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Cook, A., Ogden, J and Winstone, N. (in press). The experiences of learning, friendships and bullying
of boys with autism in mainstream and special school settings: a qualitative study. British Journal of
Special Education.
The experiences of learning, friendships and bullying of boys with autism in
mainstream and special school settings: a qualitative study
Anna Cook, Jane Ogden and Naomi Winstone
School of Psychology, University of Surrey
Address for correspondence:
Anna Cook MSc, School of Psychology, University of Surrey, Guildford, GU2 7XH, UK
Abstract
This study aimed to explore experiences of learning, friendships and bullying of boys with
autism attending specialist and mainstream schools, and those of their parents. Semi-
structured interviews were conducted with 11 boys with autism, aged 11 – 17 years, and 9 of
their mothers. Thematic analysis identified four key themes relating to experiences of
friendships and bullying, risk factors, protective factors and outcomes. Overall, the findings
indicated that five of the 11 participants had been subjected to bullying, particularly those in
mainstream schools (four out of six). Further, if risk factors relating to autism or the school
culture were not mediated by protective factors such as self-esteem or supportive friends,
various negative outcomes were identified as more likely including mental health issues and
effects on learning and relationships. Therefore, although not inevitable, mainstream settings
may increase the likelihood of negative experiences as they have fewer resources to protect
children against the risk of bullying.
Keywords: Autism, bullying, learning, friendships, inclusion, special educational needs
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Introduction
Debates surrounding inclusion for people with special educational needs (SEN) are
ongoing and, although they have generated a vast literature, remain unresolved.
Recommendations emerging in the 1970s (e.g. The Warnock Report, 1978; UNESCO, 1994)
initiated a move to enroll all children in mainstream schools wherever possible. Whilst this
didn’t necessarily lead to inclusive education, three key Acts (Special Educational Needs and
Disability Act, 2001; Disability Discrimination Act, 2005; Equality Act, 2010) were
introduced, which required teachers to make ‘reasonable adjustments’ to their lessons to
enable children with SEN and disability to learn and be included in school life. Whilst many
schools are generally more aware of their responsibilities, these goals to make education
more responsive to the needs of all students remain unmet (Barnard, Prior & Potter, 2000;
Batten et al, 2006; Humphrey & Lewis, 2008a). This is worrying for families of children with
autism given that 70% of children with autism are educated in mainstream schools (DfE,
2014) and since the experiences of children with autism can be considerably affected without
practical commitment by schools to inclusion (not just integration) (NAS, 2003; 2006;
Humphrey & Lewis, 2008ab). The present study focuses on the experiences of boys with
autism in both mainstream and specialist settings. Research into the areas of social
relationships and bullying will be explored below in the light of these issues of inclusion.
Research addressing social relationships indicates that pupils with autism experience
fractious peer relationships and have limited social networks (Chamberlain, Kasari &
Rotherham-Fuller, 2007; Humphrey & Lewis, 2008b). In particular, those in mainstream
schools may experience loneliness, poor friendship quality and social network status (Kasari,
Locke, Gulsrud & Rotheram-Fuller, 2011; Locke, Ishijima, Kasari & London, 2010).
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Conflicting research showing that social competence of children with SEN
progresses more in mainstream settings than in specialist settings (Cole and Meyer, 1991)
may reflect a selection issue rather than the setting causing the increase in social skills.
Further, sociometric data shows that the large percentage of SEN pupils in mainstream
settings are classified as ‘rejected’ whilst the large proportion of neuro-typical pupils are
classified as ‘popular’ (Frederickson and Furnham, 2001).
These findings may also have implications for bullying. Chatzitheochari, Parson and
Platt (2014) concluded that children with SEN are significantly more likely to be the victim
of frequent threats, acts of physical violence or theft, and are more likely to be called names.
Research focusing specifically on autism also indicates high levels of bullying particularly
during adolescence (NAS, 2003; 2006). Likewise, the Department for Education reported that
40% of children with autism have been bullied at school (DfE, 2014). When compared with
the bullying experienced by children with different kinds of SEN (i.e. dyslexia), pupils with
autism still had higher levels of rejection and bullying and lower levels of acceptance and
peer support (Symes & Humphrey, 2010), demonstrating that it is not having a special need
per se that increases the risk of rejection, but the specific characteristics associated with
autism, e.g. social communication, social interaction and social imagination – known as the
‘Triad of Impairments’ (Wing & Gould, 1979). Roger’s (1986) theories of self-concept and
self-worth are relevant here. Rogers stated that in order for individuals to become ‘fully
functioning’ they must be psychologically healthy, open to new experiences and aware of
their own feeling and those of others. For people with autism, however, the psychological
concept of self is impaired (Neisser, 1988) and this could be the cause of their social and
communication impairments.
Reduced social competence has been identified as the prime causative factor of
bullying for children with autism (Bejerot & Mortberg, 2009). Bullying is a serious problem,
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since it can have a major impact on self-esteem, emotional problems and school absenteeism
(Boivin, Hymel & Bukowski, 1995) and problems in later life such as anxiety, relationship
problems and even employment status (Takizawa, Maughan & Arseneault, 2014).
In terms of the impact of school placement on bullying the results are mixed. Whilst
some research has shown no effect of school setting type (McLaughlin, Byers & Peppin-
Vaughan, 2010), other research reports that children with SEN are more often bullied in
mainstream settings (Zablotsky et al, 2014).
In summary, whilst some research has attempted to describe the experiences of pupils
with autism, comparisons between those in mainstream and those in special settings remain
scarce. Furthermore, previous research has tended to group those with SEN together rather
than addressing the specific experiences of those children with a specific set of needs. In line
with this, the present study utilised qualitative methods to explore the experiences of those
with autism with a focus on learning, social relationships and bullying; specifically secondary
school age boys. This is of particular importance given the recent emphasis on engaging the
autism community in research and giving those with autism a voice (Hebron & Humphrey,
2013; Pellicano, Dinsmore & Charman 2014; Reid & Batten, 2006; Wright, Wright, Diener
& Eaton, 2014). The study also included interviews with their mothers to explore their own
beliefs and to provide some context to their sons’ experiences. Finally, it focused on boys
from both mainstream and special schools as a means to gain insights into the impact of
setting type.
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Method
Design
The design was qualitative using semi-structured interviews. Thematic analysis was
used to generate codes and define themes from the data.
Participants
Participants were recruited from schools in South East England. Inclusion criteria
comprised males aged 11 – 17 with autism, who would be willing and able to engage with the
questions in the interview and communicate their experiences, and one of their parents. Girls
were excluded as research indicates substantial neural differences between girls and boys
with autism and that these might relate to differences in emotional processing and cognitive
processes (Nordahl et al., 2015). However, a parallel study has also been conducted exploring
the experiences of girls with autism (Cook, Ogden, & Winstone, in preparation). The
recruitment process resulted in 20 interviews: eight mother-son dyads (4 from mainstream, 4
from special schools); one individual son (mainstream); one mother with two sons (special
school). Mainstream schools are defined as those run by the local council that principally
meet the needs of pupils who do not have special education needs. Special schools are
defined as those for which the main purpose is to provide education for pupils with special
educational needs. Whilst inclusion criteria allowed either parent to be interviewed, only
mothers responded in this study. The sons ranged in age from 11 to 17 and all had a diagnosis
of an autism spectrum disorder. Mothers were aged 40+ and represented a range of
professions. Participant demographics are shown in Table 1 (all names are pseudonyms).
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Table 1. Description of the Participants According to Socio-Demographics.
Son MotherName School
YearEthnic Origin
Education Setting Type
Name Age Range (years)
Ethnic Origin
Occupation Highest Level of Education
Oliver 10 WB Mainstream Co-ed Secondary
Lisa 40-50 WB Church Administrator
C&G Community Care
Jack 10 WB Mainstream Co-ed Secondary Not interviewed
Charlie 12 WB Mainstream Boys’ Grammar
Jen 40-50 WB Podiatrist Degree
Jacob 7 WB Mainstream Co-ed Secondary
Laura 40-50 WB Clinical Planner
Degree
Alfie 9 W Mainstream Co-ed Secondary
Christine 50+ WB Cover Teacher
A-level
Noah 9 WB Special Boys’ Secondary
Wendy 40-50 WB Mental Health Support Worker
Degree
James 11 WB Special Boys’ Secondary
Oscar 11 WB Special Boys’ Secondary
Becky 40-50 WB Nurse Degree
Ryan 12 Asian Special Co-ed Secondary
Zara 40-50 Asian Financial Analyst
A-level
Daniel 12 WO Special Co-ed Junior/Secondary
Michelle 50+ WO Project Manager
Degree
Adam 9 WB Special Co-ed Secondary
Lisa 40-50 W EAL Teacher Degree
WO: white British; WO: white other; W: white.
Procedure
A semi-structured interview was devised to explore the experiences of the mothers
and sons within their particular school setting, and consisted of broad, open-ended questions.
The boys’ interview covered i) experience of learning (e.g. ‘Tell me about the lessons you
like/don’t like’), ii) experience of friendships (e.g. ‘How do you feel you get on with people at
school?’) and iii) experience of bullying (e.g. ‘Have any pupils at school ever done or said
anything that you didn’t like? If so, please can you tell me a bit about what happened?’). The
mother interview covered i) their views on their son’s learning in school, ii) their views on
their son’s friendships, iii) their views on their son’s experience of bullying and iv) their
beliefs about different school settings in relation to bullying. (The full interview schedule is
available from the authors on request.) The semi-structured interview guide was supported
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using flexible strategies, such as probes when necessary. All interviews took place in
participants’ homes, with the exception of one that took place at school and two that were
conducted in a café. With the participants’ permission, the interviews were recorded and
transcribed.
Data analysis
Thematic analysis was used to identify patterns in the data and capture commonalities
of experience and understanding whilst at the same time enabling participants to be located
within contrasting school contexts. The method is inductive: themes are strongly linked to the
data, rather than being fitted to analytic preconceptions. For the analysis, transcripts were
read and re read, coded and discussed between the researchers. Interpretations were checked
against participants’ stories to ensure they covered all parts of the data.
Ethical Consideration
Ethical approval was granted by the University Ethics Committee. The information
sheet stated that participation was voluntary and that participants were able to withdraw from
the study at any time without any explanation. To ensure anonymity, the names of
participants have been altered in the study. All recorded and transcribed interviews were
stored in password-protected files. If participants became stressed or emotional, the strategy
was to discontinue the interview and ask school staff members/parents to support the
participant if needed.
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Results
Participants’ experiences were interpreted as reflecting four main themes: i)
experience of friendships and bullying; ii) risk factors; iii) protective factors and iv)
outcomes. Each theme was sub-divided into a number of sub-themes as illustrated in Figure
1. Whilst boys’ responses tended to be factual, the mothers’ were more reflective.
Nevertheless, mothers’ and boys’ opinions and experiences generally concurred. Overall, the
results indicated that many boys (five out of 11) had experienced bullying, and that four of
these attended mainstream schools. Further, the results showed that this may be exacerbated
by risk factors relating to characteristics both of autism and the school but could be
ameliorated through internal or external protective factors such as resilience and self esteem
or having outside interests. This dynamic then related to key outcomes such as mental health
issues and learning. This process will now be described in depth with exemplar quotes.
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Figure 1. An overview of themes and sub-themes.
Theme 1: Experience of friendships and bullying
The boys’ accounts provided valuable insights into their involvement with friendships
and the different forms of bullying they experienced at school.
Friendships. Boys ranged from having no friends at all to having many. Lisa described
how her son has many friends and how this improved substantially when he transferred from
a mainstream primary to a specialist secondary school:
He is really connected with the other boys and girls…I mean they just gel. And it's just,
it's brilliant to see him in a friendship group – he just didn't have that at Juniors. There
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was a lot of him being in the playground and you know, kind of just on his own. (Lisa,
mother – special school)
Positive friendships, however, were by no means guaranteed and some participants reported
having no friends at all:
I usually just have friends in my head…It gets useful at lunchtime… there is this girl
that claimed to be my friend, I just, I didn't know what she was talking about.
(Alfie, son – mainstream school)
His mother implied that this may have affected her more than Alfie:
That is something he has never had, he's not had one friend…I’m not getting upset
anymore now, but he's not had one friend, in all the time, even at [current school name].
(Christine, mother – mainstream school)
In general, there was a tendency for participants to befriend others with autism, those
who respected and accepted them and those of a matched level or with similar interests.
However, no patterns emerged differentiating school types with respect to friendships.
Bullying. Many participants (five out of 11) reported incidents of bullying including
verbal, physical, theft, vandalism and frequent goading. The most obvious disparity identified
between mainstream and special schools within this study was the degree of bullying. Many
accounts of bullying came from the mothers, as some of the sons seemed to have blocked out
the memories, or were confused about the details. Oliver’s mother conveyed how he suffers
continual bullying:
He's constantly being picked on, verbally, all the time…I know if he comes out ten
minutes later than the other children, then there's an issue. (Lisa, mother – mainstream
school)
The most prevalent forms of bullying reported were constant harassments such as
stealing, damaging possessions and shoving. All but one boy from a mainstream setting
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suffered these frequent provocations. Whilst James was at his mainstream secondary school,
he had stationery taken, his tie put in the toilet and his weekly planner put in the shower. His
mother felt that it was because he was an easy target, as he would get easily upset as a result
of these triggers.
At times the bullying was more subtle and seemed to reflect an understanding by peers of
specific actions that would upset someone with autism. Alfie’s mother, Christine, described
how his peers constantly tried to annoy him to the point that he was too distracted to learn
anything.
So it would be things like, things stuck on his back, it'll be tapping, it'll be looks, it would
be scraping. (Christine, mother – mainstream school)
The only reports of any bullying within special schools came from Daniel and Adam.
Sadly, Daniel suffered extreme levels of bullying throughout his entire secondary education.
For example, just before his Physics GCSE, he discovered that his locker had been emptied,
and the contents scattered around the school. He described how he felt when he discovered
his possessions were gone:
[I was] in a complete and utter stress because you know, it's my stuff, I don't like people
touching my stuff without me knowing. (Daniel, son – special school)
Adam’s report of bullying, however, was negated by his mother, who explained how Adam
often misinterprets comments and, despite everything being effectively dealt with after one
particular incident, he continued to hold a grudge.
Theme 2: Risk factors
The experiences described by participants indicated that certain factors might be
identified as risks due both to internal factors specific to autism and external factors
associated with the school culture.
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Internal factors. People with autism experience difficulties with social
communication and social interaction. Lisa described how this can affect Adam:
He doesn't get sarcastic humour. You know he doesn't get teasing…you could be making
a joke and just having a little tease, to him that would be major. (Lisa, mother – special
school)
In addition to the social difficulties, was the processing of sensory information. Many
people with autism have sensory difficulties, which make them likely to become stressed or
anxious (Green, Ben-Sasson, Soto, & Carter, 2012). For example Noah experiences extreme
anxiety when his personal space is violated. Similarly, Christine conveyed the discomfort
Alfie feels from something as apparently harmless as tapping:
They sometimes don't understand how little things, like tapping, …it's like me scraping
my finger down a blackboard, see how you feel about that, because that's how he feels
about that tapping. So turning round to a child and saying ‘just stop the tapping’, or
‘just forget about it, it's only tapping’ - it's not just tapping! (Christine, mother –
mainstream school)
External factors. Risk might be attributable to external factors including the ways in
which their school managed the learning and social needs of pupils with autism. Regardless
of setting type, some schools were described as neglecting to address these needs.
Mainstream schools, however, were less likely to have the understanding necessary to meet
their needs or provide sufficient resources, including teaching assistants (TAs). Jacob
explained the frequent changes in TA in one of his lessons:
I don't know what really happened, because one came, and then he went, then another
one came, and then they left and now there's none in there which is a bit weird. There is
meant to be one in there but there isn't. (Jacob, son – mainstream school)
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His mother was particularly concerned that this would exacerbate his processing
disability and problems with following instructions. Christine also complained about the way
Alfie’s TAs were shared with other pupils, even though they were specifically allocated to
him.
Both the boys and their mothers also described the schools failure to handle bullying. For
example, James described how, when he was at his mainstream secondary, he was unlikely to
report incidences of bullying, since he knew they wouldn’t get dealt with appropriately – the
bullies would continue their bullying due to inadequate reprimands:
It just didn't happen. They said 'oh we'll sort it out'. They didn't … it was probably the
equivalent of just giving them a slap on the wrist and that's about it. It was just like, it's
not helpful, they keep doing it. (James, son – special school)
In contrast, most of the boys from special settings (five out of the six) liked their schools
and their teachers, and benefitted from the small class sizes. Whilst still affected by anxiety
and attention problems, there were sufficient numbers of trained staff and TAs to provide the
learning support needed, to take effective action against bullying and to help facilitate
friendships. With the exception of Daniel’s story (see earlier), special schools ensured that
bullying was not tolerated and dealt with such incidences quickly and effectively.
When comparing school settings in relation to risks, internal risks were identified across
both setting types. In contrast, there was a general tendency for those from mainstream
settings to report greater external risks than participants from special settings.
Theme 3: Protective factors
Many positive accounts of the boys’ experiences were attributed to protective factors. These
enabled them to cope or deal with potential bullying and also had a positive impact on their
learning and overall experience at school. Protective factors came from both within the child
and from their external environment.
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Internal factors. Self-esteem was identified by a number of mothers as critical to their
sons’ progress, and in many incidences was reported as being very low. However, one or two
boys benefited from having built their self-esteem through their achievements and
responsibilities. Oscar, for example, participates in a number of activities such as ‘Duke of
Edinburgh’ and after-school clubs. He talked about how he thinks others look up to him:
I'm usually the person that people go to if there's a problem, so I think, I'd say that
people are quite confident in my ability to solve problems. And I'm actually a House
Captain of my team so I'd say people you know have faith in my leadership skills as well,
which I'm happy with. (Oscar, son – special school)
Similarly, resilience to cope with or adapt to occurrences of bullying was reported by
some participants, enabling them to balance negative emotions in the face of confrontation.
James described how he made the decision not to let insulting comments bother him:
It's not really anything that really bothers me because, if he's making me feel rubbish I
just think 'well he's not exactly a great human being so'. I'm not taking it personally –
well I'm taking it personally but I'm not letting it bother me.
(James, son – special school)
Some also protected themselves from bullying by disregarding the bullies. For example,
Alfie explained how he pretends not to hear them:
If someone insults me I just tell them that they were talking to themselves. It's more funny
to just say there's nothing wrong really. I can pretend that I can't hear them. (Alfie, son
– mainstream school)
Others preferred to completely avoid the bullies. Daniel’s mother explained how he
could no longer go to certain cafes and shops for fear of bumping into peers from his old
school.
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External factors. A number of external factors might be instrumental in enabling more
positive experiences at school. One significant factor was the presence of supportive friends.
Jacob has a friend who is a great support, particularly at times when he needs help with
organizing his things, like in PE, as described by his mother:
He loses his kit and he puts the wrong kit on, so his friends help him and [Carly's] boy is
a complete support in that. If he didn't have [Lucas] in there I don't know what we would
have done! (Laura, mother – mainstream school)
School achievements in a range of subjects were reported as having beneficial effects and
were mainly portrayed by the mothers. After the terrible experiences endured in his
secondary school, Daniel was finally able to build his self-esteem through his college
achievements, as expressed by his mother:
He had the most amazing placement with this educational software company up in
London, and the work that he was doing for them there, they said he's an absolute
natural at graphic design. (Michelle, mother – special school)
All the boys had outside interests that they were passionate about which gave them a
sense of identity. These included football, Comicon, trading cards, sailing, canoeing and
climbing among many others. Alfie described his passion for animals:
I'm quite passionate about a few stuff, e.g. wildlife… we have fish over there…Yeah
we're thinking about getting turtles… I like going to zoos and sea life. (Alfie, son –
mainstream school)
Finally, having a special talent was particularly beneficial as a protective factor. Talents
ranged from art, music and drama to sports and having good imagination. Charlie stated that
when his peers liked to put him down, he would point out that everyone is good at something,
and would tell them he is a good swimmer and is actually better than them. Jacob has perfect
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pitch and his mother described how she turned his attitude towards Asperger’s into a positive
one, by attributing many of his talents to his Asperger’s.
Theme 4: Outcomes
As a consequence of the various experiences a number of outcomes were identified as
common and/or significant.
Mental health issues. Some participants suffered mental health problems including
stress, mistrust, low self-esteem, depression and suicidal thoughts. Wendy described how, at
the time her son was getting bullied at his mainstream school, he swallowed magnets:
He was seriously ill in hospital for two weeks. And had to have a couple of operations
because he had a perforated bowel. He was very, very poorly. And it was around the
same sort of time when he'd started to get really stressed at school, so I don't know if it
was, deliberate or not. He won’t say and I don't think we'll ever know. (Wendy, mother –
special school)
Jack, who requested not to be recorded, reported that peers used to tell him that he should die,
but that since then most of his peers had matured. He reported to being suicidal in year 9 and
received counselling from the Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services.
Effects on learning. Participants also described how learning was affected. At times this
was by the school environment itself. For example, Julie explained how Adam requires very
different kinds of teaching that only specialists can deliver and how mainstream settings fail
to differentiate the diverse needs of the children:
I have been in schools where this lower table has a child with Down’s syndrome, a child
who is profoundly deaf, a child with autism and perhaps two or three children who have
English as an additional language – all different, separate needs. And how can you have one,
bless her heart, teaching assistant on that table trying to accommodate all of those children.
It doesn't work. (Lisa, mother – special school)
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Learning was also influenced by bullying, which proved to have a dramatic impact.
Effects on relationships. Lastly, the analysis identified effects of bullying and school
practices on relationships. The impact of Oliver’s experience of bullying had clearly
influenced his ability to form friendships. His mother thought this could affect him in the
long term:
I think it will because he's now got to the point that he doesn't trust anyone. So he won’t
open up to anybody except me. (Lisa, mother – mainstream school)
There was a contrast between mainstream and special schools with respect to how well their
school practices influenced opportunities to form friendships. For example, Oscar’s special
school helpfully facilitated friendships, through careful grouping in dorm rooms and
provision of activities. In contrast, one parent with a son in a mainstream setting had to urge
teaching staff to provide opportunities for interaction with peers:
I've had to actually go in and say look you've got to physically tell [Alfie], take him to
the pottery class…he will not try anything new. He's already formed his opinion, he's not
going to like it – so you've got to take him, and you've got to make him do it. And then it
becomes a routine, and then he finds that he does like it, but he doesn't want to admit
that he likes it. (Christine, mother – mainstream school)
Bullying and school practices were therefore seen to have had an impact on the boys’ mental
health, learning and friendships.
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Discussion
The present qualitative study aimed to explore how boys with autism experience
learning, friendships and bullying and whether this reflects their placement within a
mainstream or specialist school.
The results primarily provide valuable insights into the experiences of boys with
autism, which reflects the call to give the autism community a voice and the need to hear
their experiences (Pellicano et al, 2014; Wright et al, 2014). From this, it was clear that
although many reported having a supportive group of friends, they had also experienced
bullying including verbal, physical and most predominantly, continual goading which were
more apparent in the accounts of those from mainstream schools. This is in line with the
findings reported by Zablotsky, et al (2014).
The results also indicated that various influences might place them at greater risk of
bullying including both internal and external factors. Mothers gave accounts of social
difficulties such as being unable to understand sarcastic humour and inappropriate responses
to peers, which may place them at greater risk of bullying, reflecting previous research
(Bejerot & Mortberg, 2009; Humphrey & Lewis, 2008ab). The present study also highlighted
a role for sensory difficulties as a possible trigger for bullying behavior with neuro-typical
children being able to identify and use specific sensory issues as a means to cause upset.
External factors relating to the school culture might also be placing the child at greater risk.
These included lack of awareness and understanding about autism, inadequate resources or
use of teaching assistants and failure to deal appropriately with bullying. This supports
previous research highlighting schools’ lack of understanding about how to facilitate the
learning and participation of children with autism (Barnard, et al., 2000; Batten, et al., 2006;
Humphrey & Lewis, 2008ab; Humphrey & Parkinson, 2006). Whilst these internal factors
could be generalized across participants from different settings, it was clear that those in
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mainstream settings were more likely to be exposed to the external risk factors from the
school.
Bullying may not be inevitable and the findings showed that these internal and
external risks might be filtered through specific protective factors. In particular, both internal
factors such as self-esteem, resilience, disregarding or avoiding bullies and external factors
such as having supportive friends, school achievements, outside interests and talents offered
protection to the child and seemed to ameliorate the impact of risk. Of these, it appeared that
supportive friends could be highly influential and act as a powerful buffer, reflecting research
highlighting peer acceptance and secure friendships as protective against bullying (Hebron &
Humphrey, 2013).
The boys therefore described some accounts of bullying which could be exacerbated
by risk factors and buffered by protective factors. When there were insufficient protective
factors to mediate the risks, a number of outcomes were identified including mental health
issues, effects on learning and effects on relationships. Mental health issues included stress,
mistrust, low self-esteem, and depression, and were mainly attributed to continual bullying.
Effects on learning included poor concentration in lessons, poor performance/exam results
and lack of motivation due to processing difficulties and the influence of school neglect.
Effects on relationships were mainly due to communication difficulties but also the failure of
the school to provide opportunities to enable social interactions, and to deal properly with
bullying.
There are limitations of the present study to be considered. First, participants came
from a limited geographic area (South-East England). Hence, the findings can only be
interpreted as representing a subset of the British population. In addition, all participants were
white, except for one mother-son dyad. Second, the study was interview-based that requires a
degree of communication, which due to the communication difficulties associated with
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autism, may have limited the quality of the data. The interviews, however, were in fact,
extremely rich and participants offered full and detailed accounts of their experiences. This
may have been due, in part, to the expertise of the researcher who was also able to draw upon
a range of prompts and skills to adapt the interview situation to each participant’s abilities in
order to elicit responses. Further research might benefit from using participatory research
models (e.g. MacLeod, Lewis & Robertson, 2013) or activity-oriented interview methods as a
means to encourage openness in children less able to respond to the interview setting (e.g.
Winstone et al, 2014).
These findings have implications for both inclusion and for the development of
strategies and interventions to reduce the risk of bullying across all school settings.
In terms of inclusion, many of the experiences, risks and protective factors occurred in both
settings. For bullying and the risk factors offered by the school culture, however, setting was
found to influence experience. In particular, whereas most participants from mainstream
schools (four out of six) conveyed many accounts of bullying, all but one participant who had
attended special school settings did not. Furthermore, the school culture with regard to pupils
with autism differed substantially between setting types, with special schools providing small
class sizes, specialist teaching staff, and trained TAs facilitating social interactions and
appropriately handling incidences of bullying. This contrasted with reports from most
mainstream participants whose schools neglected to address their needs, both academic and
social. Accordingly, whilst placement into mainstream schools does not consistently define
all aspects of the child’s experience, it may be linked to higher levels of bullying due, in part,
to the culture of the school.
These findings also have implications for the development of interventions to reduce
bullying across a range of school settings. In particular, whilst it may not be possible to
intervene with the internal factors, much more could be done to minimize the external factors,
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particularly aspects of the school culture. Many aspects of mainstream schools such as class
size, higher student-teacher ratios, and pressure to raise standards may be beyond the
individual school to control (Norwich, 2014). The results from the present study, however,
showed a clear role for factors such as a lack of understanding, staffing and resources and a
failure to handle bullying which may be more open to intervention. In particular, greater
training of school staff concerning the specific social and academic needs of those with
autism, a focus on inclusion (rather than integration), better resources, consistency of TAs
and a determination to handle bullying more effectively when first it arises could make
inclusion more effective for those with autism. Likewise, a number of protective factors may
also offer an opportunity for intervention. For example, children with autism could be
encouraged to take part in out of school activities and develop their interests, taught strategies
to manage bullies and maximize their self esteem through focusing on their skills and talents
rather than their deficits. Such an approach offers a way forward to maximize a child’s school
experience whilst maintaining inclusive policy.
In conclusion, bullying may not be inevitable but a product of risk factors, which may
or may not be buffered through protective factors. If these risk factors are minimised and the
protective factors are effective then a child with autism may be able to develop friendships
and learn effectively regardless of the type of school they are placed in. If however, the risks
are allowed to predominate, bullying may well occur resulting in a range of negative
experiences that may have both immediate and longer-term effects on the child. Interventions
should therefore be developed both to promote a better school culture and increase a child’s
resilience so that they can flourish.
22
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Table 2. Codes Derived from Thematic Analysis.
Theme Category Sub theme Code1. Experiences of Friendships & Bullying
Friendships Understanding autism Joint interests Matched level Befriending others with autism No friends No friends outside school Mothers facilitating
Bullying Physical Verbal Low level harassments Damage/theft of property Eliciting upset through sensory provocations Blocked memories
2. Risk Factors
Internal Social Difficulties Misunderstanding sarcasm and humourProcessing Difficulties
Problems planning / organizing / sequencing Learning difficulties Sense that lessons a waste of time
Sensory Difficulties Anxiety Proximity Irritating noises
External School Culture: Lack of Understanding
Teachers lack understanding of needs Lesson delivery Late diagnosis No facilitation of friendships Unstructured times – playground, corridors, lunch
breaksSchool Culture: Staffing & Resources
Class size Changes/misuse of TAs Teacher training Allowing pupil to fall under radar
School Culture: Failure to handle bullying
No trust in teachers to resolve Inadequate reprimands Vulnerable to bullying
3. Protective Factors
Internal Self-esteem Low self esteem High self esteem from increased responsibilities
Resilience Strategies for dealing with bulliesDisregarding Bullies Ignoring bulliesAvoiding Bullies Avoiding places where bullies will be
External Supportive Friends Understanding friendsSchool Achievements Sport
Arts Academic achievements
Outside Interests Hobbies/interestsTalents Art, music, drama
Sports4. Outcomes Mental Health Issues Due to bullying
Due to autism Due to school neglect Stress Distress Suicidal thoughts Low self esteem Depression Mistrust
Learning Due to school neglect Due to bullying
Due to processing difficultiesRelationships Due to bullying
Sue to school practices Due to autism
2