© 2019 michael stoop

COMPLEX VERBS OF EMOTION IN COPALA TRIQUI

By

MICHAEL STOOP

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2019

To my parents

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to extend my thanks first and foremost to the Triqui speakers who helped me

learn about this aspect of their language: Monica de Jesus Ramirez, Román Vidal López, and

Jesus Fuentes. I also owe much thanks to George Aaron Broadwell, Lauren Clemens, and

Jamilläh Rodriguez for their comments and conversation that helped develop this work, as well

as Barbara Hollenbach for graciously sharing her notes and answering my questions, as well as

the audiences of SCoT 2018, the UF Fieldwork Forum, and SSILA 2019.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4

LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................................................7

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ..........................................................................................................8

ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................10

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................11

1.1 This Research Project ......................................................................................................12 1.2 Broader Impacts ...............................................................................................................12

1.3 Summary of Paper ...........................................................................................................14

2 BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................15

2.1 Copala Triqui Language ..................................................................................................15

2.2 Body Part Extensions .......................................................................................................16 2.3 Emotions ..........................................................................................................................17

3 EMOTION PARTICLES AND COMPLEX VERBS ............................................................20

3.1 Background on Complex Verbs .......................................................................................20

3.2 Complex Adjectives .........................................................................................................23 3.3 Emotion Complexes .........................................................................................................24

3.3.1 Rá nimán complexes ..............................................................................................24 3.3.2 Paradigm of Emotion Complexes ..........................................................................27 3.3.3 Compositional and Non-Compositional Complexes .............................................27

3.3.4 Previous Documentation .......................................................................................28 3.3.5 Lexical Variation ...................................................................................................30

4 FROM THE BODY TO THE VERB .....................................................................................32

4.1 Body Parts Terms ............................................................................................................32 4.1.1 BPTs in Complex Verbs ........................................................................................32

4.1.2 Background to rá ...................................................................................................34 4.1.3 Background to nimán ............................................................................................35

4.2 Extensions of Body Part Terms .......................................................................................36 4.2.1 Inalienable Possession ...........................................................................................36 4.2.2 Body Parts as Prepositions ....................................................................................37 4.2.3 Body Parts as Adverbs and Adjectives ..................................................................38

4.3 Path to the Verbal Complex .............................................................................................38

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4.3.1 Are Emotion Particles from Adjectives? ...............................................................38

4.3.2 Are Emotion Particles from Prepositions? ............................................................39

4.3.3 Emotion Particles as Syntactic Reanalysis ............................................................40 4.4 Degrees of Incorporation of Emotion Particles ...............................................................43 4.5 F2 Tone-Lowering Rule ..................................................................................................46 4.6 Findings From Albany Diaspora Community .................................................................47 4.7 Early Incorporation ..........................................................................................................48

4.7.1 Structural Ambiguity .............................................................................................49 4.8 Late Incorporation ...........................................................................................................50 4.9 A Comparison to Colonial Valley Zapotec and Mitla Zapotec .......................................52

5 ALTERNATION BETWEEN EMOTION PARTICLES ......................................................56

5.1 Momentary Contexts .......................................................................................................56 5.2 Describing Character .......................................................................................................60 5.3 Connection to Personal Relationships .............................................................................62

5.4 Describing Intensity .........................................................................................................64 5.5 Exceptions ........................................................................................................................66

5.6 Summary ..........................................................................................................................67

6 CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................................69

6.1 Summary ..........................................................................................................................69

6.2 Limitations .......................................................................................................................69 6.3 Closing Remarks ..............................................................................................................70

APPENDIX

A BODY PART TERMS IN COMPLEX VERBS ....................................................................71

B LIST OF COMPLEX VERBS OF EMOTION ......................................................................72

LIST OF REFERENCES ...............................................................................................................78

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .........................................................................................................81

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LIST OF TABLES

Table page

3-1 Paradigm of Emotion Complexes ......................................................................................27

4-1 Broadwell's classification of complex verbs ......................................................................43

4-2 Stages of Incorporation of Particles ...................................................................................46

5-1 Intensity ratings of emotion complexes .............................................................................65

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

1 first person

2 second person

3 third person

acc accusative

caus causative

com completive

con continuative

dec declarative

du dual

EMO1 emotion particle 1



f feminine

hab habitual aspect

indef indefinite

irr irrealis

m masculine

neg negation, negative

perf perfective

poss possessed

pl plural

9

pot potential aspect

q question particle/marker

quot quotative

rel relative

sg singular

stat stative

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Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School

of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

COMPLEX VERBS OF EMOTION IN COPALA TRIQUI

By

Michael Stoop

May 2019

Chair: George Aaron Broadwell

Major: Anthropology

Copala Triqui (iso:trc) is an Otomanguean language spoken in Western Oaxaca, Mexico,

and many diaspora communities. Like many languages in the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area,

Copala Triqui takes advantage of frequent incorporation of Body Part Terms (BPTs) into verbs

to form complex verbs. Almost all verbs for emotional and psychological states in Copala Triqui

are expressed with complex verbs. These verbs are formed primarily with two emotion particles,

rá and nimán, both of which are likely derived from words for "heart". These emotion complexes

have received limited attention in Copala Triqui and in languages that have similar forms. This

paper presents a new understanding of these verbs in a few key aspects. First, this paper shows

emotion particles can be used interchangeably in most complexes. Second, it argues that each

emotion particle is preferred in different contexts. Taken as a whole, this suggests that the choice

between emotion particles offers speakers a tool to express emotional nuance. Finally, this paper

argues that these BPTs found their way into the verb complex via a process of syntactic

reanalysis, and that this process is ongoing and can be seen in inter-speaker differences today.

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Almost every language has a way for expressing feelings or emotions. In this paper, I

discuss how emotions are expressed in Copala Triqui (ISO:trc), an Otomanguean language from

Oaxaca, Mexico. Almost all emotional and mental states are expressed in Copala Triqui using a

particular type of verb, referred to in this paper as a complex verb of emotion (often shortened to

"complex"). These verbs are formed from a verb stem plus one or more emotion particle, as in

the example below:1

(1) achráá rá

hate EMO1

"to hate"

There are two emotion particles used in complexes, rá (glossed EMO1) and nimán

(glossed EMO2). This paper presents a few key findings: first, these emotion particles can be

used interchangeably in almost all emotion complexes. Second, each emotion particle is

preferred in different contexts. Taken as a whole, this paper argues that the choice between

variants of an emotion complex offers speakers a tool to express emotional nuance in the

language. This, in turn, is important to document to capture the social use of the language.

Additionally, this paper explores the historical development of these complexes. Both

emotion particles are likely derived from body part terms (BPTs); specifically, both particles

either once or currently refer to the heart. This paper argues that these BPTs found their way into

1 The orthography used in this paper are based on the practical orthography developed by Barbara and Bruce

Hollenbach for the Summer Institute of Linguistics for their translation of the New Testament (Hollenbach and

Hollenbach 2009). I follow their representation of the consonants, including the following conventions: <x> = [ʃ],

<xr> = [ʂ] (a retroflex alveopalatal sibilant), <ch> = [t ʃ], <chr> = [t ʂ], <c> = [k] (before front vowels), <qu> = [k]

(before back vowels), < ' > = [ʔ], <v> = [β], and <j> = [h]. <Vn> represents a nasalized vowel. Copala Triqui has 5

tones and 3 contour tones, labelled 5 at the highest and 1 at the lowest following the Hollenbachs' conventions. In

the practical orthography, tones in the high register (4 or 5) are represented with an acute accent < ´ >, and tones in

the low register (1, 2, 31) are marked with an underline < _>.

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the verb complex via a process of syntactic reanalysis, and that this process is ongoing and can

be seen in inter-speaker differences today.

1.1 This Research Project

Copala Triqui is an Otomanguean language, part of the Mixtecan branch. Precontact, the

language was spoken primarily in San Juan de Copala in Western Oaxaca, Mexico. Currently,

approximately 30,000 people speak the language (Simons and Fennig 2018). However, many of

these speakers live in diaspora communities in other parts of Mexico and the United States. This

research was conducted with members of one such diaspora community, centered in Albany,

NY. The research is part of an ongoing relationship between members of the community and the

Copala Triqui Working Group, which represents researchers from both University of Albany and

University of Florida (Clemens 2018).

Research for this project was conducted over the course of two months in Albany, with

three Copala Triqui speakers. One speaker is in his early sixties, one speaker is in his early

thirties, and the third is in her late twenties. All speakers were born in Oaxaca and have since

migrated to the Albany area. Research consisted primarily of linguistic elicitation, supplemented

by some methods from cognitive anthropology, especially free lists.

1.2 Broader Impacts

Emotion complexes like those in Copala Triqui are very common in related languages.

Despite this, these complexes have received very little attention from language documentation,

with syntactic (Broadwell 2014a) and morpho-syntactic (Cruz and Stump 2018) properties

explored. How these complexes are used in discourse by speakers or how they connect to a

broader cultural context is still poorly understood. It is hoped that this paper will begin to close

this gap.

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This paper adopts the view that documenting emotional language is particularly

important because communicating emotions is one of the primary social functions of language. It

is hoped that documenting emotional language and incorporating it into resources for language

learners can help increase community interest and buy-in with the language project.

Including emotional language in language documentation is also important because

emotional language stops being produced early in the language change progress. Emotional

language often captures relationships with people, and is used primarily in conversation with

another person. Once speakers shift to another language for daily communication, speakers of

the first language lose interlocutors to discuss feelings with. For this reason, documenting

emotional language is urgent.

Finally, this research has potential impacts for other areas. One instance is medical, as

some of the complexes discussed here are used to describe medical conditions. Consider the

examples belowː the complex in example 2 is used to refer to Attention Deficit/Hyper-activity

Disorder (ADHD); the complex in example 3 is used with the word chi'ii "illness" to describe

depressionː

(2) Ra'ñanj rá no'

con:to:be:hurried EMO1 3:f:sg

"She feels hurried."

(3) 'Unj nicaj chi'ii nanó rá.

1ːsg con:carry illness sad EMO1

"I suffer from depression."

Lopéz and Broadwell (2013)

Copala Triqui speakers, like many indigenous groups from southern Mexico, often have

to migrate to find employment as farm workers in the United States. Healthcare for migrant farm

workers is limited by a variety of factors, including misunderstandings around language (Holmes

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2013). Recording how the Copala Triqui language discusses medical conditions may help

interested healthcare providers provide better care.

1.3 Summary of Paper

Chapter 2 will provide background on the Copala Triqui language and how the body and

emotions have been studied in the past. Chapter 3 will describe how emotion complexes are used

contemporarily in the Copala Triqui language, highlighting that emotion particles can be

interchanged freely for most emotion complexes. Chapter 4 will explore the diachronic

development of emotion complexes. Finally, Chapter 5 explores how emotion particles are used

in different contexts by Copala Triqui speakers to express emotional nuance. Chapter 6 provides

some concluding remarks.

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CHAPTER 2

BACKGROUND

2.1 Copala Triqui Language

Copala Triqui, like many related languages, has VSO order.

(4) A’níí Mariá chraa rá yoó a.

con:put: Maria tortilla in container dec

"Maria puts the tortilla in the tenate (straw container)

Broadwell (2014a)

However, SVO order is very common in elicitation settings. For this reason, some of the

examples in this text will be in SVO order. As will be seen later, this word order possibility

becomes important when testing what is in the verb phrase versus the subject.

(5) Mariá tu'véj rnee cuana.

Maria con:sell bean now

"Maria is selling beans right now."

In Copala Triqui, aspect is often marked via an interplay of a prefix /k(V)-/ on the verb

and a change in tone. In previous work on Copala Triqui, aspect has been labelled by terms that

are different than those in general use: these are continuative, which equivalent to imperfective;

completive, equivalent to perfective; and potential, equivalent to irrealis.

Some verbs do not take the aspectual prefix, and only show aspect through tone. Others

use a combination of prefix and tone to show aspect. For these verbs, the essential pattern is that

progressive aspect has no prefix and high tone, completive has a prefix and high tone, and

potential aspect has a prefix and low tone. An example of each is given in the example below:

(6) a. Náj Juán.

con:stay Juan

"Juan stays."

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b. Qui-náj Juán.

com-stay Juan

"Juan stayed."

c. Qui-naj Juán.

pot-stay Juan

"Juan will stay."

Broadwell, Clemens, and Stoop (2017)

Negation combines with the expression of aspect in complicated ways, which are beyond

what's necessary to discuss for this paper.

2.2 Body Part Extensions

The syntax of complex verbs in Copala Triqui has been explored previously by

Broadwell (2014a). This work is discussed more in section 4.4. Little research has been

completed on the use of these complexes in context, or the effects of alternating emotion

particles.

Likewise, although complexes of emotion are very common in related languages, only

one study has explored these complexes outside of Copala Triqui: a study of San Juan Quiahije

(SJQ) Chatino by Hilaria Cruz and Gregory Stump (2018). This study primarily focuses on the

morphosyntactic properties of the emotion particles, which Cruz and Stump term "essence

predicates". Complexes that likely act in similar ways have been documented in other languages

but not explored in-depth. Examples can be found in Chalcatongo Mixtec (Macaulay 1996),

Panixtlahuaca Chatino (Pride and Pride 2004), and varieties of Zapotec (for a discussion of these

languages, see section 4.9).

Copala Triqui is part of the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area, meaning that it shares many

features with nearby languages, regardless of relatedness (Campbell, Kaufman, and Smith-Stark

1986). Having BPTs incorporated into verbs is one of these features (1986:551). BPTs extending

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to other nouns and other grammatical categories seems to be a common feature of Mesoamerican

languages in general. BPTs are often extended to describe other objects via metaphor (e.g. the

neck of the vase). In Copala Triqui, an undergraduate honors thesis has been published on this

topic (Weiner 2010), and Hollenbach discusses this as well (1990).

Barbara Hollenbach has also explored the extension of BPTs to prepositions in Copala

Triqui, and from prepositions to other grammatical categories. This is more thoroughly explored

in section 4.2.2. The extension of BPTs to prepositions has also been explored in related

langauges: in Chalcatongo Mixtec by Claudia Brugman (1983), in Ayoquesco Zapotec by Robert

MacLaury (1989), and in Juchiteco Zapotec by Gabriela Pérez Báez (2012). This extension to

prepositions can be compared to English, where BPTs also find their way into prepositons, for

example "beside", "facing", and "behind".

2.3 Emotions

"Emotion" is a term rooted in English language and culture. Many languages have no

equivalent term. Copala Triqui is one such language: for our consultants there is not a close

synonym for "emotion" or "feeling". In fact, there does not seem to be a hypernym that

encapsulates some or all emotion words. According to our consultants, it is not common to ask

"how are you feeling?" as in English; instead, speakers typically ask if someone is feeling a

specific emotion. Yet, in a free list task (see Bernard 2017) where consultants were asked to give

Copala Triqui words that were examples of the English word "emotions", they gave these

emotion complexes as a response. In talking to speakers, there is a sense that these emotion

complexes form a culturally-salient category.

In this paper, the word "emotion" in "emotion complexes" is used with the understanding

that it provides an imperfect fit for the predicates described. What are called emotion complexes

in this paper cover a much wider semantic range than typical definitions of emotion. Emotion has

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been defined as requiring reference to a feeling, thought, and a physical state (Wierzbicka

1999:2). In Copala Triqui, there are many emotion complexes that match this definition. In fact,

it seems almost all words that fall under this definition are emotional complexes. However, there

are many emotional complexes that fall outside of this definition, for example some that do not

have a clear mental component:

(7) a. nataj nimán

breath.w/.difficulty EMO2

"breath with difficulty"

b. a'ne' rá

stop EMO1

"to stop, to break up (with someone)"

It is completely expected that there would be some mismatch between the conception of

emotions in English and in Copala Triqui. For the sake of being able to speak about these

complex forms as a unit, the term emotion complexes is adopted for all verbal complexes with

either rá or nimán as an incorporated particle1. How exactly Copala Triqui categories of internal

sensation compare to those in English is a topic ripe for future exploration using methods from

cognitive anthropology.

There has not been a previous study of emotions or emotional language in an

Otomanguean language. As the cross-cultural comparison of emotions becomes an increasingly

important topic, it is important to add more "voices" to the discussion, including the voice of

Otomanguean languages. Two examples are discussed below to provide an idea of how

Otomanguean languages in general, and Copala Triqui in particular, can contribute to current

scholarship on emotions.

1 The class of emotion complexes also should include some complexes made from raa "head", as these also seem to

refer to internal states. This point is discussed further in section 4.1.1.

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It has been argued that all languages have a way of linking "feelings based on thoughts

with events or processes involving the body", particularly through "body images" that use

imaginary events taking place inside the body to describe subjective experiences (Wierzbicka

1999:305). An example of this is "my heart sank" in English. As Ameka (2002) points out,

languages differ in whether body images are the marked or unmarked term for any given

emotion. For example, "my heart sank" seems marked compared to "I was disappointed" in

English. This isn't necessarily the case. In Copala Triqui, body images in the form of emotion

complexes seem to be the unmarked forms for most emotions. This is a topic that can be

explored further in the future.

Likewise, in Copala Triqui, almost all words for emotions currently make reference to the

heart or are historically derived from the term for heart. This means that the vast majority of

emotion words in Copala Triqui make reference to internal organs. This fact makes Copala

Triqui interesting in the cross-linguistic study of emotions, as most languages use a mixture of

internal and external organs in body-images. There is of course some variation, for example the

Austronesian language Dalabon that uses mostly external organs in emotion body images

(Ponsonnet 2014). Copala Triqui contrasts strongly with this, and provides a good point of

comparison for this component of the cross-linguistic study of emotions.

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CHAPTER 3

EMOTION PARTICLES AND COMPLEX VERBS

In Copala Triqui, the vast majority of words for emotions or feelings are complex verbs

(Hollenbach 2015:49). Put most simply, complex verbs are verbs that are formed by two or more

words but act syntactically like simple verbs (Broadwell 2014a; Hollenbach 2008:90). In this

paper, I will often refer to the first component of the complex as the verb stem, and the second

word as the emotion particle. A simple example is given below:

(8) A'maan rá 'unj.

con:be:angry EMO1 1:sg

"I am angry."

Copala Triqui has two highly productive emotion particles, rá and nimán. In previous

publications on Copala Triqui, whether an emotion complex had one or the other emotion

particle was seemingly left up to lexical specification. One key finding of this research project is

that both emotion particles are possible for almost every emotion complex, and that the choice

between emotion particles represents an important difference in meaning (this second claim is

explored in section 5). Instead of being the result of fixed and unanalysed idioms, emotion

particles are important tools for expressing emotional nuance in the Copala Triqui language. This

section introduces complex verbs, and provides evidence for the claim that emotion particles can

be used productively with most emotion complexes.

3.1 Background on Complex Verbs

Complex verbs are formed with many other incorporated elements in addition to emotion

particles (Hollenbach 1992:256). These include other BPTs (example 9a) and kinship terms

(example 9b).

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(9) a. ru'maan che'e

con:put foot

"to stomp"

b. Anó tuvi' ro' so' a.

con:grab companion the:du 3:m:sg dec

"They fight with each other."

Hollenbach (1992:256)

As Broadwell notes, these verbal complexes show syntactic incorporation but not

phonological incorporation (2011:5). As Broadwell argues, there are many phonetic distinctions

between final and non-final syllables in Copala Triqui. The verb stems of complex verbs don't

show any of the restrictions expected for non-final syllables. For instance, tone on non-final

syllables are mostly predictable from the tone on the final syllable (Hollenbach 1984). If the final

syllable ends in a high tone (tones 3,4,5,31, or 32), the preceding syllables will be tone 3 (see

example 10a). If the final syllable ends in a low tone (tones 1,2, or 13), the preceding syllables

will be tone 2 (see example 10b). The following examples have tones marked to demonstrate

thisː1

(10) a. a3chen4

"to walk"

b. nu2mii13

"tied" (adj.)

In complexes, the tone of the first component of the complex doesn't follow this pattern,

and can't be predicted from the final tone of the second component. This shows that verb stems

in verbal complexes act like independent words.

1 Example 10 uses a tonal orthography, which is used as an alternative to the practical orthography used throughout

the rest of the text. This orthography marks tone through superscript numbers, with 5 representing a high tone and 1

a low tone. Two numbers together represent a contour tone, for example in 10b.

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(11) ru'maan3 che'e1

put foot

"to stomp on"

Also, Broadwell argues non-final syllables typically cannot contain long vowels, vowels

followed by a glottal stop, or vowels followed by /h/ (written in the orthography as 'j'). Yet these

are allowed in verb stems of complexesː

(12) a. navij nimán

be:tired EMO2

"to be tired"

b. a'ne' rá

stop EMO1

"to stop/to resign"

And yet it's still clear that complexes are syntactic units. One clear test of this is that they

can be separated from subjects by adverbs that appear post-verbally. One such example is ndo'o

"very":

(13) A'maan rá ndo'o unj.

con:be:angry EMO1 very 1ːsg

"I am very angry."

Evidence related to adverbs will be discussed in much more detail in section 4. Another

piece of evidence is copy control constructions in Copala Triqui (Broadwell 2014a). In this

construction, the subject of the embedded clause must be a copy of the subject in the matrix

clause. As can be seen in example 14, nimán is not part of the subject, and thus must be part of

the verb.

(14) ... Ne a'néé nimán núj qui-'yaj suun núj rihaan Diose

... and con:determine EMO2 1ːpl pot-work 1ːpl to God

"... and we are determined to work for God." 2 Corinthians 6:6

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3.2 Complex Adjectives

Complexes can also take the role of adjectives, as in the example below:2

(15) 'Unj ga-ne'e man chii chij rá.

1:sg com-see acc man serious EMO1

"I saw the serious man."

Adjectives can also be used as predicates. Adjectives can be distinguished from verbs by

inflecting them in potential aspect. If adjectives need to encode aspectual information they must

be preceded by a dummy verb that takes the inflection, for example guun 'will become' or gaa

'will exist' (Broadwell 2014a).

(16) G-uun niha' rá=j a.

pot-become happy EMO1=1ːsg dec

"I will become happy."

1 Corinthians 1:14

Interestingly, for our consultants, it seems that emotion complexes are the only types of

complexes that can be used as adjectives. Complexes referring to other types of predicates are

seemingly not used as adjectives. In Hollenbach's Spanish-Triqui Dictionary, the only other body

part term (BPT) besides rá and nimán listed with derived compound adjectives is raa 'head',

which is listed with two adjectives, coloj raa "dumb" and cuu raa "intelligent" (2015:245-246).

These arguably also refer to internal emotional states, and there is some sense in which other raa

complexes should be considered emotion complexes. This is discussed further in section

4.1.1.Thus, there is possibly a connection between emotional meaning and the ability for

complexes to serve as adjectives, though this isn't explored further here.

2 The most common inflected for of ne'e "to see" is que-ne'e. One consultant, however, consistently produced ga-

ne'e for the inflected form of this verb. This is reflected in this example and others elicited from this consultant.

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3.3 Emotion Complexes

As stated above, there are two emotion particles in Copala Triqui: rá and nimán. For

almost all verb stems that enter into emotion complexes, either particle can be used. This means

that there are two variants, a rá variant and a nimán variant, for most emotion complexes. A

representative example is given below:3

(17) a. So' nachri' rá ne'e man no'.

3:m:sg con:hate: EMO1 see acc 3:f:sg

"He hates her."

b. So' nachri' nimán ne'e man no'.

3:m:sg con:hate EMO2 see acc 3:f:sg

"He hates her."

In many cases the complex with either particle are nearly equivalent in meaning. Cases

where the the emotion particles do not encode equivalent meanings are discussed in section 5.

3.3.1 Rá nimán complexes

Additionally, nimán can be added in emotion complexes after rá in almost every verbal

complex. Consider the example below:

(18) A'maan rá nimán ndo'o unj.

con:be:angry EMO1 EMO2 very 1:sg

"I am extremely angry."

Rá nimán complexes are previously unreported in published material, although Barbara

Hollenbach reports encountering this complex variant in her notes (2018). Documenting and

describing rá nimán complexes is an important contribution to the documentation of the Copala

Triqui language as a whole.

3 Copala Triqui makes frequent use of an Emotional Auxiliary construction in sentences that discuss emotions

(Broadwell 2013). This construction includes a so-called "light verb" ne'e 'to see' or ni'yaj 'to look'. Any effects on

sentential meaning of this construction are unclear.

25

This does not mean that emotion particles can be alternated or added freely, however.

Adding complexes in the order nimán rá is ungrammatical:

(19) *'Unj ga-ne'e man chii gisii nimán rá.

1:sg com-see acc man stubborn EMO2 EMO1

"I saw the stubborn man."

Adding nimán after rá doesn't change the denotative meaning of the complex. It does

have a subtle effect on the pragmatics of the term, which will be discussed further in section 5.

As can be seen in example 20, however, both complexes have the same denotative meaning.

Examples 20a and 20b were judged as synonymous by our consultant:

(20) a. Daj nanj nachrij rá=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.

always con:hate EMO1=1:sg acc pl people speak lying

"I hate people who lie."

b. Daj nanj nachrij rá nimán=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.

always con:hate EMO1 EMO2=1:

sg

acc pl people speak lying


While this will be discussed further in section 4, it is important to discuss here how rá

nimán complexes are related to body part terms (BPTs).

In Copala Triqui, BPTs are inherently possessed. This means that body parts must have a

possessor, and possession isn't marked. In Copala Triqui, the possessed noun precedes the

possessor, as in the example below:

(21) Ra'a xnii

handːof child

"the child's hand"

Hollenbach (1992)

Thus, it is possible to interpret example 20b as meaning "My heart hates people who lie."

instead of "I hate people who lie". However, there is evidence that nimán is incorporated into the

26

verb complex: nimán can be separated from the subject by an adverb ndo'o, which would not be

possible if nimán were part of the subject:

(22) Chuman rá nimán ndo'o Juan man Maria.

con:believes EMO1 EMO2 very Juan acc Maria

"Juan believes Maria too much."

Additionally, the subject can be fronted while nimán remains in place:

(23) Juan chuman rá nimán ndo'o Maria.

Juan con:believes EMO1 EMO2 very Maria


This shows that nimán is not part of the subject. If it was, it would be expected to be

fronted with its possessor.

More data about adverbs and emotion complexes is discussed in section 4 below. For

older speakers adverbs are more limited in where they can appear in the verb complex (see

section 4.7). This means it is sometimes difficult to test conclusively whether nimán in rá nimán

complexes is part of the verb phrase or the subject phrase. This, indeed, could provide the

ambiguity that helped nimán be reanalyzed into the verb phrase to begin with. The issue of

syntactic reanalysis is explored later in section 4.3.3.

The existence of rá nimán complexes has some interesting consequences for a syntactic

description of these complex verbs. First, it suggests that there isn't just one position for

incorporated particles. If there were only one position, it would be expected that rá and nimán

could not co-occur. Additionally, the fact that nimán must appear to the right of rá indicates that

the position of nimán is probably lower in the structure. Generating these positions presents an

interesting challenge, and will hopefully be explored in future work.

27

3.3.2 Paradigm of Emotion Complexes

In summary, complexes can be formed with either rá, nimán, or rá nimán. The paradigm

for a typical verb is given below:

Table 3-1. Paradigm of Emotion Complexes

Emotion Complex Gloss Free translation

a'maan rá be:angry EMO1 to be angry

a'maan nimán be:angry EMO2 to be angry

a'maan rá nimán be:angry EMO1 EMO2 to be angry

Some individual lexical items seem to resist one or another form. Details on this are

given in section 3.3.5. These are exceptions to what is otherwise a strong pattern observed in

most emotion words.

3.3.3 Compositional and Non-Compositional Complexes

In Table 1, the verb stem a'maan does not have the same meaning as the complex forms.

A'maan alone is a verb meaning "to be hot", while all of the complex forms have the meaning "to

be angry".4 Complexes where the stem doesn't have the same meaning as the complex will be

referred to as non-compositional complexes in this text.

If non-compositional complexes are used without emotion particles, they lose their

emotional meaning:

(24) a. 'Unj ga-ne'e man chií nichraj nimán.

1ːsg com-see acc man sticky EMO2


b. 'Unj ga-ne'e man chií nichraj.

1ːsg com-see acc man sticky

"I saw the sticky man."

4 As an aside, this is probably related to the derivation of the complex via metaphor, an idea which is explored

further in section 4.3.3.

28

Meanwhile, approximately 18 of the 97 emotion complexes observed from our fieldwork

and from the existing literature seem to be compositional, meaning that the emotion complexes

have the same denotative meaning as the verb stem (for a full list of emotion complexes, see

Appendix B). An example of a compositional complex is given below:

(25) a. So' nachri' ne'e man no'.

3ːmːsg con:hate see acc 3ːfːsg

"He hates her."

b. So' nachri' rá ne'e man no'.

3ːmːsg con:hate EMO1 see acc 3ːfːsg

"He hates her."

Both the verb stem and an emotion complex derived from it can be used in the same

context. While the relationship between the verb stem and the complexes forms are different

from non-compositional complexes, compositional complexes act similarly to non-compositional

complexes in other regards. For example, they show the same patterns in relation to adverbs

(discussed further in section 4.7 and 4.8), and they show the same pattern of felicity in different

contexts (discussed further in section 5). Thus, non-compositional and compositional complexes

are treated as two sub-types of emotion complexes, and not as unrelated phenomena.

3.3.4 Previous Documentation

Previous documentation has treated emotion complexes as idioms. This can be seen in the

entries in the Spanish-Triqui Learner's Dictionary (Hollenbach 2015). For many emotion

complexes, only one variant of the emotion complex was listed, when in fact all variants are

possible and unremarkable, at least for our consultants. Nique rá is a typical example, where only

the rá complex is listed in the dictionary (Hollenbach 2015:218) but the other complexes are also

acceptable to our consultants:

29

(26) a. 'Unj ga-ne'e man chií nique rá.

1ːsg com-see acc man sad EMO1

"I saw the sad man."

b. 'Unj ga-ne'e man chií nique nimán.

1ːsg com-see acc man sad EMO2


c. 'Unj ga-ne'e man chií nique rá nimán.

1ːsg com-see acc man sad EMO1 EMO2


Especially interesting are compositional complexes like nachri' "to hate" used in example

25 above. Many compositional complexes were listed as single lexical items in the dictionary,

with no reference to complex forms in the existing literature. For example, nachri' is listed with

just the base verb in the dictionary (Hollenbach 2015:170). For our consultants, all four variants

of the emotion complex were possible:

(27) a. So' nachri' ne'e man no'.

3ːm:sg con:hate see acc 3ːf:sg

"He hates her."

b. So' nachri' rá ne'e man no'.

3ːm:sg con:hate EMO1 see acc 3ːf:sg

"He hates her."

c. So' nachri' nimán ne'e man no'.

3ːm:sg con:hate EMO2 see acc 3ːf:sg

"He hates her."

d. So' nachri' rá nimán ne'e man no'.

3ːm:sg con:hate EMO1 EMO2 see acc 3ːf:sg

"He hates her."

Thus, emotion particles are more productive than previously documented in Copala

Triqui. Complexes are not idiomatic combinations of a verb stem with a particular emotion

particle; rather, either particle, or both, can be used with almost all emotion complexes. Strictly

30

speaking, this should require a rethinking of lexical entries for emotion complexes, perhaps with

emotion particles listed separately from verb stems. Practically speaking, however, the easier and

more intuitive proposal is to include rá, nimán, and rá nimán complexes in most lexical entries

for emotion terms.

3.3.5 Lexical Variation

While all three variants are available for most emotion complexes, for a handful of

lexical items one or more of the emotion complexes is unavailable. There are three possible

patterns for which emotion complexes are available. First, there seem to be some complexes

where only rá complexes are available:

(28) a. 'Unj me rá cuchi.

1ːsg con:want EMO1 car

"I want a car."

b. #'Unj me nimán cuchi.

1ːsg con:be heart car

"I am the heart of the car." (intended: "I want a car.")

It is possible that emotion complexes showing this pattern are among the few fully

lexicalized complexes. It would be expected that more frequently used emotion complexes are

more likely to show this pattern. This is definitely true for me rá in the example above. Another

word that shows this pattern, nano' rá "to be sad", is also very common, and was listed among

the first few items when speakers were asked to list emotion words in a free list task.

Secondly, there are some complexes where only nimán complexes are available, for

example xtá nimán in example below:

(29) a. *Inaj nimán 'unj tsaj ne so' xtá rá.

con:be:calm EMO2 1ːsg but 3ːm:sg stubborn EMO1

intended: "I am calm but he has a bad temper."

31

b. Inaj nimán 'unj tsaj ne so' xtá nimán.

con:be:calm EMO2 1ːsg but 3ːm:sg stubborn EMO2


c. *Inaj nimán 'unj tsaj ne so' xtá rá nimán.

con:be:calm EMO2 1ːsg but 3ːm:sg stubborn EMO1 EMO2


It is possible that examples of this type are newer constructions. Xtá nimán from the

example above is not attested in Hollenbach's dictionary, which reflects fieldwork primarily in

the 1960s and 1970s (2015). Xtá nimán also shows a probable connection to metaphor. Xtá alone

is an adjective meaning "upward". When discussing this term with our consultant, he agreed that

it felt similar to the English phrase "my blood is boiling" or "my temperature is rising", which is

a common metaphorical mapping (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). This relates to the proposal that

these complexes are sometimes derived via metaphor, which is discussed more in section 4.3.3.

The fact that this metaphorical mapping was analyzable to our consultant may suggest that this is

a newer construction.

Finally, there are some complexes that are resistant to rá nimán variants. An example of

this is given below:

(30) No chu'vi (rá / nimán / *rá nimán) ne'e man ta'naj

3ːf:sg con:be:afraid (EMO1 / EMO2 / *EMO1 EMO2) see acc ghost

"She is afraid of the ghost."

It is unclear why rá nimán wouldn't be acceptable for this verb when both rá and nimán

individually are. This may have something to do with the pragmatics of this verb, and is

definitely a fruitful topic for future exploration.

32

CHAPTER 4

FROM THE BODY TO THE VERB

Rá is believed to be the obsolete term for "heart", and nimán is the current term for

"heart". How did these body part terms become reanalyzed into the verb and gain their emotional

meaning? In turn, as these body part terms were reanalyzed, how did they change, add, and lose

meanings? In order to understand the present-day use of emotion complexes, it is helpful to

understand how they developed.

In this research, the syntactic reanalysis of emotion particles can be seen happening in

real time between members of different generations in the Copala Triqui diaspora community.

For older speakers, emotion particles seem to be syntactically distant from the verb stem, while

for younger speakers, emotion particles are syntactically closer to the verb stem. This provides

insight into how emotion particles were incorporated into emotion complexes, and how their

meaning has developed.

4.1 Body Parts Terms

4.1.1 BPTs in Complex Verbs

Judging from Ann Weiner's thesis (2010) on body part terms (BPTs) and Hollenbach's

article on BPT extension to prepositions (1990), as well as this project, Copala Triqui seems to

have at least twenty-eight BPTs. In Hollenbach's Triqui-Spanish learner's dictionary (2015),

sixteen of the twenty-eight body part terms have derived complex forms listed in their lexical

entries. These are given in Appendix A.

In the Triqui-Spanish dictionary, most of these BPTs have less than five derived complex

forms. There are seven BPTs that are more productive: che'e "foot" with nine complexes, raa

"head" with thirteen complexes, ra'a "hand" with eighteen complexes, tu'va "mouth" with

twenty-three complexes, and rihaan "face" with twenty-four complexes. Nimán is listed with

33

eighteen derived complexes, and rá is listed with eighty-five complexes, in a dedicated appendix

in Hollenbach's dictionary (2015:49).

The number of complex forms reported in previous documentation almost certainly

under-represents the number possible. For nimán and rá, at least, it seems many more verbs are

available with these particles than previously thought, as section 3 argues. Even then, the

numbers in Hollenbach's dictionary show how much more frequently the emotion particle rá is

incorporated into verbal complexes than other BPTs.

Another BPT with an under-reported number of complex forms is raa "head", which has

so-far been found in at least seventeen complexes, many of which also express psychological

predicates. For this reason, raa will be tentatively glossed as EMO3 here. Some of these are

given below (more can be found in Appendix B)ː

(31) a. acaj raa " to reflect, to think about"

b. 'anj raa "to be out of one's mind"

c. snúú raa "to become crazy (from drinking)"

For the sake of brevity, only rá and nimán complexes are discussed in this paper. This is

because rá and nimán are significantly more productive, and because they pattern in similar

ways and seem to interact with each other. Raa does not pattern similarly to rá and nimán: it

cannot be interchanged with rá or nimán in complexes (see example 32), and cannot be followed

by nimán like rá nimán complexes (see example 33):

(32) 'Unj ga-ne'e man chii snúú (raa / *rá / *nimán).

1ːsg com-see acc man crazy (EMO3 / *EMO1 / *EMO2)

"I saw the crazy man."

(33) 'Unj ga-ne'e man chii coloj (raa / *raa nimán).

1ːsg com-see acc man stupid (EMO3 / *EMO3 EMO2)

"I saw the stupid man."

34

Raa complexes, however, will have to be explored further in the future to provide a full

picture of the emotional lexicon of Copala Triqui.

4.1.2 Background to rá

Hollenbach has argued previously that rá is the obsolete word for "heart" in Copala

Triqui. This has been noted multiple times in her work (1984:179, 1992:256, 1990:284). Also,

Hollenbach notes that the cognate for rá in the related language Chicahuaxtla Triqui, ruwa, is

cited by Robert Longacre as the obsolete word for heart (Hollenbach 2018, citing Longacre

1957:42).

However, for the other language in the Triqui family, Itunyoso Triqui, Christian DiCanio

is skeptical that the cognate ra43 is derived from a BPT (DiCanio p.c.). When contemporary

documentation started on these languages in the 1960s, rá and its cognates already had their

contemporary meanings as emotion particles. It is impossible at this point to say definitively if rá

is derived from a BPT or developed independently. For some languages with a longer written

history, it is clear that the word for heart was incorporated into the verb over the course of many

hundreds of years. One example of this is Colonial Valley Zapotec, which is discussed in section

4.9.

If rá was previously used as a BPT, it is clear it is no longer used as such. Instead, it is

used in a handful of set phrases and functional roles in addition to emotion complexes. One

primary functional role rá takes is as a preposition meaning 'in':

(34) Nuu chana rá ve' a.

con:is:inside woman in house dec

"The woman is in the house."


35

This prepositional use of rá will be discussed in more detail later, as it presents some

difficulty in interpreting verbal complexes (see section 4.3.2). Rá can also be used as a quotative,

following verbatim statements or thoughts. In this context, rá might be glossed as something like

"to think":

(35) Gaa ne navij rá chana ne ¿Daj qui-'yaj? rá chana ne.

then con:worry EMO1 woman and how pot-make quot woman and

"Then the woman worried, thinking 'what am I going to do?'."

Broadwell et al. (2009:33)

Interestingly, our younger consultants don't recognize or accept this usage of rá, while

our older consultant does. This suggests rá may be losing this use.

4.1.3 Background to nimán

Nimán is the current term for heart in Copala Triqui. This can be seen in the example

belowː

(36) Vaa sa' nimán=j ndaa doctor.

con:is good heart=1ːsg to doctor

"My heart is good according to the doctor."

Nimán is a loan word from the Spanish word for spirit, ánima Hollenbach (1990:285). In

her notes, Barbara Hollenbach says "In the past ten or twenty years, I have noted increasing use

of nimán in addition to or instead of rá in emotion idioms, especially for emotion verbs with a

moral component used in Bible translation." (Hollenbach 2018). While this paper has not

examined the moral character of emotional complexes, it does agree with Hollenbach's other

observation.

Perhaps because of nimán's more recent history, it does not seem to have been extended

in the same ways that rá has. For instance, it has not been extended to a prepositional use, or as a

quotative.

36

4.2 Extensions of Body Part Terms

4.2.1 Inalienable Possession

In the Mesoamerican linguistic area, body parts are frequently 'inalienably' or 'intimately'

possessed (Campbell, Kaufman, and Smith-Stark 1986:549). This means that body parts must

have a possessor, and that possession isn't marked. In Copala Triqui, the possessed noun

precedes the possessors, as in the example below:

(37) ra'a xnii

handːof child

"the child's hand"


In addition to body parts, kinship terms are inalienably possessed in Copala Triqui.

(38) vij tinúú xnii

two brother boy

"the boy's two brothers"


This can be compared with optionally possessed nouns. Optional possession can be

shown in multiple ways, with "d or t replacing the initial y; the prefix ta-, ti-, s-, or sh-; or the

nominal marker se preceding a low-tone form of the noun." (Hollenbach 1992:283). An example

of each of these options is given in the examples below:

(39) a. daj so'

poss:flower 3ːm:sg

"his flower" (cf. yaj "flower")

b. ichij sto 'unj

seven possːgrindstone 1ːsg

"my seven grindstones" (cf. to "grindstone")

c. se mixté xnii

poss machete boy

"the boy's machete"


37

4.2.2 Body Parts as Prepositions

The extension of BPTs from nouns to prepositions in Copala Triqui has been thoroughly

explored by Hollenbach (1990). Hollenbach argues that BPTs extend to prepositions through a

process called the "optical illusion mechanism" (Hollenbach 1990:275). Because inherently

possessed nouns don't show overt marking for possession, they are structurally ambiguous with

nouns inside a prepositional phrase. Hollenbach uses the sentence reproduced in example 40 as

an demonstration, arguing "it is possible to view 'side' as a noun referring to the area that projects

out... [or] as a preposition referring to the relation between John and his brother." (Hollenbach

1990:283).

(40) Nicun' guá x'núú tinú so' a.

con:stand John side brother:of 3ːm:sg dec

"John is standing next to his brother."

Hollenbach (1990)

This paper will argue later that a very similar "optical illusion" process has occurred with

complex verbs.

An interesting consequence of BPTs being extended to prepositions is that these words

can then undergo further syntactic shift. One of the more interesting cases is the extension of the

BPT che'é "feet" to the conjunction che'e se "because":

(41) c-avi' so' che'e se c-achén aga' rque so' a.

com:die 3ːmːsg feet-of com-pass metal stomach-of him dec

"He died because a bullet passed through his stomach."

(Hollenbach 1990:291)

The extension of BPTs to prepositions is fairly common in Otomanguean languages, and

has been observed in at least Chalcatongo Mixtec (Brugman 1983), Valley Zapotec (Lillehaugen

2003), and Ayoquesco Zapotec (MacLaury 1989).

38

4.2.3 Body Parts as Adverbs and Adjectives

Also relevant to this discussion is the productive extension of BPTs to adjectives. In

Copala Triqui, adjectives can be derived from nouns via a rule where the tone of the noun lowers

(Hollenbach 1990:288). Hollenbach gives some of the following examples of BPTs extended to

adjectives:

(42) a. chuman' ra'a

town handlike

"unimportant town" (cf. ra'a "hand of")


b. rco'oo tocoo

bowl footed

"bowl with feet" (cf. tacóó "foot of")


Importantly, not all adjectives show this tone-lowering; only those derived from nouns.

Copala Triqui also has a rule where adjectives can be used as manner adverbs "with no change in

form" (Hollenbach 1990:289). BPT-derived adjective can also be extended to adverbs, as in the

example below:

(43) Chéé rque Juan a.

conːwalk stomachlike John dec

'John walks downhill.' (cf. rque 'stomach of')


This presents the interesting possibility that the emotion particles rá and nimán were

incorporated from adverbs, which will be discussed in next section, section 4.3.1.

4.3 Path to the Verbal Complex

4.3.1 Are Emotion Particles from Adjectives?

All nouns, including BPTs, can be extended to adjectives and adverbs in Copala Triqui

through a tone-change rule (Hollenbach 1990:288). Can this explain the incorporation of BPTs

39

into verb complexes? There is indeed evidence from related languages that comparable emotion

particles have adverbial qualities. Cruz and Stump describe the comparable particles in San Juan

Quiahije Chatino as a "quasi-adverb formative" (Cruz and Stump 2018:233). Formative here

means a component of a words with a regular meaning, whether or not it can be claimed to be a

morpheme.

There's a reason to reject this for emotion complexes in Copala Triqui, however. The

adjective formation rule stated above requires a lowering in tone, as can be seen in example 43

above. Rá however, never shows tone lowering in the verbal complex. A representative example

is given below:

(44) Da nanj nachri' rá=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.

always con:hate EMO1=1ːsg acc pl people speak neg


Based on recordings in our elicitation sessions, nimán does not show tone lowering when

used as an emotion particle either:

(45) Nachri' nimán no' man so' a.

con:hate EMO2 3ːf:sg acc 3ːm:sg dec

"She hates him."

This provides evidence against the argument that emotion complexes, at least, are derived

from adjectives. The picture for complex verbs formed with other BPTs is more complicated.

This is discussed briefly in section 4.5.

4.3.2 Are Emotion Particles from Prepositions?

Another possible path for the derivation of emotion particles is from prepositions. This is

important to the interpretation of the emotion particles, because it would suggest the original

meaning of the complexes was to feel something "inside" as opposed to "in the heart". Indeed,

40

Hollenbach glosses rá as "adentro" multiple times in her work (Hollenbach 1984:180, 1992:256).

She also states in her syntactic sketch of the language "when the incorporated element [of the

verb] is the preposition 'inside', the verb nucleus and rá form an idiomatic unit that refers to a

psychological state." (Hollenbach 1992:256).

There is some sense in which a locative meaning of rá is a good description of the

semantics of rá complexes. For example, a verb like amáán rá "to be angry" could follow

metaphorically from the literal meaning "to be hot inside".

There are multiple reasons to believe, however, that emotion particles are not derived

from prepositions. First, nimán can replace rá in these complexes, but does not have a

prepositional form. Thus, it would be impossible for nimán as an emotion particle to be formed

via a prepositional path.

While it would be possible to propose a path from the preposition for rá only, this

analysis isn't preferred here because rá and nimán seem to have similar denotative meanings as

emotion particles. If rá were derived from a preposition and nimán from the BPT, we might

expect a bigger difference in meaning than the rather subtle difference we do see (summarized in

section 5).

This relates to a larger problem: many of the other body part terms that are incorporated

into complex verbs lack prepositional forms as well. This includes chihá "neck", rque tzij

"armpit", xcóó "shoulder", chruj "nape", ra'a "arm", and tacúún "nose". A path from

prepositions, then, could not explain all BPT incorporation into verbal complexes. That rá

individually is derived from the preposition and not the BPT can't be ruled out conclusively.

4.3.3 Emotion Particles as Syntactic Reanalysis

The simplest explanation for the inclusion of emotion particles in verbal complexes is

through something similar to the "optical illusion mechanism" from Hollenbach (1990),

41

discussed in section 4.2.2 above. Section 4.2.2 argued that BTPs were reanalyzed as prepositions

because they are structurally ambiguous between the two in sentences like the one below,

repeated from 40 above.

(46) Nicun' guá x'núú tinú so' a.

con:stand John side brother-of 3ːm:sg dec

"John is standing next to his brother." or "John is standing (at) his brother's

side."

In a similar way, in sentences with emotion complexes, rá and nimán can be structurally

ambiguous between two positions: the final position of the verb phrase (example 47a), or the first

position of the subject (example 47b). This is show for nimán in the example below:

(47) a. [Yi'aan nimán]VP no'.

con:be:on:fire EMO2 3ːf:sg

"She is angry."

b. Yi'aan [nimán no'.]DP

con:be:on:fire heart 3ːf:sg

"Her heart is burning."

While rá is not used as a BPT in current speech, it is likely that it would have been

ambiguous in the same way when it was still used as a BPT.

Comparing the complex verb interpretation in example 47a to the possessed BPT

interpretation in example 47b, a possible metaphorical connection between them can be seen.

This is not to suggest that yi'aan nimán is currently interpreted as metaphorical by Copala Triqui

speakers; rather, that metaphor may have played a role in the initial extension of BPTs to some

complex verbs. The idea that complex verbs were formed via metaphor was first suggested in

section 3.3.3. In example 47, the sense of yi'aan nimán as "to be angry" may be from the

metaphorical mapping of anger as one's heart being on fire. This is, in fact, a common

metaphorical mapping Lakoff and Johnson (1980).

42

There are other pieces of evidence to suggest that metaphor was an important reason for

the initial reinterpretation of rá and nimán into emotion complexes. While metaphors don't need

to be accessed in everyday use of these complexes, these connections can still seem to be

referenced in some cases. For instance, section 3.3.5 discussed a complex that seemed to be a

recent innovation, xta' nimán "to have a bad temper". Xta' nimán is formed with the adjective

xta' "upward" plus the emotion particle nimán. Our consultant associated the emotion complex

xta' nimán with the English expression "my blood is boiling"; this implies that both languages

draw from a similar metaphorical representation, a representation that is common cross-

linguistically (Lakoff and Johnson 1980).

Also, in a text written by our consultant that uses poetic forms, the source domain of a

metaphor in the emotion complex (see example 48a) is referenced in the following line of text

(see examples 48b and 48c). The image in Ya'aan ndo'o rá "to be very angry" (lit. be:on:fire very

EMO1) is picked back up in the next line when the speaker asks the listener not to stir the fire

anymore:

(48) a. Vaa soj ya'aan ndo'o rá donj.

seem 2ːpl beːeasilyːangered very EMO1 part.

"You are so hot-tempered."

b. Se g-uun rá soj nachraa soj ...

not pot-doːvoluntarily EMO1 2ːpl feedːfire 2:pl ...

c. ... doj ya'an a mene.

... more fire dec phraseːfinal

"Don't choose to stir up the fire anymore."

Vidal Lopéz (2011)

It is important to clarify here that these complexes are not figurative in the way that

similar metaphors are in English. In English, using metaphors to describe emotions are a very

marked form; in Copala Triqui, these emotion complexes are the unmarked forms. As such, their

43

use is likely not considered creative or fanciful; rather these forms are the unremarkable norm.

What is proposed here is that these forms seem to share some connection to widely observed

patterns of metaphorical extension. Scanning Appendix B included in this paper, for example,

shows many more complexes that follow well-documented metaphorical mappings.

In conclusion, we suggest that body part terms in emotion complexes were initially

reinterpreted into the verb through Hollenbach's "optical illusion mechanism" (1990), and that

this process was helped along by metaphorical connections between the verbs and BPTs.

One consequence of this is that it suggests emotion particles were initially analyzed at the

right-most position of the verb complex. This position would be necessary to allow for the

ambiguity between the complex verb interpretation and the possessed BPT interpretation. In the

next section, we'll look at evidence for what position emotion particles have in the verb complex

currently.

4.4 Degrees of Incorporation of Emotion Particles

Broadwell (2014a) describes three subtypes of complex verbs in Copala Triqui based on

syntactic properties. He uses the adverb ndo'o "very" as a diagnostic of syntactic position. These

are given in the table below:1

Table 4-1. Broadwell's classification of complex verbs

Broadwell's Classification Diagnostic

Incorporation Type V1 (*ndo'o) V2 (ndo'o)

Adjunction Type V1 (ndo'o) V2 (ndo'o)

Non-Constituent Type V1 (ndo'o) V2 (*ndo'o)

1 In the table, I continue Broadwell's notation of using V1 and V2 to refer to the two components of the complex

verb.

44

The titles of each type are descriptive of Broadwell's analysis. In the Incorporation Type,

the second component of the verb is fully incorporated into the verb head. The adverb ndo'o

cannot intervene between the two components. An example of this type of verb is given below:

(49) Toco' (*ndo'o) vaj (ndo'o) xnii se nave so' a.

com:hang (*much) hang (much) boy poss hat 3:sg:m dec

"The boy hung up his hat many times."

Broadwell (2014a:13)

In the Adjunction Type, the second component of the verb is generated lower in the

structure, and is optionally raised into an adjoined position in the verb head. This explains the

possibility of the particle appearing both to the right and the left of the adverb. An example of

this is given belowː

(50) Ru'maan (ndo'o) che'e (ndo'o) Juán man nij xcuaa.

com:put (much) foot (much) Juan acc pl ant

"Juan stomped on the ants many times."


In the Non-Constituent Type, Broadwell considers the second component of the verb a

noun head that is generated lower than the verb but is still lexically linked to the verb. Broadwell

states that the only complexes of this type are ones with the emotion particle rá (Broadwell

2011). An example is given below:

(51) Me (ndo'o) rá (*ndo'o) no' gaa ta'nii no'.

com:want (much) EMO1 (much) 3:sg:f pot:exist child 3:sg:f

"She wanted very much to have children." (lit. "she wanted very much for

her children to exist.")


Following Broadwell's description, then, we should expect rá complexes to follow the

pattern of Non-Constituent complexes; in other words, we should expect adverbs to intervene

between the verb stem and the emotion particle. What we will see in the next sections is that this

45

describes the speech of our older speaker, while younger speakers are doing something

different.2

Nimán complexes are not discussed explicitly in Broadwell's typology of complex verbs.

In an unpublished manuscript, he argues that all Spanish loan words should fall into the

Incorporation Type (Broadwell 2011:8). What we see in the following sections is that nimán

actually patterns along with rá; for our older speaker, it follows the pattern of the Non-

Constituent Type, and for younger speakers it does something different. This, then, requires a

mild revision of Broadwell's proposal, in that rá is not the only particle that enters into the Non-

Constituent Type of complex, at least for some speakers.

Finally, as rá nimán complexes had not been previously documented in the language,

Broadwell's paradigm makes no predictions for these complexes.

It is important to note that the ordering possibilities in Broadwell's typology, especially

the Adjunction Type and the Non-Constituent type, are possible because of assumptions in the

Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) framework. Trying to achieve these ordering possibilities in

mainstream minimalist syntax presents serious difficulties. While this is a very worthwhile field

of investigation, it is beyond the scope of this paper.

What is significant here is that the three types of complex verbs Broadwell proposes

represent different degrees of incorporation into the verb phrase. The Non-constituent Type is the

least-incorporated and the furthest from the verb stem, the Incorporation Type is the most-

incorporated, and is inseparable from the stem, and the Adjunction Type is in between.

2 "Younger" and "older" here are used as shorthand for what is a complex sociocultural situation. While age is a

significant factor in the type of language speakers use, language history, types of socialization opportunities in the

language, and many other factors play an important and complicated role in language use.

46

Broadwell does not explicitly attribute these types of complex verbs to a historical

process, but Hollenbach makes a relevant observation in a footnote in her syntactic sketch,

saying that verbal complexes undergo "an historical process in which a body-part noun moves

from the subject towards the verb" (Hollenbach 1992:257). She identifies four stages in this

process. These stages map approximately onto Broadwell's complex verb types:

Table 4-2. Stages of Incorporation of Particles

Stage Hollenbach (1992) description Broadwell (2013) Stage

1 The nucleus of a possessive noun phrase

expressing the subject

N/A (inherently-possessed BPT)

2 The final incorporated-element position in the

verb-phrase

Non-Constituent Type

3 The modifier of a complex nucleus,

immediately following the verb

Adjunction Type

4 Fused with a verb into a compound verb. Incorporation Type

Combining these two observations forms a proposal for the path particles take as they

approach the verb stem. This produces predictions for how syntactic change should occur. These

predictions are explored in this paper specifically for emotion particles. What we find is evidence

that emotion particles are indeed further incorporated into the verb for younger speakers than for

older speakers.

4.5 F2 Tone-Lowering Rule

In the Adjunction Type, the second component of the verb undergoes a tone-change rule

called the F2 rule (Hollenbach 1984:236). Broadwell argues that this tone change applies to

heads when they appear on the right branch of a branching constituent, otherwise called "right-

node lowering" (Broadwell 2011:13). Thus the tone change provides evidence for the adjunction

position of the second component.

47

(52) Ru'maan che'e Juán man nij xcuaa.

com:put foot Juan acc pl ant

"Juan stomped on the ants." (cf. che'é 'foot')

As discussed above in the section on whether emotion particles were derived from

adjectives (section 4.3.1), neither rá nor nimán show tone lowering. Examples from this section

are reproduced below:

(53) Daj nanj nachrij rá=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.

always con:hate EMO1=1ːsg acc pl people speak lying


(54) nachri' nimán no' man so' a

con:hate EMO2 3ːf:sg acc 3ːm:sg dec

"She hates him."

This provides additional evidence that rá and nimán are not Adjunction Type complexes

in Broadwell's description.3

4.6 Findings From Albany Diaspora Community

In linguistic elicitations with members of the Copala Triqui diaspora community,

speakers seemed to be at different places along the spectrum of incorporation of emotion

particles. For the oldest speaker,in his early sixties, the emotion particles seemed less-

incorporated into the verb complex, while the two younger speakers (in their early thirties and

late twenties respectively) had similar judgments that both emotion particles were more closely

incorporated with the verb. This suggests that we are watching syntactic change happen in real

time in the Albany community. The data in support of this is discussed below.

3 As an aside, the tone lowering in other verbal complexes could be motivated either by the F2 "right node lowering"

rule, or by the adjective derivation rule discussed in section 4.3.1. As this paper is focused on emotion complexes,

this ambiguity isn't explored any further here.

48

4.7 Early Incorporation

The judgments reported in Broadwell (2014a) were taken from the same speaker as the

oldest speaker in this study. Unsurprisingly, then, this speakers judgments match with those

reported in that study. For this speaker, the adverb ndo'o can only be used between the verb stem

and rá in verbal complexes:

(55) a. Achraa rá=j ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO1=1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg

"I hate him."

b. Achraa ndo'o rá=j ne'e man so'.

con:hate very EMO1=1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg

"I really hate him."

c. *Achraa rá ndo'o 'unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO1 very 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg

intended: "I really hate him."

The adverb ndo'o also could only be used between the verb stem and nimán in nimán

complexes:

(56) a. Achráá nimán 'unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO2 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg

"I hate him."

b. Achráá ndo'o nimán 'unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate very EMO2 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg


c. *Achráá nimán ndo'o 'unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO2 very 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg


This means that both rá complexes and nimán complexes can be considered Non-

Constituent complexes following Broadwell's paradigm. This also means that the emotion

particles are furthest from the verb stem, following the proposal outlined in section 4.4.

49

Because the adverb ndo'o has to appear to the left of either rá and nimán, perhaps it is

unsurprising that it also can only appear to the left of rá nimán in rá nimán complexes.

(57) a. Achráá rá nimán unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO1 EMO2 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg

"I hate him."

b. Achráá ndo'o rá nimán unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate very EMO1 EMO2 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg


c. *Achráá rá ndoó nimán unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO1 very EMO2 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg


d. *Achráá rá nimán ndo'o unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO1 EMO2 very 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg


In summary, these results are consistent with the Non-Constituent Complex type as

proposed by Broadwell (2014a). This suggests that the speech of our older speaker shows an

earlier stage of incorporation that matches with previous descriptions.

4.7.1 Structural Ambiguity

As discussed briefly in section 3.3.1, one consequence of this pattern is that ndo'o can't be

used as a diagnostic for determining whether nimán is an emotion particle or an inherently

possessed body part in examples like 57a.

Sentences like 57a are ambiguous between the two interpretations, with nimán part of the

verb phrase or part of the subject. In fact it is possible that the same sentence may be interpreted

with one or the other structure depending on the context. In elicitation sessions with our older

speaker, it was possible to front both just the subject (example 58) and also the subject plus

nimán (example 59). This suggests that sometimes nimán was considered part of the subject, and

sometimes it was considered part of the verb complex.

50

(58) a. Sca' rá nimán 'unj

be:strong EMO1 EMO2/heart 1ːsg

"I feel very strong." or "My heart is strong."

b. 'Unj sca' rá nimán

1ːsg be:strong EMO1 EMO2

"I feel very strong."

(59) a. Ra'ñanj rá nimán 'unj.

con:be:hurried EMO1 EMO2/heart 1ːsg

"I am very hurried." or "My heart is hurried"

b. Nimán 'unj ra'ñanj rá.

heart:of 1ːsg con:be:hurried EMO1

"My heart is hurried."

4.8 Late Incorporation

The two younger language consultants who participated in this project showed patterns

that contrasted with the older speaker above. Both emotion particles, rá and nimán, could be

optionally preceded or followed by the adverb ndo'o:

(60) a. So' a'maan (ndo'o) rá (ndo'o).

3ːm:sg con:be:angry (very) EMO1 (very)

"He is (very) angry."

b. So' a'maan (ndo'o) nimán (ndo'o).

3ːm:sg con:be:angry (very) EMO2 (very)

"He is (very) angry."

Following Broadwell's (2014a) description (summarized in section 4.4), these verbs

would be best described as Adjunction Type complexes. Following Broadwell's argument, these

particles can appear in one of two places: first, they can stay in situ in the lower position, in

which case the adverb ndo'o appears to the left of the emotion particle. Second, they can be

raised to a position closer to the verb, past the adverb ndo'o.

51

One complication for the argument that these complexes are Adjunction Type is that they

do not show the F2 tone lowering pattern as predicted by Broadwell (see section 4.5).

Adverbs can also appear freely in rá nimán compounds. There are three possible

positions of adverbs, all of which are acceptable to these speakers:

(61) a. Juan chuman ndo'o rá nimán Maria.

Juan con:believe very EMO1 EMO2 Maria


b. Juan chuman rá ndo'o nimán Maria.

Juan con:believe EMO1 very EMO2 Maria


c. Juan chuman rá nimán ndo'o Maria.

Juan con:believe EMO1 EMO2 very Maria


This pattern requires a little explanation. It is unlikely that there are three syntactic

positions for adverbs. Rather, the pattern can be best explained by saying that either rá on its

own or the full constituent containing both rá and nimán can be raised into a position closer to

the verb.

A previous section discussed reasons for stating that rá and nimán probably have

different syntactic positions (see section 3.3.1). In light of these facts, however, rá and nimán

still need to form a syntactic constituent at some level to explain how both could be raised past

the adverb.

Also, as discussed earlier, nimán cannot appear before rá in emotion complexes (see

example 62, repeated from example 19).

(62) *'Unj ga-ne'e man chii kisii nimán rá.

1ːsg com-see acc man stubborn EMO2 EMO1


52

This means that whatever is proposed for the syntactic structure of complexes, it cannot

allow for nimán to be raised and for rá to remain in situ.

The same patterns of adverb use held when complexes were used in an adjectival position

(example 63), including rá nimán complexes in an adjectival position (example 64).

(63) a. Ne'e=j man chii sca' (ndo'o) rá (ndo'o).

con:see=1ːsg acc man strong (very) EMO1 (very)

"I see the (very) strong man."

b. Ne'e=j man chii sca' (ndo'o) nimán (ndo'o).

con:see=1ːsg acc man strong (very) EMO2 (very)

"I see the (very) strong man."

(64) a. Ne'e=j man chii sca' ndo'o rá nimán.

con:see=1ːsg acc man strong ver) EMO1 EMO2

"I see the very strong man."

b. Ne'e=j man chii sca' rá ndo'o nimán.

con:see=1ːsg acc man strong EMO1 very EMO2


c. Ne'e=j man chii sca' rá nimán ndo'o.

con:see=1ːsg acc man strong EMO1 EMO2 very


The patterns also held when adjectives were used as verbs preceded by a dummy verb

(example 65, see section 3.2 for a discussion of complexes as adjectives):

(65) 'Unj g-uun nique (ndo'o) rá (ndo'o).

1sg com-become sad (very) EMO1 (very)

"I became (very) sad."

4.9 A Comparison to Colonial Valley Zapotec and Mitla Zapotec

Copala Triqui was first documented using contemporary linguistic methods in the 1960s.

At this point, rá had already been reinterpreted into an emotion particle, and had lost all direct

reference to the heart (if it indeed referred to the heart; see section 4.1.2 for further discussion).

53

As stated earlier, many related languages have verbal complexes that appear similar to

those in Copala Triqui. This section looks briefly at a related language with a much longer

written history in order to provide another piece of evidence that emotion particles incorporate

into the verb over time. This, in turn, provides evidence that the observations made here about

emotion complexes in Copala Triqui could be applicable to other languages in the language

family.

An excellent case to explore this is in Central Valley Zapotec. There are written records

of Central Valley Zapotec dating back about 500 years (Broadwell 2014b). These records have

been organized into a searchable online database at the Ticha project (Lillehaugen et al.

2016).The variety that was spoken at this time has been referred to as Colonial Valley Zapotec.

Importantly, Colonial Valley Zapotec is a protolanguage to many contemporary Central

Zapotecan languages, for example Mitla Zapotec (e.g Stubblefield and Stubblefield 1994) and

San Lucas Quiavini' Zapotec (e.g Lee 2006). Thus, observations can be made about changes in

the language between the colonial records and the languages spoken today.

In Colonial Valley Zapotec, the word that acts comparably to rá or nimán is lachi "heart".

Although this is not a direct cognate with rá, it enters into compounds similar to those in Copala

Triqui. Consider acalachi "to want" and loobilachi "to do with all one's heart" in the example

below:

(66) a. Hua n-ana=lo, tevela r-acalachi co-chaaga=ñaa=ni ...

q stat-

know=2:sg

if hab-want(be-

heart)

perf-join=with=3 ...

"Do you know if they want to marry..."

b. gui-loobilachi-too=ni?

irr-do.w/.all.your.heart(one-heart)-great=3

"... with all their heart?"

54

In the recorded texts of Colonial Valley Zapotec, lachi occurs most frequently with the

adverbs chahui "well" and lijca, an emphatic (EMPH) . These adverbs were found with verbs

containing lachi 23 times in the corpus. Of these times, lachi appeared to the right of the adverb

in all but one instance. A representative example is given below:

(67) Pe-zaa chahui lachii=lo . . .

perf:caus-create well heart=2ːsg . . .

"You create well..."

Lillehaugen et al. (2016)

This shows that emotion particles in earlier forms of Central Zapotec were more distant

from the verb. The pattern seen in the example above is equivalent to the pattern seen in the

speech of the older speaker of Copala Triqui reported earlier, following what Broadwell calls

Non-constituent incorporation.

This can be compared with modern varieties of Central Zapotec. First we'll consider

Mitla Zapotec, which is a contemporary variety closely related to the Colonial variety. In Mitla

Zapotec, the BPT for heart is a laz, a form clearly related to the historical form lachi

(Stubblefield and Stubblefield 1994). In this variety, laz has become fully incorporated into the

verb, and adverbs no longer intervene between the verb stem and the emotion particle. Consider

the example below, with the verb balaz and the adverb dus "very":4

(68) a. ByunehZti Juan ro'k ka-balaz=dus=ni ...

was-way-just John there liking-very-he ...

b. ... nãhru spurni r-balaz=duxh.

... with-more of-donkey-he liking-very

"Then Juan, with his donkey, entered his way from there, he was very

happy"

Stubblefield and Stubblefield (1994:58)

4 Glosses and free translation taken from Stubblefield and Stubblefield (1994).

55

This shows a later stage of incorporation, where the emotion particle has been completely

reinterpreted as part of the verb.

A similar pattern has occurred in San Lucas Quiavini' Zapotec. In this variety, the word

for heart is lààa'z, another cognate from lachi. In her dissertation, Felicia Lee shows that lààa'z

is part of the verb and not the subject by showing that it cannot be separated by the modal zhya'

"might" (2006). This is reproduced in the following example:

(69) a. B-yann-lààa'z-zhya' Gye'eihlly n-gyaàa'nn Gye'eihlly bèe'cw.

perf-forget-heart-might Mike subj-feed Mike dog

"Mike might have forgotten to feed the dog"

b. *B-yann-zhya'-lààa'z Gye'eihlly n-gyaàa'n Gye'eihlly bèe'cw.

perf-forgot-might-heart Mike subj-feed Mike dog

"Mike might have forgotten to feed the dog"

Lee (2006:60)

In summary, there is evidence that emotion particles have become more incorporated into

the verb over time in Central Zapotecan languages. This provides support for the argument that

the same process is happening contemporarily in Copala Triqui.

56

CHAPTER 5

ALTERNATION BETWEEN EMOTION PARTICLES

Earlier, it was argued that emotion particles are more productive than previously realized

(see section 3). This means that all three variants of an emotion complex (i.e. complexes with rá,

nimán, or rá nimán) can be used with almost every verb that describes an emotion predicate.

This choice between the three variants of emotion complexes is important because each variant

expresses a subtly different meaning. While it is hard to generalize, because emotion complexes

in Copala Triqui describe a wide variety of actions and feelings, there seem to be general

patterns in how rá, nimán, and rá nimán are preferentially used. Even though emotion particles

seem to hold different syntactic positions for the younger versus older speakers consulted for this

project, they seem to share the same observations about the differences in meanings of these

terms. These patterns are reported here.

Speaking generally, rá is preferred in contexts where emotions are felt in the moment,

internally. Nimán is preferred for emotions that are longer in duration, that describe semi-

permanent states for the speaker. Rá nimán in some cases seems to take one or the other

meaning, or mean a combine of both. These statements will be further developed in subsequent

sections.

5.1 Momentary Contexts

Examining particular discourse contexts can reveal characteristics of the emotion

complexes that are not readily apparent to speakers. For example, in one elicitation session our

consultant insisted that all four variants of nachri' were exactly synonymous (because nachri' is a

compositional complex, the verb stem is also considered a variant of the emotion complex):

(70) a. Daj nanj nachri=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.

always con:hate=1ːsg acc pl people speak lying


57

b. Daj nanj nachri' rá=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.



c. Daj nanj nachri' nimán=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.



d. Daj nanj nachri' rá nimán=j man nij yuvii a'mii ne.

always con:hate EMO1 EMO2=1ːsg acc pl people speak lying


Alternatively, the following discourse context revealed different felicity judgments for

each complex. This context arose naturally in conversation with our consultant, and was then

explored further in elicitation. Our consultant had been sick the week before, and had had to

cancel an elicitation session. The next week, we explored possible ways for him to say he was

feeling stronger, using variants of the complex sca' rá "to be strong". The results are given

below:

(71) Context: Speaker was feeling sick last week but is feeling better now

a. #'Unj sca'.

1ːsg be:strong

intended: "I feel strong."

b. 'Unj sca' rá.

1ːsg be:strong EMO1

"I feel strong."

c. ?'Unj sca' nimán.



d. 'Unj sca' rá nimán.


"I feel strong."

58

Each of these options will be discussed in turn. First, in this context, the verb stem sca' is

infelicitous. While sca' is technically a compositional compound, the sense in which it means

"strong of character" is a minor sense, and it is most often interpreted as meaning "hard". This

interpretation was the most available to speakers in this context.

It is unsurprising then that sca' is infelicitous here. What this does show, however, is that

the felicity of sca' rá is because of the contribution of rá, and not based on the semantics of the

verb stem alone. In this context, sca' rá was the variant first offered in elicitation, and the

preferred variant:

(72) 'Unj sca' rá.


"I feel strong."

In this context, nimán sounded questionable, and was definitely dispreferred to rá.

Interestingly, nimán sounds better if it is used with a temporal adverb that specifies the change is

recent:

(73) a. ?'Unj sca' ndo'o nimán.

1ːsg be:strong very EMO2


b. 'Unj sca' ndo'o nimán yaj.

1ːsg be:strong very EMO2 now

"I feel stronger now."

Even though sca' nimán ya is acceptable in this context, this doesn't necessarily mean it

has the same interpretation as rá. The inclusion of the adverb ya raises an interesting idea: that

sca' nimán may encode a shift between two semi-permanent states. The adverb ya would then

indicate that a new state has been achieved. The speaker would then be indicating that they felt

more permanently strong now. Whether this is indeed the case in this context will need to be

59

tested further. Nimán's connection to semi-permanent states is explored further in the next

section.

Rá nimán is also appropriate in this context, without or without ya.

(74) 'Unj sca' rá nimán.


"I feel strong."

The use of rá nimán remains a mystery. In this example, it patterns with rá. In the

example discussed next, it seems to pattern with nimán. What meaning rá nimán complexes have

relative to rá or nimán complexes remains unresolved here. Other uses of rá nimán are discussed

in the following sections, especially section 5.4.

Another context that selected for emotions felt in the moment was explored. The results

of this are explored below:

(75) a. Síí inaj nimán me se tsaj ne ndaa yaj a'maan rá so'.

rel con:be:calm heart cleft but upːto now con:be:angry EMO1 3:m:sg

"He is one who is calm but right now he is angry."

b. #Síí inaj nimán me se tsaj ne ndaa yaj a'maan nimán so'.

rel con:be

:calm

heart cleft but upːto now con:be:

angry

EMO2 3ːm:sg

intended: "He is one who is calm but right now he is angry."

c. #Síí inaj nimán me se tsaj ne ndaa yaj a'maan rá nimán so'.

rel con:be

:calm

heart cleft but upːto now con:be:

angry

EMO1 EMO2 3ːm:sg

intended: "He is one who is calm but right now he is angry."

In this context, only rá was acceptable in the second position, and nimán and rá nimán

were judged as infelicitous. As stated above, here rá nimán patterns with nimán, where as in the

example above it patterned with rá. Rá and nimán individually, however, follow the same pattern

60

as discussed above: rá is preferentially used to describe a temporary emotional state, or feeling

something tin the moment, while nimán is not.

5.2 Describing Character

Section 5.1 discusses a context with the emotion particle rá is preferred over the emotion

particle nimán. This section discusses a discourse context where the opposite is true. In this

context, our consultants were asked to describe the character of another person. The following

terms were offered to describe a person who is calm, using the verb inaj. Both variants are

acceptable, but nimán was offered first, and was deemed as preferred in following discussion:

(76) a. síí inaj nimán

rel be:calm EMO2

"One who is calm"

b. síí inaj rá

rel be:calm EMO1

"one who is calm"

Other examples can come from speaker intuitions about certain forms. Consider the

following sentence, which was explored with all variants of the emotion complex:

(77) Ne'e=j man chii sca' (rá / nimán / rá nimán).

see=1ːsg acc man strong (EMO1 / EMO2 / EMO1 EMO2)

"I saw the strong man."

When asked when one would use sca' rá, our consultant said you use it, "when you know

he is strong". In further discussion, it was determined that saying the man was sca' rá could

imply that he was weak in the past. For sca' nimán, our consultant said it meant, "He always has

a strong heart... He is doing pretty well, that's why he got done what he got done." This seems to

imply a more permanent state, one that describes the man's past behaviors. Finally, rá nimán

61

implied that you were telling someone else about the man in question. This would also be

consistent with an interpretation that rá nimán describes character.

One consultant offered the glosses of rá and nimán as "thoughts" and "feelings"

respectively, saying, "nimán lasts longer than rá, because feelings last longer than thoughts".

This can be a helpful way to begin to conceptualize the difference between the two emotion

complexes.

It has also been helpful to the analyst in understanding nimán complexes to think about

them informally with the gloss "to feel X in the heart". This seems to capture the semi-permanent

nature of the complexes. The idea for this first came when a consultant shared a saying in Copala

Triqui:

(78) Nuu catuun nimán sayuun qui-rii ma.

As:soon comːget:in heart problem pot-get:out neg.

"As soon as a problem gets in your heart, it can't get out."

Although it is often difficult to interpret text without full context, the contrast between rá

and nimán presented in this section and section 5.1 is reflected in a passage from the the New

Testament, given below in example 79. In this passage, it is said that the word of God will help

the people gain courage. In this passage, gaining courage is a permanent change, a change in the

characteristics of the people. Gaining strength is translated as nari' nucuaj nimán "to be

encouraged" (lit. find strength EMO2). Importantly, this emotion complex uses nimán to

describe a change in character. This can be contrasted with uun ya rá "to be convinced" (lit.

become true EMO1), which is immediately following in the text. Here, this describes an even

that is going to happen in the future, and describes a momentary state of feeling convinced.

Importantly, this complex uses rá:

62

(79) a. Gaa naá me se c-achrón nii nana rihaan danj Diose ...

when long:

ago

cleft com-put 3ːin

def

lang-

uage

to thus God ...

"Long ago they wrote the words of God's book ..."

b. ... yan qui-nari' ma'an ní' daj qui-'yaj ní' ...

... so:that pot-find self 1ːpl how pot-make 1ːpl ...

"... so that we ourselves would find out how we could act ..."

c. ... gaa ne g-uun nucuaj ní' qui-'yaj canaán ní' rihaan ...

... then pot-

have:strength

1ːpl com-unsure 1ːpl to ...

"... so that we would have strength or conquer ..."

d. ... sayuun ne qui-nari' nucuaj nimán ní' ...

... problem and com-be:encouraged EMO2 1ːpl ...

"... problems and so that our hearts would be strong ..."

e. ... gaa ne c-a'vee g-uun ya rá ní' ...

... then pot-be:able pot-be:convinved EMO1 1ːpl ...

" ... and we would be able to be convinced ..."

f. ... se vaa vaa güii cavii sa' ní' a.

... that some:day pot-turn:out good 1ːpl dec

"... that some day we would turn out well."

Romans 15ː4

5.3 Connection to Personal Relationships

The last section showed nimán is preferentially used in contexts talking about semi-

permanent emotional states. Nimán was also found to be preferred in other contexts, specifically,

when talking about people, especially family or romantic relationships. This context could be

thought about as an instance when one is more likely to have semi-permanent feelings towards

another person. Additionally, nimán may be used in this context because of its connotations as

the BPT "heart".

The following section discusses examples 80 and 81, where the verb niha' rá "to be

happy" is used in two different contexts. First, it is important to note that niha' nimán seems to

63

show a lexical variation, where the nimán complex is interpreted as relatively mild, and the rá

nimán complex seems to behave more like the nimán complex would be expected to. Niha' rá

and niha' nimán are very frequently used, and it is possible this lexical idiosyncrasy is caused by

a semantic bleaching of niha' nimán. The specific behavior of niha nimán could also be because

of a related sense that means "to be promiscuous". Speakers may wish to avoid this sense of the

word in elicitation contexts. The behavior of niha' rá nimán is explored more in section 5.5.

Thus, although niha' rá nimán was offered in example 81a, it is argued here that this is

representative of wider patterns in the use of the nimán particle. The key here is whether or not

nimán can be included in the emotion complex at all.

In the context describing something good but unrelated to family, nimán cannot be added

to the complex (example 80), while in the context describing something good happening to

family, rá nimán is the preferred variant 81).

(80) a. Guun niha' ndo'o rá (#nimán) 'unj gaa ...

com-become happy very EMO1 (# EMO2) 1ːsg when ...

"I was happy when..."

b. ... 'unj me síí 'yaj ganaán loteria.

... 1ːsg is one.who win lottery

"... I won the lottery."

(81) a. G-uun niha' ndo'o ra niman 'unj gaa ...

com-become happy very EMO1 EMO2 1ːsg when ...

"I was happy when ..."

b. ... c-achén sa' ra'vij 'unj gaa ...

... com-pass good sister 1ːsgːposs when ...

" ... my sister was okay when ..."

c. ... c-uchruj no' ne'ej.

... com-giveːbirth 3ːf:sg baby

" ... the baby was born."

64

Another example is given below. In this case, nimán is further limited, being

preferentially used for romantic relationshiups rather than familial ones:

(82) a. #Na'vej nimán=j ca-'anj ra'vij.

con:don't:want EMO2=1ːsg com-go brother

"I don't want my brother to go."

b. Na'vej nimán=j ca-'anj s=novio=j.

con:don't:want EMO2=1ːsg com-go poss=boyfriend=1sg

"I don't want my brother to go."

This example reinforces the idea that nimán maintains some of the connotations of the

word heart. Here, nimán seems connected to a romantic notion of the heart in Copala Triqui,

similar to how it is in English.

The connection to romantic situations was also reflected in judgments given by our older

consultant. When asked to describe a setting where niha' rá nimán might be used, our consultant

offered the following example. The context is that the speaker is trying to court a woman and she

finally talks to them:

(83) Guun niha' ndo'o ra niman unj gaa a'mii so' ga 'unj.

com-

become

happ

y

very EMO

1

EMO2 1ːsg when con:t

alk

2ːs

g

with 1ːsg

"I am very happy that you talked with me."

In conclusion, nimán's use as an emotion particle still seems to be connected to and

informed by its use as the body part term for "heart". This can be found in nimán's preferential

use in situations that are considered domains of the heart in Copala Triqui (as well as in English):

when talking about family, and when talking about romance.

5.4 Describing Intensity

So far, we've been able to isolate three broad patterns about the use of rá and nimán: first,

rá is preferentially used to discuss emotions in the moment; second, nimán is preferentially used

65

to discuss semi-permanent states; third, nimán is preferentially used to discuss feelings about

family or romantic partners.

These three facts put together can help explain another pattern that emerged in the usage

of these terms: that emotion complexes can often be put onto a scale of increasing intensity.

Consider the results of the following exercise, where a consultant was asked to provide

appropriate targets for the different variants of the verb nachri' "to dislike":

Table 5-1. Intensity ratings of emotion complexes

Intensity Variant Target Comment

Least Intense nachri' tarantulas "I already hate them." (spanish: "de por

si odio.")

nachri' rá onions in the moment; "sometimes I can eat

onions."

nachri' nimán slave owners "I hate them officially, with all my

heart."

Most Intense nachri' rá nimán Hitler "despise... as soon as you think of him

you have an emotional reaction."

The ordering of intensity as well as the comments were all supplied by our consultant. In

this example, the verb stem nachri' seems to show a long-term emotional state, but it was judged

as relatively week. Compared to nachri' rá, we can see that rá is important for changing the

meaning to a momentary reaction. Nachri' rá describes a reaction in the moment. Our consultant

went on to explain that using nachri' rá didn't imply that you never ate onions, but rather that

you disliked them on a particular dish, for example. Meanwhile, nachri' nimán implies a more

intense emotional reaction, one that is long term. Finally, nachri' rá nimán is more intense still,

and in conversation our consultant said that it seemed to imply both a long term hatred "in the

heart", and a reaction in the moment. It's not clear whether all rá nimán can be described as a

combination of the meanings of rá and nimán, or if all speakers share the same intuitions.

66

In some cases, rá nimán variants are so strong they become difficult for speakers to

imagine contexts that are appropriate:

(84) #Achráá rá ndoó nimán 'unj ne'e man so'.

con:hate EMO1 very EMO2 1ːsg see acc 3ːm:sg

"I really hate him from my heart."

In elicitation, this sentence was first judged as infelicitous. Upon further discussion, the

speaker gave this explanation: "if I'm joking with somebody I can say that… I don't really want

to say that to the person… I'm not the kind of people to use this kind of expression."

This might connect to gendered patterns of language use. The same, male consultant who

offered the explanation above said that nimán was more likely to be used by women than men.

He said that it felt inappropriate for him to use nimán versions of emotion complexes, but

women would use them more frequently.

The connection between nimán and intensity has also been noted by Barbara Hollenbach.

In her notes, she writes that her consultant says complexes with nimán are more sincere or

profound (Hollenbach 2018).

5.5 Exceptions

The mapping of emotion particle to intensity was observed for many complexes, but was

not without exceptions. One notable example is the complex niha' nimán. This was introduced

above in section 5.3 preceding example 81. As discussed above, niha' nimán is unexpectedly

interpreted as lacking force, while niha' rá nimán shows the increased intensity and connection

to family expected based on the arguments above.

Niha' nimán instead has another meaning that became clear through elicitation. In this

complex, nimán implies "for me only; other people's feelings may be different". The sentence in

example 85a was judged to be markedly weak, and implied the following clause in example 85b.

67

(85) a. Cu-niha' niman 'unj ga-naman so' ve' ...

com-be:happy EMO2 1ːsg pot-return 3ːm:sg house ...

"I'm happy for you to return to my house."

b. ... tzaj

ne

odaj nij yuvi

i

me se ni ne'e me daj 'uun rá nij s

o'.

... but anot

her

pl peo

ple

cleft neg see how.m

uch

con:t

hink

EM

O1

3:pl

"... but as for other people, I don't know what they're thinking."

Here, nimán seems to emphasize that this is the opinion of the person speaking. Why this

is different from other uses of nimán is unclear. As stated above, this could be because niha'

complexes are very common, and niha' nimán may have been bleached of its intensity through

repeated use. In this case, rá nimán, being less frequent, becomes the complex that is used to

express intensity. Whether other complexes share this "in my opinion" sense is a topic of future

exploration.

5.6 Summary

In conclusion, broad patterns in how rá, nimán, and rá nimán complexes are used in

context can be observed. Rá is preferentially used to discuss emotions in the moment and nimán

is preferentially used to discuss semi-permanent states or feelings about family or romantic

situations. Rá nimán is less clear cut: in some cases, it is used most similarly to rá, in others it is

used more similarly than nimán.

These qualities combine together to produce a rough paradigm of intensity for emotion

complexes, with rá complexes as the weakest, then nimán complexes, then rá nimán complexes.

Through the process of linguistic elicitation, we were able to put together clues to the

Copala Triqui constellation of emotions, and figure out how emotions are put in relation to each

other. The observations presented here are of course preliminary. With something as subtle and

culture-bound as emotions, intensive ethnographic work will be necessary to truly understand

68

how emotions are understood and expressed in Copala Triqui. It is hoped that this work,

however, provides a starting point for future exploration.

69

CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

6.1 Summary

The preceding paper has explored a type of complex verb in Copala Triqui, so-called

complex verbs of emotion. These verbs are formed from a verb stem plus an emotion particle.

Copala Triqui uses two emotion particles, rá and nimán. One important finding in this paper is

that rá and nimán can be combined as rá nimán and used in most emotion complexes. Similarly,

although previous documentation treated whether a complex had one or another emotion particle

as lexical specification, this paper shows that almost every complex can take all three forms, rá,

nimán, and rá nimán. Likewise, the choice between these forms is meaningful, with rá and

nimán being used preferentially in different contexts, and each emotion particle implying a

different amount of intensity of emotion. Finally, this paper argues that rá and nimán are derived

from body part terms (BPTs), and have been incorporated into the verb trough syntactic

reanalysis, a process which can be seen occurring today between speakers of different ages.

6.2 Limitations

The results of this research are constrained by their context: in-depth linguistic elicitation

was done with three speakers. Many of the observations made here are based on speaker

judgments about internal states. Internal states may be difficult to communicate, especially

through a fluent second or third language. The results are also limited by the number of speakers:

this paper reports results from one speaker in an older cohort and two younger speakers. Ideally,

these complexes would be looked at in speakers who represented a variety of ages and other

factors in order to better understand variation in the use of these complexes.

70

6.3 Closing Remarks

Through linguistic analysis, this paper has expanded what we understand about how

Copala Triqui speakers use language to express emotions. Instead of seeing emotion words as

idiomatic or as composed of unanalyzable parts, this analysis shows that some broad conclusions

can be reached about the meaning of emotion particles and their connection to the verb stem. It is

hoped that this analysis will inspire students of other Otomanguean languages to explore emotion

complexes in their languages, and to find similarities and differences between them and Copala

Triqui. Not only is this important to the documentation of emotion language and Mesoamerican

languages; it is also important because expressing emotions is one of the most important social

functions language can serve.

71

APPENDIX A

BODY PART TERMS IN COMPLEX VERBS

Body Part Term Gloss

che'é "feet (obs.)"

chihá "neck"

chruj "nape"

nimán "heart"

ra'a "arm/hand"

rá "heart (obs.)"

raa "head"

rihaan "face"

rque "stomach"

rque tzij "armpit"

tacóó "leg/foot"

tacúún "nose"

tanuu "insides"

tu'va "mouth"

xnúú "side"

xcóó "shoulder"

xráá "back"

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APPENDIX B

LIST OF COMPLEX VERBS OF EMOTION

Listed below are many of the emotion complexes in Copala Triqui, taken from previous

documentation. Making the decision about which form should be the citation form of these

emotion complexes is difficult, as there are three or four acceptable variants of most emotion

complexes. For emotion complexes taken from Barbara Hollenbach's Bilingual Triqui-Spanish

dictionary (2015), the decision making process is as follows: if the verb stem of a compositional

complex was listed, this is assumed to be the base form of the complex. Note that for single-

word entries in the following list, these are all compositional can take all emotion particles. For

non-compositional complexes, if only the rá or nimán variant was listed, this variant is assumed

to be the more common form and listed here as the citation form. If both rá and nimán forms are

listed, rá is listed here as it is assumed to be older, and is also probably syntactically simpler than

the nimán variant. As stated above, no rá nimán variants are listed in the dictionary, so this is not

a concern.

Word POS Definition of Complex Definition of First

Component

Source

acaj raa V to reflect on s.t. to begin (to feel an

emotion)

Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

achén rá V to complete (e.g. term);

to die (euph.)

to pass; to walk Hollenbach 2015

achraa rá V to hate unsure Hollenbach 2015

achríj rá V to suspect; to realize to smear; to put; to plant Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

acuij raa V be smart; to be clear-

headed

unsure Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

a'maan rá V to get angry to be warm Hollenbach 2015

amán rá V to be content (in a

belief); obey

to arrive home here Hollenbach 2015

a'manj rá V to be astonished unsure Hollenbach 2015

73


Component

Source

a'ne' rá V to stop; to break up with

s.o

to cut Hollenbach 2015

ane rá V to be a know-it-all to bathe Hollenbach 2015

a'néé nimán V to determine to to put inside Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

anicaj rá V to repent; to change

opinion

to turn; to return Hollenbach 2015

anicaj raa V to feel dizzy to turn; to return Hollenbach 2015

'anj rá V to be stunned to go Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

anj raa V to be absent mentally to go Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

anó rá V to be proud to grab Hollenbach 2015

aran' rá V to agree with; to like

s.o/s.t.

to hide; to spend the

night

Hollenbach 2015

a'vej rá V to permit; to allow unsure Broadwell 2013

avii raa V be intelligent to ascend Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

chéé nimán V to be restless to pass; to walk Hollenbach 2015

chrij Adj serious N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

chumán rá V to believe to arrive home here Hollenbach 2015

chu'vi' V to be afraid N/A (compositional) Broadwell 2013

cochroj rá Adj kind-hearted fragrant; precious Hollenbach 2015

coloj raa Adj dumb, stupid turkey Hollenbach 2015

cunaj Adj good (of personality) N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

cuu raa Adj intelligent skulllike Hollenbach 2015

ee rá V to love; to take care of heavy Hollenbach 2015

inaj Adj patient, calm N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

laruu rá Adj benign, patient, stupid smooth Hollenbach 2015

luj Adj generous, kind-hearted, N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

ma'anj rá V to admire to leave Hollenbach 2015

me rá V to want; to love to be Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

74


Component

Source

'na' raa V be inspired; be

intelligent

to come Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nachran' rá V to be humiliated; to be

repentent

to break Hollenbach 2015

nachri' V to hate; to disrespect N/A (compositional) Broadwell 2013

nacoo rá Adj disdainful, proud dry Hollenbach 2015

náj nimán V to suffer susto to be in Hollenbach 2015

na'maan rá V to be calm to cool; to decrease Hollenbach 2015

namán rá V to be content to arrive home here Hollenbach 2015

nanaj rá Adj patient, docile slowly Hollenbach 2015

nanicaj rá V to change opinion to turn; to return Hollenbach 2015

nanó rá V to be sad to tell Hollenbach 2015

na'nuj rá V to remember (s.t.) to heal Hollenbach 2015

nanuu rá V to wake up to dress Hollenbach 2015

naránj rá V to rest to repurchase Hollenbach 2015

nari' nimán V to satisfy to meet Hollenbach 2015

nataj nimán V to breath with difficulty unsure Hollenbach 2015

na'vej V to disagree N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

navij nimán V to be tired; to die to be finished up Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

navij rá V to decide; to celebrate to be finished up Hollenbach 2015

nayón nimán V to regain consciousness to be in Hollenbach 2015

nica' Adj humble N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

nica rá Adj honest, just straight Hollenbach 2015

nicaj raa V to be wise; to be

intelligent

to carry Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nichraj rá Adj stubborn sticky Hollenbach 2015

niha' Adj happy; likely to (do

something)

N/A (compositional) Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

ninaj rá V to be tired gasp; weak Hollenbach 2015

nique Adj compassionate; sad N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

niquee rá (only

in NEG)

Adj with energy to wear Hollenbach 2015

75


Component

Source

nitunj nimán V to worry; to reflect on to lean; to incline Hollenbach 2015

nuchruj raa V to think about unsure Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nucuaj Adj healthy N/A (compositional) Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nucui' rá V to be hypocritcal; to be

proud

to arrive home there Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nutunj nimán V to repent; to regret unsure Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nutunj raa V to reflect emotion component Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nuu rá V to remember to wear; to be inside Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

nuu raa V to put in the head (spn.

llevar en la cabeza)

to wear; to be inside Hollenbach 2015

ñuun rá V to be inattentive empty Hollenbach 2015

o rá Adj with the whole heart one Hollenbach 2015

orún' nimán Adj dedicated; of one

thought

only Hollenbach 2015

raan rá Adj stubborn secure Hollenbach 2015

ra'yanj V to be hurried; to be

attentive

N/A (compositional) Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

ri' rá V to be discouraged to separate Hollenbach 2015

rihuun rá (only

in NEG)

V to heed (s.o) unsure Hollenbach 2015

rii nimán V to think; to be willing to take out Hollenbach 2015

rmii Adj lazy, slacking N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

ruvi' rá (only in

NEG)

V to feel suspicions to appear Hollenbach 2015

sa' Adj good, generous N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

sca' Adj strong, mature N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

si'iín rá Adj with no appetite unsure Hollenbach 2015

síj rá V dare to complete;arrive here Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

76


Component

Source

snihaan rá Adj with mad intention unsure Hollenbach 2015

snúú rá Adj distracted, agitated crazy Hollenbach 2015

snúú raa V to become crazy (from

drinking)

to be crazy Hollenbach 2015

suun rá Adj difficult, sticky to work Hollenbach 2015

tinachej raa V to agitate; to disturb to mix up Hollenbach 2015

tinanuu rá V to wake to wear; to dress Hollenbach 2015

tu'vee rá Adj jealous, greedy expensive Hollenbach 2015

uchi' rá V to be proud to arrive there Hollenbach 2015

unee raa V to court (of animals) unsure Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

urihanj nimán V to die; to love a lot

(figurative)

to leave; to quit; to

appear

Hollenbach 2015

uta' raa V to swear (in the name of

s.t.)

to put Hollenbach 2015

uun rá V to think to put Hollenbach 2015

uyanj rá V to be furious to boil Hollenbach 2015

vaj nimán V to shift attention to move Hollenbach 2015

ve'ee niman V to have stomach or

emotional pain

to ache Hollenbach 2015

véj nimán V to have a pulse only Hollenbach 2015

vij rá Adj hesitant, of two minds two Hollenbach 2015

xcaj raa V to think to buy; to get Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

xej Adj satisfied (adj) N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

xij nimán Adj generous big Hollenbach 2015

xraan Adj strong (of the heart);

perseverant

N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

xri' rá V to become sad unsure Hollenbach 2015

ya rá Adj gullible true Hollenbach 2015

yaa rá V to think to appear Broadwell 2013

ya'aan rá Adj grumpy hot Hollenbach 2015

77


Component

Source

ya'anj rá Adj generous, agreeable life; god Hollenbach 2015

yanu' rá Adj mean, stingy, miserly unsure Hollenbach 2015

yi'aan rá V to be angry to be on fire Lopéz and

Broadwell 2013

yuun rá Adj handy, ready for

lending

easy, simple Hollenbach 2015

yuvaa Adj angry, upset, jealous,

greedy

N/A (compositional) Hollenbach 2015

yu'vee rá Adj jealous, greedy of bad quality Hollenbach 2015

78

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http://www.ethnologue.com/

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Michael Stoop first became interested in the study of language while taking Chinese and

English literature courses in undergrad. He worked with the Departments of Anthropology,

Linguistics, and Education to create a course of study that concentrated on the documentation

and revitalization of indigenous languages. He received his Master of Arts in anthropology in

spring 2019.

© 2019 michael stoop

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