a case of scabbards with crossbars decorated with three or more s-figures in northern poland...

ARCHAEOLOGIA

BALTICA18

Klaipėda University Press

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Leidžiama pagal projektą „Periodinių mokslo leidinių leidyba“, projekto kodas VP1-3.2-ŠMM-02-V-02-002

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Klaipėda, 2012

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Editorial Board

Editor in Chief Prof habil. Dr Vladas Žulkus (Klaipėda University, Lithuania)

Deputy Editor in Chief Prof habil. Dr Algirdas Girininkas (Klaipėda University, Institute of Baltic Sea region History and Archaeology, Lithuania)

Editor Associate Prof Dr Audronė Bliujienė (Klaipėda University, Institute of Baltic Sea region History and Archaeology, Lithuania)

MembersProf Dr Claus von Carnap-Bornheim (Zentrum für Baltische und Skandinavische Archäologie, Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Archäologisches Landesmuseen Schloß Gottorf, Schleswig, Germany)Dr rasa Banytė-rowell (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania)Dr Anna Bitner-Wróblewska (State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw, Poland)Dr Agnė Čivilytė (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania)Prof Dr Wladyslaw Duczko (Pułtusk Academy of Humanities, Institute of Anthropology and Archaeology, Poland)Prof Dr John Hines (Cardiff University, United Kingdom)Prof Dr rimantas Jankauskas (Vilnius University, Lithuania)Dr romas Jarockis (Ministry of Culture of the republic of Lithuania)Prof Dr Andrzej Kola (Torun Nicolaus Copernicus University, Poland)Prof Dr Albinas Kuncevičius (Vilnius University, Lithuania)Prof Dr Marika Mägi (Tallinn University, estonia)Prof Dr Jörn Staecker (eberhard-Karls Universität, Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und Archäologie des Mittelalter Abteilung Archäologie des Mittelalters, Tübingen, Germany)Prof habil. Dr Andrejs Vasks (University of Latvia, riga, Latvia)

Archaeologia Baltica has been indexed in eBSCo Publishing Central and eastern european Academic Sourceeuropean reference Index for the Humanities (erIH)

Articles appearing in this journal are peer-reviewed by either internal or external reviewers

English language editor: Joseph everattLithuanian language editor: roma NikžentaitienėDesign: Algis KliševičiusLayout: Lolita Zemlienė

Cover illustration: A brooch from Laiviai (Kretinga district)

© Klaipėda University, 2012© Article authors, 2012© Klaipėda University Press, 2012ISSN 1392-5520

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8CONTENTS

Preface 7

Konstantin N. Skvortsov. In Memory of the Great Scientist Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn 10

I . EARLY METAL AGE SOCIETIES: FROM A THEORETICAL ASSESSMENT TO THEIR ECONOMY, I NTERREGIONAL CONTACTS A ND RITUAL S

Agnė Čivilytė. In Search of a Theoretical Assessment of Bronze Age Society in the Baltic Countries 14

Algirdas Girininkas. The Structure of the Economy and Society in the Early Bronze Age in Lithuania 28

Immo Heske. Ritual Production, Distribution and Deposition of Late Bronze Age Hanging Vessels 43

Tomasz Bochnak, Przemysław Harasim. Interregional and Multidirectional Contacts of Local Elites: A Case of Scabbards with Crossbars Decorated with Three or More S-igures in Northern Poland 59

I I . PARADE OF SHIELD S AT THE CROSSROADS OF GERMANIC CULTURES

Christoph G. Schmidt. Just Recycled? A New Light on Roman Imports in Central Germany According to the ‘Central Litle Farmstead’ of Frienstedt, Thuringia 86

Katarzyna Czarnecka. A Parade Shield from the Przeworsk Culture Cemetery in Czersk, near Warsaw, Poland: An International Sign of Status in the early roman Period 97

Joan Pinar Gil. A Crossroad of Cultures on a Mosaic of regions? The early Visigothic regnum from the perspective of Small Finds 109

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Maciej Karczewski. On the road to the Other World. Plants in the Burial Rites of Bogaczewo Culture (Roman Period, northeast Poland) 126

Olga A. Khomiakova. Sambian-Natangian Culture Ring Decoration Style as an Example of Comunication between Local Elites in the Baltic Region in the Late Roman Period 147

Konstantin Skvortsov The Formation of a Sambian-Natangian Culture Patrimonial Elite in the Roman Period in the Context of the Amber Trade 167

Rasa Banytė-Rowell, Anna Bitner-Wroblewska, Christine Reich. Did they Exist? The Question of Elites in Western Lithuania in the Roman and Early Migration Periods, and their Interregional Contacts 192

IV. MEDIEVAL SOCIETIES

Roman A. Shiroukhov. Prussian Graves in the Sambian Peninsula, with Imports, Weapons and Horse Harnesses, from the Tenth to the 13th Century: The Question of the Warrior Elite 224

Rytis Jonaitis. Civitas Rutenica in Early Vilnius in the 14th and 15th Centuries. The Socio-Cultural Aspect 256

BOOK REVIEW

Gintautas Zabiela. Volume II of ‘Aestiorum Hereditas’ 272

Guidelines for Authors 277

Plates (I–VIII)

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Time never ceases to remind us of its relentless march, which cannot be stopped and which leaves both pleas-ant and bitter memories. Sometimes it seems that the bitter ones prevail ... but it can also be the opposite. Pleasant memories leave a deeper imprint on man and society ... or at least that is what we often wish to believe. The subject of the conference ‘People at the Crossroads of Space and Time (Footmarks of Societies in Ancient Europe)’ led participants to take a look at society, in search of layers and interlayers, and of signs of encounters and crossroads. This extremely wide subject allowed us to see individual people, especially those whom the march of time has carried to the after-world, but who in one way or another were connected with this conference. I am referring to Professor Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn (1931–2012) and Dr Agnieszka Ur-baniak (1975–2013).

It is well known that interest in a conference is de-termined by subjects of great relevance, and that this consequently determines the conference’s success. It is also a well-known fact that interesting thoughts and useful ideas in research come up in private conversa-tions too. This is what happened when the subject for the regular conference to be held by archaeologists of the Institute of Baltic Region History and Archaeol-ogy at Klaipėda University was being discussed. The idea to devote the 2011 conference to an analysis of society came unexpectedly and quite naturally during a private conversation with Professor Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn and Dr Anna Bitner-Wróblewska. The warm atmosphere in a Warsaw café, which was so popular

among archaeologists, not only encouraged some se-rious discussions, but, as often happens, it turned the conversation towards distant and not so distant times. Anna Bitner-Wróblewska and I were listening to Pro-fessor Okulicz-Kozaryn talking about his father and prewar Vilnius. I cannot recall everything Jerzy Oku-licz-Kozaryn said about his links with Lithuania, the small estate somewhere close to Kernavė, his family, and the Lithuanian words he pronounced so correctly. However, his ‘Lithuanian miniatures’, infused with pure feeling and a gentle sense of humour by his man-ner of speaking, can be compared with the writings of Czesław Miłosz (1911–2004), that ‘citizen of the world whose nationality is a Vilnius dweller’.1 They are like the piano pieces played by Jerzy Okulicz-Ko-zaryn in his childhood, and which might actually have resounded through the halls of Trakai Castle, or else they might be merely interwoven memories ... (from Dr Tomasz Nowakiewicz’s letter to the author, with kind permission to quote in the preface).

As for the subject of the conference, we then agreed that the communities of different periods of the east Baltic Sea region had barely been studied. Thanks to the growing amount of new data obtained during every season of archaeological excavations, these communi-ties look like a rapidly changing kaleidoscope, com-binations of which are in many ways still shrouded in mystery. Although in our search for a subject and a deinition of the area we used the east Baltic Sea region as a starting point, cultural crossroads and interregion-al contacts always lead researchers into a wider Eu-ropean space. Therefore, I hope that the articles from

1 Miklaševič, I., ‘Č. Milošas ir Vilnius’, Česlovas Milošas ir Lietuva. 2011. Kaunas: Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, p.47.

PREFACE

You were my beginning and again I am with you, here, where I learned the four quarters of the globe.

Below, behind the trees, the River’s quarter; to the back, behind the buildings, the quarter of the Forest; to the right, the quarter of the Holy Ford; to the left,

the quarter of the Smithy and the Ferry. Whenever I wandered, through whatever continents,

my face was always turned to the River.*

Czesław Miłosz

* C. Miłosz, ‘Šeteiniuose’, Rinktiniai eilėraščiai. Poezje wybrane, compiled by Algis Kalėda, translated by Tomas Venclova, Vilnius, 1997, p.361.

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the conference ‘People at the Crossroads of Space and Time (Footmarks of Societies in Ancient Europe)’2 published in volume 18 of Archaeologia Baltica com-ply with the idea of the ‘godfather’ of the conference, Professor Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn.

Volume 18 of Archaeologia Baltica presents the second part of the conference papers, in which the authors dis-cuss communities from the period extending from the Bronze Age to the towns of the Middle Ages. Most of the authors look at the development of society through the material of funerary sites. The articles are grouped into four chapters according to their subjects. The ar-ticles in the irst chapter ‘early Metal Age Societies: From our Theoretical Assessment to their Economy, Interregional Contacts and Rituals’ cover the Bronze Age to the Early Stone Age.

In her article ‘In Search of a Theoretical Assessment of Bronze Age Society in the Baltic Countries’, Agnė Čivilytė writes about the frequent instances of the un-critical application of theoretical models to east Baltic archaeology without reference to the region’s speciic culture. Thus, the Bronze Age social structure is recon-structed according to a priori formulated precepts. The article discusses possible negative implications of such a transference of foreign theories, which leads to the prejudgement of expected results in regional archaeo-logical studies.

In his article ‘The Structure of the Economy and So-ciety in the Early Bronze Age in Lithuania’ , Algirdas Girininkas claims that it is possible to identify two distinct territorial community groups on the basis of archaeological, palynological and zooarchaeological material, and economic and social structures. The irst one inhabited the micro-region of Šventoji in the Baltic coastal area, whereas the second community inhabited an inland area around Lake Kretuonas.

In the article ‘Ritual Production, Distribution and Dep-osition of Late Bronze Age Hanging Vessels’, Immo Heske analyses Nordic Bronze Age hanging vessels and their cultural function in the Baltic Sea region on the basis of their distribution and production. In the au-thor’s opinion, deposits with hanging vessels indicate that in some regions the composition of the deposits and the rites were identical. Consequently, we might suppose that there used to be extensive contacts, which are relected in the common rites.

In their article entitled ‘Interregional and Multidi-rectional Contacts of Local Elites: Scabbards with Crossbars Decorated with Three or More S-Figures in Northern Poland’, Tomasz Bochnak and Przemysław

2 The conference was held at Klaipėda University from 13 to 15 October 2011.

Harasim discuss connections between Oksywie culture sepulchral materials, that is, imported items such as metal scabbards with crossbars decorated with three or more S-igures. These sheaths were found together with items imported from La Tène culture and Roman territories. The authors present a comprehensive analy-sis of the provenance and distribution of the imported items, and attempt to deine the origin of the scabbards and the character of the interaction between Oksywie culture societies and Celtic cultures.

The second chapter of the conference material in this volume is entitled ‘Parade Shields at the Crossroads of Germanic Cultures’, and discusses complex Germanic funeral customs and their relection in various rites. In the irst article in this chapter, ‘Just recycled? A New Light on Roman Imports in Central Germany Ac-cording to the ‘Central Litle Farmstead’ of Frienstedt, Thuringia’, Christoph G. Schmidt discusses a very in-teresting monument (in terms of stratigraphy) situated not far from Frienstedt, Kr. Erfurt, in central Germany, which consists of a settlement, graves and presumably a cult site from the Roman Iron Age. Its settlement started at the end of the irst century AD, and ended around 400 AD. About 1,500 pieces of bronze show a distinct connection with the Roman Empire in the third century, possibly in part due to Germanic soldiers recruited by the Roman army.

In her article ‘A Parade Shield from the Przeworsk Culture Cemetery in Czersk, Near Warsaw, Poland: An International Sign of Status in the Early Roman Pe-riod’, Katarzyna Czarnecka makes an in-depth analysis of a unique artefact found in the territory of barbarian tribes, a fashionable shield boss with rivets and a shield grip with silver decoration that was found recently in the Przeworsk culture cemetery in Czersk, in the Piaseczno district in central Poland. The bronze shield grip has silvered rivet plates with thimble-headed riv-ets, decorative iligree studs and openwork decoration. The techniques that were used to produce the shield grip are not clear, despite metallographic analysis. The shield has analogies in Scandinavia and the northern Elbe area. It was probably a parade shield, an interna-tional sign of a warrior elite in the Early Roman Period in the barbaricum.

The article by Joan Pinar Gil, ‘A Crossroads of Cul-tures in a Mosaic of regions? The early Visigothic Regnum from the Perspective of Small Finds’, is a survey of two insuficiently researched aspects of late ifth-century clothing in southern Gaul and Hispania, that is, multiculturalism and regionalism. Focusing on both aspects improves the understanding of a number of phenomena recorded in funerary contexts.

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8The third chapter in this volume is entitled ‘Balt Socie-ties: An Attempt to Penetrate the Mist’, and focuses on an analysis of the social structure and funeral customs of communities of the circle of Baltic cultures. The ar-ticles in this chapter prove that the social structure of the circle of Baltic cultures was multifaceted, and had a number of unique aspects that are still unknown.

The article by Maciej Karczewski ‘on the road to the Other World. Plants in the Burial Rites of Bogaczewo Culture (Roman Period, Northeast Poland)’ analyses macroscopic plant remains and charcoal uncovered in the ills of grave pits found in Paprotki Kolonia cem-etery 1 (Bogaczewo culture) in the Masurian Great Lakes District. The analysis has shown that plants were put into the cremation pyre and the graves on purpose, and that they performed certain functions in funeral rites. The use of plants in funeral rites was connected with universal and complex symbolic meanings of plants. Some plants, especially corn, might have been put into graves as food. Research into plant remains allows us to draw conclusions concerning the former environment of this burial site.

In her article ‘Sambian-Natangian Culture Ring Deco-ration Style as an Example of Comunication between Local Elites in the Baltic Region in the Late Roman Period’, Olga A. Khomiakova analyses artefacts orna-mented in Ring decoration style that prevail in Sambi-an-Natangian culture from the early phase of the Late Roman Period.

In the article by Konstantin Skvortsov ‘The Formation of a Sambian-Natangian Culture Patrimonial Elite in the Roman Period in the Context of the Amber Trade’, the author discusses and characterises, in his opinion, the multilayered social structure of Aestian society which formed at the turn of the B

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2 periods. In

his opinion, the development of the social structure of Aestian society and the processes of its stratiica-tion were related to the involvement of the people of Sambian-Natangian culture in amber trading. Since the Aestii possessed the largest resources of amber, they participated extensively in the trade.

In their article entitled ‘Did they exist? The Question of Elites in Western Lithuania in the Roman and Early Migration Periods, and their Interregional Contacts’, rasa Banytė-rowell, Anna Bitner-Wroblewska and Christine Reich focus their attention on the search for a Baltic elite. The authors claim that no interregional status symbols have been recorded in this area, but it is possible to distinguish local prestige groups of certain artefacts in the graves of males and females from the Roman Period.

Only two authors’ work makes up the fourth chapter ‘Medieval Societies’. However, the chapter is very in-teresting, because it is actually the irst time that burial practices, questions of the elite, imported items and the whole diversity of horse burial practices by Prussian communities from the Late Viking Period to the 13th century have been discussed in detail (Roman A. Shi-roukhov).

In his article ‘Civitas Rutenica in Early Vilnius in the 14th and 15th Centuries. The Socio-Cultural Aspect’, Rytis Jonaitis discusses the Vilnius quarter called Civitas rutenica that existed in the late 13th and 14th centuries, and was inhabited by the city’s Orthodox community, and the cemetery discovered in the central part of Civitas Rutenica. The funeral customs that were practised at the burial site show the cultural and social changes in the Orthodox community. Christian burial rites were practised in the cemetery. Several graves contained luxury grave goods, mainly jewellery, some of which was common to the Slavs, while the rest has local origins.

As usual, we conclude the publication with a book re-view. Volume 18 of Archaeologia Baltica presents a review by Gintautas Zabiela of a recent book on the subject of archival archaeology, the second volume in the ‘Aestiorum Hereditas’ (The Heritage of the Aestii) series.

Audronė Bliujienė

Editors’ Note:

In Volume No 17 of Archaeologia Baltica, the unedited ver-

sions of captions to the photographs illustrating the Preface

were published. The editorial staff at Archaeologia Baltica

would like to apologise sincerely to readers for this oversight.

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On 15 September 2012, the great European archae-ologist Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn, a professor of modern Baltic archaeology at Warsaw, passed away, aged 81.

I had heard of this great researcher long before our irst meeting. I had known about him since I read a mono-graph of his that appeared in 1973, entitled ‘Prehistoric Prussian Lands from the Late Palaeolithic Period to the Seventh Century AD’.1I was impressed by his knowl-edge, clarity and big ideas. For many years, this work served as a manual for researchers who were studying the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea, and it remains rel-evant even today.

To my deepest regret, I only met him quite late. Our acquaintance started in 2000, beginning with a very in-teresting conversation. I met him one beautiful autumn day in a small café by a lake during a conference in a place called Rybak of Masur in the Warmian-Masuri-an voivodeship in Poland. From the very irst minutes of our conversation, his appearance and his manner of speaking were fascinating. I saw him more as an older relative than as a famous expert in archaeology.

It was very exciting to communicate with him, for he treated irst-year students and great scientists on the same level. While I watched him talk with students, I always thought that communication between a teacher and his pupils should be like that. His circle of interests was not restricted to one area only, it was very wide. For example, he was always interested in what was happening in Kaliningrad. Apart from his other fea-tures, he had a great sense of humour and self-irony. I can remember one of his jokes: he mentioned once that one of his ancestors had been a Russian astronaut. 1 Pradzieje ziem pruskich od późnego paleolitu do VII w.

n. e.. In Monograie dziejów społecznych i politycznych Warmii i Mazur, 1. Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk.

When someone expressed their astonishment, he went on, saying how Ivan the Terrible had shot one of his ancestors from a cannon. He was very fond of his fam-ily, and often talked about his father, Jaroslav Okulicz-Kozaryn, a pilot, an army oficer and a First World War hero, a holder of the order of St George, and a descen-dant of the Vitebsk nobility.

His distinguished career began with several problems. Despite his talent for and his great interest in history, Jerzy could not enter the university because of his ‘unfavourable social background’, which was quite in keeping with the spirit of the early 1950s. However, this obstacle did not make him give up. He chose an-other way, and started working at the Warsaw State Museum of Archaeology, which was his irst ‘univer-sity’. He studied archaeology there, and, apart from learning the basics of archaeological practice, and thanks to the access to libraries and cooperation with staff at the museum, he was also able to improve his skills as a theoretician.

He later managed to enter Warsaw University, and in 1955 he defended his MA dissertation. In the 1950s and 1960s, he was involved in the archaeological research of the Jotvingian Expedition. From 1962 to 1966, he began his own archaeological research in Northern Mazovia, as a candidate for a doctoral degree from the Polish Academy of Sciences Institute of History and Material Culture in Warsaw. As a result, in 1966 he successfully defended his thesis, which is considered a model, even today. In 1968, Jerzy started working at Warsaw University as a junior research assistant in the Department of Ancient and Early Medieval Archaeol-ogy. He obtained his doctoral degree in 1971.

IN MeMorY oF THe GreAT SCIeNTIST JerZY oKULICZ-KoZArYN

‘The patriotic feeling in society is cultivated not only through written and oral literature, but also though histori-cal monuments that stand like silent witnesses of former glory and the suffering of the motherland. These are not dead ruins: they live on, preserving something of our ancestors that is mysteriously passed down to living generations. No palaces or houses in the most exquisitely decadent style can tell the stories that these silent ruins tell the soul.’

Nikolay F. okulich-Kazarin (Николай Фомич Окулич-Казарин)

This quote comes from Nikolay F. Okulich-Kazarin, a man of the same lineage, a famous researcher into the antique culture of Pskov, who pronounced these words 98 years ago at a meeting of the Pskov Archaeological Society.

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He organised numerous archaeological expeditions in northeast Poland, often with his wife Lucia, with whom he created the perfect union. However, he never abandoned theory. In the Concordia collection that was published in 1996 to mark his anniversary, there were over 127 publications, including monographs. He wrote lots of works. He was the founder and the head of the Department of Ancient European Archae-ology at the University of Warsaw, which dealt with the study of the Pre-Roman Period and the era of the Great Migration. He organised and managed scientiic institutions dealing with ancient European archaeolo-gy, and he worked closely with the Polish Academy of Sciences. His postgraduate students joined the research departments of the Archaeological Institute in various parts of the country. He was the head of the Polish Sci-entiic Society of Archaeologists from 1988 to 1991. In 1985, Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn became a professor, and in 1994 a full professor.

His careful research continued even after his retire-ment in 2001. In fact, it seemed that he was getting younger and stronger. Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn was an active participant in various symposia and conferenc-es, at home and abroad. He organised several Baltic

seminars that were held for over ten years at the State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw. He reviewed sci-entiic papers, and participated regularly in teaching activities. He assisted research groups dealing with the processing and interpretation of material from several important historic monuments that are now considered crucial to Polish archaeology. These are the repository of Wielbark culture in Weklice, the West Balt Barrow culture burial site in Vyshembork, and the settlement complex in Shurpiles.

Today we can only envy the amazing energy and hard work of Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn, which he demonstrat-ed over his entire life, remaining a great man, a good friend, and a wise teacher. I met him several times later: at the University of Warsaw and in his home, in Kalin-ingrad, and at various conferences and seminars. Every time I saw him, I felt his energy and optimism, feeling that if there are such people in the world, all will be well. It was amazing that age did not affect his spirit or his mind; his great achievements did not make him hard. His approach to research was always innovative and creative, he was an open, sincere and honest man. Jerzy could listen with interest to criticism, although his own opinion was always expressed delicately, in his aristocratic manner, in order not to offend anyone.

Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn was often called ‘the master’ by his numerous students and colleagues. I believe that this is the most itting description. And despite the fact that he is no longer with us, he will live on in his legacy of numerous publications and students, and in our hearts and minds.

Konstantin N. Skvortsov

Jerzy okulicz-Kozaryn (1931–2012)

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IEARLY METAL AGE SOCIETIES: FROM A THEORETICAL ASSESSMENT TO THEIR ECONOMY, INTERREGIONAL CONTACTS AND RITUALS

Oksywie culture, in the Pre-Roman Period covering a large part of the Polish Baltic coast and the Lower Vistula basin, was one of the cultures that were formed under La Tène inluences. The latest research shows that it was a very heterogeneous cultural complex, a phenomenon which was created through various kinds of La Tène stimuli, as well as through cultural connec-tions with the Baltic Sea region. La Tène trends passed directly through neighbouring Przeworsk culture to the south, and through the broadly deined Jastorf culture circle (Bokiniec 2001; Dąbrowska, Woźniak 2005, p.93ff; Stąporek 2007; Maciałowicz 2009, p.204ff). Although sepulchral materials of Oksywie culture lack impressive ‘chieftain’ graves, there is a group of graves with above-standard equipment, containing military items as well as Celtic imports. Following the Celtic burial traditions, funeral equipment was usu-ally burnt and ritually destroyed. Among the weapons that were found in sepulchres belonging to members of Oksywie culture, there is one particularly interest-ing type of sheath that attracted our attention. Not all sheaths are equally well preserved; moreover, we have only scraps of archive information about some. It is enough, however, to identify one homogenous type of sheath. By this homogenous type, we mean specimens made of two iron sheets where the bent edges of the rear, wider sheet overlapped the front sheet (Fig. 1). The lower part of the scabbard was shod with a chape with a pointed end, and contained a pair of ‘barbs’ (Fig. 1.5). The scabbard’s locket was usually straight, and

was additionally reinforced with a proiled slat (Fig. 1.1). Another characteristic element were the crossbars (one or two) in the upper part of the sheath, which were decorated with three or more S-igures. Specimens with two crossbars had a different number of S-igures on each of them, usually three for the higher crossbar, and four for the lower one (Fig. 1.2, 3). This element had a purely decorative role. This feature distinguishes the discussed scabbards from older specimens, well known not only in the Celtic world, but also beyond its borders. There, a two S-igure ornament was a kind of clasp that reinforced a sheet; the chape was not point-ed, and had two pairs of ‘barbs’ (Zachar 1974; Brunaux 1990, pp.173, 185; Lejars 1994, p.53ff; Bochnak 2005, pp.38, 45ff, 280, Table X; Łuczkiewicz 2006, pp.59ff, 182ff, Fig. 54.4, 5, 7, 8).

What is more, in the case of the discussed sheaths, an S-igure sequence is sometimes repeated in the lower part of the scabbard (Fig. 1.4),1 but because of its poor state of preservation, it is impossible to tell whether it was characteristic of that part of the scabbard. The sheaths also have a short suspension loop with sym-metrical plates in circle or drop shapes (Fig. 1.6).2 The

1 According to a drawing from Kostrzewski’s publication, such an ornament was also noticed on a sheath from Lachmirowice, grave 1. However, the sketches from his private papers depict some other way of embellishing (see Fig.6.1d). Perhaps the sketch represents the rear part of a scabbard.

2 The above-mentioned description corresponds with the characteristics of scabbards of type 4 (according to

I NTERREGIONAL AND M ULTIDIRECTIONAL CONTACTS OF L OCAL ELITES: A CASe oF SCABBArDS WITH CroSSBArS DeCorATeD WITH THree or More S-F IGURES IN NORTHERN POLAND

TOMASZ BOCHNAK, PRZEMYSŁAW HARASIM

Abstract

At the beginning of the Late Pre-Roman Period, various cultural transformations occurred on Polish territory induced by La Tène culture, and, to a lesser extent, by Jastorf culture circle stimuli. As a result of these inluences, new cultures appeared: oksywie culture in the north of Poland, and Przeworsk culture to south of oksywie culture. Among oksywie culture sepul-chral materials, many imported items can be identiied, such as metal scabbards with crossbars decorated with three or more S-igures. These sheaths were found together with items imported from La Tène culture and roman territories. The article analyses the provenance and distribution of imported items. The authors try to deine the origin of the scabbards, and show the interaction between oksywie culture societies and Celtic cultures.

Key words: Przeworsk culture, oksywie culture, Pre-roman Period, Celtic imports, roman imports, weapons.

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greatest diversiication is to be observed among the scabbards’ lockets: most of them were straight, reinforced with a proiled slat though a bell-like entrance, characteristic of inds from Gdańsk-Nowolipki (Fig. 2C), Pruszcz Gdański, site 7, grave 374, and Pruszcz Gdański, site 10, grave 137 (Fig. 3) (it is worth noting that in every instance the shape of the entrance was itted to the shape of the sword’s guard that was inside it).

Nowadays, eight or nine sheaths are included within this type of category. However, because of the varying state of preservation, as well as the varying degrees of scholars’ attention paid to the above-mentioned scabbards, only some of the markers have been noticed in the case of individual specimens (for this see: Catalogue). Nearly seven scabbards were found in the re-gion of the mouth of the Vistula, which in the Pre-Roman era belonged to the Oksywie culture area (Map 1). Three specimens were found in the burial grounds in Pruszcz Gdański, of which one is in neighbouring (circa six kilometres away) Żukczyn (Fig. 2A), and another one in Gdańsk Nowolipki (a necropolis situated ten kilome-tres from Pruszcz Gdański). The next scabbard was found in opalenie (Fig. 4.1a-2c) about 70 kilometres south of Pruszcz Gdański. In Ciepłe, about 55 kilometres from Pruszcz Gdański (and several kilometres from opalenie), yet another scabbard was found. However, the only piece of evidence that would allow the inclusion of this ind in the category described is a note by J. Kostrzewski, a distinguished Polish scholar. While sketching a sword from the destroyed necropolis in Żukczyn, he noted in the margin: ‘Verzierung ähnlich Abb[au] Warmhof.’3

As we can see, the majority of the sheaths dis-cussed come from Oksywie culture graves, with a high incidence noticed in the region of the mouth of the Vistula. From Lachmirowice, grave 1, there is one known specimen from Przeworsk

the classiication provided by P. Łuczkiewicz), although the list of scabbards given by this author differs from the group of sheaths distinguished by T. Bochnak and discussed in this text (Łuczkiewicz 2006; Bochnak 2008). regardless of the division of types, P. Łuczkiewicz distinguished scabbards with a pointed chape, including within group 7 specimens from Hoppstätten-Weiersbach, grave 23, Pruszcz Gdański, grave 374, Podwiesk, grave 103, opalenie and Lachmirowice, while a list of specimens classiied in this group does not correspond to scabbards of type 4 (Łuczkiewicz 2006, p.202ff, Table 19).

3 Abbau Warmhof/Warmhof Abbau and Warmhof are former names for the village of Ciepłe.

Fig. 1. Characteristic features of scabbards with multiple S-igures (based on the example of the scabbard from Lachmirowice, grave 1: 1 proiled slat; 2 three S-igures; 3, 4 four S-igures; 5 pointed chape with a pair of barbs; 6 suspension loop with symmetrical plates (reconstruction of scabbard drawing by Kostrzewski, 1919).

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Fig. 2. Findings from Żukczyn, Ciepłe and Gdańsk-Nowolipki (the sites were not numbered). A. Żukczyn, grave 1: 1a-1d sword and scabbard, characteristic features. B. Ciepłe, grave without number: 1 cauldron with an iron rim. There are no pictures of any other grave goods. C. Gdańsk-Nowolipki, grave without number: 1 rivet; 2 shield-boss; 3 spearhead; 4 sword; 5 the second sword; 6a-6e different sheath details. No scale. The igure omitted the presence of local ceramic vessels (after Kostrzewski, 1919, and drawings from his papers).

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Fig. 3. Pruszcz Gdański site 10, grave 137: 1a-1e pieces of a sword and scabbard; 2a, 2b sword; 3 sword and fragment of a scabbard; 4 spearshoe; 5 spearhead; 6, 7 razor (?) fragments; 8 belt hook; 9-11 loops, parts of a sword belt; 12 ibula. 1-12 iron. 1-7 scale 1:4, 8-12 scale 1:2. Figure omitted the presence of local ceramic vessels (after Pietrzak, 1997).

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culture territory (Figs. 1; 7A).4 In all likelihood, a simi-lar type of sheath was found in Siemiechów, grave 25 (Figs. 7B; 8). Judging by the remaining pieces, this specimen had a short suspension loop with symmetri-cal plates and a straight locket; however, it had no signs of a proiled slat. Its lower part was shod with a pointed chape and a pair of ‘barbs’. Among the burial equip-ment of the grave, there was also a small iron item in the shape of an S-igure; it might formerly have also been part of a scabbard.5 A comparison of typological features is shown in Tables 1 and 2.

The discussed sheaths were paired with double-edged swords. Unfortunately, our knowledge about the dis-cussed weapon may only be fragmentary, as in most cases swords remained inside the scabbards. Almost all of them were of a diamond-shaped cross-section with a separate ridge; only the specimen from Opalenie be-longed to the rare category of swords with selectively

4 There is a mistaken illustration of the scabbard from Lachmirowice, grave 1, in the publication about the armaments of people of Przeworsk culture in the Late Pre-roman Period (Bochnak 2005, pp.40, 48, Fig. XIII.1).

5 A sheath from Siemiechów was classiied as type II according to Bochnak (2005, p.212). However, as some features formerly unknown to the author have been revealed, this seems to be a mistake.

etched blades, which constituted a further develop-ment from swords with a diamond-shaped cross-sec-tion (Fig. 4.4c, 4d). Swords from opalenie, Pruszcz Gdański 7, grave 374, and Żukczyn, grave 1, had rounded points; whereas the points of other specimens were either damaged or still inside the scabbards. In the cases that were documented, the width of the blade ranged from ive centimetres (Lachmirowice) to six centimetres (opalenie). Scabbards with swords still re-maining inside them were 6.2 to 6.6 centimetres wide, so we can assume that the blades inside were of a simi-lar size. A comparison of swords inside sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-motifs shows that this kind of weapon was designed for cutting. We may also no-tice some typological similarities between swords and the scabbards that were paired with them. The greatest diversiication can be spotted in the shapes of two vari-ous scabbard lockets; the diversiication is attributable to the shape of the guards which were tailored to it the scabbard. Northern Poland has a high concentration of the type of sheaths discussed, but similar specimens were found in Celtic areas. However, they do not al-ways have all the features described above as mark-ers. out of specimens found in Celtic territories, the most similar (to the sheaths found in northern Poland) is the one from Hoppstädten-Weiersbach, Kr. Birken-

Map 1. The distribution of scabbards with multiple S-igures compared to Przeworsk and oksywie culture settlements in the Late Pre-roman Period. The numbers on the map correspond with the numbers of inds in the catalogue.

64


In te r reg iona l and Mul t id i rec-t iona l Contac ts o f Loca l E l i tes : a Case o f Scabbards w i th Crossbars Decora ted w i th Three or More S- f igures in Nor thern Po land

Tab le 1 . Cha rac t e r i s t i c f ea tu re s o f s cabba rds

Pruszcz Gd., st. 10, gr. 137


Pruszcz Gd., st. 7,

gr. 374

Gdańsk-Nowolipki

Opalenie Ciepłe Żukczyn Siemiechów, gr. 25

Lachmirowice, gr. 1

Hoppstädten-Weiersbach, gr. 23

Shape of scabbard’s locket

Campanulate Campanulate Straight Campanulate Straight + proiled slat

Straight + proiled slat


Straight Straight + proiled slat


Pointed chape • • • ? • ? ? • • •Three S-igures in the

upper part? ? • • • ? • ? • •

At least four S-igures in the upper part

• • ? ? ? ? ? ? • •

Two S-igures in the lower part

? ? ? ? • ? ? ? ? -

Symmetrical plates of suspension loop

• • • • • ? ? • • •

Tab le 2 . Cha rac t e r i s t i c f ea tu re s o f doub le -edged swords

Pruszcz Gd., st.10, gr. 137



Gdańsk- Nowolipki

Opalenie Ciepłe Żukczyn Siemiechów, gr. 25

Lachmirowice, gr. 1

Hoppstädten-Weiersbach, gr. 23

Breadth ? ? Circa 5.5 cm Circa 5.8 cm? Circa 6 cm ? 5.5 cm 5.2 cm 5 cm 5.8 cmCross-section Diamond-shaped

or diamond-shaped with prominent

central rib

Diamond-shaped or

diamond-shaped with prominent

central rib

? Diamond-shaped with prominent

central rib

Selective etched (diamond-shaped

with reduced middle)

? Diamond-shaped or diamond-

shaped with prominent central rib

? Diamond-shaped or

diamond-shaped with prominent

central rib

Diamond-shaped

Point ? ? rounded ? rounded ? rounded ? broken triangular

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Fig. 4. opalenie (the site was not numbered): 1a-1f sword and scabbard, characteristic features; 2a-2c suspen-sion loop; 3 proiled slat reinforcing the locket of a scabbard; 4a-4d sword, characteristic features. No scale reference. Figure omitted the presence of local ceramic vessels (according to sketches from Kostrzewski’s papers [1a, 1b based on Undset 1882], Kostrzewski 1919).

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feld (Germany), grave 23, dated to LT D2a

phase (Fig. 5.1) (Gleser 2005, pp.118ff, 577ff, 697; Tables 8.1; 9). This sheath has a straight mouth-locket reinforced with a proiled, short slat, a short suspension loop with sym-metrical plates, and S-igure ornaments (three S-igures on the upper crossbar, four on the lower one) on its up-per part. The lower part of the scabbard is shod with a pointed chape with a pair of ‘barbs’. ralf Gleser, while describing the artefact from Hoppstädten-Weiersbach, noticed its close resemblance to the specimens from Lachmirowice, Żukczyn and opalenie; he emphasised the difference between those indings and other scab-bards with a pointed chape. He stressed the number of markers connecting the discussed sheaths with Lud-wigshafen-style scabbards, and claimed that there are no reasons to consider them imports from Polish terri-tory (Gleser 1999; 2005, pp.118-124, Table 10). This argument (concerning the connection of the mentioned scabbards with scabbards of the Ludwigshafen style)

was questioned by Piotr Łuczkiewicz, who considered r. Gleser’s conclusions not to be convincing enough. According to him, the similarities between these two types of scabbard might suggest that the specimen from Hoppstädten-Weiersbach is the product of a Ger-man workshop (Łuczkiewicz 2006, p.204).

In our opinion, ‘classic’ Ludwigshafen-style scabbards, as well as those with crossbars decorated with three and four S-igures, correspond strictly with Celtic or-namental designs. An ornament of multiplied S-igures can be found on, for example, the crossbars of a scab-bard from Mörigen, canton of Bern (Switzerland) (Fig. 5.2) (de Navarro 1972, pp.10, 16, 146, 156, 290, 340, Plate XCIV.8). The remains of S-igure ornamentation (possibly three S-igures) can be found on the cross-bar of a sheath found in the Vernon oppidum (France) (Dechezleprêtre et al. 1998, 25, Fig. 30; Viand 2007). A scabbard with a similar motif of three S-igures (but

Fig. 5. Scabbards with two crossbars in the upper part of the sheath which were decorated with three or more S-igures from outside Polish territory: 1 Hoppstädten-Weiersbach, Kr. Birkenfeld (Germany), grave 23; 2 Mörigen, canton of Bern (Switzerland) (after de Navarro 1972; Gleser 2005).

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without a pointed chape) is also known from Loèche-les-Bains (Leuk), Valais district, Switzerland.6

A fragment of an iron artefact in the shape of three S-igures which could have constituted part of sheath is also known from the oppidum at Stradonice, Ber-oun district (Czech republic) (an unpublished ind, in the collection of the Národni Muzeum, Prague, no. 561 256). In Stradonice some other bronze items deco-rated with two S-igures were also found; one of them (nos. 560 and 540) constituted part of a small chain. Other sheaths were extracted from the riverbed of the Saône in the region of Chalon-sur-Saône. They had a proiled slat at their mouth-lockets, and some of them were additionally adorned with crossbars decorated with S-motifs (up to four). What differentiates the scab-bards from the Saône from the Polish ones are the boat-shaped chapes (Guillaumet, Szabó 2002, pp.219ff, 223, 225, Figs. 17-19). A fragment of a bronze S-motif was also found in a bronze workshop located near Porte de rebout in the Bibracte/Mont Beuvray oppidum, in the Saône-et-Loire and Nièvre départements (France). In Bibracte, another three fragments that were parts of S-igure sequences were found (at least one of them is a semi-product of the crossbar of a sheath) (Hamm 1999, p.44ff, Fig. 91.1-4). In grave 3 from the Trever necropolis in Lamadelaine (Luxembourg), dated to LT D2a phase, a scabbard with opus interrasile decoration was found, a decoration which in fact is a multiplied motif of three S-igures (Metzler et al. 1999, pp.29, 31, 34-35, 300-303, Figs. 327.1; 328; 329). In the lower part of the specimen mentioned, there is a motif of two S-igures (similar to the case of specimens from Lach-mirowice and opalenie). A straight mouth of a scab-bard (itted to a sword paired with it) was decorated with a proiled slat. Both elements mentioned are to be found in the case of Polish specimens; however, in contrast with the pointed chape scabbards from Oksy-wie and Przeworsk cultures, the sheath from Lamad-elaine had a boat-like chape.

In our opinion, we cannot consider sheaths with cross-bars decorated with three or more S-igures as a local product, despite their high incidence in the mouth of the river Vistula in northern Poland. There is a number of factors suggesting their foreign origin. The criteria distinguished by Deborah Olausson proved to be help-ful in identifying the artefacts of foreign provenance (olausson 1988). one of them is local ‘manufactur-ing’ traditions. In the case of Poland, we do not have signs that any type of iron scabbard was produced lo-cally. All of the scabbards found on Polish territory are analogous to the ones of Celtic origin, and thus we are unable to indicate any type that would be unique to 6 Information from M. Lionel Pernet of the Musée

archéologique Lattara, Lattes.

oksywie or Przeworsk culture alone. Moreover, metal sheaths disappeared from Polish territory at about the same time as La Tène culture vanished, an observation which may serve as further proof of the Celtic origin of these artefacts.7 Another criterion is the stylistics. Ac-cording to D. olausson, the stylistics of sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-igures, which bear a strict resemblance to Celtic forms, may serve as yet more proof of their foreign provenance. We cannot ind any stylistic motifs that could be counted as local. Another identifying feature is the technique. The high level of craftsmanship of these scabbards allows us to rule out a coincidental overlap of local and La Tène manufac-turing traditions.

Not all the criteria distinguished by D. olausson ind an application in the case of scabbards with crossbars decorated with three or more S-igures (the identiica-tion of raw material does not always provide us with the expected results, due to, among other things, our limited knowledge of areas of iron ore extraction, or the inability to identify particular types of ores, from which the given objects were made, on the basis of a metal analysis of the given artefacts). However, in our opinion, there is no data that could suggest that the sheaths were produced locally by members of Oksywie culture. Additionally, inds of semi-products from Bi-bracte oppidum are further proof of the Celtic origin of such ornamented sheaths.

The varying levels of concentration of the discussed artefacts are to be attributed to differences in burial tra-ditions occurring in various cultures, rather than to the artefacts’ actual popularity among the members of a given community.

To sum up, it may be assumed that scabbards with crossbars decorated with three or more S-igures, par-ticularly well known from the region of the mouth of the Vistula (but also from the northern part of Prze-worsk culture territory) are imports from Celtic-inlu-enced areas. Analogous counterparts are to be found in Celtic territories, especially in the western part. The ind from Stradonice proves that a motif of three S-igures was known in the Bohemian basin, although we cannot be sure that the ind mentioned was not imported from Western europe; the latest research by Gilles Pierrevelcin shows an intensive cultural interac-tion between Gaul and Czech territories (Pierrevelcin, forthcoming 2012).

7 We should note that some local products, such as metal bosses, one-edged swords, spearheads and brooches, can be found in sets dated to the early/Late Pre-roman Period, as well as the beginning of the Roman Period, and that they are more resistant to change than metal scabbards.

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As we have already mentioned, scabbards with cross-bars decorated with three or more S-igures were found mainly on Polish territory in rich graves (a simpliied list of the contents of funeral equipment is shown in Table 3). each sheath was paired with a sword, though because in most cases the swords were put in graves still inside the scabbards, their state of preservation is so bad that sometimes we cannot distinguish even the basic characteristics of these weapons. The swords inside the mentioned scabbards belonged to fully armed warriors who were usually also armed with a pole weapon and a shield. only in one case (Pruszcz Gdański, site 10, grave 137) were no metal shield re-inforcements found in a grave. In two cases, pieces of weaponry were doubled; in Ciepłe, parts of a single-egded sword scabbard were found next to a sword inside a sheath that was probably decorated with a crossbar with three S-igures. In Gdańsk Nowolipki, the inventory of a grave consisted of two swords.8 Two spearheads were also found in the same grave, though cases of double funeral equipment are also to be en-countered in some other individual graves in Poland. In the case of graves from Pruszcz Gdański, sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-igures were found next to metal belt-hooks and loops which were formerly parts of a sword belt (an artefact characteristic of La Tène culture). An analysis of funeral equipment shows that sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-igures (found on Polish territory) can be dated to the relatively short period between the turn of the A

2 and A3 phases and the

beginning of the A3 phase of the Late Pre-Roman Period for Przeworsk culture, according to Teresa Dąbrowska (1988, pp.14-62), and for oksywie culture, according ryszard Wołągiewicz (1981, p.136; 1997, p.17). It is possible that some graves are a little older. However, the observable differences in their chronology might well relect the disparate typo-chronological changes that oksywie and Przeworsk cultures were subjected to. This chronology is a result of brooch inds (for this, see Catalogue). Finds of imported metal vessels do not contradict this (see Catalogue). A similar time frame is to be applied to the inds from Hoppstädten-Weiers-bach, grave 23, and from Lamadelaine, grave 3, which are dated to phase LT D

2a, that is, the period between

the end of the second century BC and the irst half of the irst century BC.9

8 We know few graves in Poland with ‘doubled’ pieces of inventory. The phenomenon of what is called ‘Waffenbrüder’ (brother-in-arms) is known mainly from Oksywie culture, but individual graves of this kind are also known from Przeworsk culture (Czarnecka 2007a).

9 P. Łuczkiewicz dates his type 4 slightly earlier, that is, to phase A

2 of the Early Pre-Roman Period, and only

individual sets are dated to phase A3.

It is worth noting that along with swords inside sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-igures, we can often ind some other artefacts of foreign provenance, in-cluding brooches, iron vessels and military equipment. An analysis of the origin of these imports may provide us with answers as to whether the members of local elites (buried in the discussed graves) maintained long-distance contacts with only one cultural region or with many.

Brooches

In the funeral equipment of grave 355 from Pruszcz Gdański, site 7, a type A18 brooch was found. This type of ibula belongs to a numerous and largely differ-entiated group of geschweifte Fibeln, of which the old-est varieties present some similarities to brooches with a crooked bow (rieckhoff 1995, p.56ff; Demetz 1999, pp.115, 117, 122). The brooch from Pruszcz Gdański, site 7, grave 355 represents, according to the classii-cation introduced by Thomas Völling, sub-type A18a, the ‘Wederath’ version (Völling 1995, p.183ff, Fig. 18; 2005, p.116, Fig. 29). The main identifying feature of the ‘Wederath’ variant is a slender and lat bow, with a bulge above the spring (Völling 1995, pp.183-184, Fig. 18; 2005, p.116, Fig. 29). What is more, in this version, sometimes the head of the brooch is located just above the spring (Behrens 1923, p.37, Fig. 43.2-2a; Völling 1995, Fig. 18.a, e, j; Dąbrowska 2008, Fig. 9.4). The specimen from Pruszcz Gdański, site 7, also has this feature. Most ‘Wederath’ type brooches are made of iron. They are dated to the LT D

2 period, and classiied

as probably belonging to the beginning of the Roman Period (Völling 1995, p.188; 2005, p.118). They are found mainly in the Rhine and the Mosel river basin areas (Völling 1995, p.184, Fig. 17; 2005, p.116), only a few specimens have been found on Polish territory. one such artefact is a ibula made of ‘white metal’ found in grave 1-1964 in Kacice, Pułtusk district, site 2 (Dąbrowska 1988, p.26; 2008, pp.31, 140, 190, Fig. 9.4). It is possible that a partially preserved brooch from Oblin, Garwolin district, grave 95, is also of the ‘Wederath’ version (Czarnecka 2007b, p.33; Table CI.95.1).

Most different versions of the type A18 ibula found on Oksywie and Przeworsk culture territories are prob-ably signs of cultural contacts with the Tyniec group (Poleska 2005, p.191, Fig. 8.6-7; 2006, p.149, Fig. 20.12-14), but probably also with Puchov culture and the northern Czech area (Droberjar 2006, p.26, Fig. 10.2-3; Woźniak 2007, p.393). However, the discussed specimens of A18 ‘Wederath’ type are to be looked upon rather as remains of contacts with the Rhineland area. We must note that these brooches are not the only

69 ARCHAEOLOGIABALTICA 18IE

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Tab le 3 . A compar i son o f fune ra l equ ipmen t found in g raves

Oksywie culture Brooch Imported metal vessels

Armament Other imports Parts of a belt Other

imported locally made

imported locally made

Ciepłe K.type L (Fig. 18)

cauldron with iron rim e.4

chape and ittings of single-edged sword scabbard, spearhead, 6 rivets of shield-boss

Gdańsk-Nowolipki fragments of unknown brooch

double-edged sword

two spearheads, shield-boss

Opalenie K. type. e? (provenance unknown)

situla e.20 chainmail spearhead, shield-boss

Pruszcz Gdański st. 7 gr. 355

fragments of a brooch spearhead, spearshoe, shield-boss iron belt-hook K.49 and three iron loops

A.18Pruszcz Gdański st. 7 gr. 374

K. type. L + K. type. L (Fig. 18)

spearhead, spearshoe, shield-boss copper alloy loop

Pruszcz Gdański st. 10 gr. 137

bowl-like brooch spearhead, spearshoe iron belt-hook K.48, three iron loops

fragments of a razor?

Żukczyn shield-boss copper alloy loop knifePrzeworsk cultureLachmirowice, gr. 1 two spearheads, shield-boss knifeSiemiechów, gr. 25 K. type. M helmet spearhead, shield-boss two knives with

grip ending in a loop

knife, ittings of a bucket? pieces of a buckle?

Table does not include local ceramic vessels. Two swords were found at Gdańsk-Nowolipki.

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Fig. 6. opalenie (the site was not numbered): 1a, 1b spearhead head; 2 shield-boss; 3 rivet; 4 small piece of chainmail; 5 fragment of a shield itting; 6a bronze situla; 6b part of a bronze situla; 7 ibula. No scale reference. Figure omitted the presence of local ceramic vessels (according to sketches from Kostrzewski’s papers).

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specimens that suggest a western direction of contact. Type A241 brooches, group 11 (according to Michel Feugère’s classiication) brooches, and early Kragen-ibeln, all found on Polish territory, are some of the brooches of which the origin, usually associated with the trade route connecting Caput Adriae and the south Baltic shore, is unlikely (Czarnecka 1995; Nowakows-ki 1998; Margos 2002; Andrzejowski 2005).

In graves where sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-motifs were found, we also come across brooches of uncertain provenance. one of them is the type e ibula (according to Kostrzewski’s classiication) that was found in a grave in opalenie (Fig. 6.7). This type of brooch belongs to a group of iron, wire-like brooch-es of middle-La Tène construction, with four-spiral springs and a lower bow-string. The bow of the ibula type is evenly bulging and has a rounded shape. It dif-fers from similar ibulae of this classiication, namely from the type D brooch, by the larger diameter of its spring and the strongly bent bow (Kostrzewski 1919, p.19; Bokiniec 2008, p.4; Dąbrowska 2008, p.28). The preserved part of the brooch was 8.2 centimetres long, with a maximum bow height of 2.6 centimetres. The foot of the ibula was joined with a bow at a third of the bow’s length with the help of a delicately proiled catchplate.

We can ind a sketch of this brooch in Józef Kostrzews-ki’s archive. The relatively small diameter of the spring might show some resemblance by this form to the type D brooch. However, the note below the drawing ‘zieml.[ich] gr.[oße] Rolle’ leaves us in no doubt whatsoever, and we do not have any reason to challenge the au-thor’s typological classiication of brooches from the Late Pre-roman Period.

The results of archaeological research that followed Kostrzewski’s publication revealed new material where many brooches were classiied as transitional types, between D and e types; nowadays, the deini-tion ‘D/e’ is applied to them. In oksywie and Prze-worsk cultures, type D/e brooches are usually dated to A

2 phase (Wołągiewicz 1981, p.136; 1997, p.17;

Dąbrowska 1988, p.29; 2008, p.28; Bokiniec 2008, p.34), although there are some premises for suggesting that they were in use for a period longer than the stated one as well.10

Type D/e brooches known from Polish territory (Bo-kiniec 2008, p.34; Dąbrowska 2008, p.28) have anal-ogous counterparts in the inds of La Tène culture in Czech-Moravia and southern Germany (Břeň 1964,

10 For example, the discussed grave at Opalenie and grave 102 at Pruszcz Gdański, site 10, or grave 1 at Całowanie (Pietrzak 1997, p.23, Fig. XXX.102; Dąbrowska 2008, p.28).

pp.200-210, Fig. II.14, 17, 20, 145, 179; Gebhard 1991, p.20, 86; Fig. 39.579-580, 583-589; rybová, Drda 1994, p.127, Fig. 40.16). Brooches from these ar-eas are dated to LT D

1 period. What is interesting is that

there are no such inds in the Tyniec group, although this may stem from the different burial traditions in the Upper Vistula basin.

On the basis of the above-mentioned analogies, Ewa Bokiniec (2008, p.34) suggests that type e brooches are imports that might have reached the Lower Vistula basin area along the Amber Road as a result of a di-rect, long-distance exchange. However, we must bear in mind that the popularity of this kind of brooch in Masovian cemeteries seems to deny the hypothesis of a direct exchange (Map 2). Moreover, iron wire-like brooches were items that were relatively easy to pro-duce. This is why we cannot fully exclude the possibil-ity that alongside imported ibulae of D/e type, there are also items that could have been produced locally. In which case, the type E brooch from Opalenie could be either an imported or a locally made product.

Similar doubts may be raised in the case of an iron bowl-like brooch from grave 137 from Pruszcz Gdański, site 10 (Fig. 3.12). According to S. Demetz, this ibula belongs to type I, which also involves speci-mens with an unornamented bow (1999, p.72). In his opinion, iron specimens of bowl-like brooches are ei-ther imitations of specimens made of non-ferrous met-als, or constitute an independent development. Within the La Tène culture areas, they are dated to the late LT D

1 and early LT D

2 periods, where, along with type

A65 brooches, they mark out the last stage of the ex-istence of the Czech-Moravia area oppidum (Rybová, Drda 1994, p.129; rieckhoff 1995, pp.115-116; Poles-ka 2006, p.49). In oksywie culture, bowl-like ibulae are dated to the late A

2 period and the beginning stag-

es of the A3 period (Wołągiewicz 1981, p.136; 1997, p.17; Harasim 2011, p.230), as in Przeworsk culture (Dąbrowska 1988, pp.30-31, 59; 2008, p.29). It seems that further studies of the oksywie culture ibulae of La Tène origin (Harasim 2011, pp.230-231) conirmed T. Dąbrowska’s (2006, p.49; 2008, p.105) doubts about treating all specimens of bowl-like brooches as im-ports.

There are a few reasons why we should class some bowl-like brooches, inspired by La Tène culture, as locally produced. Firstly, we are familiar with a rela-tively large number of them compared to the number of some other imports of a similar chronology found on oksywie culture territory. What is more, the model of the spatial distribution of these artefacts differs from the model of the spatial distribution of the same chro-nology imports that were found on Pomeranian terri-

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tory. Finally, the shape of the heads of some locally produced brooches recalls the shape of the heads of bowl-like ibulae. Taking the above into consideration, we may assume that among the bowl brooches from the area of Pomerania, there are both specimens pro-duced locally as well as imports. However, with the current state of our knowledge, it is impossible to tell the former from the latter.

Meta l vesse ls

Along with ornamented sheaths, imported metal ves-sels are also found with grave goods. A situla of 30.5 centimetres in height with a rim diameter of 23.2 cen-timetres, and belly and bottom diameters of 31 and 17 centimetres respectively, was found in opalenie (Fig. 6.6a-6b) (Kostrzewski 1919, p.208ff; Łęga 1958,

p.12). Trapeze-like attachments clinched to the neck, and the smooth shape of the vessel’s body, allow us to class it as type 20, according to the classiication pro-vided by H.J. eggers (1951, p.40, Table 4.20; Wielow-iejski 1985, p.157ff). Finds of this kind are quite rare in Poland (Map 3): except for the above-mentioned vessel from Opalenie, there is only one more, from Starzyno in the Pomerania region (Kostrzewski 1919, p.208; Łęga 1958, p.12, Fig. 3; Wielowiejski 1985, p.255). Being used as urns was a function of the metal vessels discussed, which was particularly popular, es-pecially for graves from the ‘barbarian’ part of Europe (Wegewitz 1986; Voß 2005, p.35; Czarnecka 2007a, p.53ff). The chronology of inds from the oksywie cul-ture area suggests that they were put in graves during the A

2 phase. Situlas of e18-19 type from Przeworsk

and Oksywie culture sites are similarly dated, although

Map 2. The distribution of type D and type e (according to Kostrzewski’s classiication) ibulae on the territories of Prze-worsk and oksywie culture (according to Bokiniec 2008 and Dąbrowska 2008, with addendum).1 Buczek, Białogard district; 2 Kopaniewo, Lębork district (three specimens); 3 rumia, site 2 (three specimens), We-jherowo district; 4 Gdynia-oksywie, Gdynia district; 5 Gdańsk-Wrzeszcz, Gdańsk district; 6 Pruszcz Gdański, site 4 (two specimens) and site 10 (eight specimens), Gdańsk district; 7 Skowarcz, Gdańsk district (eight specimens); 8 Wyczechowo, site 13 (two specimens), Kartuzy district; 9 opalenie, Tczew district; 10 Malbork-Wielbark, Malbork district (two speci-mens); 11 Bystrzec, Kwidzyń district; 12 rządz (Grudziądz-rządz), site 1 (two specimens), Grudziądz district; 13 Podwi-esk, site 2 (six specimens), Chełmno district; 14 Chełmno, site 1 (six specimens), Chełmno district; 15 Nowe Dobra, site 20, Chełmno district; 16 Papowo Toruńskie, Toruń district; 17 Stupsk, site 3 (two specimens), Mława district; 18 Klesze-wo, site 1, Pułtusk district; 19 Kamieńczyk, site 1 (ive specimens), Wyszków district; 20 Krupice, Siemiatycze district; 21 Warszawa-Wilanów, site XV (four specimens), Warszawa district; 22 Całowanie, site XXVI, otwock district; 23 oblin, site 5, Garwolin district; 24 Biejków, site 9 (two specimens), Białobrzeg district; 25 Brzóza, Kozienice district; 26 Błonie, Sandomierz district; 27 Tyczyn, Sieradz district; 28 Charłupia Mała, Sieradz district; 29 Wymysłowo, Gostynin district; 30 Kotowice, Trzebnica district; 31 Nosocice, Głogów district; 32 Siedlec, Bochnia district.

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some of them belong already to A3 phase. Their chro-nology is based on co-inds of brooches, military equipment and ceramics (Wielowiejski 1985, p.253ff; 1986, p.65ff; Dąbrowska 1988, p.210; 2003, p.154; Boguwolski, Kurzyńska 2001, Fig. 51; Machajewski 2006, p.86ff). The period of time in which these ves-sels were in use was sometimes probably longer than stated. This is suggested by the inds from sepulchres in Zgliczyn-Pobodzy, Żuromin district, and Golice, Słubice district, which are dated to the roman Period (Wielowiejski 1985, p.255, 1986; Dąbrowska 1988, p.210).

There is a prevailing opinion that situlas of E18-20 type are of east-Alpine or north-Italian origin (Dąbrowska 1988, p.211; Wielowiejski 1985, p.235; 1986, p.61ff; 1991, p.152, there earlier literature; Karasová 1998, p.12ff; Keiling 2010, p.109). This hypothesis is based mainly on chrono- and chorological analyses (Wielow-iejski 1991, p.155; Keiling 2010, p.111). However, we should bear in mind that the spread of the metal vessel inds is mostly attributable to the character of the sites at which they were found, namely necropolises. People

gave brass vessels in their burial grounds as funeral offerings, a practice that was not observed in ‘Roman’ society (Wielowiejski 1991, pp.152, 154). It cannot be ruled out then that the areas where bronze situlas were found are not the ones where the workshops in which they were manufactured were located. As there is no proof that E18-20 situlas were produced in Capuanian workshops (Wielowiejski 1986, p.62; 1987, p.33; 1991, p.154), hypotheses that suggest this origin for them are doubtful (Machajewski 2006, p.88; 2007, p.39). The high level of craftsmanship of the metal vessels pro-duced in Capua in the second and the irst centuries BC is conirmed by written records. However, a ind of a vessel with a Celtic name stamped on it may be proof that similar workshops existed in northern Italy and the roman provinces (Dohme 2002, p.87). As long as an identiication of the precise location of these vessels’ production site remains an open question, they surely came out of Roman workshops, and reached barbari-cum probably from the south, possibly with members

Map 3. The distribution of e18-20 type metal buckets and specimens of undetermined type on Polish territory (according to Wielowiejski 1985, with addendum).1 Starzyno, Puck district; 2 Sławno, Sławno district; 3 rokosowo, Świdwiń district; 4 Troszyn, Kamień Pomorski district; 5 Barnisław, Police district; 6 Golice, Słubice district; 7 opalenie, Tczew district; 8 rządz (Grudziądz-rządz), Grudziądz district; 9 Małe Czyste, Chełmno district; 10 Słupy, Nakło nad Notecią district; 11 Zgliczyn-Pobodzy, Żuromin district; 12 Niechmirów-Mała Wieś, Sieradz district; 13 Kościelna Wieś, Pleszew district; 14 Brzyków, Trzebnica district; 15 Piotrków Borowski, Strzelin district; 16 Stawiany, Pińczów district.

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In te r reg iona l and Mul t id i rec-t iona l Contac ts o f Loca l E l i tes : a Case o f Scabbards w i th Crossbars Decora ted w i th Three or More S- f igures in Nor thern Po land

Map 4. The distribution of Celtic cauldrons and roman e18 situlas in europe (after Bochnak 2011).

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of La Tène culture.11 As for situlas found on Polish ter-ritory, the type E 18-20 one appeared most likely via routes along the oder and Vistula.

As has already been mentioned, thanks to the notes found in Józef Kostrzewski’s papers, the grave at Ciepłe should be included in the group of graves con-taining swords with sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-igures. There was a small cauldron with an iron rim in the grave goods found there (Fig. 2B) (Kostrze-wski 1919, pp.104, 212, 336, 337, Fig. 98). Vessels of this kind are thought to be either of Raetia or Noricum origin, or to come from a broadly deined oppidum area. The distribution of these vessels shows that the latter hypothesis is more plausible. Cauldrons can be found in areas occupied by La Tène culture in France through Switzerland, southern Germany and up to the Czech valley (Déchelette 1927, pp.927, 928; Hawkes 1951, p.177ff; Jacobi 1974, p.148; Hachmann 1990, p.652, Fig. 24; Poux 2004). Classiied as imports, they are found north of the oppidum area, in the basins of the Elbe, the Oder and the Vistula, and also in the Bal-tic Sea basin, on Bornholm, Jutland and the Scandina-vian peninsula, as well as on Gotland (Map 4) (eggers 1951, pp.159, 160; Karte, 10; Keiling 1986, pp.22, 24, 25, Fig. 10; 1989, p.207, Fig. 7; Tromnau 1975, p.89ff; Thieme 1976/77, p.71, Fig. 1; Bjørnvad 1989). Be-cause of the various burial traditions, cauldrons can be found on Celtic territory mostly in settlements and of-fering sites, whereas outside the La Tène culture area, most specimens are found in graves (Wegewitz 1986). There are many grounds for believing that cauldrons reached the non-Celtic areas not only from the south, but also from a western direction (this remark applies mostly to the inds found in the Lower elbe area and in the Baltic Sea basin) (Bochnak 2010, p.395ff, Figs. 1; 2; Bochnak 2011). There is a good probability that some types of cauldron that are known from Oksywie culture territory reached Pomerania from the west, via people inhabiting the area around the mouth of the elbe (Bochnak 2011).

Chainmai l

Chainmail from the opalenie grave (Fig. 6.4) is the only ind of this kind in Poland, and one of the few that have been found outside Celtic and Dacian territories. Most chainmail inds from non-Celtic regions are con-centrated near the Baltic Sea basin (Map 5). The oldest specimens, dated to the fourth century BC, are known from Hjortspring on Als island (Denmark). Among the

11 Fragments of vessels E18-19 are known from older layers from the oppidum in Stradonice and Staré Hradisko (Čižmářová 1996, pp.118, 122, Fig. 2.4; Karasová 1998, pp.9, 11-12).

younger ones, we may include inds from Putensen, Kr. Harburg, Holdorf, Lkr. Nordwestmecklenburg (Germany), grave 1993/20 (Voß 1998, p.47), and the above-mentioned specimen from Opalenie; they have been dated to the period of declining Celtic domination. The early roman Period is represented by inds from Hedegård, Amt randers (Denmark), Öremölla (Swe-den) and Sörup, Kr. Schleswig-Flensburg (Germany) (Hansen 2003, pp.63-65, 68, 69, 78). The geographi-cal distribution of chainmail near the Baltic Sea may point to Western europe as their place of origin. older specimens probably came from La Tène culture areas, younger ones from the Roman provinces, although the inlow of the latter may be connected with the military activities of roman armies along the North Sea coast.

Helmet

Two other categories of imports come from Przeworsk culture alone, from Siemiechów, grave 25. They will be presented briely, in order to give a full view of the imported items found alongside swords and sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-igures. The only hel-met found on Polish territory comes from the grave mentioned in Siemiechów (Fig. 7B.3). There is a vast literature about the specimen, which was irst classiied as a roman import (Jażdżewska 1983; 1986; 1986a), and later as a helmet of an east Celtic type (Jażdżewska 1988; 1992; 1994; 1994a; Kaczanowski 1992a, p.172, 1992b, p.53).

Similar specimens were found in Slovenia, and there was also one more found in the Black Sea region. Some new inds of helmets in the La Tène style come from the recently discovered cemetery at Mutin on the River Seym in Ukraine (Terpilovskii 2010, p.145). The con-centration of theses inds on Slovenian territory cannot be treated as evidence of local production, but rather as a manifestation of local traditions, according to which helmets were a part of funeral equipment, and more often than in other regions. This tradition was already observed in the Hallstatt Period, and it endured until the roman Period. That is why it seems fair to exclude the western provenance of three-section helmets, for in western Celtic areas other types of construction were used for head protection at the time.

Knives

Grave 25 at Siemiechów contained two more im-ported items, namely knives with the grip ending in a loop (Fig. 8.8-9). These were quite popular tools in Celtic culture, although rather rarely found in invento-ries of latinised cultures’ graves. The fact that knives

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Fig. 7. A: 1a-1d Lachmirowice site 5, sword from grave 1. B. Siemiechów, grave 25: 1 fragment of an S-igure ornament; 2 sword inside a scabbard; 3 helmet. A no scale; B scale 1:4. Figure omitted the presence of local ceramic vessels (after Jażdżewska 1988; 1997).

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Fig. 8. Siemiechów site 2, grave 25: 1 spearhead; 2 handle of a bucket; 3 a piece of the arch of a bucket; 4 a long strip itting of a vessel; 5 shield-boss; 6 a piece of a long strip itting; 7 a piece of a knife; 8, 9 knives with rounded hilts; 10 a piece of a ibula; 11 iron itting. 1-9 scale 1:4, 10, 11 scale 1:2. Figure omitted the presence of local ceramic vessels (after Jażdżewska 1988; 1997).

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of this kind were not too popular on non-Celtic ter-ritories makes us think that they were imported. Pro-ducing such items does not require much skill. Still, they were not often found in inventories of Przeworsk culture graves; only one such item has been found on Pomeranian territory. Knives usually appear in graves together with other pieces of the inventory, an obser-vation that makes us think that they did not have any special status. We can assume that there was no great demand for them. A few specimens known from Polish territory were not the products of local workshops, but came from Celtic territories together with their own-ers. They were probably treated not as merchandise goods, but as part of the personal equipment of Celtic newcomers, and through personal relations they came into the possession of local people (Bochnak 2007). In our opinion, the extent of the penetration of people of La Tène culture on Polish territory is relected in the distribution of knives with handles ending in a loop.

Conc lus ions

The range of imports that were found along with swords in sheaths with crossbars decorated with S-igures is very diversiied. A comparison of the distribution of each category of artefacts provides us with knowledge not only about the routes by which they reached Polish territory, but also about their status. A type A18 ver-sion ‘Wederath’ brooch (according to Völling’s clas-

siication) found in Pruszcz Gdański, site 7, grave 355, has its closest analogous counterparts in the rhineland. If we treat bowl-type and type E brooches as imports, then they probably came to Polish territory from the south. Without doubt, a roman situla found in opal-enie is also a southern import. The distribution of iron rim cauldrons tells us that at least some of these ves-sels came to Pomerania from the west with inhabitants of the Lower elbe basin area. early chainmail might also have come from the west. A Celtic helmet from Siemiechów has analogous counterparts in Slovenian inds, and probably comes from the south of europe. Knives with a grip ending in a loop also came from the south. The character of these tools and the circum-stances in which they were found make us believe that they were not goods brought from the oppidum area to sell. They may be seen as the personal belongings of Celts, which were later ‘passed on’ to local inhabitants who came to the Vistula basin.

What about the origin of swords in scabbards with crossbars ornamented with three or more S-igures? We cannot say clearly what their provenance was. Analogies found in the western part of the Celtic area (Hoppstädten-Weiersbach, grave 23, a semi-inished product from Bibracte) suggest that they came from this very region, but inds from the oppidum in Stra-donice show that we cannot entirely exclude the south-ern provenance of the scabbards mentioned. We should pay attention to the large disproportion of the number

Map 5. The distribution of inds of chainmail in europe from the ifth century BC to the irst century AD (after Hansen 2003, with addendum).

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of scabbards mentioned that were found on Przeworsk and oksywie culture territories. The disproportion may suggest that the inhabitants of southern Poland did not play a very important role in the distribution of the artefacts discussed. The visible concentration of these inds in northern Poland somehow resembles the spread of Jezerine-type brooches (they came from the south) which are usually considered to have come as a consequence of long-range, direct trade connections (Nowakowski 1996, p.220ff, Fig. 1; Żórawska 2001; Dąbrowska 2003, p.155). In graves that contained swords in scabbards, we ind Celtic as well as roman imports (the latter in a minority, which points to the dynamics of contacts through which imports came to Polish territory in the irst century BC). It is worth men-tioning that imports of southern origin (knives with a loop, a helmet) have been found on Przeworsk culture territory, while the northern part of Poland is dominat-ed by objects with analogous counterparts found in the western part of Celtic territories. The diversiied origin of the imports shows that people from Oksywie culture maintained long-distance contact with various cultural areas, and that higher social classes had access to luxu-rious goods, regardless of their provenance.

What was the nature of these contacts? An inlow of imports is usually explained by military (looting) or political activities (the exchange of gifts), trade or so-cial relations (marriage). It is dificult to imagine that establishing political relations with the tribes that in-habited territories beyond their direct area of interest would have been the purpose of the Celts or the Ro-mans. When it comes to marriage, patrilocality12 was probably a social practice between members of the above-mentioned tribes. This rules out the possible explanation of the inlow of highly ‘masculine’ items (such as military items), particularly from the distant territories inluenced by La Tène culture, as a result of intercultural marriages. The kinds of relations through which imports reached Polish territory could have been of a political nature, but these, in the light of the lack of interest mentioned on the part of the Celts and the romans, seem to have been highly improbable. We have come to the conclusion that the inlow of foreign objects was probably the result of established trade contacts, whereby the inhabitants of the Lower Vis-tula region must have had at their disposal some kind of equivalent in exchange for precious foreign goods. Did swords in scabbards with crossbars decorated with S-igures and other imports appear in the territories mentioned in exchange for amber? This hypothesis is the most probable one, although we must bear in mind that, with the methodological tools that are currently

12 There is little information about it, and it applies mainly to Germanic tribes (Tacitus, Germania § XVIII).

at our disposal, we are not able to determine, for ex-ample, the status of given goods, or the role they could have played in exchange. This remark is true in the case of ‘the inest of salted hog-meat, which was brought down from the Sequania territories and shipped to Rome’ (Strabo, Geography, IV. 3, 2). A comparison of some other details in Geography that deal with the exchange of goods with Britannia (Geography, IV. 5, 2-3) or Noricum (Geography, IV. 6, 9) with data ac-quired during excavations undisputedly shows laws in current archaeological methods. It is worth mentioning that, according to ethnologists, about 90% of the goods traded in the Amazon region in South America do not leave any material trace (olausson 1988, p.22). re-gardless of the kind of exchange goods which were at the disposal of the elites inhabiting the region around the mouth of the Vistula, the goods were highly valued by contractors from the south and the west, from both the Celtic circle as well as from rome.

Acknowledgements

Special thanks to Małgorzata Tuszyńska (Muzeum Archeologiczne, Gdańsk), Gilles Hamm (UMr 5594, Glux-en-Glenne), Lionel Pernet (Musée archéologique Lattara, Lattes), and to Gilles Pierrevelcin (UMr 7044, Université de Strasbourg research associate) for allowing us to access the text of his dissertation; Mag-dalena Mączyńska (University of Lodz) and Mirosław Pietrzak (Muzeum Archeologiczne, Gdańsk) for their help and information about unpublished materials; and Pavel Sankot (Národni Muzeum, Prague) for his help and information about inds from Stradonice. We would like to kindly thank Małgorzata Antecka and Marta Kapelak for their helpful hints about the transla-tion, and Katarzyna Bujarska for her valuable support.

Abbrev ia t ion

WA – Wiadomości Archeologiczne (Warsaw, since 1873)

Cata logue

Oksywie culture

1. Ciepłe (Warmhof Abbau), Tczew district, Pomerania voivodeship.

Grave: urn grave (Fig. 2B.1).

a. Scabbard with a crossbar in the upper part decorated with three S-igures (?). The sheath also has a straight mouth-locket reinforced with a proiled slat.

b. Double-edged sword with a straight guard.

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c. Cauldron with iron rim type e4: height 15 centi-metres; rim diameter 29 centimetres; diameter of the handle 7.3 centimetres.

other equipment: ibula type L (according to Kostrze-wski’s classiication), chape and ittings of single-edged sword, spearhead, six rivets of a shield-boss.

Chronology: Late A2 to Early A3 phase.

Comment: the site was not numbered by researchers.

Literature: Kostrzewski 1919, pp.262, 366; eggers 1951, p.104, Map 10; Łęga 1958, pp.13, 68, Fig. 4, Map II; Wielowiejski 1985, p.167; Dąbrowska 1988, p.140; Czarnecka 2007a, p.53; Bochnak 2009, pp.11, 13.

2. Gdańsk-Nowolipki (Dreilinden), Gdańsk district, Pomerania voivodeship.

Grave: urn grave (Fig. 2C.1-6e).

a. Scabbard with a crossbar in the upper part decorated with three S-igures. The sheath also has a campanulate mouth-locket, and a short suspension loop with sym-metrical plates.

b. Double-edged sword with campanulate guard.

other equipment: fragments of unknown ibula, dou-ble-edged sword, two spearheads, shield-boss, six riv-ets of a shield-boss, ceramic vessel.



Literature: Kostrzewski 1919, p.332; Bochnak 2009, p.9, Fig. 6.5a-5c.

3. opalenie (Münsterwalde), Tczew district, Pomera-nia voivodeship.

Grave: urn grave (Fig. 4.1a-4d; 6.1a-7).

a. Scabbard with one crossbar in the upper part decorat-ed with three S-igures. In the lower part of the sheath there is a decoration of two S-igures (a crossbar?). The sheath also has a straight mouth-locket reinforced with a proiled slat, a short suspension loop with symmetri-cal plates, and a pointed chape with a pair of ‘barbs’.


c. Fragments of chainmail: cross-section of the loops 0.7 centimetres.

d. Bronze situla type e20: height 30.5 centimetres; rim diameter 23.2 centimetres; bottom diameter 17 centi-metres.

e. Fibula type e (after Kostrzewski’s classiication).

other equipment: spearhead, shield-boss.

Chronology: Late A2.


Literature: Kostrzewski 1919, pp.208-211, 258, 280; eggers 1951, p.61, Map 15; Łęga 1958, pp.2, 67, Map II; Dąbrowska 1988, pp.208, 209, Map 25; Bokiniec 2008, p.34.

4. Pruszcz Gdański (Praust), Gdańsk district, Pomera-nia voivodeship, site 7.

Grave 355: urn grave.

a. Scabbard with a crossbar in the upper part decorated with at least four S-igures. The sheath also has a cam-panulate mouth-locket, a short suspension loop with symmetrical plates, and a pointed chape with a pair of ‘barbs’.

b. Double-edged sword with campanulate guard.

c. Fragment of iron ibula A18a version ‘Wederath’ (according to Völling’s classiication).

other equipment: fragments of an unknown iron ibu-la, iron belt-hook type 49 (according to Kostrzewski’s classiication), three iron loops, spearhead, spearshoe, shield-boss, two iron rivets.

Chronology: A3 phase.

Literature: unpublished material belonging to the Ar-chaeological Museum in Gdańsk.


Grave 374: urn grave.

a. Scabbard with a crossbar in the upper part decorat-ed with three S-igures. The sheath also has a straight mouth-locket, a short suspension loop with symmetri-cal plates, and a pointed chape with a pair of ‘barbs’.


other equipment: iron ibula type L (according to Kostrzewski’s classiication), spearhead, spearshoe, shield-boss, bronze loop, molten bronze loop.


Literature: unpublished material belonging to the Ar-chaeological Museum in Gdańsk.


Grave 137: urn grave (Fig. 3.1a-11).

a. Scabbard with a crossbar in the upper part decorated with at least four S-igures. The sheath also has a cam-panulate mouth-locket, a short suspension loop with

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symmetrical plates, and a pointed chape with a pair of ‘barbs’.

b. Double-edged sword with a campanulate guard.

c. Iron bowl-like ibula: length 6.7 centimetres.

other equipment: iron belt-hook type 48 (according to Kostrzewski’s classiication), three iron loops, spear-head, spearshoe, fragments of a razor (?), two ceramic vessels.


Literature: Pietrzak 1997, p.27, Fig. XLIX.137; Łuczkiewicz 2006, pp.60, 61, 345, Fig. 16: 2.

7. Żukczyn (Suckschin), Gdańsk district, Pomerania voivodeship.

Grave 1: (Fig. 1A.1a-1d).

a. Scabbard with a crossbar in the upper part decorat-ed with three S-igures. The sheath also has a straight mouth-locket reinforced with a proiled slat.


other equipment: shield boss, knife, bronze loop.



Literature: Kostrzewski 1919, pp.336, 366; Bochnak 2009, p.11, Fig. 9a.

Przeworsk culture

8. Lachmirowice, Inowrocław district, Kujawy-Pomer-ania voivodeship, site 5.

Grave 1 (Fig. 7A.1a-1d).

a. Scabbard with two crossbars in the upper part of sheath: the irst one was decorated with three S-igures; the second was decorated with four S-igures. The sheath also has a straight mouth-locket reinforced with a proiled slat, a short suspension loop with symmetri-cal plates, and a pointed chape with a pair of ‘barbs’.


other equipment: two spearheads, shield-boss, knife.

Chronology: A2/A3 to A3 phase.

Literature: Kostrzewski 1919, pp.92, 97, 98, 128, 342, 368, Fig. 80; Zielonka 1970, p.213; Bochnak 2005, pp.40, 48; 2009, p.14ff.

9. Siemiechów, Łask district, Lodz voivodeship, site 2.

Grave 25: urn grave (Fig. 7B.1-3; 8.1-11).

a. Scabbard with a crossbar with multiple S-igures (?). The sheath also has a straight mouth-locket, a short suspension loop with symmetrical plates, and a pointed chape with a pair of ‘barbs’.


c. Iron Celtic helmet: height 13.5 centimetres; diameter 30.7 by 23.5 centimetres.

other equipment: fragment of ibula type M (according to Kostrzewski’s classiication), iron buckle (?), spear-head, shield-boss, two knives with a grip ending with a loop, a fragment of a knife, ittings of a wooden bucket (?), ceramics.

Chronology: A3 phase.

Literature: Jażdżewska 1994, pp.108, 109; Figs. 7; 8.

received: 28 January 2012; revised: 9 March 2012; Accepted: 17 october 2012.

Tomasz Bochnak Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytet Rzeszowski Rzeszów 35-016 Poland e-mail: [email protected]

Przemysław Harasim Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytet Rzeszowski Rzeszów 35-016 Poland e-mail: [email protected]

TARPREGIONIAI IR ĮVAIrIAKrYPČIAI VIeTINIo ELITO KONTAKTAI : MAKŠČIŲ APKALAI , DEKORUOTI TRIMIS AR DAUGIAU HORIZONTALIAI IŠDĖSTYTŲ FIGŪrŲ, ŠIAUrĖS LeNKIJoJe


Sant rauka

Importuoti dirbiniai, randami kartu su kalavijais, kurių makščių apkalai dekoruoti S simboliu, paskiruose re-gionuose paplitę labai nevienodai (1–8 pav.; 1–5 žem.). Tai leidžia ne tik atsekti kelius, kuriais jie pateko į da-bartinės Lenkijos teritoriją, bet ir nuspėti jų reikšmę. A.18a tipo „Wederath“ varianto segė (pagal Völlingo

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klasiikaciją), rasta Pruszcz Gdański 7, kape 355, yra analogiška segėms, rastoms reino žemėje. Jei dubens tipo (bowl-type) segės ir e tipo segės gali būti traktuo-jamos kaip importas, tai jos čia buvo atgabentos iš pi-etų. romėniška situla iš opalenie neabejotinai taip pat yra pietinis importas. Katilų išraiškingais geležiniais pakraščiais paplitimas rodo, kad dalį jų į Pamarį su sa-vimi atsigabeno atvykėliai iš žemutinės elbės regiono. Ankstyvieji šarviniai marškiniai taip pat importuoti iš vakarų. Keltiškas šalmas iš Siemiechów turi analogijų Slovėnijoje ir į šiuos kraštus tikriausiai pateko iš pieti-nės europos dalies. Taip pat iš pietų importuoti peiliai su rankenomis žiediniu galu. Šių dirbinių pobūdis ir jų radimo aplinkybės leidžia manyti, kad tai ne iš oppidų paplitimo arealo atgabenti prekybos objektai, o keltų asmeniniai daiktai, kurie atsidūrė pas naujus savinin-kus, kurie nukeliavo iki Vyslos. Ką galima pasakyti apie kalavijus, kurių makštys dekoruotos horizontaliai išdėstytais trimis ar daugiau S simboliais? Jų kilmė dar nėra visiškai aiški. Analogijų rasta vakariniame keltų areale (Hoppstädten-Weiersbach, kapas 23), ne-užbaigta gaminti makštis iš Bibracte leidžia manyti, kad tokios makštys galėjo būti gaminamos būtent čia, tačiau neatmestina ir jų kilmė iš pietų, ką rodo Strado-nice oppidos radiniai.

Aptariamųjų kalavijų makščių retumas Przeworsko ir oksywo kultūrų areale leidžia manyti, kad pietinės Lenkijos gyventojai menkai teprisidėjo prie jų platini-mo. Tuo tarpu aiški jų koncentracija Lenkijos šiaurėje sutampa su Jezerine tipo segėmis (tarp kitko, jos im-portuotos iš pietų), kurios į Lenkijos teritoriją pateko tolimosios prekybos ryšiais. Kapuose, kuriuose randa-ma kalavijų su aptariamomis makštimis, taip pat aptin-kama tiek keltiškų, tiek romėniškų importuotų dirbinių (pastarųjų nėra gausu), kurie atskleidžia kontaktų di-namiką I amžiuje. Įdomu tai, kad pietinės kilmės radi-nių (peiliai su rankenomis žiediniu galu, šalmas) rasta Przeworsko kultūros areale, tuo tarpu šiaurinėje Len-kijoje rastų importuotų dirbinių analogijų žinoma va-karinėse keltų žemėse. Importuoti dirbiniai, atgabenti iš skirtingų regionų, patvirtina oksywo kultūros žmo-nių ryšius su tolimaisiais kraštais ir aukštesnę socialinę padėtį užimančių asmenų galimybes įsigyti prabangių daiktų iš įvairių kraštų.

Kokia šių ryšių prigimtis? Importo pasirodymas pa-prastai siejamas su kariniais (grobis) arba politiniais veiksmais (apsikeitimas dovanomis), prekyba ar socia-liniais ryšiais (vedybos). Mažai tikėtina, kad įsivyravę politiniai ryšiai su toliau gyvenančiais ir į interesų sferą nepatenkančiais genčių vadais buvo inicijuoti keltų ar romėnų. Veikiausiai egzistavo patrimoniniai vedybi-niai ryšiai. Tai paneigia teoriją, kad vyriški importuoti dirbiniai (karybos atributai), įvairiuose regionuose pa-

plitę La Teno kultūros žmonių dėka, yra vedybinių san-tykių rezultatas. Importuoti dirbiniai Lenkiją tikriausiai pasiekė dėl politinių interesų, nors atsižvelgiant į tai, kad šiuo kraštu pernelyg nesidomėjo nei keltai, nei ro-mėnai, ši mintis vargu ar skambės įtikinamai. Mano-me, kad labiau tikėtina yra nusistovėjusių prekybinių ryšių versija, nes žemutinės Vyslos regiono gyventojai savo erdvėje buvo suformavę tam tikrą prekybos pra-bangiais importiniais daiktais ekvivalentą. Ar kalavijai su makštimis, puoštomis S simboliais, ir kiti impor-tuoti daiktai galėjo būti įsigyti mainais už gintarą? Ši hipotezė yra labai tikėtina, tačiau reikia turėti omenyje faktą, kad metodologiniu požiūriu neįmanoma nusta-tyti prekybos objektų vertės ar jų svarbos mainų siste-moje, nes jų gal paprasčiausiai neišliko, pvz., Strabono „Geograijoje“ aprašoma laivais į romą gabenama sū-dyta mėsa. remiantis etnologiniais duomenimis, apie 90 % prekybos objektų Amazonėje nepaliko jokių ma-terialių pėdsakų. Vis dėlto galima manyti, kad Vyslos žemupyje gyvenę elito atstovai prekiavo gėrybėmis, kurios turėjo paklausą ir buvo vertinamos tiek keltų, tiek romėnų pasauliuose.

Vertė Agnė Čivilytė

a case of scabbards with crossbars decorated with three or more s-figures in northern poland...

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