16236579 ma pa cog afectivo
TRANSCRIPT
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Affective dimension in cognitive maps of Barcelonaand Sao Paulo
Zulmira Aurea Cruz Bomfim
Universidade Federal do Ceara, Brazil
Enric Pol Urrutia
Universitat de Barcelona, Spain
This paper analyses the relationship between city and affection as revealed through an investigation into thefeelings and emotions of a sample of inhabitants of Barcelona and Sao Paulo towards their cities. A study ofaffection in the context of a city has its origin in the assumption that it is possible to develop an ethical-affective
rationality in the creation of spaces of both public and private interest, a dimension that can serve to optimize the
action of the inhabitants of a city. The theoretical/methodological approach adopted was essentially
interdisciplinary, with a basis in social psychology, as can be seen in the data-gathering instrument. In order
to assess the citys affective dimension, individual interviews were carried out and a questionnaire was applied to
individuals in groups. In the latter subjects were asked to make a drawing representing their city and to answersome questions regarding this pictorial representation. The sample consisted of 200 subjects, half of whom were
from Barcelona and half from Sao Paulo. Most were in the age range 1835, undergraduate or graduate students,
with females and residents of the metropolitan areas of the two cities studied being in the majority. The
qualitative data were classified according to their meaning and content, using the categories that had been
established in the pilot study, namely contrasts, insecurity, pleasantness, and belonging. A statistical analysis was
then performed on the resulting categories. After being categorized, catalogued, and qualified by metaphors, the
responses gave the following images: city of contrast, city of attraction, city of destruction, city of surprises, city
of movement, and pleasant city. These images show feelings and emotions about Barcelona and Sao Paulo that
act as representations. This presents the need to revise the affective dimension in the meaning structure of
cognitive maps as proposed by Lynch. As a result, the new category of affective maps is therefore proposed, as
being the category that expresses affective meanings and serves as an indication of the level of esteem for the city,
two aspects that act as reference points for the involvement and participation of a citys inhabitants.
Ce travail analyse la relation entre la ville et laffectivite dans le cadre dune recherche sur les sentiments et lesemotions quun echantillon de citoyens de Barcelone et de Sao Paulo ressentent envers leur ville. Etudierlaffectivite dans le contexte de la ville part de la supposition quun possible developpement dune rationalite
ethique-affective est capable de produire des espaces dinteret public et prive, dimension qui peut optimiser
laction des habitants de la ville. Le point de vue theorique/methodologique adopte a ete essentiellement
interdisciplinaire mais de base psychosociale, comme le montre linstrument de recueil des renseignements. La
dimension affective de la ville a ete evaluee par des entretiens individuels et par un questionnaire administre en
groupes. Lors de ladministration du questionnaire, on a demande aux participants deffectuer un dessin
representant leur ville et de repondre a quelques questions sur le dessin quils venaient de faire. Lechantillon
comprend 200 participants, de Barcelone et de Sao Paulo a egalite. La plupart etaient ages entre 18 et 35 ans,
etaient des etudiants universitaires de premier cycle ou ayant gradue, avec une plus forte presence de femmes et
dhabitants des banlieues metropolitaines des villes etudiees. Les renseignements qualitatifs ont ete classes selon
leurs signification et contenu, en suivant les categories qui avaient ete etablies lors de letude pilote. Ces categoriessont les suivantes: contrastes, insecurite, attrait et appartenance. Une analyse statistique fut realisee aupres des
categories resultantes. Apres les avoir categorisees, cataloguees et qualifiees par des metaphores, les reponses ont
fourni les images suivantes: ville de contraste, ville dattraction, ville de destruction, ville de surprises, ville de
mouvements et ville belle. Ces images montrent des sentiments et des emotions sur Barcelone et Sao Paulo qui
agissent comme des representations. Ceci nous renvoi au besoin dune revision de la dimension affective dans la
structure de signification des cartes mentales proposees par Lynch. Consequemment, la nouvelle categorie
de cartes affectives est proposee comme etant celle qui articule les significations affectives et permet une approche
# 2005 International Union of Psychological Science
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/00207594.html DOI: 10.1080/00207590444000122
Correspondence should be addressed to Zulmeira Aurea Cruz Bomfim, Universidade Federal do Ceara, Avenida da Univerdidade
2762, Campus do Benfica, , 60.020-180 Fortaleza-Ceara-Brazil (E-mail: [email protected]).).
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, 2005, 40 (1), 3750
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du degre destimation pour la ville, deux aspects qui jouent un role de reference dans limplication et la
participation des citoyens.
Este trabajo analiza la relacion entre ciudad y afectividad a partir de una investigacion sobre los sentimientosy emociones de una muestra de habitantes de Barcelona y Sao Paulo tienen hacia su ciudad. Estudiar laafectividad en el contexto de la ciudad parte del supuesto de que es posible el desarrollo de una racionalidad
etico-afectiva en la generacion de espacios de interes publico y privado, dimension que puede optimizar la accion
de los habitantes de la ciudad. El enfoque teorico/metodologico adoptado fue esencialmente interdisciplinario,pero de base psicosocial, como se refleja en el instrumento de recogida de datos. Para evaluar la dimension
afectiva de la ciudad, se realizaron entrevistas individuales y se aplico un cuestionario de autocumplimentacion en
situacion de grupos. Se les pidio a los sujetos que realizaran un dibujo representando su ciudad y respondieran
algunas preguntas sobre el dibujo que acababan de hacer. La muestra estuvo formada por 200 personas, mitad de
Barcelona y mitad de Sao Paulo, con edades comprendidas mayoritariamente entre 18 y 35 anos,
mayoritariamente estudiantes de licenciatura y postgrado, con mayor presencia de mujeres y de residentes en
las areas metropolitanas de las ciudades estudiadas. Los datos cualitativos fueron clasificados segun su
significado y contenido, siguiendo las categoras que se haban establecido en la prueba piloto. Estas categor as
son las siguientes: contrastes, inseguridad, agradabilidad y pertenencia. Posteriormente se aplico un analisis
estadstico a las categoras resultantes. Despues de haber categorizado, catalogado y calificado por metaforas, las
respuestas proporcionaron las siguientes imagenes: ciudad de contrastes, ciudad atractiva, ciudad destructiva,
ciudad de sorpresas, ciudad con movimiento y ciudad bella. Estas imagenes muestran sentimientos y emociones
sobre Barcelona y Sao Paulo que actuan como representaciones. Esto plantea la necesidad de una revision de la
dimension afectiva en la estructura de significado de los mapas cognitivos propuesto por Lynch. Como resultado,
se propone la categora de los mapas afectivos, como la que articula los significados afectivos y permite acercarse
al grado de estima por la ciudad, aspectos que juegan un papel referencial en la implicacion y participacion
ciudadana.
It is as difficult to assess the feelings and emotions
of subjects from an urban population as it is to
identify and name them individually. Perceptions,
emotions, and feelings, considered elements of an
internal language, can often be as intangible as
external expressions. The pathway from percep-
tion to verbalization is a complex process. That
pathway is reflected in the reality of day-to-day life
and is created over and over every day by the citys
inhabitants. Perceptions, emotions, and feelings
are expressions of the social structure, and it is a
considerable methodological challenge to
approach them within the framework of cognitive
processes alone. For this reason it was necessary to
devise a methodology that could facilitate the
process of reaching the intangible.
The drawing and discourse of the inhabitants ofBarcelona and Sao Paulo were taken as the
starting point for the attempt to evaluate feelings
and emotions associated with these cities. A
comparison was made between the two cities
considering their very different urban structures,
as viewed by the users, and some principles for
applying the feelings and emotion methodology
linked to the urban aspects were formulated.
The investigation follows a research pattern that
involves several interdisciplinary dimensions:
social psychology, environmental psychology,
sociology, geography, architecture, and urbanism.
However, the predominant dimension is a con-
fluence of social and environmental psychology
through investigation of the affective category.
Affect, as a category of social and environ-
mental psychology, is seen, in the present study, as
the synthesis of the interface between the indivi-
dual and the city. It is seen as integrating aspects
of knowledge, perception, and spatial orientation
in overcoming dichotomies such as subjectivity
and objectivity, at the same time as being part of
the reflection on the possibility of developing an
ethical-affective rationality in the city (Sawaia,
1995, p. 24), capable of generating relational
spaces for public and private needs.
Previous studies, carried out in two different
locations on the outskirts of Brasilia in Nova
Gama and Pedregal (in 1990), and in the city ofFortaleza (in 1997), focused on attempting to learn
about the social meaning of the dwellers in their
places of residence and their city, respectively
(Bomfim, 1990; Bomfim, Domcio, & Terceiro,
1997). The intention was to confront the collective
knowledge of the population about their urban
space and their daily lives with the urban policies
implemented by previous government administra-
tions. There is knowledge of daily life that must be
taken into consideration when setting up goals and
policies for urban planning. In practice, it has been
observed that the community knows what it needs
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in its everyday life in the city. What the inhabitants
really need is to be heard and be taken into
consideration.
The current study adds the affectionate aspect as
a significant aggregated factor in the perception
and knowledge of the city in the forms of
appropriation and organization of territory, using
it as a way of developing citizenship.
LEADING ASPECTS OF THE
INVESTIGATION: CITY, CITIZENSHIP,
TERRITORY, AFFECTION, AND
SYMBOLISM OF SPACE
The urban phenomenon, the territorial aspect and,
more specifically, the city are social constructions.
Citizenship is the quality of being a citizen directly
related to the territorial space where the individual
lives and builds his or her lifestyle. The worthinessof the individual depends on their location. It is
the status given to those who are full members of a
community where everybody is considered equal
regarding all rights and obligations that entitle
them to that status (Rivero, 2001).
Citizenship is therefore a key to democratic political
access where everyone is an equal member of society
with equal access to services in relation to the territory
and developed space used for living in the city. It is
well known, however, that the government machine
seldom manages the territory (city) adequately, to
enable people to ascertain individual rights and aneven distribution of goods and services. The city, on
the one hand, can be a territory where new levels of
consciousness can be raised, labour organized, and
political expedience instrumented to enable the
humanizing of a community. On the other hand, it
can also be a space to alienate and usurp rights, both
individually and collectively.
Santos (1998) calls for a reflection on the
concept of citizenship. In his opinion, the urban
phenomenon is associated with the rights of being
a citizen because it provides new levels of
consciousness, labour organization, and politicalexpedience. The organization of territory is
associated with the political transformation of
society. His idea of citizenship cannot be decided
beforehand because it is historical. As history
changes, its definition also changes. According to
the author, the current definition of citizenship is
dominated by the economy to the detriment of
cultural debates. According to him, today cultural
debates are left in the background so that they can
give way to economic power.
It is in that sense that, for Santos, the concept of
citizenship cannot be detached from the territorial
aspect. As he says, there are social inequalities that
are first of all territorial inequalities because they
derive from the place where each group gathers. Its
treatment cannot be foreign to the territorial
realities. The citizen is the individual in one place.
The republic will only become democratic when all
citizens are considered as equals, regardless of
where they may be (Santos, 1998).To comprehend cities is to know that urbaniza-
tion is intrinsic to the way of life, and vice-versa.
Lefebvre (2001) speaks of analogies about images
of social and city life. These images present
themselves as a relationship between social sym-
bolism and elements of space, reminding us that
the idea of social structures is sensitive to the
effects of spatial organization. They are strategi-
cally steered by the elite in power. In the language
of architects, there is a direct relation between
architectural creation and social life.
Lefebvre considers the need to investigate boththe way of life and the means of urbanization,
since in order to study the city, it is necessary to see
it as the projection of social relations onto the
ground, indicating a method that will not overlook
any aspect of society, lifestyles, history, economic
organization, and social and technical divisions.
The most powerful groups are the main agents
of urbanization. They are the ones who create the
models for consumption, housing, and entertain-
ment, and then transform them into reference
models for the population as a whole. The
adjustment between a lifestyle model and an
urbanization model may serve as a criterion for
measuring the evolution of kinds of lifestyles as
well as the evolution of urbanization.
Lefebvre (2001) shows that the lack of interest
of the population in urban matters is due to their
lack of participation in the decision-making
process on a larger scale. This distancing of the
individual from the urbanization process makes
him powerless before the changes in urban life,
thus making his supporting role increasingly
distant.
Seldom are any of the urban transformations
preceded by community discussions or by repre-
sentative groups. The participatory distancing of
the individual citizen in the urban transformations
brought about by public officials is even more
frequent in post-industrial cities, making the
emancipation process even more utopian.
It is a moot question whether citizenship always
depends on the power of the state or if it is also
considered a public good, ingrained in the com-
munity so that individuals will be able to build on
it, thus becoming agents in the process of
emancipation.
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Construction in a city with input from its
citizens undergoes a process of authentic self-
esteem based on peoples participation and pro-
motes a sense of identity and appropriation.
Citizenship is not an external process but a joint
participation among individuals, community, and
city administration.
The citizens participation in the planning andvisualization of any possible developmental impact
and action plans by the city allows for a sense and
a desire to do something to better the life of a
community regardless of any urban interventions,
with no particular relation to daily life. In order to
discuss this process a little better, it is necessary to
understand the symbolism of space and the
subtleties built into the city.
Social psychology and environmental psychol-
ogy have studied the relation between city and
symbolism of space. The city, while being a spatial
structure built for the community, reflects morethan just a physical structure, but also a dialogue
with the symbolic. The knowledge or the repre-
sentation that an individual has about their city is
in itself subjective and a collective fact, because it
is not only what exists concretely that gains
prominence in peoples minds but also what the
community reinforces.
Socially and historically based environmental
psychology studies the concept of urban social
identity with the understanding that it may come
from the sentiment of belonging to a concrete
place or places, along with the valued and
emotional meaning that bonds them together
(Valera & Pol, 1994).
Yi-Fu Tuam (1983) explains the identity of place
as that aspect of an individual that allows the
creation of a safety net and a bond to the space
created. The place is the home, the old house, the
old neighbourhood, the old city, or the country.
While the place is security, space is freedom.
According to the author, people bond to the
former and aim for the latter. Space is more
abstract than place. What starts as undefined
space turns into a place as knowledge of it
improves and it is assigned a certain value. The
concepts of space and place cannot be defined
without each other. If space is considered to be
something that allows movement, then place is
pause; each pause in movement makes it possible
for location to turn it into a place (Tuam, 1983,
p. 6).
The meaning of urban space has been men-
tioned in environmental psychology as an impor-
tant factor in understanding ones surroundings,
especially in the context of human value develop-
ment (Valera, 2002). The author highlights the
symbolic and affectionate elements as part of
the wealth of psychological, social, and cultural
meanings.
The affection aspect has been approached as an
important factor of meaning. However, few studies
have been developed in relation to the images the
population has about the city surroundings con-
cerning its affection, emotions, sentiments, or evenperhaps the possibility of considering affection as a
leading force in city space, in addition to perception
and representation.
In this study cognitive maps will be considered
as expressions of the symbolic in the interaction of
the individual and their environment. Maps
appear to be a method of movement and as a
way to make known the unknown, using cities, the
environment, communities, etc. The affection
dimension may be present in the cognitive map
of the city, so it will be discussed.
The development of cognitive maps is aprocedure through which people acquire, encode,
store, record, and decode information about places
and attributes of any phenomenon within the
urban space. It should be borne in mind that each
person has a mental map of the city, even if
fragmented, of streets, boulevards, or certain
neighbourhoods in relation to others. The method
of elaborating these maps is to externalize them so
that experiences are gathered from interviewees in
a way that can be observed. Afterwards, the maps
precision is analysed according to such parameters
as incompatibility with reality, level of structure,
and type of consensus amongst many individuals.
Milgram and Jodelet (1976) developed an
investigation that sought to clarify the relation
between social representations and the city, study-
ing the cities of Paris and New York through
cognitive mapping and drawings of mental maps.
Seen from different approaches, one study may
have different results. They consider the social and
cognitive dimensions to be fundamental in under-
standing the environment, in perfect tune with the
social psychology approach in which they see the
inseparable subjectobject relationship as a social
and psychological phenomenon.
For studying cities it is interesting to see social
representations as a portal into the world of
symbolism of the populations daily routine,
because it tells us how dwellers build their reality
based on their cultural reality.
However, not every mental map may be
considered a social representation because others
do not necessarily share the same map of a citys
significant points. Milgram and Jodelet (1976)
pointed to the conditions under which a mental
map can be considered a social representation:
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first, that all internal models represent more social
objects; second, that characteristics have to be
shared in maps of a significant number of people;
and third, there has to be a greater presence of
social meanings than geographical ones.
The theory of cognitive maps developed by
Lynch (1998) from the environmental psychology
perspective comes from the idea that urban spacecan be read. That is, there is a list of
recognizable symbols that determines whether a
city is more or less legible.
For Lynch, the main function of this legibility is
orientation. An easily legible environment raises
the depths and intensity for the potential of human
experience. Besides the function of orientation, the
environments image has a practical and emotional
importance. An efficient environmental image
gives the bearer a strong sense of emotional
security. Complete chaos with no harmony never
results in anything pleasant, but the element ofsurprise has a certain value in the environment.
The meaning given by the observer to an environ-
ments image is, for Lynch, one of the dimensions
that should be analysed in the urban space in the
city.
Lynchs theory discusses the images elements
(identity) and the spatial relationship of the object
and the observer with other objects (structures).
Each individual creates and takes his or her own
image, but there seem to be fundamental differ-
ences among members of the same group. There is
a group image or consensus among a considerable
number of individuals.
Valera (2002) approaches the importance of the
social representation theory in environmental
psychology as a way to bypass the cognitive
theory of cognitive maps. That is, an attempt by
environmental psychology to enlarge the space
representation theme over Lynchs (1998) and
Downs and Steas (1977) extreme reductionism
of cognitive maps. It is through cognitive maps
that social representations reach the urban envir-
onment analysis. It is in social representation that
analysis of urban surroundings considers the social
and cognitive aspects.
It could be clearly said that both theories benefit
from cognitive maps and social representations,
since each theory includes aspects that lead to a
greater understanding of the social and cognitive
phenomenon related to the environment.
Milgram and Jodelet (1976) emphasize the idea
of social content of cognitive maps, stating that the
city is an essential product of human social activity
whose symbols are represented in elements of
urban space both structurally and by image-
creation by their inhabitants.
Valera (2002) evaluated Lynchs theory, where
meaning is only an added-on value, and opted for
the development of cognitive aspects. He says that
spatial meaning was both implied and expressly
contemplated in Lynchs initial works, although in
a limited way. It is precisely the development of
aspects of image of a city made by their own
inhabitants that needs to be discussed, especiallyas a way of expressing feelings and emotions
regarding city space.
In theories about the cognitive method, the
distancing of the integrated affection aspect from
the cognitive aspect is notorious. The main
thinkers, Tolman (1948), Lynch (1998), and
Downs and Stea (1977), developed the idea that
these are mental representations of reality, pro-
ducts of the psychological and perceptive processes
that allow definition and determine a spatial set
that carries great importance in human action and
conduct.Perception and cognition are, therefore, the
psychic dimensions considered for the process
representing the space and human conduct orien-
tation regarding the urban space. The symbolic
and meaningful aspect is mentioned, although
only to a limited extent. Integration of the
affection aspect in conduct orientation in social
and spatial predispositions receives even less
mention.
Can affection, then, or the emotions and feelings
related to the city space be a form of evaluating a
community as indicative of their way of establish-
ing citizenship? Traditionally, duality is present in
modern sciences, in the understanding of their
subject, requiring a more global wisdom that takes
subjects in their entirety without having to
separate subject from object, body from mind,
individual from group, biological from cultural,
internal from external, etc.
Vygotsky (1991) understands the thought origi-
nating from motivation, i.e., desires, needs, and
emotions. He does not separate the intellect from
thought and emotion. These dimensions are
intertwined in the comprehension of the human
psyche. The basis of thought is motive.
Lane (1994) establishes emotional mediation in
the core of the human psyche and adds affection as
a new category, made up of long-lasting feelings.
Damasio (1998) sees emotions and feelings as
creators of central biological aspects, establishing
a bridge between the rational and nonrational
processes, between the cortex and the subcortex.
Nowadays one of the major challenges for social
and community psychology is the intervention that
splits the separation of mind and body, subjectiv-
ity and objectivity, reason and emotion, and at the
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same time enables integration between uniqueness
and the ordinary (Granjo, 1996).
It is the practice of emancipation that allows
social psychology to understand an intervention in
the community not only from the point of view of
social and material determinations, which lead to
oppression and social alienation, but also from
one that can reach sensitive dimensions of emo-tions and feelings in everyday life. In that sense,
emotions and feelings may be faced as ethical
processes of emancipation.
Sawaia (1999) suggests that the category of
affection is an emancipator of sentiment and
ethical and political action, supported by
Espinozas philosophy of happiness. The author
says that in order to overcome the schism between
individual and commonality, or the idea of
subjectivity associated with social noncommit-
ment, individuality, and superficial feelings
brought on by post-modern societies, these maybreak down, thus enhancing the intensity of the
growth of happiness and the individuals potential
to exist. That is why searching for passions is a
way to seek out mans real possibilities and his
own emancipation.
What experiences favour the creation of a
participatory lifestyle in the city that promotes a
formation of spaces with which to relate, using
affection as an integrating category? Could the city
be a focus of development in citizen-involved
constructions based on dialogues between indivi-
duality and commonality ingrained in everyday life?
One participatory experience developed by
Segovia City Council in Spain (Ayuntamiento de
Segovia, 1999) illustrates this possibility of having
emotions and feelings as an important instrument
of intervention in the city. This study involved 900
students of various ages and 25 teachers from 11
different schools who coordinated an investigation
called the Segovia Emotional Map action.
They tried to collect more immediate emotions,
such as smells, sounds, imagespleasant and
unpleasant sensationsfrom several city neigh-
bourhoods, through distinct and expressive tech-
niques (photos, drawings, poems, texts). The
experimental goal was for the children and
adolescents to reflect on their city and define
themselves within the city, so they could learn how
to become involved in a process of participation,
expressing their opinions and demanding a better
city for all (Ayuntamiento de Segovia, 1999).
Citizens participation in city planning goals as
an environment educational tool to find ways to
participate in the decision-making process was the
end result accomplished by this experiment. The
children and adolescents from Segovia met with
city officials to express their concerns and tell
officials what they liked and what they did not like
about the city and to request changes.
To plan, to rehabilitate, to educate for citizen-
ship, to develop abilities as citizens, is a proposal
that could be fully experienced in the city as a
conquered space. For Valente-Pereira (1991),
rehabilitating the urban space means a whole
new urban policy for the purpose of revamping the
citys image, to regain the citys worthiness, regain
its old respect and to bring it back to the old status
quo that no longer was (Valente-Pereira, 1991,
p. 28). According to this author, it is necessary to
differentiate intervention from rehabilitation. In
the latter, there is a concern with consequences in
social processes, concepts, and values that have
created todays city.
It is upon terms of concepts and urban values
that rehabilitation should depend. The search for
the good old concepts is related to the idea of
moving forward and not going back. It is
evolution based on learning about ones roots
and realizing what is still required for us to reach
for the new without eliminating the old and,
therefore, retaining esteem for the city and the
people who live there.
Micro-social and macro-social instances, dialo-
gues between the individual and the community,
need to be considered in a citizens intervention
proposal. The psychological and social dimensions
based on affection as a leading aspect should
involve many spheres of daily life that go from the
public level to the innermost individual spheres.
METHOD
Participants
The sample consisted of 200 subjects, half from
Barcelona and half from Sao Paulo, mostly aged
18 to 35, the majority being women and native
inhabitants of the citys metropolitan area. They
were born and live in the city itself or in itsmetropolitan area; some are newcomers. As to
their occupation, most are graduates and post-
graduate students; a few are employees earning a
single minimum wage and some are retired.
Measurement
The data were collected through a questionnaire,
applied individually in undergraduate and post-
graduate classes from the universities of Barcelona
and Sao Paulo. Some were applied individually,
directly to the subject, in the presence of the
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investigator. On one side of the questionnaire, the
subject was asked to make a drawing of the city;
on the other side, there were questions about the
drawing (such as: What does your drawing mean
to you? How do you feel about it? What words can
summarize your feelings? What do you think
about day-to-day life in the city?).
Procedure
The data collected were submitted both to a
qualitative assessment (based on an analysis of the
drawings structure, according to Lynchs theory)
and to an interpretative analysis of the feelings,
especially as expressed by the summary words. The
drawings were classified into Lynchs categories:
landmarks, districts, paths, nodes, and edges, with
the incorporation of an additional category: meta-
phorical drawings, representing ideas, moods ormind states, apart from a citys structures.
The data were also quantified in a 010, four-
dimensional scale of feelings and emotions about
the city: contrasts, insecurity, pleasantness, and
belonging. The aim of this plan of analysis was to
generate hypotheses about the influence of the city
in the affection people have for the cities in which
they live, without ignoring the possible interference
of other sociodemographic variables with affection.
The category ofcontrasts includes contradictory
feelings, emotions, and words with a positive/
negative polarization. Insecurity stands for refer-ences to what is unexpected, unstable, and some-
how negative. Pleasantness refers to positive
feelings and to connectivity. The belonging cate-
gory encompasses all the feelings, emotions, and
words of self-identification with ones place.
In accordance with Lynchs theory of cognitive
maps, the drawings were classified into the
following categories: landmarks, districts, paths,
nodes, and edges. A fourth category was detected
and named metaphors. Lynchs categories are
isomorphic with the urban space, varying from
large to small; metaphors refer to affective rather
than structural contents.
After following the above-mentioned steps, the
next stage was to analyse the images of Barcelona
and Sao Paulo, supported by the articulation of
responses from each individual, summarized in
affective maps, which include: drawing, signifi-
cance, quality, feeling, metaphor, and meaning. It
should be noted that, in the categories that relate
to drawings, only the classification between
metaphorical and isomorphic drawings (Lynch)
was considered. See the example in Table 1.
RESULTS: IMAGES OF BARCELONA
AND SAO PAULO
The images of the cities of Barcelona and Sao
Paulo acquired during the qualitative analysis
were: contrasts, attraction, destruction, surprise,
pleasantness, and movement. Table 2 shows these
images with the respective feelings they represent.
Note that Barcelona and Sao Paulo share a
common image: Both have been considered poles
of considerable attraction, and yet both haveconsiderable unpleasantness. Their common image
is usually associated with large cities, fostering
ambiguous feelings in their inhabitants: the
attractiveness of a large city (leisure) versus the
high cost of living there (unpleasantness).
TABLE 1
Summary of process of categorization geared towards preparation of affective map of the city
Identification Structure Significance Quality Feelings Metaphor Meaning
No. *Lynchs
cognitive map:drawing of
monuments,
paths, limits,
confluence and
neighbourhood
Respondents
explanation ofdrawing
Attributes of
the drawingand of the city,
indicated by
the respondent
Respondents
affective responseto the drawing
and to the city
Respondents
comparisonbetween the
city and
something
else, which
serves for
elaboration
of metaphors
Interpretation
given by theinvestigator to
the articulation
of meaning
between the
city metaphors
and other
dimensions
attributed by
respondent
(quality and
feelings)
SexAge
Schooling
City
Length of residence
(if not local)
*Metaphor:
drawing which
expresses, by
analogy, the
feelings or
state of mind
of the
respondent
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On the other hand, Barcelona and Sao Paulo were
associated with different images, these being,
respectively, the City of Attraction and the City of
Destruction. The image of attraction characterizes
Barcelona as an export model, especially for the
arts, culture, and urbanization. To a lesser degree,
Sao Paulo is also seen as the City of Attraction, due
to its job opportunities and cultural life. However, itis more strongly pictured as the City of Destruction,
with large numbers and amounts of buildings,
concrete, misery, and pollution, signs of decadence,
poverty, and extreme social differences. This nega-
tive image is not really associated with Barcelona.
Another significant image for Barcelona (17%) is
that of the Pleasant City. Answers referring to beauty,
colour, and pleasantness in this category reveal a strong
sense of belonging and childhood remembrances.
Another category for Barcelona (14%) and Sao
Paulo (8%) is that of the Surprising City,
continuously displaying a novelty that is perceived
positively or negatively by its inhabitants.
Next, the images of Barcelona and Sao Paulo
will be further detailed, with some of their
corresponding metaphors.
City of Contrasts
The attraction vs. hassle aspect of Barcelona is a
good example of a large, modern city with many
incentives and great cultural diversity, open to
people in general, facing typical urban problems,
so that it can be characterized by contrasting
qualities such as: noisy/quiet, polluted/healthy,
artificial/natural, colourful/grey, joyful/serious,
warm/dangerous. Its contrasting nature also
appears in the relation between attractiveness
and insecurity: On one hand, it is pleasant,
attractive, good-looking, and rich; on the other
hand, it has poverty, prostitution, pollution, and
stress. Its attractiveness (cultural variegation)
contrasts also with an intercultural isolation and
anonymity.
That contrasting image is illustrated by two
metaphors: the chewing gum and the red apple
with a rotten side. The chewing gum metaphor
shows that Barcelona is appealing to taste, but it
can also make one tired if one keeps chewing it all
day long. In the other metaphor, the half-rottenred apple is apparently beautiful and can be
nutritious, but it has damaged parts: poverty,
prostitution, pollution, stress, and lack of safety.
As it happens, Sao Paulos contrasts are
particularly social in nature. It is an attractive
city, but with a high cost. The attractions are
mostly related to cultural and artistic life and to
job opportunities.
The positive feelings of pleasure and pleasant-
ness and the joy of living there contrast with
TABLE 2Images of Barcelona (BCN) and Sao Paulo (SP), according to qualities and feelings of respondents from these cities
Images (order of importance) Quality of BCN and SP Feelings about BCN and SP
Contrasts Attraction/suffocation; noise/peace; clean/dirty;
pollution/nature; colourful/grey; rich/poor;
welcoming/mysterious
Cheerful/serious; happy/sad;
euphoria/depression;
acceptance/distancing; liberty/prison;
love/hate; coldness/warmth;
pleasure/displeasure; anxiety/hope
BCN (1st)
SP (1st)
Attraction Attractive; beautiful; cultural; diverse; opportunities;
leisure; interesting; pretty; varied; wealth; impressive;
multithemed; intercultural
Lovingness; happiness; love;
belonging; well-being; anger; affect;
absence; frustration; nostalgia;
admiration; solitude; pleasure;
emotional instability
BCN (2nd)
SP (3rd)
Destruction Massification; decadence; ecological imbalance;
artificiality; depreciation; ambiguity; individualism;
poverty; pollution; lack of space; suffocation;
isolation; anonymity; chaos; disorder; prostitution
Solitude; sadness; discouragement;
hate; conformity; despair; stress;
impotence; anxiety; lack of hope;
dissatisfaction; insensibility; anger;
disinterest; falsehood; horror;
uncaring; lack of support
BCN (6th)
SP (2nd)
Pleasantness Beauty; colour; nature Memories; pleasure; pertinence;
enjoyment; unconditionality;
love of life; joy
BCN (3rd)
SP (absent)
Movement Evolution; identity; transformation; unfinished
project; novelty
Ambiguity; hospitality; inhospitality;
strangeness; insecurityBCN (4th)
SP (4th)
Surprising Novelty; liberty; flexibility; openness; differentiation;
multiplicity
Curiosity; insecurity; isolation;
proximity; pertinenceBCN (5th)
SP (5th)
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sadness and anger. Other contrasting feelings
found about Sao Paulo are: euphoria/depression,
acceptance/refusal, proximity/distance, freedom/
imprisonment, love/hate, coldness/warmth, relaxa-
tion/hurry, day (routine)/night (serenity, freedom),
angst/confidence, satisfaction/deception, pride/
frustration, despair/hope, comfort/confusion.
There are seemingly paradoxical qualities suchas: order/disorder, progress/misery, civilization/
barbarity, justice/unfairness, discomfort/luxury,
prosperity/danger, chaos/functionality, pattern/
exception, sameness/novelty, cleanliness/dirtiness,
domination/submission, collectivity/individuality,
synthesis/analysis, dating/separation.
For one subject, a youngster, Sao Paulo is like
night and day: the day means work, routine,
stress; the night is partying, going out with friends,
leisure, and culture. For another, a 50-year old
woman, the contrast is represented by a pineapple:
thorns outside, possibly sweet inside. Anothersubject, a 21-year old, expresses an ambiguous
feeling about Sao Paulo by saying that she loves
her city and yet cannot stand it at times.
City of Attraction
The image of Barcelona as the City of Attraction is
distinguished mainly by the attractiveness of its
high-level cultural diversity, offering beauty,
knowledge, opportunities for business and the
arts, and fostering ideas and thoughts. In
Barcelona, one is always facing an opportunity
of choice. Feelings related to pleasure and welfare
belong to this category.
Pleasure, however, is not always present.
Subjects have pointed out some frustration due
to the difference between what is available there
and what is feasible for the individual.
Barcelona is also attractive for its identification
with the history of urbanism. Organization and
quality are important characteristics of the city.
Its attractiveness combines several elements of
beauty, entertainment, multiculturality, nature,
and modernity, together with shopping centres,
leisure, architectural design, and surprises. The
menu city metaphor is an example of this
category: Like a good restaurant, it offers good
food, but in the end the bill is not cheap. Or, like a
theme park, it brings together culture and
beauty.
In Sao Paulo, the City of Attraction is especially
characterized by the chance to gain access to
culture, diversity, and work. It is the city of
opportunities and tolerance towards difference.
There are feelings of pleasantness and belonging
related to ones being born there. It is a wonderful
city because of the feeling of identification that
exists there, in spite of all the contrasts, a city of
joy and of mood changes, of observation and
impatience. Affection, tenderness, absence, soli-
tude, and faith can be found there.
Despite loving the city where one was born,
danger has to be faced (death, violence, and
burglary). Anger is also present when it comes to
road traffic. The feeling of belonging is associated
to attractiveness, not to any other image such as
pleasantness. It can be seen either as a clock city
or a volcano city.
City of Destruction
In Barcelona, the image of degradation and
destruction is related to the lack of green areas,
to the high density of population, and the priority
of cars over people. Feelings can also be ambig-
uous: It is either a boat city or a sewer city in
its characteristic solitude and isolation.
In Sao Paulo, decadence is expressed by pressure,
hassle, and the impossibility of staying neutral.
Massification takes precedence over individuality.
Once there, it is essential to blend in. Pollution and
concrete, in the midst of high-rise buildings, are an
expression of decadence, poverty, inequalities,
illness, disease (respiratory problems), and death.
The most common feelings are: sadness, gloom,resignation, hopelessness, impotence, angst, soli-
tude, lack of union and affection, indifference,
dissatisfaction, apathy, fear, dread, restlessness,
stress, discomfort, annoyance, separation, insensi-
bility, coldness, heedlessness, disloyalty, anger,
horror, hatred, despair, abandonment, superficial-
ity, impersonality, indifference, selfishness, diver-
sity, imprisonment, massification, chaos, disorder.
Sao Paulo can be compared to a battlefield,
lacking mutual respect, or a trap, where a wrong
step may be fatal (for distinct reasons: finances,
health, or psyche), and one is swallowed by the city.In this category, a few existing benefits could be
mentioned, such as the access to culture, arts, and
information, but they are not sufficient to encou-
rage the expression of positive feelings.
City of Movement
The idea of the City of Movement, in Barcelona,
has to do with a permanent search for its own
identity. It is a city in continuous evolution,
movement, and transformation, like a living
being, the life of a person growing up through
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different phases, or even the Church of the
Sacred Family, the construction of which never
comes to an end. Like an open-ended project,
Barcelona always gives rise to a new intervening
action. Feelings can be ambiguous: welcome/
uneasiness, or also reserve/total enjoyment.
Movement, in Sao Paulo, has a special meaning,
marked by the multiple choices of what to do
depending on where one is. In Barcelona, on the
other hand, movement is rather innovation and
change. Speed is part of the City of Movement in Sao
Paulo, as startling as an alarm clock, sometimes
resembling New York City. In Sao Paulo, movement
is dynamism; in Barcelona, it is transformation.
However, both cities appear rather similar when it
comes to peoples internal movement.
City of Surprises
The image of Barcelona as a surprise represents all
the novelty engendered by the city and the freedom
of self-realization; like a music box, which plays a
different song each time it is opened. This image
may or may not be associated with feelings of
belonging. In Sao Paulo, the idea of surprise is
connected to the novelty and curiosity of the city,
like a maze.
Pleasant City
The Pleasant City is defined in Barcelona as the
green city, the sea, and the mountains. In the
words of a female resident, the sea and the
mountains prevail in Barcelona.
Answers referring to beauty, colour, and plea-
santness fall into this category, and reveal a strong
sense of belonging and childhood remembrances.
Here are feelings of pleasure in enjoying ones free
time and of belonging to the city. A feeling of
unconditional love appears also in this category.That was the case of Barcelona alone, the subjects
from Sao Paulo not giving any such answers.
Figure 1. Drawing of Barcelona that shows the image of contrasts.
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Considering the order of importance of the
appearance of images of Barcelona and Sao Paulo,
two differences should be pointed out, especially
amongst images of attraction, destruction, and
pleasantness, whilst similarity is to be found in theimages of contrasts, movement, and surprises.
The drawings
In both samples, metaphoric drawings occurred
less frequently than isomorphic ones. In
Barcelona, the main features found in isomorphic
drawings (cognitive maps) were landmarks: the
Church of the Sacred Family, the statue of
Columbus, and the towers of the Olympic
Village; borders: mountain and sea, Montjuic
and Tibidabo; a path: the Ramblas; and a node:
Plaza de Catalunya. Sao Paulos sample showed
far fewer icons, one of the most recurrent being the
Paulista Avenue.
STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF
QUALITATIVE DATA
With regard to the statistical organization of the
qualitative data, the variables of item 5 in the
research instrument (Lykert scale) were divided
into dependent (pertinence, contrasts, pleasantness
and lack of security), independent (city), and
control (sex, age, schooling, employment status,
own monthly income).
The aim of this analysis plan was to generate
hypotheses about the influence of the city upon
peoples affection for the cities in which they live,
Figure 2. Drawing of Sao Paulo that shows the image of contrasts.
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without ignoring the possible interference of othersociodemographic variables for affection.
Of the scores attributed by respondents to each
of the variables for the categories pertinence,
contrasts, pleasantness, and lack of security, the
respective indices (averages) were calculated for
each category. They were considered as being
indicative of affect, with contrast and lack of
security being most related to a negative rating of
the city and pleasantness and pertinence to a
positive rating.
CONCLUSION: ON COGNITIVE AND
AFFECTIVE MAPS
The present paper shows the importance of
affection as a means to assess an individuals
feeling of appropriation and orientation in his/her
city.
The drawings and discourse of the inhabitants
of Barcelona and Sao Paulo show how emotions
and feelings can work as driving vectors in the
assessment of peoples esteem towards their city,
which is essential for their participation in city life
as true citizens.
The metaphors are, par excellence, the linguisticform best suited to apprehend feelings such as
those of appropriation and orientation. Drawings,
due to their power to summarize, can aggregate
affections and emotions and work as triggers for
the easy expression of such psychological aspects.
Metaphors complement this process by working as
a means to help assess the affections and emotions
expressed. Drawings and metaphors appeared as a
possible means to access feelings without elabor-
ating too much on them.
Therefore, in a parallel between metaphors and
feelings, both can be said to have one characteristicin common: the cultivation of intimacy. Both reflect
reality as it is lived. The figurative use of language
depends on beliefs and values and, on the other
hand, makes for a connection with the community.
Metaphors engender collective insight and feelings
connect one to the community. Both feelings and
metaphors are synthetic. Images and feelings take
part in the formation of the metaphor.
Due to these characteristics, the metaphor
allows for systematic procedures geared towards
the development of a methodology of affection
apprehension.
Figure 3. Drawing of Barcelona that shows the image of attractiveness.
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The initial plan was to extract affective maps
from cognitive ones, assuming that subjects would
draw the latter. Surprisingly, although the subjectswere making a drawing of the city, there was not
necessarily any spatial orientation or location in
terms of Lynchs cognitive maps.
Maps always convey location, which is not
necessarily true for images. Maps, on the contrary,
are intended to be a reference for someone else.
Maps are collective, whilst images are an abstract,
individual representation. Images can occasionally
foster the sense of location. Every map is an image,
but not all images are maps.
Nevertheless, in both maps and images there is a
dialogue between the affective and the cognitive.
In images, however, the affective is more likely to
prevail over the cognitive, since cognition is not its
target, as it is for cognitive maps.
So why have images been emphasized in this
research? The authors of the present study believe
that it is due to the way subjects made their drawings,
expressing feelings rather than orientation.
Furthermore, that observation corroborates
current understanding about globalized cities,
according to which they stimulate the use of
images rather than the concrete icons and mean-
ings of urban structure. Therefore, apprehending
the space through images impairs the process of
appropriation of the city by its citizens. Following
the dual model of aproppriation (Pol, 1996), in the
case of images, identification is stronger than
action-transformation. Image-based appropriation
fosters identification, not action-transformation.
This analysis applies indistinctly to Barcelona
and Sao Paulo, but a few differences are note-
worthy. In Barcelona, there were more answers
with icons, symbols, monuments, and a more
positive esteem on the part of its citizen towards
the city than in Sao Paulo. Indeed, Barcelona
currently has a policy of investment in mar-
ginal areas so as to promote urban and social
revitalization.Globalized cities have abandoned their icons in
order to give way to symbols that are in vogue,
stimulating their inhabitants pride for the city, not
for their own interests, but to be sold and exported
as a model. International architecture is nowadays
based on images rather than on icons (Arantes,
2000).
Answers in Sao Paulo presented few icons
(either monuments or meaningful spaces), low
esteem, and a significant feeling of destruction and
decadence. The absence of icons and symbolic
urban spaces is common to globalized cities in
general, but the low esteem has to do with the
particularly large number of marginal areas in that
city. Icons are not dealt with because their
reference objects are neither used nor appro-
priatednot because people are unaware of their
existence. Sao Paulo has a history, and historical
buildings, but only one subject mentioned Patio do
Colegio as a symbol of the city.
On the other hand, metaphorical drawings
occurred more frequently in Sao Paulo. Not
isomorphic with the city, they are a rich expression
of affection, either positively or negatively. Some
subjects reportedly like the city and chose it to live
in, in spite of its decadence. This feeling reveals
a potential process of citizen participation that
should be encouraged, reversing the present social
marginalization and urban disqualification so as to
raise the citys self-esteem. Urban re-qualification
projects are a possible means to improve it, as
long as they are based on participative interven-
tions and oriented towards the construction of
responsible citizenship.
These findings point to an affection-oriented
citizenship, considered a social-spatial conduct.
Figure 4. Index of affective categories in Barcelona and Sao Paulo according to respondents.
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This causes us to reflect upon the importance of
images as a reference for the construction of actions
and interventions within the city by public admin-
istrators, who favour a positive relationship
between individuals and city and consider the urban
space to be an extension of the individuals identity.
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