

The primary function of both forms appears to have

been as guardians of boundaries being if my analysis is correct derived

from the forms of the Ka of the king in Egyptian ideology So their presence

here should not surprise the reader What does perhaps cause surprise is that

the man thrown out of the garden suddenly becomes aware of these

creatures from the wrong side of the fence as it were But the sphinxes were

probably already there guaranteeing his safety within the garden This is

supported by the cherub apparently provided as a guardian to the king69

(of

Tyre) in the garden in Ezekiel 281470

The sword is another matter being

unmentioned elsewhere But since a sword is an essential attribute of the king

as warrior we may see something of this symbolic dimension in it It is

consonant with the idea of the House of the Forest as armoury Or it may

66 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 182-184

67 Wood Of Wings and Wheels pp 9-31 argued cogently against the idea that the

biblical cherubim formed Yahwehrsquos throne

68 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo Hebrew śārāp is best explained as deriving from

Egyptian srfw ldquogriffinrdquo Both griffins and sphinxes appear together with kuribu

figures on the Mari painting discussed below

69 Alternatively the cherub was the king himself G Widengren The Ascension of

the Apostle and the Heavenly Book King and Saviour III (Uppsala Universitets

Aringrskrift 19507) p 97 cf Barker The Older Testament pp 235-236 Noort ldquoGan-

Edenrdquo pp 23-24 (p 24 ldquothere is no lsquobetterrsquo readingrdquo)

70 See the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

Dow

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

nloa

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 20: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 19

have something of a cultic overtone since ḥereb can have the sense of a

ritual harpe (a cognate term)71

The Problem of the Number of Trees in Eden

The Garden of Eden boasted two trees one of knowing all things and one of

life72

Since they actually fused in later tradition we may wonder whether

their duality was not always problematic or whether they really constituted

one tree under two modes varying according to the literary function of

different parts of the narrative We are led to this suspicion by the precise

phraseology of various parts of the text Thus Genesis 29 states

Then the Lord of the gods caused to grow from the ground every tree that is

pleasant to the sight and good for eating

and the tree of life in the middle of the garden

and the tree of knowing all things

The second tree here appears almost as an afterthoughtmdashin an appositional

phrasemdashand certainly cannot logically according to a straightforward prose

understanding of this verse which is usually presupposed also be located as

a separate tree at the centre of the garden where we would expect to find it

To complicate matters in 32-3 this statement appears to be contradicted

Then the woman replied to the snake ldquoThe fruit of the trees in the garden we

may eat but from the fruit of the tree which is in the middle of the garden

God has said lsquoyou may not eat from it nor touch it in case you diersquordquo

This passage can only refer to the tree of knowing all things

A contrary argument was advanced by Andreas Michel and Tryggve

Mettinger to the effect that each tree relates to the ldquomiddle of the gardenrdquo by

ldquosplit coordinationrdquo73

But this looks like an elegant case of special pleading

A better solution was suggested to me by Anthony J Frendo that we

should recognise here an example of waw explicativum in which the phrase

introduced by the particle further expounds the meaning of what precedes

Thus the latter part of 29 is to be understood following his suggestion as

71 See Wyatt Religious Texts p 70 n 2 My layout of the text above making the

allusion a bicolon would accommodate any of these interpretations If it is to be read

as poetry we should not be too demanding of a formal logic But verse frequently

performs exactly as Anthony J Frendo suggested (see n 74) successive cola draw

out implications or hints addressed in the first colon of a strophe

72 Interestingly Philo placed the first tree (of knowing all things) outside the garden

because to have it inside would contradict the command to eat from every tree (216)

Legum Allegoriae I XXXI (97) C D Yonge The Works of Philo (Peabody MA

Hendrikson 1993) p 36 But the logic of this is to require Adam and Eve to leave

the garden in order to sin which is not the understanding of Genesis

73 A Michel Theologie aus der Peripherie die gespaltene Koordination im

Biblischen Hebraumlisch (BZAW 257 Berlin de Gruyter 1997) pp 1-22 Mettinger

The Eden Narrative pp 21-22

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20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 21: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

20 Nicolas Wyatt

the tree of life in the middle of the garden

that is the tree of knowing all things74

That is the second colon is an explanation of the first the same tree performs

two functions The recognition that we have verse here not prose reinforces

this view the second colon draws out the implications of the first Thus the

same tree is to be understood

So just as Jean Margueron found the one tree in the courtyard to

correspond to two in the painting in the Mari palace (on which see further

below) we may think similarly that the two trees in Eden are really one

Mettinger surveying the extensive discussion over the number of trees and

the problem of priority if there is only one pointed out that the characters in

the story Adam and Eve know of only one tree75

They learn of the second

mdashif they ever domdashonly on finding that they have forfeited access to it rather

like their discovery of sphinxes (cherubs) Furthermore one of the

ideological features we shall note below contradicts the idea that eating from

this tree intrinsically constitutes a crime But the real issue to appreciate is the

rich symbolism of the tree or trees however understood The final

explanation offered here emphasises the symbolic richness

The Significance of the Tree(s) in Eden

Now what is this symbolism While we may suppose that general themes of

fertility security and utility were always present at times specifically royal

significance was attached to trees This is clear from its role in Assyrian

palace rites in which the king or priests acting on his behalf or even divine

figures appear to pollinate the fruit of the tree76

M Giovino showed

however that this common explanation of the ldquoAssyrian sacred treerdquo is not

strictly accurate since the stylised device is probably an artificial

construction rather than an actual tree and the supposed act of pollination is

more likely one of unction77

though perhaps the question of the precise

74 A J Frendo personal communication For the phenomenon see Waltke and

OrsquoConnor Biblical Hebrew Syntax pp 648-49 (sect3921b) and D W Baker Further

examples of the Waw Explicativum VT 30 (1980) pp 129-136 Cf Zevit What

Really Happened pp 93-94 he rejected this explanation wanting to retain two trees

75 Mettinger The Eden Narrative pp 5-11

76 Thus most recently B N Porter Trees Kings and Politics Studies in Assyrian

Iconography (OBO197 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg

University Press 2003) The entire history of scholarship on the matter was surveyed

and evaluated by M Giovino The Assyrian Sacred Tree A History of Interpretations

(OBO 230 Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht Fribourg Fribourg University

Press 2007)

77 Giovino Sacred Tree p 82 citing S Smith ldquoThe relation of Marduk Assur and

Osirisrdquo JEA 8 (1922) p 44 and n 3 E A W Budge A Guide to the Babylonian

and Assyrian Antiquities 3rd

edition (London British Museum Department of

Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities 1922) pp 43-44 On the Assyrian tree as

representing the king see S Parpola ldquoThe Assyrian Tree of Life tracing the origins

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

Dow

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 22: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 21

nature of the ritual must remain open This suggests that the ldquotreerdquo somehow

represented kingship in the Assyrian context78

the sacral power of which was

reinforced by the anointing process And Babylonian and biblical usage both

confirm that this symbolism was international79

Although it is probably beyond proof in the absence of clear evidence it is

tempting to see the asherah (rsquoăšēracirc) of the Judahite cult as a similar artificial

construction a surrogate tree representing the goddess Asherah (a royal

solar goddess who probably served also as the patroness of the city) As the

mythic mother of the king80

Asherah would certainly have been recognised

by her devotees and the symbolism of the cult as the mother of the nationmdash

incarnate in the queen mother the Gebirah (gĕbicircracirc) and so again intimately

linked with royal ideologymdasha close counterpart to Eve (ḥavvacirc) as the

ldquomother of all living thingsrdquo (rsquoēm kol ḥāy) in the Eden narrative Following

this intuition it is tempting to go further and see in Eversquos handing to Adam of

the fruit which grants knowledge a metaphor for the role of Wisdom who in

Proverbs 1-9 appears to be the goddess Asherah restored in post-exilic

literature to favour as an abstraction81

Thus the patron goddess gives to her

son the king the gifts of life and wisdom

of Jewish monotheism and Greek philosophyrdquo JNES 52 (1993) pp 161-208 (167-

168) The sets of trees in the Assyrian throne-rooms may have represented royal

ancestors and gave these spaces a garden-like appearance See S Richardson ldquoAn

Assyrian garden of ancestors room I northwest palace Kalḫurdquo State Archives of

Assyria Bulletin 13 (1999-2001) 145-216 see also F Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hogging

in Eden on the restriction of divine wisdom in Genesis 2-3rdquo pp 41-53 in M Higton

J Law and C Rowland (eds) Theology and Human Flourishing Essays in Honour

of Timothy J Gorringe (Eugene OR Cascade 2011)

78 A symbolic tradition graphically reflected in Ezekiel 318-9

79 On the tree as symbolising the king in biblical thought see Wyatt Space and

Time pp 169-172 (Daniel 47-19 Numbers 171-8 [Hebrew 16-23] Zechariah 31-

10 41-14) Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-hoggingrdquo pp 44-48 See also the ldquoshootrdquo

metaphor used in such passages as Isaiah 42 111 1419 3731 532 Zechariah

612 Testament of Judah 244-6 Psalm 13 Hosea 149 and Lamentations 420 (the

shadow is that of a tree) passages discussed by G Widengren The King and the

Tree of Life in ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV Uppsala

Universitets Aringrskrift 19514) pp 49-58 (and passim) and Stavrakopoulou ldquoTree-

hoggingrdquo In Psalm 13 the k in kĕcēṣ is surely kaph veritatismdashsee n 1mdashand this is

in origin a royal psalm according to WH Brownlee ldquoPsalms 1-2 as a coronation

liturgyrdquo Biblica 52 (1971) pp 321-336 an assessment summarily rejected by H-J

Kraus Psalms 1-59 A Commentary (Minneapolis MN Augsburg) 1988 p 114 but

without adequate argumentation

80 See Psalm 19 discussed Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 and Psalm

1103 LXX discussed Wyatt Myths of Power pp 270-271

81 B Lang Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority (Social World of Biblical

Antiquity 1 Sheffield Almond Press 1983) pp 51-54 MS Smith The Origins of

Biblical Monotheism Israelrsquos Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts

(Oxford 2001 Oxford University Press) pp 172-173 id The Early History of

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22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

Dow

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

nloa

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 23: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

22 Nicolas Wyatt

The theme of the garden is very widespread as a symbol of cosmic order

and as we shall see above all of royal management of the cosmos The

Avestan word pairidēza borrowed into late Babylonian as pardēsu into

Hebrew as pardēs and Greek as παράδεισος82

appears to have meant

originally ldquorampartrdquo and hence a ramparted place such as an enclosed royal

garden The central figure in the garden is therefore implicitly the king as

borne out by Ezekiel 2812-19 The biblical evidence is by no means the

earliest attested treatment of the theme and can be shown to be heir to a long

tradition stretching back over more than a millennium

The Pottery Metaphor (Genesis 27)

The term used of the fashioning of the man yāṣar has the specific sense of

manufacturing a pot This metaphor occurs frequently in biblical thought

with reference to the creation of people in general in Isaiah 2916 3014

4125 647 Jeremiah 181-12 Lamentations 42 and of enemy kings in the

coronation Psalm 2983

But there is reason to think that this is not merely a

neutral if graphic constructional figure It is always used collectively of the

nation and perhaps the psalm citation hints at its primary reference it is a

royal metaphor a well-known motif in Egyptian royal ideological contexts

Thus a relief in the mammisi (ldquobirth-houserdquo) at Hatshepsutrsquos mortuary temple

at Deir el Bahri shows the ram-headed god of Elephantine Khnum

fashioning the king ( Hatshepsut was a woman) and his Ka on the potterrsquos

wheel with an accompanying descriptive text

Utterance of Khnum the potter Lord of Herur

lsquoI have formed thee of these limbs of Amun Presider over Karnak

I have come to thee to fashion thee better than all gods

I have given to thee all life and satisfaction

all stability all joy of heart with me

I have given to thee all health all lands

I have given to thee all offerings all food

I have given to thee to appear upon the throne of Horus like Ra forever

I have given thee to be before the Kas of all the living

while thou shinest as King of Upper and Lower Egypt of South and North

God Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2

nd edition Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2002) pp 133-134

82 Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 963 CAD vol 12 P

(2005) p 182 W Hinz ldquoAchaumlmenidische Hofverwaltingrdquo ZA 61 (1971) p 295 See

also discussion in J Bremmer Greek Religion and Culture the Bible and the Ancient

Near East (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture Leiden EJ Brill 2008) pp

35-55 (he insisted on a Median aspect) and also the essays by Bremmer (above n 1)

and A Panaino (ldquoAround Inside and Beyond the Walls Names Ideas and Images of

Paradise in Pre-Islamic Iran With an Appendix on Old Persian ltpa-ra-da-ya-da-a-

magtrdquo) in Scafi The Cosmography of Paradise

83 Also in Romans 921

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

nloa

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 24: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 23

according as thy father who loves thee has commandedrdquo 84

As part of a cumulative argument we may discern the same metaphor in

Genesis 27 In case there is doubt about the specific nuance we should

consider Jeremiah 15 in which the prophet describes in Yahwehrsquos words his

prophetic calling in the idiom of royal usage also familiar from other

Egyptian parallels

Before I fashioned you (rsquoeṣārĕkacirc radicyāṣar) in the belly I knew you

and before you came forth from the womb I consecrated you

Subtending the fashioning motif Jeremiah mixes two further metaphors

ldquoconsecrationrdquomdasha ritual formmdashand knowledgemdashultimately a sexual image

and used here of divine paternitymdashare effectively equated We may compare

this with the following of Sesostris I

I conquered as a lad I was mighty in the egg hellip He appointed me lord of the

Two Lands as a child before the swaddling-clothes were loosed for me he

appointed me lord of mankind 85

and of Piankhi both

Whose mother recognized that he would rule in the egg hellip86

and

I said of you when you were still in your motherrsquos body

that you would be ruler of Egypt

for I already knew you in the seed

when you were still in the egg

that you would become Lord87

The Dust Metaphor (Genesis 319)

The making of the man explicitly out of dust88

is another royal metaphor as

discerned by Walter Brueggemann ldquoIt is terminology used to speak of the

elevation of a man to royal office hellip Behind the creation formula lies a royal

formula of enthronementrdquo he observed89

Its double edge as the seemingly

84 JH Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago Chicago University Press

1906) ii p 82 sect203 The asterisks identify feminine forms

85 Breasted Ancient Records i p 243 sect502 of Sesostris I

86 Breasted Ancient Records iv p 419 sect817

87 W Beyerlin Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL

London SCM Press 1978) p 29 cited Wyatt Myths of Power p 292mdashsee also pp

288-291

88 On the terminology of soil see J L Kelso ldquoThe Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old

Testamentrdquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplementary

Studies No56 (1948) pp 1-48 On p 5 he cited Job 109 as similar in sense to

Genesis 27 Cf Zevit What Really Happened n 2 above

89 Brueggemann ldquoDustrdquo p 2 He cited 1 Samuel 26-8a Psalm 1137 in support

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24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

Dow

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

nloa

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 25: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

24 Nicolas Wyatt

neutral medium in 27 (ldquofrom dust from the groundrdquo)mdashwhich however

already implies autochthony and therefore a primal claim to territorymdashbut as

part of the curse in 319 (ldquoDust indeed you are and to dust you will returnrdquo)

is an echo of the oracle of Yahweh delivered to Baasha by Jehu son of

Hanani in 1 Kings 162-3

I raised you up from the dust and I made you prince over my people Israel

Now I shall sweep away Baasha and his dynasty after him and I shall make

your dynasty like that of Jeroboam son of Nebat

And just as one kingrsquos elevation from dust to kingship is achieved only at the

expense of his royal opponents so the partial future redemption of the man

hinted at in the curse of the snake in 315 (a clearly messianic oracle) is

counterpointed by the snakersquos diet of dust in 314 The same imagery

Brueggemann noted is found in Isaiah 471 and Jeremiah 4922-23 where

the redemption of Judah will be at the expense of Babylon whose citizens

will eat dust and Yahwehrsquos agent Cyrus also makes his foes eat dust at Isaiah

412

The King as Gardener

The putting of the man in the garden (itself as we have seen a royal garden)

is another royal ideological motif He is placed in the garden to till it and care

for it Not only is this transparently a figure for the kingrsquos general duty of

care for his realm but it alludes quite directly to his cultic duties too He is to

perform cobdacirc This refers to the cultivation of the garden but also the cult in

the garden for he is Yahwehrsquos cebed his ldquoservantrdquo The title

cebed yhwh

familiar to us from the servant songs of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 421-9 491-7

504-11 and 5213-5312) means not simply ldquoYahwehrsquos servantrdquo but more

specifically ldquoYahwehrsquos gardenerrdquo where ldquogardenerrdquo is a royal title of ancient

pedigree Widengren devoted a monograph to this topic90

He stated that the

Sumerian nu-kiri6 Akkadian nukarribu (sic read nukaribbu syll LUacuteNU

GIŠSAR91

) amounted to a royal title Two examples of its apparently royal

usage are in the Legend of Sargon

Akki the drawer of water appointed me as his gardener

While I was a gardener Ishtar granted me her love 92

and Gilgamesh vi 64-67

You loved Išullānu your fatherrsquos gardener

who regularly brought you a basket of dates

90 Widengren The King and the Tree of Life

91 CAD vol 11 N2 1980 pp 323-27 W von Soden AhW (1965-81) p 802

92 J B Pritchard ANET (1969) p 119 Cf W W Hallo (ed) The Context of

Scripture volume 1 (Leiden E J Brill 1997) p 461

Aqqi drawer of water set (me) to his orchard work

During my orchard work Ishtar loved me

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 26: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 25

daily making your temple gleam

You looked at him covetously and went up to him93

This implicitly ritual usage can certainly be understood as a plausible nuance

of the Hebrew use of the term The Assyrian iconography of the king

anointing the tree appears to have the same reference

Now if the man was placed in the garden to tend it what of his expulsion

The common view is that it was after this event that Adam went out to

practise agriculture (Genesis 323) The Jewish Publication Society trans-

lation of this verse is representative

So the Lord God banished him from the garden to till the soil from which he

was taken

But this understanding ignores the reason for him being placed in the garden

to begin with that is to till the soil (with its cultic and royal ideological

implications) and also ignores the overtones of the dust motif in which his

royalty lay in part in the means of his creation from dust To give his dusty

origin on this understanding as the reason for him tilling the soil once

expelled from the garden also ignores the fact that on the pregnant sense of

this as a metaphor for raising a man to the kingship it could no longer be a

serious motive for his later work Like Baasha this king has been swept away

The syntax of 323 allows a contrary understanding however which makes

far better sense in the context

So the Lord of the gods expelled him from the garden of Eden (to prevent

him) from tilling the ground from which he had been taken

This is to take the infinitive construct lacăbōd to have a privative rather than

purposive sense94

The verse is not about agriculture as the new lifestyle at all

it is on the contrary about the cessation of the cultivationmdashand implicitly the

cultmdashwithin the garden This interpretation is supported by the description of

what is to follow the expulsion (Genesis 317-19)

Cursed is the ground because of you

In distress you shall work it all the days of your life

but thorn and thistle it will grow for you

So you shall eat the vegetation of the steppe

By the sweat of your brow you shall eat food

The ldquovegetation of the stepperdquo in this passage is not agricultural produce

since the steppe is uncultivated land but the grubbings of the hunter-gatherer

and the nomad or of the dispossessed Or if agriculture is involvedmdashwhich

93 A R George The Gilgamesh Epic (Oxford Oxford University Press 2003) p

623

94 Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo p 57 Gordon Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta

Orientalia 38 Rome Pontifical Biblical Institute 1965) p 92 sect101 noted by

Koehler and Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon p 508

Dow

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26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 27: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

26 Nicolas Wyatt

seems unlikely given the royal ideological dimensionmdashit is on marginal land

and to no effect yielding ldquothorn and thistlerdquo the hall-marks of the steppe

This new uncultivated life is a powerful metaphor for deportation and exile

implying the enforced cessation of the temple cult Nor is the ldquosweat of your

browrdquo an allusion to agricultural work but simply to unremitting toil for

mere survival

A curious confirmation of the royal view of Eden in the context of the

cultivation motif which also throws light on early Christian exegesis of the

Eden narrative occurs in the resurrection narrative in John 1941 2011-1695

Now where he was crucified there was a garden and in the garden a new

tomb in which no one had been buried Mary was standing by the

tomb weeping And as she wept she looked inside the tomb and saw

two angels in white sitting one at the head and one at the feet where

Jesusrsquos body had been lying And they said to her ldquoWoman why are

you weepingrdquo She replied ldquoThey have taken away my lord and I do

not know where they have put himrdquo And as she said this she turned

round and saw Jesus standing but did not realise that it was Jesus Jesus

said ldquoWoman why are you weeping Whom are you looking forrdquo

Thinking that he was the gardener she said to him ldquoLord if you have

taken him away tell me where you have put him and I shall take him

awayrdquo Jesus said ldquoMaryrdquo She recognised him and said in Hebrew

ldquoRabbounirdquo (that is Teacher)

Far from mistaking Jesus for the gardenermdashthe occasion is saturated with

ironymdashMary recognises him with the resurrection the gardener expelled in

Genesis 3 is now restored to his home Paradise is restored And nor is there

yet anything necessarily eschatological about this event even in nuce It has

already happened within the Johannine narrative as a ldquohistoricalrdquo event If it

is also eschatological it is ldquorealised eschatologyrdquo

Royal Wisdom

We noted above the problem of the second tree It is arguable that it is at

odds with the next royal feature of the man naming the animals (Genesis

219)96

A persistent feature of royal power is the innate wisdom of the king

represented as we have seen by the image of the king receiving the fruit of

wisdom He is not as other men he knows the secrets of the universe He is

95 For discussion see Wyatt ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 61-76 See also J

Schaper The Messiah in the garden pp 17-27 in Bockmuehl and Stroumsa

Paradise in Antiquity

96 See the assessment of J F A Sawyer ldquoThe image of god wisdom of serpents

and the knowledge of good and evilrdquo in P Morris and D Sawyer (eds) A Walk in

the Garden Biblical Iconographical and Literary Images of Eden (JSOTS 136

Sheffield Sheffield Academic Press 1992) pp 64-67 (p 65) Genesis 1 and 2 give

very similar views of man having dominion and naming animals are equivalent

concepts

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 28: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 27

after all divine Such a perception is seen for example in two passages in

Job 157-9 and 384-7 (and the whole of 384-30)

Were you born the first Adam

and brought forth before the hills

Have you listened in at the Council of God

and taken all wisdom to yourself

What do you know that we do not know

or understand which we do not

and

Where were you when I prepared the foundations of the earth

Say if you have understanding

Who determined its measurements Surely you know

Or who stretched the measuring line over it

On what were its pillars based

or who laid its cornerstone

Both passages challenge Job Who is he to quarrel with God The explicit

point of the first passage implicit in the second is that Adam the son of

Godmdashthe kingmdashwho spoke to God face to face would both listen in at the

council of God97

and know all wisdom Job as a commoner cannot The

invention of the second tree in the narrative seems to be a reflection of post-

monarchical thought seeing the kingrsquos misuse of wisdom as an act of hubris

Thus the tree of knowing all things is a cipher for the king himself whose

presence in the garden has turned out to be problematic The assessment of

wisdom as a bad thing was already hinted at in the critique of the monarchy

given in Deuteronomy 298 3011-1498

and found expression in such later

texts as 1 Enoch 71 (where angels teach women magic and herb-lore) 81

(where Azazel teaches men metallurgy cosmetics jewellery and alchemy)

83 (where other angels teach herb-lore incantations astrology) 611-2 and

691-12 (which speak of angels who revealed secrets)99

There is no intrinsic

reason to judge all of this material to be late in authorial terms even if it

occurs in late compositions it probably reflects fairly faithfully the world-

view of the author of Genesis 2-3100

This all reads as does Genesis 3 like a

rather jaundiced evaluation of a monarchical system which had overreached

itself and brought divine punishment down on the nation The tree is

therefore reinterpreted and given a second ironic role so that while it could

97 The setting of Isaiahrsquos inaugural vision (Isaiah 6) is modelled on a royal pattern

98 Wyatt Myths of Power pp 280-82

99 Though it is to be noted that Enoch himself is a model of the new king initiated

into all wisdom

100 The fact that Genesis 2-3 is undoubtedly later than the final form of

Deuteronomy raises the question as to whether it was partly inspired by

Deuteronomistic teaching

Dow

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28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

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015

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 29: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

28 Nicolas Wyatt

have been the key to immortality it actually cheated the man and his wife

The irony is the same as occurs in Gilgamesh and Adapa

The King as Divine

One final motif concerns the manrsquos intrinsic divinity101

from the moment he

eats of the fruit 35 reads

on the day that you eat from it your eyes will be opened and you will be gods

(kērsquolōhicircm)

and 322 has God say

ldquoLook The man has become one of us knowing all things rdquo

Rather than read this as a comparison (ldquolike gods hellip like one of usrdquo) it

seems preferable in view of the special status of the manmdashthe kingmdashto read

the k of kērsquolōhicircm as yet another example of kaph veritatis indicating identity

rather than comparison102

It is perhaps as part of this primordial and divine

status that we should also recognise in the man an androgyne his female

aspect is extracted from him only at the point at which his rib is withdrawn

(221)103

101 See now A Y and J J Collins King and Messiah as Son of God (Grand Rapids

MI Eerdmans 2008)

102 See n 1 The same idiom occurs in Psalm 13mdashsee n 64 Noort ldquoGan-Edenrdquo p

25 he appears to agree though he also retained the comparison on pp 24-25 See

also my study of Psalm 82 (Wyatt Myths of Power pp 357-365) in which I argued

that the point of the judicial scene envisaged in the psalm is not the demotion of old

gods as is generally thought to be the point of the scene described but the reduction

of Judahrsquos divine kings to merely human status

lsquoI had thought that you were gods

and all of you were sons of the Most High

But like Man shall you die

and like the first of rulers shall you fallrdquo (Psalm 826)

The passage not only demotes the kings of Judah but compares their fall to Adamrsquos

fallmdashhe being the first king ldquothe first of rulersrdquo On the general divine condition of

the king see Wyatt Myths of Power pp 283-322 ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 191-

220

103 See C Carmichael ldquoThe Paradise mythrdquo p 48 in Morris and Sawyer (n 80)

ldquoan undifferentiated onerdquo for a gnostic view see P Alexander ldquoThe fall into

knowledge the Garden of EdenParadise in gnostic literaturerdquo pp 91-104 (96) in

Morris and Sawyer (n 80) Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 238-55 The Testament of

Adam 32 contains a promise of Adamrsquos future deificationmdashthat is as restoration of

his original statusmdash(Charlesworth Pseudepigrapha [vol 1] p 994) Outside the

Bible see RE Freed Art in the service of religion and the state pp 110-130 (p 113)

in RE Freed YJ Markovitz and SH DrsquoAuria (eds) Pharaohs of the Sun

Akhenaten Nefertiti Tutankhamun (Boston Museum of Fine Arts 1999) (arguing

for Akhenaten as androgynous) and K L Younger ldquoThe Phoenician inscription of

Azatiwada an integrated readingrdquo JSS 43 (1998) p 14 (out of 11-47) for King

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
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Castilo
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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

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r] a

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52 3

1 M

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015

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 30: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 29

Dating the Eden Narrative

All this symbolic language is addressed to the real political world While

couched in the language of timeless myth and of the universal human

condition the Eden story really speaks of the historical situation of the post-

exilic world after the destruction of the monarchy and before the construc-

tion of the second temple In so far as it is a universal story it speaks

volumes for the significance of the king in the national psyche and especially

when the idea was emancipated from the cut and thrust of a real monarchy

and idealised

How precisely it is to be dated within this period is another matter We

should abandon any attempt to date it to the tenth century on the basis of the

old documentary hypothesis Similarly with Zevitrsquos recent attempt to fix it in

the ninth century104

Nothing within the text requires such an understanding

It is certainly later than Ezekiel or at least those passages identified above in

chapters 28 and 47 (terminus a quo early sixth century) The fact that the

story is not retold with any variation except for the post-mortem

rehabilitation of Adam until the Christian reinterpretation by John suggests

that events such as the rise of Zerubbabel or of the Hasmonean monarchy

either had no lasting impact as redeeming the condition the story describes

or more probably that these events had not yet occurred And yet Zerubbabel

had raised considerable expectations being the grandson or great grandson of

Jehoiakin the king deported in 597 This latter preferable scenario would

give a terminus ad quem of Zerubabbelrsquos time that is ca 520 BCE105

This

would also be consonant with the status of the temple still not yet fully

rebuilt and reconsecrated The Genesis 2-3 narrative may therefore be

interpreted as a midrash on the theme of the demise of the kingdom

concentrating on all those symbolic aspects which had been fundamental to

its existence

Bremmerrsquos treatment of the Eden narrative dealing in particular with the

ideological content of the term παράδεισος and in particular its eschato-

logical usage as developing in the intertestamental literature has no direct

bearing on the issue of the original date of the story since the Greek term

assigned only with the composition of the LXX naturally brought its own

literary and ideological baggage into the discussion The Hebrew text used

not pardēs which would have reflected that derivative ideology but gan

which perpetuates a much older one with antecedents in the wider Semitic

world

Azatiwada of Ivriz as androgynous ldquofather and motherrdquo of his people in l 3 As

Younger noted n 15 this probably had the sense of ldquocompassionaterdquo But the

metaphor is striking

104 Zevit What Really Happened pp 46 48 His argument was self-defeating

since he cited many prophetic passages clearly ignorant of the story while

maintaining that the story was older than them

105 Ezra 52

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30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

nloa

ded

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Uni

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r] a

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52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
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Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
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Castilo
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Castilo
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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
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Castilo
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Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

nloa

ded

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34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

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Page 31: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

30 Nicolas Wyatt

The Garden in the Broader Ancient Near Eastern Context

Let us try to set the Garden of Eden in the broader ancient Near Eastern

context Conceptually Eden may be identified in principle with other

ldquogardensrdquo in ancient Near Eastern tradition such as the scene in the Mari

coronation painting as well as with royal Assyrian gardens throne rooms

and so on This is because they all shared a common symbolism without any

particular one being derived from any other

Jean Margueron stated that no garden has yet been identified in the palace

at Mari106

but the investiture painting shows that at least the concept was

present and was evidently important for ritual purposes It is most likely that

the palm court (court 106) was the garden even if a somewhat unconven-

tional one used precisely for ritual purposes in conjunction with the throne-

room even if the precise rites have left no record And the vase and streams

motif was common and widespread in ancient Near Eastern glyptic art

moreover the famous marble statue of the goddess holding a vase from

which water flowed was actually situated at the threshold of the throne room

the whole architectural complex thus functioning as a symbolic garden107

The famous wall-painting from the royal palace at Mari 108

already

building on a rich tradition depicts the scene commonly known as the rein-

vestiture of King Zimri-Lim of Mari after he had regained his throne though

Margueron has now argued109

that it actually belonged in the reign of his

father Yahdun-Lim Its date is to be estimated as ca 1840-20 BCE no greater

precision being possible110

The location of the painting is a guide to its spatial interpretation111

It is at

the side of the door going from the palm court (court 106) into the throne-

room of the palace This lateral location suggestsmdashand this can only remain

within the realm of possibilitiesmdashthat it may have been duplicated on the

other side of the entranceway It is reasonable to see it having served as a

thematic linkage between the two areas the court and the throne-room

connected by the antechamber communicating between the two and

transferring the symbolism of one into the other or of each to the other

Thus the spacious courtyard originally with a palm tree in the middle seems

106 J Margueron Mari Meacutetropole de lrsquoEuphrate au IIIe et au deacutebut du IIe

milleacutenaire avJ-C (Paris Picard ERC 2004) pp 499-500

107 Van Buren The God with Vase

108 Margueron Mari p 424 pl 56 See also pp 508-10 and Stordalen Echoes of

Eden pp 99-101

109 J Margueron ldquoLa peinture de lrsquoinvestiture et lrsquohistoire de la courrdquo pp 106

114-25 in Ouml Tunca (ed) De la Babylonie agrave la Syrie en passant par Mari Meacutelanges

J-R Kupper (Liegravege Presses Universiteacute de Liegravege 1990) id Mari p 509

110 See chronological table in IES Edwards et al (eds) The Cambridge Ancient

History vol 1 part 2 (3rd

edition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1971) p

1001

111 Margueron Mari p 425 pl 58

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

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015

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32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

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Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

nloa

ded

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Uni

vers

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r] a

t 15

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015

Castilo
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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

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Highlight
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Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Page 32: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 31

to have represented a garden and the painting shows four trees of indetermi-

nate speciesmdashthough they are probably to be identified as date palmsmdashwith

figures of a lamassu goddess112

standing between each outer pair113

The inner two are flanked by winged sphinxes and griffins above and

below respectively114

common motifs in royal palaces since both mythical

animal forms are royal symbols115

There are two registers in the central

tableau which while located in the garden represent respectively the ante-

chamber housing the statue of goddess and vase and throne room beyond

The upper register lies behind the lower in a primitive form of perspective

The lower has two goddesses standing holding vases from which streams of

water flow As these blend and fall they become four streams (one original

stream becomes two and then four) The upper scene viewed as it were

through the flowing streams since it lies ldquobehindrdquo them has the goddess

Ishtar hand Zimri-Lim (or if we follow Margueron Yahdun-Lim) the ring

and the rod116

symbols of his kingly office They are flanked by two

attendant deities117

The diagrammatic treatment given by Margueron suggests that the

painting or paintings if paired allowed persons entering the throne-room to

anticipate their progress towards it from the court Thus the inner trees

(doubled)mdashcorrecting Margueronmdashrepresent the palm in the centre of the

court The goddess (a single figure) with the vase who stands immediately

inside the antechamber leading to the throne-room by its two entrances one

at either end is preceded by the two vase-holding goddesses of the painting

The painting allows the viewer to ldquoseerdquo through the antechamber wall to the

scene in the throne-room beyond

All the motifs here present the trees the rivers the divine figures the

king (robed) and the sphinxes and griffins which will trigger responses in

the reader familiar with the biblical narrative were already clicheacutes in Marian

and wider ancient Near Eastern iconography They occurred widely on

cylinder seals on statuary and reliefs and in derivative forms occur

112 See J Black and A Green Gods Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia

An Illustrated Dictionary London British Museum 1992 p 115

113 Did they symbolise the cardinal points On the significance of orientation see

Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 125-50 Since it is the inner trees which are flanked by

sphinxes and griffinsmdashsee immediately belowmdashI am inclined to think that

Margueronrsquos diagram errs on this matter and that the arrows in the diagram should

point to the two inner trees

114 Apart from the problematic Susa example griffins do not clearly appear in

Assyrian art before the first millennium But West Semitic iconography already used

the motif in the second millennium derived from Egypt and Mari belonged in some

respects to this western tradition See Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo pp 29-39

where many second millennium West Semitic examples are cited

115 Wyatt ldquoGrasping the Griffinrdquo

116 See Black and Green Gods Demons and Symbols p 156

117 Margueron Mari p 511 fig 499

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Page 33: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

32 Nicolas Wyatt

throughout the ancient Near East over a protracted period of time And

wherever found their significance was not simply decorative but ideological

Their impact may of course have been limited to the literate classes who

formed the palace and temple personnel and the civil service They would be

the people who carried seals for example But they had a common vested

interest in maintaining the mystique evoked in such devices However many

royal motifs did filter down in attenuated forms to be recognised by all as

symbols of royal authority

This temporal and spatial ubiquity suggests that the motifs maintained a

relatively stable symbolic value throughout the two millennia from at least

2000 BCE This is significant when it comes to assessing later apparently

quite distinct materials such as the tree(s) in the biblical Eden narrative

While biblical scholars are generally at pains to insist on the sui generis

nature of this tradition it is more consistent with our broad understanding of

ancient Near Eastern culture to think in terms of a common repertoire a

koine This is in no way to underestimate local distinctions where these are

accessible to our understanding But all too often our sense of the distinctive-

ness of biblical motifs is a measure of our ignorance of their ancient Near

Eastern roots

Now if we put aside all the distinctive narrative elements of the biblical

Eden story we are left with those elements (almost stage props) which made

up the Marian repertoire and which though never attested in toto elsewhere

were so much a part of the general iconographical scene as to be reasonably

understood to belong there too as for example in Ebla and Ugarit

Royal and Patriarchal Burials

One final point at this stage in our discussion brings us back to the theme of

patriarchal burials in the garden an extension to universal time of the local

tradition of the royal burials also taking place in the garden This also marks

the process of ldquoeschatologisationrdquo of the tradition

The kings had been discredited like Adam a point consistently argued by

the Deuteronomistic historians (cf n 100) Was a secondary unspoken

purpose of the narrative perhaps a formal discrediting of the old mortuary and

necromantic practices which would have typified the ancient monarchy in

which dead kings (cf the Rephaim) would be invoked and celebrated in

kispum rites118

and oracular enquiries This is a question worth asking for

there is clear evidence long largely unrecognised by scholars of these as

vital features of the pre-exilic world119

The Eden burial tradition is selective

118 Perhaps it was fear of their attraction as figures of cult that partly explains the

prominence given to the Rephaim See Wyatt The Archaeology of Myth chapter 3

and reference in next note

119 See further on the post-mortem significance of the garden in N Wyatt ldquoAfter

death has us parted encounters between the living and the dead in the ancient

Semitic worldrdquo in G del Olmo Lete J Vidal and N Wyatt (eds) The Perfumes of

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Page 34: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 33

however and Hebron proved to be an important rival tradition presumably

dating from a time when Jerusalem was not regarded as cosmic centre

perhaps within the exilic or also early in the post-exilic era This is because

following Josiahrsquos reform only Jerusalem could conceivably have had this

central function down to the exile and the alternative tradition can scarcely

predate the situation in Jerusalem from the period 597-586 since the

patriarchal narratives also betray many late features and appear to reflect the

exile as a present fact Abraham and Sarah had been buried in Hebron

according to Genesis 231-20 259-10120

as had Jacob (Genesis 5012-13)

and implicitly Isaac (Genesis 3527-29) All Jacobrsquos sons were buried there

according to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs121

So the question arises as to the relative claims of the two sites and the

implications of these rival burial traditions There was obviously a

considerable historical gap in the Jerusalem and Eden tradition between the

burial of the last pre-exilic king and the rehabilitation of the site in the Adam

tradition The Hebron tradition must have filled this gap and once

established in the post-exilic period was never fully eclipsed But it never

developed an eschatological character while the earlier Eden tradition once

resumed did so precisely with this new quality

External influences may also have played a part in the development of a

post mortem reference for Paradise which was evidently already under way

before its full Christian interpretation in this mode We may briefly cite just

two

Firstly Ugaritic tradition spoke rather mysteriously of the threshold of the

netherworld and the end of the world (which while distinct are related122

) in

the following terms

sbn[y lq]ṣt [a]r[ṣ] we travelled to [the ends of the earth] cd lksm mhyt

123 to the edge of the abyss

Seven Tamarisks Studies in Honour of Wilfred G E Watson (AOAT 394 Muumlnster

Ugarit-Verlag 2012) pp 259-292 and references cited there concerning the kispum

rite and its analogues

120 But contrast Testament of Abraham 2018-19 according to which Abraham will

dwell in Paradise But as Goodman noted ldquoParadise gardensrdquo p 58 in Bockmuehl

and Stroumsa Paradise in Antiquity this text has many Christian interpolations This

passage may therefore have served to subvert contemporary Jewish thinking

121 For an important recent re-evaluation of the patriarchal narratives with regard to

land tenure and the importance of Hebron in particular see F Stavrakopoulou Land

of Our Fathers The Roles of Ancestor Veneration in Biblical Land Claims (London

TampT Clark 2011) especially chapter 2

122 See the joint chapter on cosmology by N Marinatos and N Wyatt Levantine

Egyptian and Greek mythological conceptions of the beyond pp 383-410 in K

Dowden and N Livingstone (eds) The Blackwell Companion to Greek Mythology

(Oxford Wiley-Blackwell 2011)

123 The damaged text is restored by comparison with KTU 116 iii 2-4 See Wyatt

ldquoTherersquos Such Divinityrdquo pp 140-41 There appears to be further text between these

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight

34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Castilo
Highlight
Page 35: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

34 Nicolas Wyatt

mǵny lncmy arṣ dbr we came to Paradise the land of pasture

lysmt šd šḥlmmt to Delight the steppe by the shore of death

mǵny l bcl npl larṣ We came upon Baal fallen to the earth

mt aliyn bcl dead was Valiant Baal

ḫlq zbl bcl arṣ perished was the Prince Lord of the Earthrdquo

(KTU 15 vi 3-10)124

I have deliberately chosen provocative translations of the terms ncmy (lit

ldquogracious [place]rsquo) and ysmt as ldquoParadiserdquo and ldquoDelightrdquo in the foregoing

translation because it is my contention that the location is precisely an

entrance to the netherworld as the limen between two ontological realms

just as Eden is implicitly in the biblical story And the Ugaritic material

undoubtedly echoes mortuary aspects of Ugaritian royal ideology It is

perhaps the germ of an idea which develops more fully in late biblical

thought The cosmological centrality of Eden for which I have argued in no

way diminishes its liminality (as the threshold between two orders of reality)

which is horizontal (inside versus outside) as in the present passage which

appears to be on the cosmic seashore with another transcendent realm lying

beyond This will immediately become clear in comparison with what

follows here We may suppose that the later speculation concerning the

location of Paradise at the ends of the earth rather than at its centre is a

product of the merging of the eschatological conception of it with Greek

Persian and other cosmological enquiries together with the spatial

interpretation of miqqedem but the Ugaritic evidence already hinting at it is

more akin to the Mesopotamian description in Gilgamesh

The Greek counterpart to this mysterious realm is the ldquomeadow of

asphodelsrdquo of the Homeric tradition This is mentioned by the dead Patroclus

(Iliad 2373) and in Circersquos instructions to Odysseus (Odyssey 10 carried out

in 11) This place too is on the further side of Ocean not below the earth125

These two views of an eschatological garden place it beyond the earth-

surrounding ocean The roots of this idea may perhaps be found in Gilgamesh

1072-194126

where Utnapishtim to whom the hero pays a visit lives on the

further shore of the ocean In this respect these ideas are to be distinguished

cola in the present text but not in the Kirta passage and it is in any event unreadable

My choice of ldquoabyssrdquo for mhyt (following F F Hvidberg Weeping and Laughter in

the Old Testament [Copenhagen Munksgaard 1962] p 28 n 3) is contextual

determined by the parallel term arṣ Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language (HdO I 67

Leiden EJ Brill 20042) p 537 understands ldquomeadow irrigated land fertile landrdquo

but acknowledges various interpretations including this As a place ldquoat the ends of

the earthrdquo it is hardly of agricultural quality Cf šd in the following colon On the

cosmology see Wyatt The Mythic Mind pp 38-54

124 Wyatt Religious Texts from Ugarit p 126

125 See N Marinatos ldquoThe so-called hell and sinners in the Odyssey and Homeric

cosmologyrdquo Numen 56 (2009) pp 185-197

126 George The Gilgamesh Epic pp 683-691

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A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

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Page 36: A Royal Garden Ideology of Eden SJOT 2014 (1)

A Royal Garden The Ideology of Eden 35

from the eschatologised version of Eden in John 2011-16 cited above which

appears to retain its central location in what will become the heavenly

Jerusalem

Conclusion

Our discussion has argued the case for understanding the primordial nature of

the Garden of Eden and Paradise (miqqedem) its evident reference to the

historical life of the Judahite monarchy and its potential for an eschatological

understanding If we wish for a comprehensive term to characterise it

recognising the various dimensions of the concept then perhaps we may call

it ldquotranshistoricalrdquo It is the historical aspect of this over against the mythic

emphasis of the primordial and eschatological dimensions which is the most

sensitive to its transcendent qualities for which I have argued here For the

royal cult in a garden inhabited by gods (Yahweh is ldquolord of the godsrdquo yhwh

ldquoĕlōhicircm see n 14) sought both to preserve the former the kingrsquos cultic

activity maintaining the archetypal divine institution and to incorporate the

latter since each deceased monarch was ideally interred within the garden

and thus remained among its population Both were to be incorporated

through the cult into the eternal present actualised in the ritual life of the

kingdom It was the destruction of the state expressed in the metaphor of

expulsion from Eden which released the futuristic aspect from this ancient

nexus and permitted its development into a fully eschatological dimension

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f E

xete

r] a

t 15

52 3

1 M

ay 2

015

Castilo
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