a new subsystem called ecology 2012
TRANSCRIPT
A New Subsystem Called Ecology: A way out of the ecological dilemma in Luhmann’s Ecological Communication
Abstract. Ecology is at the early stages of formation, not only as a scientific and moral discipline, but as a new functional subsystem, whose specialized purpose is to develop communications about the system/environment difference for the whole social system. Historically, the discipline of ecology has always been both a social and natural science, thus enabling its specialized function to communicate the system/environment difference. As both a social and natural science, it has the capacity to perform second-order observations of both the natural environment and the social system. Functionally it acts as a gateway between the environment and the social system that allows in certain kinds of information and translates it into a coded form of communication (fit/unfit) that other subsystems can comprehend. As such it mitigates the problem of the under-resonance and over-resonance of the social system to ecological crises. I will show that the development of the new subsystem ‘ecology’ is possible within all the parameters for the social system and its subsystems that Luhmann specifies in both Social Systems (1984) and Ecological Communication (1989). Not only is it possible, but it is necessary for the continued evolution of a social system whose closure from its environment and division into functional subsystems renders it unable to steer itself as a whole system in relation to its environment, which reduces it’s capacity to adequately respond to threats from the environment. Without a means to perceive and communicate threats from the environment, society threatens its own demise as a system. The new subsystem ‘ecology’ is a functionally sufficient subsystem that is capable of communicating the system/environment difference to society as a whole, thus ensuring its continued autopoiesis.
1. Ecological Danger and Communication
In the Preface to Ecological Communication (1989), Luhamann states the main argument
of his 1985 address at the Rhenish-Westfallian Academy of Science, on the topic of “Can
Modern Society Adjust Itself to the Exposure to Ecological Dangers?”: modern society creates
too little as well as too much resonance concerning environmental crises because of its structural
differentiation into functional subsystems. Too little resonance and society fails to adequately
respond; too much resonance overwhelms social response and results in paralysis.
(1989:xvii)Luhmann argues that the core of the problem is the differentiation and closing off of
the social system from its environment, which reduces feedback from its environment. This
closure is further complicated by its subsequent differentiation into functional subsystems. The
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differentiation into functional subsystems means that no one subsystem is primarily responsible
for causing an ecological crisis, or for failing to respond to it. Though the problem is generally
ascribed to failures of the economic, technological and political systems, all subsystems are
involved in the failure to respond adequately to ecological crisis. Moreover, the system as a
whole is closed off from its environment as to its self-replicating operations (Luhmann,1995).
While the social system continues to be open to stimulus from its environment, its openness is
limited to a particular feedback loop known as structural coupling. In a coupling feedback loop,
the system maintains the integrity of its boundaries, but its environment can stimulate new
responses within the boundaries of the the system. Thus ecological crisis can be attributed to
society as a whole. (1989:12) Furthermore, Luhmann departs from much ecological literature
which attributes society’s failure to respond to ecological crisis to a “moral failure.” Luhmann
dismisses this ecological argument as “naive,” caused by careless word choices and poorly
defined theoretical positions. (1989:xvii).
Luhmann states that ecology as a discipline, itself a product of social communication, is
only one hundred years old, and only in the last twenty years has ecology focused on the social
dimension of environmental conditions. I would agree with Luhmann that ecology is still in its
nascent stage, which probably accounts for its “naivete” and ambiguous theoretical positions.
(1989:1)
Ecology is at the early stages of formation, not only as a scientific and moral discipline,
but as a new functional subsystem, whose specialized purpose is to develop communications
about the system/environment difference for the whole social system. Historically, the discipline
of ecology has always been both a social and natural science, thus enabling its specialized
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function to communicate the system/environment difference. As both a social and natural
science, it has the capacity to perform second-order observations of both the natural environment
and the social system. Functionally it acts as a gateway between the environment and the social
system that allows in certain kinds of information and translates it into a coded form of
communication (fit/unfit) that other subsystems can comprehend. As such it mitigates the
problem of the under-resonance and over-resonance of the social system to ecological crises. I
will show that the development of the new subsystem ‘ecology’ is possible within all the
parameters for the social system and its subsystems that Luhmann specifies in both Social
Systems (1984) and Ecological Communication (1989). Not only is it possible, but it is necessary
for the continued evolution of a social system whose closure from its environment and division
into functional subsystems renders it unable to steer itself as a whole system in relation to its
environment, which reduces it’s capacity to adequately respond to threats from the environment.
Without a means to perceive and communicate threats from the environment, society threatens
its own demise as a system. The new subsystem ecology is a functionally sufficient subsystem
that is capable of communicating the system/environment difference to society as a whole, thus
ensuring its continued autopoiesis.
Luhmann recognizes that ecological problems have become themes for social
communication. However, he contends that themes of ecological crisis only alarms society
without providing the cognitive structures for assessing environmental risk and taking
coordinated action. (1989:1) I argue that the new subsystem ecology is in the process of forming
the cognitive structures that enable the prediction of environmental risk and the communication
of those risks to other functional subsystems. The subsystem ecology enters into a structural
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coupling feedback loop with other functional subsystems whereby other subsystems incorporate
ecological themes into their own operations. Thus other subsystems develop the cognitive
capacity to recognize ecological problems at least in terms of their own functioning. Through this
feedback system, it becomes possible for the whole social system to “learn” about ecological
problems. However, it is still not a guarantee that the system as a whole can coordinate adequate
responses to them.
2.a Luhman’s System/Environment Difference as Ecology.
Luhmann states that the genesis of the science of sociology in the early western industrial
age meant that it was focused on the internal structures of society. Knowledge about nature was
confined to the physical and life sciences. Thus sociology was theoretically unprepared to
recognize environmental conditions and problems. (1989:2) However, Luhmann’s own social
theory, as a theory primarily about the system/environment difference, is itself a sign that the
social system, specifically the subsystem of science known as “sociology,” is in the process of
developing the capacity to observe the system/environment difference. As Luhmann himself
argues, it is the ability to perceive this difference that makes society a comprehensible entity to
itself, for its own self-observation (1995). I contend also that this difference makes the
environment comprehensible as an unbounded field of phenomena different from itself, and thus
observable (1995). Luhmann’s own social theory is itself, therefore, a sign that the social system
can perceive the system/environment difference, a necessary cognitive structure for perceiving
ecological problems. In fact, I propose that Luhmann’s own social theory is itself a form of this
new subsystem called “ecology”. His theory is based on the same scientific knowledge in the
field of natural and physical sciences that informs ecology. His theory constructs observable
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phenomena as evolutionary systems, as ecology does, with self-regulating functions and
feedback mechanisms. Moreover, his theory permits society to observe itself as a phenomena
within the unbounded field of it’s environment, as the system/environment difference.
Luhmann outlines a sweeping history of the discipline of ecology that begins with the
ancient world and its lack of differentiation between social systems and their environments.
Whereas hunter-gatherer societies considered all of Nature to be sacred, ancient philosophies and
Christianity separated religion from Nature, which was de-sacralized. Luhmann contends that in
the 18th century, this pattern was reversed again, and society became the sacred, with the
ascendancy of laws and political sovereigns over religious hierarchies. Luhmann asserts that
while Nature had lost its place as sacred phenomena, it reemerged as a field of scientific
research. It was 18th century scientists that described the natural world as a millieu, including
both climate and culture. The field of agricultural science was the primary technological benefit
of this research. Eighteenth century French economists proposed that defining property as a legal
and economic institution assigned the proper values to nature, thus protecting it from exploitation
and waste. The reverse is true today: Property as a legal and economic institution externalizes
environmental costs and promotes the commercial exploitation of natural systems. (1989:3)
Sociological attempts to incorporate ecological ideas have been flawed. Darwin’s theory
of evolution proposed that the environment of the species selected features that promoted its
successful reproduction. Social Darwinism, a perversion of the theory, justified the domination
of the socially powerful as survival of the fittest. At about mid-twentieth century, the sociology
of ecology developed within the critical theory tradition. It was concerned with assessing risk
and the distribution of risk in society. (1989:4) Society endangers itself through its destructive
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effects on the environment. Environmental ethics justifies imposing interventions that prevent a
civilization from destroying its environmental base, the means of its own survival. Luhmann
argues that the scientific discussion concerning the environment then becomes a moral argument,
without clarifying the systemic structures that cause the problem. Furthermore, histories of
ecology focus on the emergence of environmental ethics, without discussing what made moral
discussion possible. (1989:4)
2.b. History of Ecology.
The history of ecology begins, as Luhmann said, at the turn of the twentieth century. It
was from the beginning, both a natural and moral science. Its chief moral concerns were the
increasing mechanization of society, resulting in social alienation from natural ecosystems and
negative impacts on both the social order and on natural environments.
John Bellamy Foster argues in his sociology of ecology (Foster & Clark, 2008) that the
discipline of ecology is replete with the “double transfer” (to use Marx’s term) of concepts from
society to nature, then from nature back to society. Ecologists used social and moral ideas about
how society functions, or should function, to analyze patterns of evolution and behavior in the
natural world. From this analysis, they developed models of the natural world, then ascribed
those models to human societies, using “nature” to justify their social and moral implications.
Foster proposes that by the 1930s, the discipline of ecology had developed two main theoretical
standpoints: organismic holism and ecosystem holism. The main proponent of organismic holism
was the South African ecologist and military general, Jan Christian Smuts, while British biologist
Alfred Tansley developed the theory of ecosystems. He argues that these two theoretical
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standpoints corresponded to different views of the natural world, and each derived from different
views of human society. (Foster & Clark, 2008)
Foster points out that Charles Darwin himself admitted to using concepts derived from
classical philosophers Thomas Hobbes, Adam Smith (competition), and Malthus (populations) to
interpret what he observed in the natural world and develop his theory of evolution. (Foster &
Clark, 2008:324) Frederic Clements, the American botanist who dominated the field in 1905,
established an ecological ideal as “one of wholeness, of organs working in unison within a great
organism” that was designed to guide ecological research. (Clements & Chaney, 1937:51 in
Foster & Clark, 2008:327) Clements had developed the theory of a “biotic community” of plants
that evolved through stages toward a “climax community”, comprising a balanced and final order
of ecological stability. (Clements & Chaney, 1937:51 in Foster & Clark, 2008:326) Jan Christian
Smuts used Clements’ ideas of biotic and climax communities to justify an ecology of racial
apartheid: that black Africans represented a lower order of humans, which he termed
“personalogies”, who belong in their own separate “biotic communities” or homelands, and that
white Afrikaans were higher order human personalogies who must establish “climax
communities” as the final and balanced order of nature. (Foster & Clark, 2008) In Holism and
Evolution, Smuts further developed a thesis of the organismic holism, defining evolution as a
teleological process that presupposes a grand design in nature, all moving toward a state of
perfection. (Foster & Clark, 2008) Foster proposes that Smuts’ teleological holism, almost
religious in nature, failed and died out in the early 20th century, first because it became
associated with a justification for Apartheid in South Africa, but more so because it failed to
generate empirical research and new data. (Foster & Clark, 2008)
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The chief opponent of Smuts’ thesis was Alfred Tansley, who argued that organismic
holism was not a theoretically or empirically productive way to understand natural systems,. He
also refuted the idea that vegetation constituted a superorganism or “biotic community”. Tansley
used the dialectical systems theory of Scottish mathematician Hyman Levy to develop the
concept of “ecosystems”, subject to rapid change and transformation. He proposed that
ecosystems included both physical and organismic systems, including climate, and ranging from
the physical systems of the universe down to atoms. Tansley argued that ecosystems exhibit
“dynamic equilibrium.’ Ecosystems maintain stability only for short periods. They are
transformed by small disruptions and periodic cycles of destruction and regeneration. (Foster &
Clark, 2008)
Tansley proposed that the ecosystem concept was as much a cognitive construction as a
natural phenomenon: “The systems we isolate mentally are not only included as parts of larger
ones, but they also overlap, interlock and interact with one another. The isolation is partly
artificial, but is the only possible way we can proceed.” (Tansley, 1935, in Foster & Clark,
2008:356) Tansley’s ecosystem concept is akin to Luhmann’s theory of systems. Social systems
make observations of the environment by using a projection of itself—constructs developed
within its own system—which are then attributed to the environment. Luhmann would probably
agree with Tansley that this is “the only possible way” society can understand the environment.
Tansley’s ecosystems theory superseded Smuts’ organismic holism primarily because it
was more empirically productive. Using his theory, other scientists conducted research on soil
composition, climate, and animal ecology. The Odum brothers, Howard T. and Eugene,
incorporated Tansley’s ecosystem theory into a thermodynamic theory of ecosystems that traced
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energy flows and metabolism. Besides Tansley, the Odum brothers incorporated the social
theories of their father, the sociologist Howard W. Odum,, into their theories of natural ecology.
(Rotabi, 2007) In yet another social transference, the Odum brothers’ theories of ecological
thermodynamics have been used in recent years to explain thermodynamics in social systems.
From the turn of the twentieth century, ecological scientists recognized that human
civilization had a deep impact on natural environments. Clements recognized this but claimed
that he had no systematic way of analyzing the interaction of society and environment. (Chew,
2009) Tansley’s ecology theorized the transformation and destruction of natural systems by
human societies. (Foster & Clark, 2008) By the 1930s, ecologists were faced with the prospect
that most natural ecosystems on the planet had been influenced by human civilizations. Up until
the 1970s, ecological scientists generally excluded human systems from their study of natural
ecosystems. While some scientists continued to search for isolated pockets of “unspoiled” natural
systems, the majority of ecological scientists recognized that this was no longer possible. (Chew,
2009) Since the 1970s, ecological science has delved into the study of human systems and their
interactions with natural ecosystems. Ecologists have since used their science to explain human
impacts on planetary ecosystems, and to advocate for social policies to mitigate those impacts.
More recent ecological theories, such as Gunderson and Hollings Panarchy, theorizes the co-
evolution of natural and social systems. (Gunderson & Holling, 2002)
Foster’s thesis is that the history of ecology is marked by a double transference of
concepts influenced by social structures which are then applied to the study of natural
environments; in turn, models of natural systems devised with these concepts are then imported
back into society as the analysis and justification that society operates according to certain
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“natural laws.” While Foster argues that this double transference is problematic, Luhmann’s
systems theory argues that it is inevitable. Autopoietic social systems are only capable of
understanding their environments through models of themselves. Social systems evolve their
own structures, codes and programs by which they continuously generate new social structures.
(1989) The concepts that the social system evolves to construct itself, particularly by the
subsystem science, are also used to connect with and understand the environment. (Luhmann,
1996) Ecology becomes a theme for social communication because society includes itself within
its exploration of the environment and notices a system/environment difference. (1989:18)
I contend that both the science and the social moralism of ecology became possible
communicative themes because historically, ecology always has always been both a social and a
natural science. Ecology developed capacities for recognizing patterns of organization in
societies that could also be observed within nature, and patterns in nature that could also be
observed in societies.
Luhmann himself incorporated many laws and observations from the natural sciences
into his own theory of social system, including the whole concept of general systems theory. The
natural sciences, particularly ecology, developed new systems theory by incorporating the law of
entropy. Science had to explain why living organisms and systems seem to defy the law of
entropy and become more complex and organized as they evolved. Bertalanffy’s general systems
theory proposed that thermodynamically open systems, i.e. systems that obtain energy from the
outside, enter into relations of exchange that make them more environmentally dependent, yet
guarantee their autonomy through structural integrity. Such systems are open as to energy, yet
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closed as to the self-replication of its structures. Luhmann incorporated concepts from general
systems theory into sociology through his theory of social systems. (1989:4)
Luhmann argues that the fundamental flaw of ecology is that it has to treat all facts as
both a unity and a difference, i.e. as the unity of the ecological interconnection and the difference
of system and environment that breaks down the connection. Thus ecology’s theme becomes the
unity of the difference of system and environment. (1989:6) However, in Social Systems,
Luhmann also proposed that the entire sum of phenomena is defined as the unity of the
difference between any system and its environment. Even at the level of subsystem codes, such
as, for example, codes for the legal system—legal/illegal—it is the unity of the difference of
legal/illegal that constitutes the entire sum of phenomena for that subsystem. Thus, ecology’s
theme, as the sum or unity of the difference between system/environment, is entirely valid within
Luhmann’s systems theory.
Luhmann proposes that system/environment difference, as the basis of systems theory,
constitutes a radical change in world view. Nineteenth century ecological science invented the
term “environment” and developed modern systems theory. Components of this theory are that
systems define their own boundaries; systems differentiate themselves and thereby constitute the
environment as whatever lies outside the boundary; the environment is not a system of its own,
not even as a unified effect. (1989:6) In terms of ecology, Luhmann defines “environment” as the
totality of external circumstances that reduces the randomness of the system’s morphogenesis
and exposes it to evolutionary selection. (1989:6)
Luhmann argues that for the theme of ecology to become intelligible for the social
system, it must develop the following properties:
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(1) Ecological theory must become systems theory; it must move from unity to difference, the unity of the difference of the system of society and its environment; (2) The theme for ecology is “the world as a whole” as seen through the system’s reference; (3) The system consists of self-referential operations that can be produced only within the system and with the help of a network of those same operations. (1989:7)
Here, Luhmann is offering his own system’s theory as the theoretical foundation not only
for the study of society, but for the study of ecology, i.e., the system/environment difference.
Following his direction, I propose that ecology is a new subsystem whose specialized
function is to communicate the system/environment difference to the rest of the social system.
Luhmann’s system theory is either a product of this subsystem, and/or intends to insert itself as a
program in the subsystem ecology.
3. Evolution and Systems Theory.
Luhmann has a unique take on evolutionary theory that differs from what is commonly
known as “Darwinism.” In Darwin’s theory, species with characteristics best adapted to
environmental conditions have a better chance of survival and continued reproduction. Luhmann
asserts that if it were true that only the environment conditioned those selections, there would be
far less species diversity than there has been; all species in a given environment would function
in more or less the same way. Luhmann asserts that the system, be it a species or social system,
once established, selects it’s own characteristics to facilitate its own autopoiesis. There is a huge
range of variability allowed for a given species or system that will nonetheless function within a
given environment. The environment only has its say as the final word: does the species
reproduce in sufficient numbers or go extinct? This evolutionary scheme allows for much greater
diversity in the range of species that can survive within a given environment and greater
diversity within species. The independent evolution of the social system also explains why a
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social system can ultimately construct its own demise. Its self-reproduction can proceed in a
manner so out of sync with its environment that it can reach a point where it no longer functions
within that ecosystem and collapses. Luhmann warns in Ecological Communication that the total
collapse of the social system remains a very real possibility.
With this evolutionary theory, Luhmann avoided social Darwinism, which he considered
a grave error. If the environment does not select for every characteristic, and if society is
independent enough to select its own characteristics based on its own operations, then the onus is
on the social system for the selections that it makes, not on “nature.” The social system decides
it’s own standard of “fitness”, and thus whether or not an individual or group meets that standard
of fitness. The system’s selections are not morally determined—Luhmann denies any moral
justification to society—they are determined by prior selections which could have been
otherwise. (Luhmann, 1996) For Luhmann, it is a matter of inclusion or exclusion; those who are
not socially fit are excluded by the system, not by “nature”.
In his theory of evolution (1989:Ch. 3), Luhmann restates his formula for systems theory:
that the environment for any system is always more complex than the system itself; no system
can match the kind of complexity possessed by its environment or else lose it’s distinctive
boundary; it must select elements within itself to differentiate itself from its environment; the
reduction of complexity in the environment can only be performed within the system. (1984;
1989)
Luhmann proposes that one way a system can distinguish itself from its environment is to
completely close off its boundaries and operations from its environment, to reduce dependency
on its environment. He asserts that this has not been possible for either biotic or social systems.
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He proposes that a system can differentiate itself by becoming both more complex though
establishing a different kind of complexity than its environment, and by developing an array of
adaptations to the environment that insulate it from various shocks. Luhmann argues that
“systems with greater complexity are generally capable of entertaining more and different kinds
of relations with their environments . . . and thus of reacting to an environment with greater
complexity. . . At the same time, they have to select every individual determination internally
with greater exactness. So their structures and elements become increasingly
contingent.” (1989:12). By obtaining a greater independence from its environment through
complexity and multiple adaptations, a system becomes capable of self-replicating without
having to strictly conform to environmental conditions. Luhmann argues that this capacity was a
product of evolution and a necessary condition for further evolution. (1989:13).
Luhmann’s systems theory proposes that autopoietic systems, as they become more
complex, become recursively more closed as to their own operations. Yet paradoxically, they also
develop a wider range of adaptive connections to their environments, and thus become more
“open” and sensitive to environmental conditions. (1989:13) Systems also become increasingly
temporalized; i.e. they develop a type of complexity built on events whose continual passing
stimulates new events and structures. (1989:14)
However, this evolutionary scheme is not without its flaws. A system can become both so
complex and so autonomous from its environment that it fails to respond adequately to
environmental changes and jeopardizes its own existence. The environment is the final arbiter as
to whether a system survives or becomes extinct. Strangely, Luhmann appears to take what
would usually be called a “deep ecology” stance toward environmental crisis: all of civilization
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is involved, and all of civilization is responsible for its own ecocide: “On the level of our
analyses this question would lead to the discovery that society itself is guilty—and we know this
already.” (1989:10)
Often environmental selection is catastrophic: the environment becomes so hostile, and
the species so poorly fitted, that sudden changes in the environment cause the mass extinction of
multitudes of species in a relatively short time. This is known to be the case for several of the
earth’s six mass extinctions. (Ward, 2007) For example, mammals appeared on the planet before
the dinosaurs, but climate change that created the earth’s warmest biotic climate, the Jurassic
period, favored the domination of the dinosaurs for millions of years. Scientists have sufficient
proof that an asteroid impact with the planet ended the hot climate within a few thousand years,
wiping out the dinosaurs, in geologic time, overnight. In the ensuing colder climate, mammals
became the dominant order. The environment was thus the final arbiter of whole orders of
species. (Ward, 2007) Yet within those orders, whether dinosaur or mammal, there was an
astounding array of diverse characteristics and adaptations to the planetary climate.
Whether or not Luhmann’s evolutionary theory strictly applies to biotic kingdoms, his
argument is certainly plausible as applied to the evolution of human societies. Planetary climate
change poses an enormous threat to a human civilization that was fostered by a stable, temperate
climate, the Halocene period, that has lasted tens of thousands of years. The geologic history of
the planet is one of frequent and extreme climate shifts, not stability. (Ward, 2007) It remains to
be seen whether the present human civilization can withstand the chaotic shifts in the climate
that may ensue with global warming. Luhmann’s evolutionary theory allows that a civilization
may become so poorly fitted to its environment that it threatens its own survival. A system that
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is closed to the environment as to its operations tends to want to ignore environmental conditions
until they become catastrophic. In the often catastrophic process of evolution, systems that are
over-exposed to ecological self-endangerment are eliminated. (1989:14)
Luhmann proposes that the goal of autopoietic systems is to continue their autopoiesis
without disturbance from the environment. (1989:14) Auotpoietic systems, he proposes, rely on a
smooth, uninterrupted coupling with the environment. The smooth coupling and low level of
disturbance is effected by technological complexity that permits more diverse adaptations to the
environment. (1989:13)
In a positive feedback loop, environmental shocks to the system require technological
adaptations and thus more complexity. Responding to the shocks, society becomes highly
reactive to the environment. It responds with more technological adaptations that will reduce its
reactivity to the environment. However, technological adaptations also provoke changes in the
environment, which in turn create more problems for society. Thus, society must continuously
increase its competence for technological intervention. (1989:13) Technological competence
must also account for the problem that technological complexity poses for society’s own
operations. Joseph Tainter’s thesis on the diminishing returns of complexity (Tainter,1990)
shows that the benefits of increasing technological complexity diminishes with time, until
society becomes unable to make further adaptations or sustain its complexity and collapses.
Like Tainter, Luhmann also cautions that greater system complexity is not a
straightforward solution to the problem of environmental adaptation. Complex systems evolve an
array of adaptations to the environment, but with increasing specialization for each adaptation.
Each adaptation must be selected more individually, with greater exactness. Specialized
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adaptations are thus increasingly contingent, i.e. they work in a narrower range of conditions and
quickly become obsolete. The system the becomes reliant on contingent structures that must be
quickly replaced with new structures and adaptations (temporalization). This is similar to
Gunderson and Hollings concept of ecological “brittleness” (Gunderson, Holling, 2002). As the
system becomes more complex and dependent to a set of highly specialized adaptations, it
obtains an increasing risk of system-wide collapse, should environmental conditions change
radically.
From this, Luhmann proposes two questions as the problematic for ecology: 1) does
society possess enough technological complexity to continue its evolutionary selections, i.e. does
it give society enough freedom from nature? and 2) does society possess enough social, i.e.,
communicative competence to be able to carry out the selective function? (1989:14)
The new subsystem ‘ecology’ is peculiarly charged with this communicative function.
Through its competence in the natural sciences, and its openness to the natural environment, it is
able to read signals from the environment and communicate them to the social system.
Simultaneously, through its competencies in social science, it is able to monitor feedbacks in the
social system to both environmental shocks and technological complexity. It is the only
subsystem that is capable of this dually selective function.
Luhmann asserts that complex autopoietic systems had to evolve independence from their
environments as a condition of continued evolution. In the same way, I argue that complex
autopoietic systems, including social systems, must evolve a system for adequately responding to
threats from the environment in order to continue evolution. Certainly, throughout geologic
history species have developed sufficient capacity to adapt their systems to changes in the
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environment, even catastrophic changes. The proof is that many species, genera and orders on
the planet today have survived successfully for millions of years, some nearly unchanged.
Human civilization, the social system itself, has been evolving for tens of thousands of years,
evidence of its ability to adapt. Failure to detect and adequately respond to threats from the
environment would result in the total self-destruction of the system; no further operations, no
further evolution, no further autopoiesis. If the ultimate imperative of the system is to ensure its
autopoiesis, then it seems more probable than not that a system would also evolve a means of
adequately responding to threats from the environment to assure continued autopoiesis and avoid
extinction. I am proposing that the new subsystem ecology, whose function is to observe and
communicate the fitness/unfitness of the system/environment difference, is an evolutionary
necessity within meaning-based social systems.
Luhmann argued that historically ecology had focused on the unity of system and
environment. The evolutionary change in ecology came with observation of the difference
between system and environment. I propose that the subsystem ecology is designed to observe
the fitness or unfitness of this difference. Focusing on the difference between system and
environment enables the system to observe where the system is in a detrimental relationship with
its environment or unfit. The function of ecology is to monitor whether the system’s difference
from the environment—its fit—enhances the system imperative, i.e., continued autopoiesis, or
renders it unfit, threatening extinction. This function requires the dual capacity to observe both
the system and its environment to determine the fitness/unfitness of this difference.
Moreover, I propose that ecology has emerged as a new functional subsystem, developing
its own code and programs. (1989) The code for the new subsystem ‘ecology’, using the
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Luhmanian schema, is fit/unfit. The criteria is whether a system and its environment are a
mutually sustaining fit for each other, or whether the system and its environment are unfit, such
they they cause a mutually reinforcing breakdown or collapse. The determination of fit/unfit is
derived through ecological programs that monitor the structural coupling of the system and its
environment.
The program of ecology is adaptation, the adaptation of the system to the environment
and the adaptation of the environment (by the system) to the system. All species and systems
must adapt to their environments, including all autopoietic systems, and the continued evolution
of a given species is proof of that. Science has shown that most species, those that have left an
archeological record, have survived for millions of years; some for shorter periods. All species
and systems develop adaptive strategies based on their interaction with and feedback from their
environments. Some species adapt through innumerable mutations and some remain unchanged
for millions of years. It is clear from the history of human societies, evolving from simple to
highly complex systems over tens of thousands of years, that human societies have developed
adaptive strategies that enabled their continued autopoiesis. Strategies are developed as needed,
abandoned and replaced as conditions change. Indeed, the whole history of socio-cultural
evolution is one of increasingly complex adaptations to the environment that also freed human
societies from strict conformity with the environment. This does not mean that because a given
civilization has survived and evolved in the past that it will continue to do so. The failure to
adapt and subsequent collapse of complex societies has occurred many times in human history
(Tainter, 1990 ) But despite numerous failures, human civilization has continued to evolve on
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this planet—certainly proof that socio-cultural adaptation to the environment is both possible and
necessary.
4. Resonance.
In Ecological Communication, Luhmann examines the reactivity of social systems to
changes in the environment, which he calls resonance. He states in the Preface that society’s
ecological problem is one of too little or too much resonance. He proposes that auotopoietic
systems strive to maintain independence from their environments by reducing disturbances from
the environment, resulting in hypo-reactivity or under-resonance. Environmental shocks cause
hyper-reactivity or over-resonance. Over-resonance stimulates the production of new adaptive
technologies that work to reduce the hyper-reactivity and return the system to a state of smooth
coupling with its environment. Thus, the central problem examined in Ecological
Communication is the problem of resonance.
Luhmann describes resonance as a kind of reverberation, i.e. a sound wave that carries
energy. This is one of the few times that Luhmann drops his strictly abstract verbal formulation
and uses a term that denotes physical energy. By defining resonance as waves, as carriers of
physical energy, Luhmann indicates that there is a kind of energy flow through the social
communication system. Communication systems are thus energy driven systems that can have
high or low energy frequencies: ”Society is a system uncommonly rich in
frequencies.” (1989:16) This energy is independent of the energy used to drive the technological
systems (media) that are the environment of the social communication system. Moreover,
Luhamann describes the societal response to ecological crisis as one of “alarm”, of society
provoked by self-agitation. This indicates an emotional energy as well. There is a kind of
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emotional energy in social communication systems: low-energy or low reactivity, or high energy
and high reactivity. That emotional energy can agitate or intensify communications is one of the
central problems that Luhmann identifies in Ecological Communication.
Luhmann uses resonance to describe the degree of openness of the social system to its
environment. First he proposes that, in closed complex social systems, resonance is highly
selective. Less complex societies, such as hunter-gatherer societies, are very open to and highly
resonant with their environments, having not yet achieved autonomy from the environment.
Conversely, agricultural and industrial societies are insulated from their environments. The
evolution of social systems, therefore, is marked by the loss of resonance with the environment:
“from an evolutionary standpoint, sociocultural evolution is based on the premise that society
does not have to react to its environment.” (1989:16).
Resonance is the system’s capacity to detect something of importance, a distinction, shaped
by the mode of information processing that is common to both psychic and social systems, i.e.
meaning. Communications and their meanings are only a momentary grasp of the knowable
world, most of which remains an unknowable and an ever receding horizon. (1989:17) The
environment is an unbounded sphere, and contains only data. Meaningful representations of the
environment, that is information, happen entirely within the social system (1995). The system
creates its own distinctions by which subsequent events become information. Thus, social
systems cannot really “know” the environment; they can only “know what they know” about the
environment. Luhmann identifies this as the “insolubility of ecological problems.” (1989:18)
However, Luhmann allows that systems can distinguish themselves from their
environments; this is essential to defining the system/environment difference by which systems
21
establish themselves. Thus, “the ecological problem” is not just one of moralistic “concern for
the environment.” It is an essential system-level operation. The system, especially a highly
temporalized complex system, must continuously distinguish itself from its environment in order
to maintain the system/environment difference. This requires that the system to constantly
monitor its environment. Monitoring enables the autopoises of the system by contributing to the
closure of its operations, but also diversifying its selective connections to the environment. From
this, Luhmann also allows that the system can assume possibilities and form expectations from
the environment; what it finds there is a selection from numerous possibilities and expectations.
(1989:18) The system’s capacity to select from its environment is its capacity for resonance. His
theoretical question is then: which concepts and distinctions in social communication help us to
deal with the exposure to ecological dangers? (1989:19)
5. Science and Subsystems.
Though a social system may be open through resonances to its environment, it is not able
to respond as a unified system to its environment. The only unity that Luhmann allows is the
unity of its autopoietic operations. Responses to stimuli are subdivided into functional
subsystems. Each subsystem reacts to other subsystems and its environment and to the system as
a whole as its “environment.” (1989:19) Each subsystem responds to stimuli according to its own
functions, and does not effect the response of the system as a whole; there are no all-
encompassing operations. (1989:19) Through functional specialization, each subsystem is
relieved of responsibility for the whole, and for the operations of other subsystems. (1989:19).
Therefore, how a society reacts to environmental crisis is constrained by the capacity of its
subsystems.
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It would appear from Luhmann’s description of the system that neither society as a whole
nor any of its subsystems can make an adequate observation of the environment that could
protect the system from its own self-endangerment. However, Luhmann allows one operational
loophole in this ever-enclosing system: the system’s unity can, if necessary, be represented
within the system itself. (1989:20) The representation reintroduces the system’s unity within
itself as a difference vis-a-vis seeing itself as a whole rather a collection of parts. He states that
“the presentation of the system’s unity within itself must fit the pattern of differentiation” at the
system level. (1989:20) He identifies examples of patterns of differentiation, for example,
hierarchical, as stratification; or as center/periphery. With this system-level operation, Luhmann
allows himself to devise a sociology of systems, enabling him to work from within one
subsystem—social science—to make observations about systems as a whole. Indeed, Luhmann’s
whole premise for systems theory is derived from the nearly paradoxical claim that though the
system does not operate as a whole (operational closure is its only unity), yet one can observe
both the system as a whole and the system/environment difference. From this one can propose
the possibility of a new subsystem called “ecology” whose specialized function is to observe the
social system as system, and to observe the fitness/unfitness of the system/environment
difference. It comports with the system’s own pattern of differentiation, first, as the essential
system/environment difference, and second as a differentiation into functional subsystems. From
within this subsystem, one can make observations not only about the society as a system, but
observations about the system/environment difference. It clarifies the system’s boundaries and
diversifies its connections to the environment, enabling both system closure and environmental
resonance. The subsystem ecology employs its facility with natural science to make direct
23
observations of the environment. It makes further observations about natural science as second-
order observations, turning first-order observations about environmental data into second-order
observations about those facts as systems. Second it employs its facility with social science to
make observations about the system/ environment difference, another second-order observation.
Third, it makes observations about the interaction of the system as a whole and its environment.
Luhmann argues that the subsystem science provides little resonance for society because
what it offers as knowledge is theoretical. Its truth claims must be verified through numerous
trials and can be disproven by new discoveries. Regarding science, he states that “Not much is
gained therefore by following an ontological theory of reality which corresponds to a first-order
observation of the environment.” (1989: 26) The subsystem ecology is better equipped to
observe the system-environment difference because it is a science of second-order observations.
It provides resonance for the system because it contains both information about the system (by
which the system recognizes itself) and information about the system/environment difference (by
which the system constructs the difference), in addition to information about the environment. It
presents only that information from the environment that is relevant to the system and thus
graspable; all else is left as “horizon” or the unknown.
Ecology functions as a gateway subsystem, enabling more selections from the environment
and translating those selections into information that the system understands. It conveys that
information to other subsystems, which in turn convert that information into forms useful for
their own functions. Each subsystem observes the subsystem ecology and its code, fitness/
unfitness of the system/environment difference. Each subsystem imports that information in such
a way as to continue with its own self-building operations. For example, in economics, “fitness”
24
becomes the measurement of its fitness/unfitness with markets, or with supplies of natural
resources.
Eventually, each subsystem develops a capacity for seeing the fitness or unfitness of the
system/environment difference and begins to expect that kind of information. It employs that
differential device in its relations with other subsystems and the social system as a whole, it’s
total “environment.” Thus, gradually, each subsystem encodes the fitness/unfitness of the system/
environment difference into it’s own operations. This enables more complex interactions with the
environment in all subsystems, and increases the resonance of each subsystem. Eventually, the
social system as a whole and in its parts is encoded for the fitness/unfitness of the system/
environment difference and develops capacities for dealing with ecological threats.
Ecology is meta-science that makes second-order observations of many sciences, both
natural sciences and social sciences, and their interactions. Ecology is constructed by the code
fit/unfit; its program is adaptation. This differs from the subsystem science, which is a system of
first-order observations that is constructed by the code true/false, and its programs are called
theories. Luhmann proposes that the disciplines of science are loose, expandable and non-
integratable. Science discovers and proves truth or falsity, but the knowledge it provides does not
necessarily lead to the selection of actions for the rest of society; science steers it’s own
programs, but it does not steer the rest of society. All other subsystems are steered by their own
codes and programs. Moreover, scientific knowledge does not lead to moral selections for
resolving complex social problems. (1989:76-80)
Luhmann proposes that science is directed toward the discovery of the new. Science finds
resonance in its own programs, which are predetermined by its cognitive structures; it does not
25
find resonance in the environment as such. Science does not work to solve problems, but to
multiply them. (1989:78) It begins with what are assumed to be facts, or states of reality; it
questions and tests those assumptions and thus develops new facts and theories. Science is a
process of decomposition into constituent parts—by analysis—and recombination—by synthesis
—into new analytic and technical combinations. Luhmann states that science is a reflexive
process, that “research encounters the resistance of reality, forcing [science] to understand itself
in terms of structured complexity. . . it encounters itself as a complex system that allows self-
provoked disturbances from the environment.” (1989:80) Scientific theories are directions for
comparisons of a wide array of research objects, yielding a set of non-integratable theoretical
descriptions. Selecting what is to be compared requires isolating variable within a causal
relationship and ruling out intervening or co-varying factors. Luhamann argues that controlling
for intervening variables is a false assumption; yet it is through false assumptions (the null and
test hypothesis) that knowledge can be obtained. It is impossible to account for all variables in
the environment, the sum total of complexity. Luhmann asserts that the problem of hyper-
complexity is the central problem for the field of ecology. (1989:79-81) Luhmann argues that
hyper-complexity is “unavoidable if our theme of social resonance to the exposure to ecological
dangers is to become the theme of scientific research.” (1989:80) He proposes that science
describes society and itself in terms of its own subsystem, and “applies to itself whatever it
postulates for all systems: limited resonance according to its own frequencies” and its own
binary coding. (1989:80) I argue that the subsystem ecology, whose code is fit/unfit, is a
functional code that is better suited to observing the system/environment difference and
26
communicating the exposure to ecological dangers. It is not provoked by its ignorance of
complexity, but by rifts in its observations of the system/environment difference.
The term “rift” denotes the observation of a difference, a gap, a widening fissure between
one system boundary and another. John Bellamy Foster expounded upon Marx’s concept of the
“metabolic rift” between society and the environment. (Foster, 2002) Society extracts resources
from its environment into its urban centers but fails to integrate its beneficial wastes back to the
environment; instead, used-up resources become toxic wastes that are dumped in landfills or into
water and soil. This reduces the total quantity of resources available to the society for future
production and consumption and destroys the environment, creating an ecological crisis that
threatens the collapse of society.
Luhmann examines the science of ecology in his analysis of the subsystem science.
Ecology purports to describe ecosystems, and ecological problems as the internal problems of an
all encompassing system. This is only possible if science delineates a boundary for the
environment. But since the environment is unbounded and unknowable at its outer limits, it is
not possible to speak of a “boundary” for the environment. (Apparently, for Luhmann, the planet
itself is not a sufficient boundary.) Therefore, the environment is not a system, and ecology is not
a science of environmental systems.(1989:81) Luhmann allows, however, that in scientific
research, one must account for interactions of the environment with a particular research object.
This conforms with the “limited resonance” constraint that he applies to all subsystems.
Paradoxically, though he states that science has limited resonance in its programs, he says,
[in a rare burst of exuberant language] that science possesses:
an almost endless capacity for resolution [that] has revealed unbounded domains of possibility to society. . . Science produces a transparent world that, wherever it
27
concentrates, reflects itself and transforms the transparency into access to something new. Imagination is given wings, new kinds of combinations are conceivable—whether as technological artifacts, or as their unwanted, perhaps catastrophic, side-effects. (1989:82)
Luhmann argues that society in not in a position to make use of a scientific worldview that
opens up an overwhelming, almost infinite number of possibilities, either communicatively or
technologically. Society is left with the task of sorting out what is technically feasible. (1989:83)
From this I conclude that the problem of scientific resonance is a problem of over-
resonance for society, because it represents the extreme complexity of an unbounded
environment. Thus I argue that the subsystem ecology is better suited than science to
communicate the complexity of the environment to the social system. Ecology operates as a
gateway, translating the complexity of the environment by reducing its complexity to an
explanation as a system, though it remains an unbounded world. I agree with Luhmann that the
environment is not a system, yet it can be explained as a system, or more precisely, as a
collection of interdependent systems. Ecology reduces the complexity of the environment by
selecting elements from the environment according to its cognitive structures and arranging them
in a systems model. Ecology communicates to society information about the system/environment
difference as rifts in that difference that reveal its fitness/unfitness. Its program is one of
adaptation; thus its imperative is not pure science—to discover all that is possible to know—but
a program of limited resonance whose imperative is to assure survival and continued evolution.
Thus, by representing the environment in a system model of reduced complexity, ecology avoids
the extreme over-resonance of overwhelming scientific knowledge. Ecology attenuates those
scientific frequencies to a level that society can cope with, and amplifies those resonances with
the environment that society is otherwise unable to detect. Ecology achieves both attenuation and
28
amplification of resonances by selecting elements from the environment that can be modeled in
systems, and by presenting only that information that is relevant for adaptations.
Luhmann argues that “What science really exports is the consciousness of selection and
technology: the consciousness of selection in reference to still-indeterminate recombination
possibilities and technology as already determinate and realizable.” (1989:83) Ecology, as a
subsystem, communicates the consciousness of selection related to the system/environment
difference, and sets the parameters for technological selections that enhance survival and
continued evolution.
6. Functions and Resonance.
Luhmann defines the problem of resonance in Ecological Communication as stemming
from society’s division into functional subsystems. A theory of system differentiation requires
that “every formation of a subsystem is nothing more than a new expression for the unity of the
whole system.” (1989:107) Every subsystem divides the unity of the system into system/
environment. Each subsystem uses this boundary line to reflect the entire system, according to its
functional specificity, which leaves possible other subsystem formations. Therefore, every
function system presumes to be society for itself and is open to the rest of society as its
environment. (1989:107) As with the total system/environment, each subsystem develops
resonances with other subsystems. Thus, each subsystem that encounters the new subsystem
“ecology” in its environment develops resonances for its information, codes and programs.
Moreover, functional specialization means that each subsystem is more dependent on society as a
whole. (1989:111)
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No subsystem can substitute for the function of another. De-differentiation is possible, but
only partially. (1989:109) Non-substitutability leads to increasing interdependency among
subsystems: “precisely because function systems cannot replace each other they support and
burden one another reciprocally.” Their irreplaceability causes the continual displacement of
problems from one subsystem to another, resulting in the intensification of interdependencies.
(1989:110) Functional subsystems are continuously off-loading their unresolved problems onto
each other. For example, a stock market crash caused by unregulated derivatives securities
(economic system) demands action from the political system (policy for derivatives regulations)
which are then encoded by the legal system (laws enacted to regulate derivatives and prosecution
for failure to comply with regulations). Each system off-loads its unresolved problems onto
another, which disturbs the environment of other subsystems. Each subsystem devises solutions
based on its own specialized function and passes it on. The economic system could, for instance,
self-regulate its derivatives trading, but that might interfere with solving its liquidity problem
(payment/non-payment), so it passes the problem onto other subsystems.
Subsystems can learn from each other and adapt cognitive structures from one subsystem
for use in another subsystem. For example, the economic subsystem must import and use
formulas from the scientific subsystem mathematics in order to conduct is financial calculations.
The difference is that while the subsystem math develops formulas for its own sake, as part of its
program of scientific discovery, the economic subsystem makes use of mathematical formulas to
enhance its own functioning as a financial system.
Functional specialization makes it more difficult for society as a whole to adapt to changes
in its environment. Adaptive changes that enhance the autopoiesis of one subsystem can have
30
detrimental impacts in another subsystem. Coordination among subsystems is difficult, though
not impossible, and generates more complex interactions and interdependencies among
subsystems. Differing definitions of the problem contribute to the lack of coordination toward a
particular problem, as well as different functional capacities to deal with the problem. For
example, many subsystems in society manage to coordinate their efforts to provide food for
people: the agricultural system produces food; the economic system finances food markets and
makes a profit off it; the legal system regulates it, and the household system purchases and
consumes it. Each functional subsystem contributes to the food security system in such a manner
as to enhance its own functions. Because of this, adaptive changes are situated within a complex
net of dependencies and independencies. Thus, more complex societies may be less able to
respond effectively to environmental crises as a whole.
Luhmann also said, however, that increased specialization leads to more diverse
connections with the environment, and thus greater sensitivity to it. Functional specialization
increases the capacity for learning more about a narrower range of phenomena. (1989:111)
Moreover, the specialization of functions leads to greater sensitivity to a narrower range of
environmental frequencies. For example, the economic system may be extremely sensitive to the
supply of oil, but completely indifferent to CO2 emissions that result from the burning of oil.
The scarcity of oil becomes a “crisis” for the economic system. By contrast, increased CO2, and
the resulting weather instability, becomes a “crisis” for agriculture, but it may resolve the
scarcity of oil by producing its own biofuels. The “crisis” is thus defined in terms of the function
of that particular subsystem. Therefore, each subsystem defines its own crisis, and it is difficult
to identify conditions that would create a sense of crisis for the whole society.
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If one considers that the problem of resonance stems from society’s division into functional
subsystems, thus diminishing its capacity to respond to environmental crises, then it would
appear to be an essential stage of evolution for society to develop a subsystem whose specialized
function is to enhance society’s resonance to environmental crisis. Still in its formative stages,
the subsystem ecology is in the process of developing the capacity to model society as a whole
system, and the environment as a collection of dynamically interdependent systems. Ecology
presents to society an internalized model of society as whole, a function which Luhmann affirms
as possible. It also presents to society a model of the system/environment difference. If it is
possible for Luhmann to present these models in his theory of social systems, then it is possible
for an ecological subsystem to do the same. Indeed, I would assert that Luhmann’s own systems
theory is a branch of this subsystem ecology; if not, his theory is a branch of the subsystem
social science that has learned and applied concepts from the subsystem ecology.
The subsystem ecology enhances society’s ability to observe the system/environment
difference, and to observe rifts in that difference as either enhancing or reducing its capacity for
continued evolution. Other functional subsystems that lack the capacity to adequately respond to
environmental crisis can “off-load” that problem on to the ecological subsystem. The ecological
subsystem observes that problem as data in its environment, turns that problem into information
according to its cognitive structures, i.e. as a model of the problem of the system/environment
difference, and communicates that model to other subsystems. The subsystem ecology thereby
reduces the over-resonance and alarm caused by society’s inadequate response to environmental
crises. It creates cognitive and linguistic structures that can be imported for use in other
subsystems. This enhances the ability of other subsystems to recognize and respond to
32
environmental crises. As this capacity spreads through all functional subsystems, it enhances the
possibility of coordination among subsystems to respond to environmental crises. As a
subsystem, ecology creates resonances with the environment as an internal social process: “a
much greater amount of resonance is more likely to occur within society than to result from its
relation to the external environment.” (1989:118)
Once the subsystem ecology has established its code (fit/unfit) and begun its programs
(adaptations), it develops a cognitive-linguistic structure that then becomes available to the rest
of society as a symbolically generalized media of communication. (Luhmann, 1996) Words and
concepts like “sustainable”, “green”, “resilience”, “efficiency”, “natural”, “organic”, “local”,
“recycling”, “emissions reduction”, “environment” and “ecology” become commonly used in all
subsystems, and most importantly, in the mass media subsystem. Corporations launch “green
marketing” campaigns and tout the environmental benefits of their products. Cities undertake
ambitious “carbon reduction” plans to reduce emissions. Households buy products that are
“local” and “organic” and “recycle” their wastes. This doesn’t guarantee to steer all of society
into an adequate response to environmental crisis. Often such adaptive programs become mere
gestures; for example, ecological advertising becomes “green washing”. But it does show that
subsystems and society as a whole can learn ecological concepts and then “reduce them to
actions.” (1995)
Through its scientific capacity, the subsystem ecology develops diverse connections with
the environment. Through a broad array of natural sciences, it makes direct, first-order
observations of the environment. It translates that data into information through the second-order
observation of what science observes about the environment. It reformulates that information
33
into ecological systems and models which can then be communicated to other functional
subsystems. It both amplifies the under-resonance of society to otherwise weak signals from the
environment, and reduces the over-resonance of society to overwhelming scientific possibilities
and the alarm of environmental crisis. By performing this function for itself, it expands its own
functioning as a subsystem. As Luhmann says, each subsystem encounters the paradox of
representing the unity of society within itself, which involves both including and excluding itself
as a system within that representation. (1989:113) But in this case, ecology is able to include
itself holographically as a mirror of the system/environment difference. It represents itself to
itself as yet another permutation of the system/environment difference.
Luhmann argues that the field of ecology works to increase the range of values that society
may become concerned with, values about species protection, pollution, soil and water
degradation, resource depletion, climate change, and so forth. (1989:12) He argues that the
inflation of values only makes them the equivalent of all other values in society, such as
democracy, equality, women’s rights, etc., but doesn’t help society to prioritize which values to
act upon. He proposes that the inflation of values is an outcome of functional subsystems that
multiply the possibilities of what can be considered as themes or concerns of social
communication, but for which no action can be immediately taken. These themes or concerns are
suspended indefinitely as “values” that become a deferred obligation to act in the future.
(1989:112) Campaigns to “stop climate change” or “save the planet” make use of these value
imperatives to induce a moral motivation to act, usually without much success. The reduction of
resonances to “values” thus further impedes society’s ability to respond adequately to ecological
crises. I argue that the deferral of resonances into “values” is not the only possible avenue for
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selection and action. The other possible method is the creation of a subsystem ecology is whose
function is to create cognitive models of system/environment fitness, which in turn aid in
selections of new social and technological adaptations. This takes ecological responses to
environmental crisis out of the realm of deferred “values” and places it squarely with the system
imperative to continue autopoiesis and evolution, within its base-level operation to observe the
system/environment difference.
Luhmann proposes that the political system is presently where ecological communication
begins and acts as a launching pad and transmission system for ecological problems: “we must
realize that politics is used a launching pad, as a transmission system for ecological desiderata
whenever those enter the consciousness of individuals and social communication. . . but this only
increases the probability that, on the occasion of the exposure to ecological dangers, a socially
internal intensification of resonance will result that combines politically convenient solutions
with functional disturbances in other systems.” (1989:120)
What is significant here is that Luhmann himself proposes that there could be a functional
subsystem that serves as “gateway”, a “launching pad”, a “transmission system” for
communicating environmental crises. Luhmann’s systems theory anticipates the system’s
capacity to evolve a new subsystem called ecology to undertake that task with greater
specialization, as its sole function, the effect of which is to attenuate environmental resonances
within the social system to correct both under- and over-resonance.
Luhmann considers the possibility that a social system can devise an internal subsystem
that could remain open to the environment and produce rational communications about the
environment. (1989:137) Luhmann asserts that it must begin from within the social system:
35
“Social rationality would naturally require that the ecological difference of society and its
external environment is reintroduced within society and used as the main difference.” (1989:137)
Furthermore, Luhmann asserts that “a centerless society cannot assert a rationality of its own but
has to rely on the subsystem rationalities of its function subsystems.” (1989:134) The functional
subsystem ecology reintroduces the system/environment difference within society and generates
communicative selections that delineate that difference. It is the attention to difference that
enables a subsystem to perceive data from the environment and introduce it as information
within the system: “This changes the focus of all previous theories of reflection from unity to
difference and enables them to acquire information in ways that [differ] ??? from those accepted
previously.” (1989:36). Furthermore, Luhman is opposed to the ecological idea of representing
the environment within society as “the whole within the whole” (1989:135), the kind of ecology
typified by Smuts’ organismic holism. Rather, an ecological subsystem would represent the
system/environment difference within society as interconnected and socially contingent systems,
closer to Tansley’s concept of ecosystem. While Luhmann argues that no internal subsystem
successfully coordinates subsystem responses to the environment, Luhmann also maintains that
“within subsystems the possibility exists of a hierarchal organization through which the
difference of system and environment can be transformed into internal system
directives.” (1989:138) Thus, it remains possible for the subsystem ecology to communicate the
system/environment difference in terms of the system’s continued autopoiesis such that other
subsystems can learn and internalize that operation within their own functional subsystems. The
one condition that Luhmann adamantly maintains is that for ecological choices to be rational,
they must be synonymous with the system’s own operations; it must be functionally rational, not
36
rational in terms of ultimate truths or utopian goals. Since the subsystem ecology makes
selections based on the system/environment difference it is therefore, functionally rational. If the
subsystem ecology is functionally rational,
This signifies the possibility of reintroducing the difference of system and environment within the system, and thus the possibility of directing the system’s information processing systems by means of the unity of the difference of system and environment. . . Then it makes sense to be guided by the Utopia of rationality: to see whether and how individual systems can be used to provide solutions to problems that are more rational and include further environments. Today it is already clear that communication about ecological themes is beginning to examine such possibilities. (1989:138)
With this statement, Luhmann has afforded an autopoietically closed social system a way
out of its self-imposed ecological dilemma, through the new functional subsystem ecology.
Conclusion.
Luhmann’s Ecological Communication (1989) argued that ecological communication was
ineffective in a social system that is closed to its environment. Yet within his own schema,
Luhmann argues that subsystems can develop the capacity to communicate with each other, to
transfer functions from one subsystem to another, and to thus to support the functioning of the
whole system. I have argued that the historically new moral science of ecology is an emerging
subsystem that has developed the specialized function of developing a generalized medium of
communication by which it can translate signals from the environment into codes that other
subsystems can understand, thus informing the social system as a whole and improving its
chances for survival and continued evolution. Further questions in this line of argument would
examine whether the new subsystem called ecology will develop sufficient capacity for
communicative structures and translation codes that will enable the social system, indeed the
whole of the global civilization, to adequately respond to severe ecological shocks, such as
37
global climate change, that threaten the collapse of the system. As Luhmann said, the question
remains whether the social system will develop sufficient complexity to carry out this function,
and whether the new subsystem called ecology develops the capacity to do that job.
38