youth unemployment in rural areas - jrfparticular groups in rural areas. rural youth unemployment in...

Youth unemployment inrural areas

Fred Cartmel and Andy Furlong

© Joseph Rowntree Foundation 2000

All rights reserved

Published for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation by YPS

ISBN 1 902633 60 1

Work and Opportunity Series No. 18

Cover design by Adkins Design

Prepared and printed by:York Publishing Services Ltd64 Hallfield RoadLayerthorpeYork YO31 7ZQTel: 01904 430033; Fax: 01904 430868; Website: www.yps-publishing.co.uk

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation has supported this project as part of its programme ofresearch and innovative development projects, which it hopes will be of value to policymakers and practitioners. The facts presented and views expressed in this report, however,are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Foundation.

Contents

Acknowledgements v

1 Youth unemployment in rural areas: issues 1Introduction 1Rurality 1Rural youth unemployment 2The study areas 4Summary 7

2 Unemployment and vulnerability: urban and rural contrasts 9Introduction 9Young people’s profiles 9Employment 11Training schemes 13Unemployment 13Integration and exclusion 15Summary 16

3 Employers’ perspectives 18Introduction 18The labour demands of rural employers 19Training and rural firms 21Recruitment practices 23Young people as employees 24The way ahead 24Summary 25

4 The perspectives of rural youth 26Introduction 26Finding employment 27Social networks 29Family stigma 29Housing 30Wages 30Transport 31The experience of unemployment 33Summary 34

5 Conclusions and policy implications 35

Appendix 1: Quantitative methods 38

Appendix 2: Employers and professionals interviewed 39

Appendix 3: Young people’s interviews 42

Appendix 4: Regression analysis 43

Bibliography 45

The researchers would like to express theirappreciation to members of the project advisorycommittee, Bob Coles, Jon Harris, JaniceHendry, Fiaz Khan, Janet Lewis, MalcolmMaguire, Fiona McIntyre, Mary McKellar, StevePavis, John Tibbit and Raymond Young andparticularly to the committee chair, MarkShucksmith. We also gained from ourparticipation in the meetings of the JosephRowntree Foundation’s ‘Action in Rural AreasInitiative’. Special thanks go to LindaMcCaughy who translated the interview tapesso accurately. We would also like to thank all ofthe young people, employers and keyprofessionals who gave up their valuable timeto speak to us during the course of this researchproject.

Acknowledgements

v

1

Introduction

Unemployment affects young people from allwalks of life. Clearly some young people aremore vulnerable than others, but in many waysa period of unemployment has become a normalpart of the transition from school to work. Whileyouth unemployment has been well researched,the majority of studies have focused on thoseliving in urban areas. Although many of theproblems associated with unemployment thatare faced by urban youth also apply to thoseliving in rural areas, rural youth face anadditional set of barriers which are linked totheir spatial isolation and to the narrow range ofopportunities which are available. For ruralyouth, some of the most effective bridges intothe labour market (such as education andtraining) may be limited or inaccessible andopportunities to fulfil aspirations may berestricted. In this report we look at thedistinctiveness of rural youth unemployment andhighlight the specific problems faced by thosewho live outside of the urban conurbations.

This report is based on research conductedin Scotland between November 1997 andSeptember 1999. A number of complementarymethods were used including a survey of 81718–24 year-olds from across Scotland withrecent experience of three months continuousunemployment (details of the sample areprovided in Appendix 1). This sample is used todevelop a macro analysis of youthunemployment and routes back into the labourmarket and to draw broad contrasts betweenthe experiences of rural and urban youth. Fromthis sample, 80 young people living in rural

areas were selected for in-depth interviewsabout their experiences of unemployment andof their difficulties in finding jobs. To discovermore about factors that either restricted theopportunities available to young people orsmoothed their entry into employment, 40 ruralemployers were also interviewed, together with25 key professionals such as Careers Officers,Jobcentre staff, Rural Strategy Officers andofficials from Local Enterprise Companies. Thereport brings together these different perspectivesto provide a comprehensive overview of youthunemployment in rural areas.

Rurality

From the outset, it is important to recognise thatthe term ‘rural’ is a concept which lacks anagreed definition and which encompasses arange of different geographic situations. Indeed,it has been argued that academic definitions ofrurality often bear little resemblance to residents’understanding of the term (Jacob and Lubloff,1995) and even that the terms ‘rural’ and ‘urban’can be more confusing than illuminating (Pahl,1966). In their study of unemployment in ruralEngland, Stern and Turbin (1986) usefullyidentified four distinct types of rural area whichwere adopted for this study:

• traditional rural areas that aregeographically isolated and havesignificant economic activity in theagricultural sector

• urban fringe areas in which employmentis affected by proximity to more denselypopulated areas

1 Youth unemployment in rural areas:

issues

2

Youth unemployment in rural areas

• seasonal areas where jobs in a significantsector of the local economy (such asagriculture or tourism) tend to beavailable mainly on a seasonal basis

• ex-industrial rural areas in which thewithdrawal of manufacturing orextractive industries has declinedsignificantly in recent years.

Poverty and disadvantage can exist in eachof these types of rural area and evidencesuggests that a high proportion of the ruralpopulation in Scotland live in areas ofdeprivation. People in rural areas face threetypes of deprivation related to households,opportunities and mobility (Shaw, 1979).Household deprivation relates to constraintscaused by low income and poor housing whichfrequently co-exist in rural areas. Opportunitydeprivation is linked to lack of jobs and services.In turn, people’s inability to find acceptable jobsor to obtain services leads to mobilitydeprivation. The accumulation of differentforms of deprivation can lead to the isolation ofparticular groups in rural areas.

Rural youth unemployment

In many types of rural area, unemployment andunder-employment among young people hasbeen seen as a particular cause for concern and akey issue in rural communities is the lack ofemployment opportunities and career choicesfor young people. Indeed, research suggests thatmembers of rural communities tend to express agreat deal of concern about the problems facedby young people in the labour market and theirlack of access to further education and training.There is also evidence suggesting that recent

changes in the labour market (especially thedecline in ‘traditional’ rural employment inagriculture and small manufacturing units andthe increase in part-time and temporary jobs inthe service sector) have had a particularlystrong impact on the experiences of youngpeople. Members of the 16 to 24 age group aremost vulnerable to unemployment (in mostEuropean countries, youth unemployment ratesare around twice as high as those recordedamong adults) and researchers have highlightedsignificant associations between long-termyouth unemployment and processes of socio-economic marginalisation.

In Britain, there have been few studies thathave focused on youth unemployment in ruralareas and knowledge of the significance ofdifferent barriers remains underdeveloped.With rural youth rarely being perceived as athreat to the social order and with city dwellersoften regarding country dwellers as affluent,researchers have neglected rural youth.Previous rural youth research in Britain hastended to concentrate upon young people’stransition from school into employment, theiroccupational aspirations and participation inyouth cultures.

While recent changes in the labour markethave been associated with a general increase inyouth unemployment, significant barriers havebeen identified within many rural communities.In particular, researchers have drawn attentionto the implications of poor public transport, arestricted range of employment and trainingopportunities and the high cost of housing. Ithas also been noted that rural youth haveproblems developing a sustainable career inlabour markets that are often highly seasonal(Dench, 1985). Personal networks have also

3

Youth unemployment in rural areas: issues

been seen as providing bridges for some, butbarriers for others. Indeed, professionalsworking in rural areas frequently express thebelief that in small communities, young people’semployment prospects are significantly affectedby the reputation of other family members.These ideas are investigated moresystematically in this report.

Although rural labour markets have tendedto offer a limited range of opportunities for allage groups, changes that have occurred duringthe last decade have had a particularlysignificant impact on young people. There isevidence that seasonal, part-time and casualemployment has increased and this trend islikely to have an important impact on youngpeople. Scottish researchers have shown thatwhile rates of post-school employment arerelatively high in many rural areas, significantnumbers of young people are employed on atemporary or part-time basis. These trends aresignificant because researchers and policy-makers know very little about the impact ofnon-standard employment (such as part-time ortemporary work) on the process of labourmarket integration. Indeed, there is somecontroversy about whether non-standard labourmarket participation represents a bridgetowards permanent work careers or a steptowards labour force marginalisation.

Evidence from a recent study of employerson their use of temporary workers emphasisedthe positive aspects of non-permanent work forunemployed people. There are three differentways in which temporary work can provide a‘stepping stone’ to permanent employment(Heather et al., 1996). First, temporary work canprovide access to the ‘external labour market’through financing additional job-search

activities, by helping demonstrate acommitment to finding paid work and throughthe provision of an up-to-date job reference.Second, temporary workers may gain access toinformation about vacancies within a particularfirm through informal networks (referred to asthe ‘internal indirect route’). Third, an ‘internaldirect route’ provides employers with a chanceto ‘screen’ potential candidates for permanentemployment. In smaller firms employers place astrong emphasis on finding workers who ‘fit inwell’ and frequently select known applicants(Atkinson and Meager, 1995): this is particularlyrelevant in rural labour markets that aredominated by small companies.

There are also strong arguments to suggestthat non-standard employment is associatedwith poverty wages and social exclusion.Recognising the significance of a ‘benefit trap’whereby wages may barely exceed benefitlevels, the Government has recently introduceda ‘back-to-work’ bonus in order to encourageunemployed people to accept low-paid andtemporary employment: the underlyingphilosophy being that these jobs provide a routeto more permanent jobs. In rural economies thatare dominated by part-time and temporary jobopportunities, this assumption may be incorrect.

It is clear that one of the priorities of researchinto rural youth unemployment should be toinvestigate the extent to which non-standardemployment provides a bridge to permanentemployment or a barrier to successful labourmarket integration. Although current policiesoperate on the assumption that temporary workis a first step to economic integration, thehypothesis has yet to be tested empirically: thisis an issue that is addressed in this report.

4


The study areas

In the remainder of this chapter, we introducethe four study areas that were selected toconform to the typology developed by Sternand Turbin. The location of these areas ishighlighted in Figure 1.

Ex-industrial area

The decline of manufacturing or extractionindustries in rural and isolated regions leads toa set of circumstances which are far removedfrom any stereotypical rural idyll. Agriculturetends not to be an important sector, tourism isvirtually non-existent and housing conditionsbear many similarities to those found on theperiphery of industrial cities. The ex-industrialarea used in this study was located in theCumnock and Doon Valley, a depressed areasituated in Ayrshire which once had a thrivingmining industry and buoyant supportindustries. The coal mines closed in the mid-1980s and with other industries facing problemsdue to the economic recession, unemploymentrates rose sharply. Over the last decade, anumber of new industries have been attracted tothe area by the availability of grants andsubsidies, yet many of these have relocated after

a short period of time. At the present, the twolargest employers in the area are in the textilessector and based in the town of Cumnock.

This area has a rate of all-age unemploymentthat is much higher than any of the other fourstudy areas (Table 1). The area also has thehighest number of income support recipientsand the lowest levels of owner-occupation inrural Scotland. Among the employed, the areahas an extremely low proportion of managersand administrators and a relatively highproportion of semi and unskilled workers.

The largest town in the area, Cumnock, has apopulation of 9,500 and is 45 minutes travellingdistance from Glasgow. The closest furthereducational college is ten miles from the maintown (although there is a small annex of AyrCollege in Cumnock), providing better access totertiary education than any of the other studyareas. The nearest institutions providing highereducation are located in Glasgow. For youngpeople in the area, rates of access to highereducation are in line with the national average,while participation in further education is belowaverage. Rates of entry into training arerelatively high, although job entry is relativelylow (Table 2).

Table 1 All-age unemployment in travel to work areas

Jan. 1997 July 1997 Jan. 1998 July 1998

Argyll 8.8 4.8 7.9 4.2Cumnock 18.9 13.9 15.2 11.7Dumfries 7.6 4.9 6.0 7.2Stirling 7.2 5.4 5.6 7.0

Source: Labour Market Trends, 1997/1998

5


0 80km

Orkney

Highland

Moray

Aberdeenshire

AngusPerth and Kinross

Fife

WesternIsles

ScottishBorders

England

Dumfries and Galloway

ArgyllandBute

S

N

EW

Shetland

TRADITIONAL

EX-INDUSTRIAL

SEASONAL

URBAN FRINGE

Stirlingshire

Figure 1 Rural research areas in Scotland

6


Seasonal

The seasonal area selected, mid-Argyll, stretchesfrom Lochgilphead in the south to small villagesten miles north of Oban. The main town in mid-Argyll is Oban, a small fishing port with apopulation of 8,800 which is the centre ofcommerce in the region. From Oban there areferry links to islands off the west coast ofScotland. Tourism related jobs provide the mainemployment opportunities in the area, manyjobs are seasonal and there is a strong part-timesector. Seasonal employment is also available inlocal fish farms which increase employmentduring the months of October, November andDecember.

The all-age unemployment rate is notparticularly high, but seasonal variations arestrong: the unemployment rate in January tendsto be around twice as high as in July (Table 1).Home ownership is slightly below the Scottishrural average and the area has the secondhighest number of recipients of income supportin rural Scotland. Among males and females,above average numbers work in managerial andadministrative occupations.

For young people, there is no local access tofurther or higher education. The nearest college

is located in the central belt of Scotland, a driveof over two hours each way over poor roads.Consequently a high proportion of youngpeople from the area move to the city in order toparticipate in post-secondary education. As aresult of the lack of local access, rates ofparticipation in further education and trainingare relatively low, although participation inhigher education is slightly above the Scottishaverage (partly because many young peopleregard higher education as the most effectiveway of leaving the area). With a strong seasonallabour market, the rate of job entry amongschool leavers is relatively high (Table 2).

Urban fringe

The selected urban fringe area is located inCentral Region and covers the rural expansenorth of Stirling: stretching from Dunblane inthe south to Killin in the north. In an urbanfringe area, employment is affected by theproximity to more densely populated areas. Themain employment opportunities are in andaround the town of Stirling, with localopportunities in forestry, tourism andmiscellaneous local small businesses. FromStirling access to Glasgow and Edinburgh is

Table 2 Scottish school leavers destination – 1996/97

Higher Further Knowneducation education Training Employment destinations

Argyll 33 16 5 31 10Cumnock 30 13 19 18 16Dumfries 30 21 11 21 12Stirling 38 11 10 23 16Scotland 30 19 10 26 13

Source: SOEID Scottish Office

7


possible by road or train in around an hour.Consequently the area is popular amongcommuters.

Unemployment in the area is relatively low(Table 1) and there are a high proportion ofowner-occupiers in the area. However, thenumber of income support recipients is slightlyabove the national average. Economic activityrates are slightly below the Scottish ruralaverage, but the proportion of managers andadministrators in the area is above the nationalaverage.

Young people in the area have access to acollege of further education and a university atStirling is one and a half hours drive from thefurthest extreme of the study area. Participationin higher education is above the national average,although participation in further education isbelow the Scottish average (Table 2).

Traditional area

The traditional area selected is in the far southof Scotland and is situated around the town ofDumfries (population 32,000). The study areastretches from Thornhill in the north to CastleDouglas in the south. The majority ofemployment opportunities are located inDumfries, although smaller local settlementshave jobs in traditional rural industries. Onesmall settlement, for example, has a largecreamery and workers are brought in by busfrom Dumfries due to a shortage of local labour.The area has the highest percentage of workersemployed in agriculture in Scotland.

The unemployment rate is around theScottish average (Table 1) while the numberclaiming income support is below average. Theeconomic activity rate is above average.However, the area has an occupational structure

centred around craft and lower skilled workers,with relatively few managers andadministrators.

There is a further educational establishmentin Dumfries, but young people who wish toparticipate in higher education have to traveleither to Carlisle or Glasgow. However, theproportion of school leavers who enter highereducation is in line with the Scottish average asare the numbers entering further education andtraining (Table 2).

Summary

In this chapter we have highlighted some of themain factors which affect the employmentsituation of young people in rural areas.Members of rural communities often regardrestricted opportunities for young people ineducation, training and employment as keyissues affecting the sustainability of theircommunities. They witness the difficulties facedby young people and see them moving betweenpoor quality or temporary jobs and ultimatelymoving elsewhere in order to secure a betterfuture. Even those fortunate enough to find arewarding job within the locality frequentlymove away due to the lack of affordablehousing. Against this backdrop of local concern,some researchers have also shown an interest inthe dynamics of rural labour markets and in theproblems faced by young people. However,compared to the vast research literature onurban youth, rural youth research is in itsinfancy.

Existing research has largely confirmed whathas been known to members of ruralcommunities for some time. Significant barriersto the employment of young people exist in the

8


form of restricted opportunities and the highcost of housing. The insecurity caused by aconcentration of opportunities in temporary andseasonal work is damaging to morale andprevents long term planning. The bridges whichhelp young people to secure access to qualitypermanent jobs are somewhat different to thosewhich exist in the city: personal networks are ofkey importance and those without contacts canface marginalisation. Willingness to take part-time or seasonal work can also be important asit may provide the contacts which lead tofurther, perhaps more secure, work.

The main aim of this research is to fill someof the gaps in our knowledge of youthunemployment in rural areas and identify waysin which their situation can be improved. At themoment, there are a number of new initiativesbeing developed on a national basis, yet it is farfrom clear that approaches which work in urbanareas will have any real impact in thecountryside. This research aims to provideanswers to these key questions and ultimatelyto improve the prospects of young people livingin rural areas.

9

Introduction

This chapter examines differences in the labourmarket experiences of rural and urban youth,drawing on a survey of 18 to 24 year-olds. Withall young people in the sample having recentexperience of unemployment, the aim is toassess differences in patterns of labour marketintegration and exclusion among vulnerableyoung people living in rural and urban areas.

Whereas subsequent chapters are based onthe four specific areas in which interviews wereconducted, the analysis presented here is basedon a nationally representative survey withbroad comparisons being drawn between ruraland urban residents. Here rural and urbanyouth are defined by reference to the populationdensity of the postcode sector in which thesurvey respondents resided.1 Just over six in tenyoung people had postcodes that were definedas urban, while nearly four in ten lived in ruralareas. Around one in four of the rural residentslived in isolated communities.

Through contrasting the experiences ofurban and rural youth in employment, trainingand unemployment, it will be argued that onthe surface, young people in rural areas aremore advantaged than their urban counterparts.Unemployment duration, for example, may beshorter and transitions from unemployment towork easier to achieve. Yet the situation is mademore complex by the nature of rural labourmarkets in which part-time or short-termemployment is more common and job choiceseverely limited. With gender differences crosscutting rural/urban divisions, the differentialexperiences of males and females are alsoexplored.

Young people’s profiles

At the time of the survey, all respondents werebetween the ages of 18 and 24 with the ageprofile of males and females being similar.2

Almost all were born in the UK, as were theirparents. The majority lived at home withparents or close relatives: urban females weremost likely to be living at home, while ruralfemales were least likely to be living at home.Females in rural areas were most likely to reportliving with a partner while urban males wereleast likely to reside with a partner. Similarproportions of urban males and females andrural females lived alone or with friends, butfewer rural males lived in intermediaryhouseholds. In both rural and urban areas,around one in ten respondents had children.

Although differences were small, thoseliving in rural areas were slightly more likely tohave fathers working in white collaroccupations and to have self employed fathers.Differences in the occupations of respondents’mothers also showed little variation by area. Inboth rural and urban areas, around one in tenrespondents had a father or mother educated todegree level.

In comparison to national statistics, amongthis sample who had recent experience ofunemployment, a relatively high proportion leftschool at an early stage. Six in ten males alongwith four in ten females left school at age 16 orunder; a majority of both sexes had left by theage of 17. Males in urban areas tended to leavefull-time education earlier than their ruralcounterparts (Figure 2), although similarproportions had left education by the age of 17.Rural/urban differences in leaving patterns

2 Unemployment and vulnerability:

urban and rural contrasts

10


were much narrower for females: those in ruralareas were slightly more likely to have left bythe age of 16, although by the age of 17 similarproportions had left education.

With the sample being drawn from thosewho had recently experienced unemployment,the qualification profile of the group issomewhat below that of the age range ingeneral. Overall, more than half of the malesand four in ten females were not educatedbeyond O grade standard. However, it is alsoimportant to recognise that the sample doesinclude some relatively highly qualified young

people: almost one in five females and one inten males had university degrees, while morethan three in ten males and females had eitherHighers or a college diploma. Among the males,those from rural areas had a stronger overallacademic profile, while among the femalesdifferences were minimal (Figure 3).

Many members of the sample came fromfamilies that had also been affected byunemployment. Among both urban and ruralyouth, levels of parental current and long-termunemployment were high. Overall, one third ofmales and one in four females reported having

Figure 2 Age of leaving full-time education

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

%

Urbanmales

Ruralmales

Urbanfemales

Ruralfemales

20 or over18–201716 or under

Figure 3 Respondents’ highest qualification

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

%

Urbanmales

Ruralmales

Urbanfemales

Ruralfemales

DegreeHighers or college diplomaO GradesUnqualified

11

Unemployment and vulnerability: urban and rural contrasts

fathers who were currently unemployed; similarproportions reported having an unemployedmother. More than three in ten males reportedhaving a brother or sister currentlyunemployed; around one in four femalesreported having brothers or sisters who werecurrently unemployed. Many of these relationshad been unemployed for six months or more inthe previous year: more than three in ten males,for example, had a father who had beenunemployed for over six months as did justover one in five females.

Figures for family unemployment of aduration of more than six months out of the last12 are presented in Table 3. Males and femalesliving in rural areas were less likely than theirurban counterparts to have family experience ofunemployment of six months duration,although urban/rural differences were smallerfor females. However, in part this is likely toreflect seasonal variations in employment inrural communities.

Employment

Although the sample was originally selected onthe basis of their current unemployment, by the

time they were re-contacted (six months later),around half of the females and around two infive males no longer described themselves asunemployed. Among both males and females,those living in rural areas were less likely thantheir urban counterparts to remain unemployed.Rural females were less likely to have remainedunemployed than other groups (Figure 4).However, a significant proportion of thoseyoung people who had found work regardedtheir current jobs as temporary with nearlythree in ten young people who were notcurrently unemployed saying that they wereseeking jobs.

Of those who were no longer unemployed,

Table 3 Percentage of respondents with family

members who had been unemployed for at least

six months in the last year

Males FemalesUrban Rural Urban Rural

Father 35 26 26 19Mother 38 27 28 25Brother 37 31 25 19Sister 31 20 22 23n (base) 256 152 133 91

Figure 4 Current unemployment at re-contact

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

%

Males Females

UrbanRuralAll

12


just over a third had entered full-timepermanent jobs. One in five were in full timetemporary or casual jobs and 15 per cent were inpart-time employment. However, the existenceof a strong temporary job market in rural areasdoes not explain the relative success of ruralyouth in gaining employment: males andfemales in rural areas were most successful inmaking a transition to full-time permanent jobs,while urban females were the least successful(Table 4). More males than females found full-time temporary or casual jobs (irrespective ofarea of residence), while females were morelikely to find part-time employment.

Among the sample as a whole, average netincome over the past month was higher forfemales (£337) than for males (£318). Amongthose who were not currently unemployed,males in rural areas had the highest averageincome, but females in rural areas had thelowest average income (Table 5). In other words,while rural females seem to experiencerelatively few difficulties moving fromunemployment to jobs, they tend to enter poorlypaid (sometimes part-time) positions. Amongthose who remained unemployed, those in ruralareas had a higher average income than their

urban counterparts, this may reflect a greateruse of casual work to supplementunemployment benefits.

Contemporary debates about youth labourmarkets frequently draw attention to therelative disadvantage of males who are seen asless in demand in the growing service sector. Yetthere is evidence to suggest that those femaleswho lack basic qualifications or social skillsexperience profound difficulties in the labourmarket. This idea is supported by our data,although it seems to be urban rather than ruralfemales who experience the greatest difficulties.While education and training are frequentlyregarded as important routes out ofunemployment (especially long-termunemployment), these routes tend not to be soimportant in rural areas, partly due to theavailability of seasonal and casual employment.However, the lack of incentive to embark oneducation or training routes may leave ruralyouth in a more or less permanent cycle ofunemployment followed by short-termemployment. Indeed, in comparison to othergroups, relatively few rural females were intraining and relatively few rural males orfemales were in education or training.

Table 4 Main activity during the last week of those no longer unemployed


Full-time permanent job 35 40 26 36Temporary or casual job 25 25 11 17Part-time job 12 14 21 25Training 14 11 10 4Study 6 3 8 4Childcare 2 1 13 8Other 7 5 10 3

13


Training schemes

Around half of the males in the sample and fourin ten females had spent time on a trainingscheme. Levels of scheme participation weresimilar for males in urban and rural areas whilstamong females urban/rural differences weremore pronounced, being highest in rural areas(48 per cent compared to 37 per cent). Youngpeople from rural areas tended to spend longeron training schemes than urban youths. Themean number of months spent on trainingschemes by males was 16 in rural areas and 13in urban areas; for females the figures were 14and 8 respectively. This is likely to be areflection of restricted opportunities in ruralareas. In both urban and rural areas, males hadparticipated on an average of two schemes,while females in both urban and rural areasaveraged just one scheme.

For many young people, training schemescannot be regarded as safe routes fromunemployment to jobs; less than one in fouryoung people reported being in full-time jobsthree months after leaving their schemes. Malesin urban areas were slightly more likely to haveentered full-time jobs than their ruralcounterparts, but for females there were nodifferences. Among the males, more than six in

ten were unemployed three months afterleaving their schemes, although far fewerfemales reported being unemployed. The lowerunemployment rate among females wasaccounted for by a higher rate of part-timeemployment (especially in rural areas) and agreater likelihood of having entered full-timeeducation.

Unemployment

All members of the sample had recentexperience of unemployment of at least threemonths’ duration. The average number ofperiods of unemployment since leaving full-time education was the same for males in ruraland urban areas (three); females in urban areasalso averaged three periods of unemployment,while those in rural areas averaged two periodsof unemployment.

Total duration of unemployment, as well asthe longest continuous spell of unemployment,tended to be higher for males than females; bothmeasures of duration highlight greaterexperience of unemployment among urbanyouth (Figures 5 and 6). On average, the longestperiod of continuous unemployment for maleswas nearly six months longer in urban areasthan in rural ones, and for females the averagedifference was a month and three quarters. Totalunemployment experience was also six monthslonger for males in urban areas compared totheir rural counterparts and for females just lessthan three months longer. Given the availabilityof seasonal, temporary and part-time work inrural areas, we would expect to find that thetotal experience (especially the longest period ofcontinuous unemployment) would be shorter inrural areas. However, we would have expected

Table 5 Average net monthly income, by

employment status

Not currently Currentlyunemployed unemployed

Urban males £464.52 £192.17Rural males £543.60 £217.76Urban females £453.21 £203.07Rural females £440.94 £244.13

14


to find young people in rural areas experiencinga far greater numbers of (relatively short)periods of unemployment than their urbancounterparts.

Given the overlapping and cumulativenature of factors associated withunemployment, logistic regression was used topredict the chances of a young person havinghad a continuous period of unemployment of ayear or more since leaving full-time education.Separate analyses were conducted for malesand females and a range of independent

variables were introduced to account fordifferences in attainment, social background,labour market experience and spatial location(Appendix 4).

The results of the analysis were slightlydifferent for males and females. For males,greatest protection against long-termunemployment was gained from qualifications:the higher the qualification, the more protectionoffered. Rural residence afforded someprotection, although at a much lower level.Factors which increased the chances of lengthy

Figure 5 Longest period of continuous unemployment

20

15

10

5

0

Mo

nth

s

Urbanmales

Ruralmales

Urbanfemales

Ruralfemales

Figure 6 Total unemployment since leaving school

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

Mo

nth

s

Urbanmales

Ruralmales

Urbanfemales

Ruralfemales

15


unemployment for males included having afather who had been unemployed for more thansix months in the past year, childhood residencewith people other than a natural mother andfather, and age (older members of the samplebeing more likely to have been unemployed forover 12 months). For females, rural residencehad no significant impact on unemploymentduration, but qualifications also offered the bestprotection against a high total duration ofunemployment. Having a father who worked ina non-manual occupation was also associatedwith a reduction in unemployment duration.The factors associated with an increase inunemployment duration were childhoodresidence with people other than a naturalmother and father, and age.

Integration and exclusion

With unemployment having become part of thenormal experiences of modern youth, debateshave increasingly focused on patterns ofexclusion rather than on rates ofunemployment. Although there is no agreeddefinition of social exclusion, it is typically usedto highlight dynamic linkages between materialresources and attitudes and values which maybe seen as reinforcing a situation of disadvantage.It underlines the ways in which disadvantage inone dimension of life can result in a new andmore debilitating set of disadvantages.

To move beyond simple measures ofunemployment duration, information onunemployment history and current status werecombined so as to arrive at a typology of levelsof integration. To construct this typology weused information on the extent to which labourmarket experience had been dominated by

unemployment (constructed as a simple threeway division of ratio of time unemployed totime employed together with details of currentposition) and linked this to current labourmarket position. Four labour market positionswere identified:

• Settled: currently in full-time permanentemployment, although members of thegroup could have had extensive orrelatively limited experience ofunemployment (20 per cent of sample).

• Vulnerable: below average totalunemployment duration but currently notin full-time permanent employment (47per cent of sample).

• Marginalised: average or above averagetotal unemployment and currently not infull-time permanent employment (22 percent of sample).

• Excluded: above average total duration ofunemployment and currentlyunemployed (11 per cent of sample).

Table 6 shows the proportion of youngpeople from rural and urban areas who fall intoeach of these labour market positions. Thesefigures show that males and females in ruralareas are more likely to occupy settled labourmarket positions. Males were more likely to beexcluded than females, with rural males mostlikely to be excluded and rural females leastlikely to be excluded.

To highlight linkages between labour marketsituations and psycho-social adjustment, themental health of males and females in each ofthese groups were compared using the GeneralHealth Questionnaire (GHQ). First, we foundthat females had more negative scores than

16


Table 6 Labour market position by residence


Settled 17 22 17 25Vulnerable 47 49 48 45Marginalised 25 14 25 24Excluded 11 14 9 6(n) (326) (179) (171) (107)

Table 7 Mean GHQ scores by status group

Males Females

Settled 8.89 10.89Vulnerable 11.95 12.25Marginalised 12.26 15.30Excluded 12.77 15.43

males; and second that males and females inrural areas had more positive scores.3 Third, formales and females mental health scores becomeprogressively more negative as we move fromthe settled to the marginalised statuses (Table 7).This suggests that labour market exclusion hasimportant implications for young people’smental health.

males in urban areas tended to leave school at arelatively early age, and have fewesteducational qualifications. However wemeasure the experience of unemployment, it isurban males who have the greatest experienceof unemployment, although there is evidence ofrelatively high levels of labour market exclusionamong rural males.

Within rural areas, females are less likelythan males to experience prolonged orcontinuous periods of unemployment and aremore likely to find work quickly after a periodof unemployment. In part, this is likely to be aresult of a higher demand for female labour intourist-related services, which are often part-time. However, rural females tend to havestronger educational qualifications than ruralmales and this is also likely to conferadvantages in the labour market. While youngpeople in urban areas frequently end a period ofunemployment through returning to educationor taking up an offer of training, those in ruralareas are more likely to secure direct entry backinto the labour market with relatively fewending their unemployment via education ortraining routes.

The other common misconception whichneeds to be addressed relates to the idea thatyoung people in rural areas have a chequeredlabour market history characterised by frequentmoves between temporary and poorly paidemployment situations, often interspersed witha period of unemployment. The averagenumber of periods of unemploymentexperienced in rural and urban areas was verysimilar. Young people in rural areas are morelikely than those in urban areas to secure a full-time permanent job after a period ofunemployment and, on average, tend to get

Summary

In this chapter we have highlighted differencesin patterns of labour market integration andexclusion in rural and urban areas. We suggestthat, from a quantitative perspective, there islittle evidence to support the idea that ruralyouth experience greater difficulties in thelabour market than their urban counterparts.The key to success in both labour marketsappears to be educational qualifications. Amongthose with recent experience of unemployment,

17


higher wages. As a result, there is evidence thatyoung people in rural areas enjoy better mentalhealth than those in urban areas.

After using multiple regression to untanglethe overlapping effects of the factors which wediscussed, qualifications emerged as the factorwhich provided greatest protection against along period of unemployment: the higher thequalifications, the more protection offered. Anumber of factors associated with socialbackground were apparent, but the impact ofrurality was weak for males and not significantfor females. In other words, the main reasonwhy rural females experience relatively low

levels of unemployment is to be found in thevalue of their qualifications on the labour market.

Notes

1 Those residing in postcode sectors with adensity of up to 4.0 people per hectare aredefined as rural. Isolated areas are thosewith a density of less than 0.1 person perhectare.

2 Mean ages differ by one month, standarddeviations vary by 0.07

3 Urban males 11.92; rural males 10.83; urbanfemales 13.36; rural females 12.57.

18

Introduction

In the previous chapter we suggested thatdifferences in patterns of unemploymentbetween rural and urban labour markets areoften exaggerated and that qualificationsprovide the best insurance against long termunemployment. However, employmentopportunities in rural areas tend to be quitedistinct and both employers and young workersface a different range of problems. Many rurallabour markets are dominated by smallcompanies which offer a limited range ofemployment opportunities. Facilities for theprovision of training in such firms may berestricted and labour mobility is an issue whichhas to be confronted by many employers.

In this chapter we focus on the perspectivesof employers and key professionals on theyouth labour market. Although there wereimportant differences between the four ruralareas, a number of common themes emerge. Thedemand for educated and skilled young peopletends to be low and those jobs which areavailable tend not to be demanding or fulfilling.With a scarcity of quality jobs, levels of mobilitylargely determine access to training and skilledjobs. With informal recruitment networks beingimportant, strong local contacts and a goodpersonal reputation can have a crucial impacton levels of success in the labour market.

Forty employers (ten in each area) weregiven the opportunity to discuss theirexperiences of young people as employees, theirrecruitment strategies and the availability ofskill and training provision.1 They were alsoasked for their views on training programmes,such as the New Deal, and about strategies forimproving the employment prospects for young

3 Employers’ perspectives

people. Within each area, firms of differentsizes and within different employment sectorswere contacted.2 In common with the overallpattern of employment in rural areas, locallabour markets tended to be dominated byrelatively small employers who were able tooffer little in the way of training. While somelarger employers were located within the ex-industrial area, few were currently recruitingnew workers.

Those interviewed ranged from managersof large multinational manufacturingcompanies employing over one hundredemployees to small family-run hotels whichemployed two people. With strong differencesin the labour markets of the study areas, mostof the employers interviewed in the ‘seasonal’labour market tended to represent smallservice sector firms while contacts in the ex-industrial area tended to represent larger firmswithin the manufacturing sector. Althoughthere were eight firms which each employedover one hundred people, more than half ofthe employers interviewed employed less than20 people, with the remainder employingbetween 30 and 75 individuals.

Many of the employers had relatively fewyoung people among their staff and these werefrequently employed in insecure positions. Inone of the larger firms which employed over ahundred people, for example, there were onlyfour young employees and these were the onlystaff to be employed on a seasonal basis. Ineach of the areas, many of the largestemployers of young people recruited on atemporary or seasonal basis: these includedhotels which employed additional workersduring the summer months, fish farms which

19

Employers’ perspectives

required extra labour between October andDecember, and manufacturing concerns whichrelied heavily on temporary workers in times ofpeak demand.

The perspectives of key professionals in thelocal labour markets are also reported in thischapter. Twenty-five key professionals wereinterviewed, including Careers Officers, RuralStrategy Officers and representatives of LocalEnterprise Companies. Their views on the prob-lems faced by young people in the local labourmarket were quite similar to those of employers,although the key professionals also tended tohave considered solutions to these issues.

The labour demands of rural employers

In general, employers’ demand for labour waslow in all the study areas with recent heavyredundancies in the ex-industrial area, makingjob prospects particularly poor. Within anoverall context of low demand, there were firmswhich had relatively young workforces andothers with little experience of young workers.One manufacturing company, for example,regarded young workers as particularly suitablefor strenuous repetitive manual labour. Incontrast, a firm within the caring services sectoremployed just five 18 to 24 year-olds within atotal workforce of 135 (three of whom weretemporary). This particular employer felt thatyoung people lacked the emotional resilience todeal with the client group.

Differences in opportunities for youngpeople varied significantly between the studyareas. In the seasonal area, there were manyvacancies suitable for young people in thesummer months. However, these were largelyfilled by young people from outside the local

area (including some from overseas). In the ex-industrial area, very few opportunities existedfor young people. In the other two areas theyouth labour markets were more stable,although young people were still faced with anumber of barriers (such as transport).

Leisure Hotels plc

A national company with outlets throughout

Britain has a hotel situated in a picturesque

location beside one of Scotland largest lochs.

The hotel employs 17 staff, all of whom are full

time; 14 are between the ages of 18 and 24.

The majority of staff live in accommodation

provided by the hotel, with only one young

person travelling from the local village. The

hotel is keen to provide their staff with college

training in order to provide a better service for

their clients. The average wage for a young

person is £112 per week for those who live on

the premises.

McDonald’s Hotel

McDonald’s hotel is a family-run business. The

owners are now approaching their second

season in the area, after relocating from the

north of England where they ran a similar

business. The owners complained about

having major problems recruiting workers and,

as a result, presently employ three young

people from South Africa. In their first season

they had managed to find local workers, but

both had recently had children and were

unable to find suitable childcare facilities in the

area. Although the owners did not regard

wages as contributing to their labour shortage,

they stressed that they were not prepared to

pay more than £3.00 an hour for workers at

any level.

20


Employers often argued that there is arelatively low demand for young people withstrong educational qualifications; this was truein each of the study areas. They suggested thatqualifications provide young people with fewadvantages in rural labour markets, althoughthey are frequently seen as the key togeographical mobility. In some ways, therhetoric falls contrary to their recruitmentpractices, a phenomenon noted in urban labourmarkets nearly 20 years ago (Ashton et al., 1982).Employers who had low skill requirementsfrequently argued that personal characteristicswere of greater importance than qualifications,but then identified the personal characteristicsthey valued among qualified young people. Thedemand for educationally qualified workersamong the employers interviewed fell into threebroad categories:

• Those who recruited young people intolow-skilled repetitive jobs, which neededminimum or no educational qualifications(the largest category). Young peoplerecruited usually lived within the localarea. Wages tended to be poor andemployers were aware that young peopletended to find such jobs unfulfilling.While these types of employment remainthe staple diet of the youth labour marketyoung people are likely to continue toseek to move away from rural areas.

• Firms who sought young people with‘Highers’ or a college diploma. Theseyoung people tended to be recruitedlocally into skilled or semi-skilled jobswhich require a degree of additionaltraining. Training was normally providedin-house; a few employers required

employees to gain additional training at alocal college on a day-release basis. Inorder to enhance the position of youngpeople in rural areas, ways of developingthis particular segment of the youthlabour market are crucial.

• Employers recruiting graduates forprofessional and managerial positions(the smallest category). These youngpeople were recruited from a nationallabour market and tended not to havelocal connections. An expansion of thissegment of the youth labour market isunlikely to have much impact on thosealready living in rural areas.

With most employers seeking unqualifiedlabour, some held the view that young peoplewith qualifications were unsuited to workwithin their firms. A feeling was expressed thatqualified young people tended to get boredquickly and tended to leave their firms after ashort period.

We’re not looking for people who are very welleducated because the job is quite repetitive and Imean they might sort of come in for a few weeksand this isn’t … you know it doesn’t tax theirbrain. (Manufacturing Urban Fringe)

While among the majority of firms littledemand was evident for educationalqualifications, the importance of previous workexperience was stressed by many employers.Several expressed the view that most of thoseyoung people who were facing difficulties in thelocal labour market did so as a result of a lack ofwork experience. In contrast, older workerswere seen to be advantaged as a consequence ofprevious experiences.

21


I think the young people have got a horrendousjob ahead of them in this area looking for work,unless things have changed recently. The numberof adults available for work is colossal; there’s ahuge pool of labour out there and manyemployers will take someone with previousexperience and maybe train them in someaspects of the job. You’ve got people with aproven work history. Youngsters have no workhistory. (Manufacturing/Service Ex-Industrial)

Many young people shared this view andfelt that failure to get jobs in the past was linkedto a lack of work experience. Indeed, someargued that they were in a ‘Catch-22’ situation:they cannot get a job because they have no workexperience, but cannot get work experience asthey cannot get a job. As a consequence, someactively sought part-time employment as a wayof trying to break this cycle. Given theimportance of work experience, initiatives suchas the New Deal may well have an impact onthe prospects of young people in rural areas.

For employers, the personal characteristicsor ‘soft-skills’ of potential employees(sometimes seen as confirmed through previouswork history) were particularly significant.Many regarded them as more important thaneducational qualifications, especially in theservice sector. Where employees would bespending time dealing with the public, in hotels,for example, ‘clean-looking, energetic youngpeople’ were in demand. Personal skillshighlighted by employers included dress,appearance, motivation and attitude through toaccent and telephone manner. However, thepremium placed on ‘soft-skills’ was notconfined to service roles: the ability to work aspart of a team and relate to others wasfrequently stressed.

Certainly at least 60 per cent is down topersonality, how they’ll fit in with the team, howthey respond to the sort of questions that we ask.(Manufacturing Traditional)

Although few employers were disparagingabout the personal skills of young jobapplicants, some held the view that olderworkers were more likely to possess highlydeveloped social and personal skills.

Training and rural firms

Given that many rural firms had a high demandfor relatively unskilled labour, trainingprovision was low and, for the majority,provided in-house. Frequently it was confinedto showing a new worker the required way toperform a given task, with some firms stressingthe importance of hiring workers who werewilling to become accustomed to a ‘house-style’.

Yes, well actually I like to get waitresses whohaven’t done any waitressing at all. I train themmy way and the three waitresses I’ve got areexcellent. (Hotel Owner, Traditional)

Several employees did require theiremployees to gain additional vocationalqualifications at college and these usuallyprovided such opportunities to those who hadbeen with them for a few months. There werealso companies who ran a traditional, althoughsmall scale, apprenticeship programme. Thosefirms who wished to provide their employeeswith access to external training programmesfrequently drew attention to the difficultiesposed by lack of local provision. There were alsoexamples of companies who had a generalpolicy of encouraging vocational training

22


through paying fees for evening classes(although few young workers were enrolled onsuch courses). Other companies providedtraining for young people who were promotedinto higher skilled jobs within the firm,although such promotions tended to be at a lowlevel (such as from the factory floor to forklifttruck driving). Frequently such training waslinked to Health and Safety requirements, as inthe firm who sent new employees on a course inchainsaw handling.

In all four areas, Careers Officers highlightedthe lack of training opportunities and arguedthat even those fortunate enough to secureemployment which involved training wereunlikely to secure training in a preferredoccupation. Examples were cited of youngpeople who had to abandon long-heldaspirations due to a lack of training places. Ayoung person who had wanted to be anelectrician, for example, was unable to secure anapprenticeship in this field and had to accepttraining in a very different occupation. CareersOfficers also argued that even when they hadidentified a training opportunity, many youngpeople would be unable to avail themselves ofthe chance to be trained due to transportdifficulties. It was suggested that many youngpeople had to accept low skill and insecure jobsdue to a lack of training provision and thatsubsequent unemployment was often a result ofa lack of skills.

With the introduction of the New Deal,employers were asked about their knowledge ofthe scheme and of any experience ofinvolvement: very few were actively involvedand knowledge was limited. The employersinterviewed fell into four groups. First, thosewho had no knowledge of the New Deal.Second, those who had decided that it was notappropriate for their company or were currentlyconsidering their position. Third, companieswho had actively attempted to become involvedbut had encountered obstacles. Among thisgroup, the low skill levels of job opportunitieswithin their firms often meant that they couldnot provide meaningful training. Fourth,employers who had no intention of becominginvolved, sometimes because it would meanchanging their normal recruitment practices.

Established crafts

The old established craft company has had

little fluctuation in business over the last ten

years and employs nine full-time workers, one

part-time worker and seasonal staff in the run

up to Christmas. The company employs one

young person who was taken on two months

ago. The young person will receive two to

three years on the job training to develop the

skills needed to do the job and attend an

educational establishment to attain an

educational qualification. The wages for a

young person in the company are £112 per

week.

Scissors

This long-established hairdressing shop

employs four young people in their business,

which is situated in a small town. The four

young people employed are all apprentices

with the last recruit being taken on over a year

ago. The staff receives vocational training at a

college 40 miles away where they are

undertaking NVQs.

23


There are few incentives for us to take people onthrough New Deal. We’ve found that it’s easierfor us and it’s better for our requirements if we gothrough just the word of mouth, it’s fairly cut anddried and quick and easy, you know. Okay youhaven’t got a hundred per cent guarantee of theperson you’re getting, obviously, but it’s betterbecause we’re relying on somebody who actuallyworks here who knows this person we’re hopingbecause of that we don’t have any repercussions.(Manufacturing Ex-Industrial)

Recruitment practices

While informal networks carry an importantrecruitment function in rural areas, someemployers regarded advertisements in the

Jobcentre and local newspapers as theirpreferred source of recruitment. However,informal networks were important. Thesenetworks include ‘letting it be known’ locallythat they were seeking additional workers, aswell as local knowledge about seasonal demandfor labour. One employer who recruited heavilyon a seasonal basis, for example, highlighted theimportance of the local ‘grapevine’. Thisemployer, who frequently recruited extraworkers from January to May said that they didnot have to advertise as:

We seem to have a grapevine that works itself.It’s very useful, all of a sudden there’s a fewpeople at the door looking for work.(Manufacturing Ex-Industrial)

Informal networks were also seen as a ‘safe’avenue of recruitment due to prior knowledge,as well as inbuilt social controls.Woodlands

A timber company based in one of the areas

claimed to be the largest rural employer in the

area. The company employed 57 people, with

the majority of the employees being between

the ages of 18 and 24, all of whom were males

due to the physical strength needed to do the

job. The company had expanded over the last

few years and now operated a two-shift system

to accommodate the extra workload. The

company was one of the first in the area to

sign up for the New Deal, but unfortunately

could not participate due to lack of college

training being available to employees. The

management was keen to get involved with the

New Deal, as they anticipated the personal

adviser being able to notify them why young

people left the company. The company had

high turnover of staff and bussed workers in

from up to ten miles away.

Knitwear Ltd

This was one of the largest employers

interviewed during the research, with a

workforce of 180 full-time employees and 17

part-time workers. The company has recently

reduced their workforce again, having reduced

the workforce from three hundred in 1996 to

their present level of less than two hundred.

The company employs nine females on the

shop floor between the age of 18 and 24,

having recruited the last young person over a

year ago. On the job training is provided for

new recruits. The workforce all lives within a

ten mile radius of the company’s site and the

average wage for a young person working at

the factory is £160 per week.

24


Well I think it gives you some sort of … if theperson recommends his son or nephew there’ssome sort of responsibility for them.(Manufacturing Urban Fringe)

Several key professionals also highlightedthe importance of informal networks. Theysuggested that many young people securedemployment through family connections. Eventhe Careers Officers argued that informalnetworks mean that, compared to urban CareersOfficers, their role in matching young people toavailable vacancies was much reduced.

Young people as employees

Although the many rural employers tended tobe sympathetic to the employment needs ofyoung people in the area, their lack of workexperience was frequently stressed as a barrier.The majority of employers said that they hadpositive experiences of young people andcomments were made about the ways youngpeople brought the workplace alive with theirnew ideas and general positive attitudes.However, others had more negative attitudes andstressed attitudinal and disciplinary problems.

We have had young people in the past that we’vehad to get rid of fairly quickly because they justweren’t suitable for the job. Not that they weren’table to do it, they just didn’t have the correctwork ethic or they were disruptive or whateverbut that always happens. (ManufacturingTraditional)

Some employers, especially those in themore remote areas, argued that, despite awillingness to recruit young workers, fewyoung people applied. Some of this was a result

of transport difficulties, but wage levels wereoften poor which meant that young peoplewould spend a high proportion of their wageson travel. A wage of around £3 per hour wascommon, and 25 per cent of employersinterviewed paid less than the statutoryminimum of £3.60 at age 21. There was littlevariation of wages between areas, but lowestwages were consistently found in the servicesector.

The way ahead

In each of the areas, employers and keyprofessionals were asked for their opinion oneffective strategies to develop the local economyand improve the situation for young people.Many were critical about the lack of long-termeconomic strategy for their area and of limitedterm grants to companies which frequentlyrelocated once they had to bear the true costs ofoperating in the area.

Designer Clothes

This specialist clothing firm employed 20

people but had not increased its workforce

during the last two years. The firm relied

heavily upon overseas customers for their

trade and the strong pound was having an

effect upon their sales. The increased diesel

price also affected the company who brought

in all their raw materials from England. The

only employee between the age of 18 and 24

had been taken on when he had left secondary

school at 16. The young person was the only

employee who relied upon public transport to

get into work and was often late in the winter

due to poor road conditions.

25


They bring in big fancy companies at some timeor another and they’re here for a year, two years,but you know that before they even start with thegrants and then they just disappear and there’s nocomeback … (later on) I’ve seen it time and againin ** and you could just about put a date on thetime when they’re actually going to pack up,close the door and leave. (Manufacturing Ex-Industrial)

Among key professionals, including RuralStrategy Officers, a variety of approaches weresuggested. Information technology was seen ascentral to the creation of future jobopportunities in the more remote areas, whereasin the urban fringe the development of smallmanufacturing units was the preferred option. Anumber of key professionals highlighted whatthey saw as a restrictive ‘local mind set’: in areaswhere tourism was important, there was somehostility to the development of moremanufacturing industry.

Summary

In this chapter we focused on the perspectivesof employers and key professionals in four rurallabour markets which had significant structuraldifferences. However, similar issues emerged.Many firms employed very small numbers ofyoung people and, within the company, theseusually occupied the most insecure positions.Many employers relied heavily on temporaryworkers, and most expressed a low demand foreducationally qualified workers. ‘Soft-skills’ andpast work experience were seen as the most

important qualities and recruits were expectedto be able to fit easily into the workenvironment. At the same time, althoughexperience was valued over qualifications,many young people with work experience and‘appropriate’ soft skills also had strongqualifications and qualified workers arerecruited almost by default.

Formal training provision in each of ourareas was rarely in evidence. Few offered morethan short on-the-job training programmes ortraining which was legally necessary to meetminimum health and safety requirements. TheNew Deal is unlikely to make a great difference:knowledge of the scheme was limited, fewexpressed an interest in involvement. Evenamong those who had investigated thepossibilities offered under the New Deal, somefelt unable to offer the necessary training topotential recruits. However, given theimportance placed on work experience, ifemployers can be persuaded to participate,there may be some benefits for young people.

Notes

1 Details of employers interviewed areprovided in Appendix 2.

2 Employers were selected to reflect the rangeof employment provision in each of theareas after reviewing business directories,Jobcentre vacancies and newspaperadvertisements. Advice was also soughtfrom key professionals within the areas.

26

Introduction

In Chapter 2 we contrasted the employmentexperiences of young people living in rural andurban areas from a quantitative perspective. Thepurpose of this chapter is to examine thebridges and barriers to employment from youngpeople’s perspective. It is important toremember that our sample of young people hadall experienced a recent period ofunemployment and therefore the analysisreflects the experiences of a relativelydisadvantaged group. As such, the barriershighlighted should not be regarded as ones tobe negotiated by all young people in rural areas.With the study being conducted in contrastingrural areas, some of the issues highlighted arespecific to particular types of rural labourmarket (such as the implications of severelyrestricted job opportunities in the ex-industrialarea). However, most of the issues identified arecommon to young people in each of the studyareas.

A total of 80 in-depth interviews wereconducted with young people, 20 in each of theareas. On average, interviews lasted 40 minutesand all were tape recorded and transcribed. Thesample was drawn from respondents from thequantitative study with young people beingselected to ensure a representation by gender,age, educational attainment, length of previousunemployment and household composition.1 Anumber of self-employed young people andsingle parents were also selected. With thesample being comprised of those living in fourspecific areas, those who had moved to otherareas were excluded from the study.

Recognising that the experiences ofgeographically mobile young people are likely

to differ from those who remain in their homearea, information was sought on their newlocations and reasons for moving. Fourteenyoung people (mainly males) from the studyareas had moved away from home before wewere able to arrange interviews. From theinformation we were able to collect, thereappeared to be four distinct types of movers.First, young people who had moved away foreducational reasons. Second, those who hadmoved in order to accept an offer ofemployment (examples include one joining thearmy, one working in a hotel in the Lake Districtand one working in an engineering company inScotland). Third, the largest single group, thosewho moved to search for work in areas whichwere perceived as having stronger employmentprospects (examples include a young womanliving with friends in London and one who hadmoved to the nearest large town, Stirling).Fourth, those who had been thrown out of theparental home and whose parents had noinformation on their whereabouts.

The main barriers which emerged centredaround the lack of job opportunities (especiallyin the ex-industrial area) and the poor quality ofthose jobs which were available for youngpeople. The employers’ view that demand foryoung people was concentrated in low skilledjobs, was borne out by the experiences of youngpeople. Work experience was also perceived asan important bridge to employment, althoughwith mobility between temporary and/or part-time jobs and the full-time permanent labourmarket being restricted, experience in the lesssecure segments of the labour market did nottranslate very easily into more secureemployment. For young women with children,

4 The perspectives of rural youth

27

The perspectives of rural youth

the lack of childcare facilities posed a seriousbarrier to employment.

Other significant barriers related to poor (orsometimes virtually non-existent) publictransport, which severely restricted the jobsearch area, as well as the lack of affordablehousing, which also affected mobility. The close-knit nature of rural communities meant thatsocial networks were particularly significant insmoothing the entry to employment; conversely,the lack of developed social networks or familystigma had an adverse effect on the chances offinding work.

Finding employment

The four rural labour markets studied aresimilar in so far as employment and trainingopportunities are restricted, personal transportis frequently a necessity and many employersuse local contacts as a source of recruitment. Atthe same time, there are important differences.The ex-industrial rural labour market isparticularly depressed and young people areforced to seek work outside of the local area (thelocal newspaper was scrutinised for a period ofone month and the only job advertised in thearea was a part-time job in a public house). Thetraditional and urban fringe labour markets had

a greater level of job opportunities, althoughmany jobs were unskilled or semi-skilled withlimited on-the-job training provided. Theseasonal labour market is different in severalrespects. First, many employment opportunitiesare short-term and correspond to peak touristseasons and to periods of labour intensity onfish farms. Second, there are two fairly distinctlabour markets within the seasonal area: onefunctions for the local residents, the second isfocused more strongly on workers from outsideof the local area (often from overseas) who arerecruited for residential positions in hotels.

Respondents who had jobs at the time ofinterview were mainly employed in unskilledjobs (Table 8). Outside of the urban fringe, veryfew had skilled occupations. Those in theunskilled service sector were predominantlyemployed in hotels, hospitals and offices. Thosein the skilled service sector worked in a diverserange of occupations, from a professionalfootballer to a laboratory technician. Themajority of those working in the unskilledmanufacturing sector were engaged in routinefactory work or were labourers in theconstruction industry.

Through discussion with employers itbecame clear that many preferred young peoplewith work experience. Evidence from young

Table 8 Occupations of rural interviewees

Skilled UnskilledSkilled manufacturing Unskilled manufacturing service service

Seasonal 1 3 3 6Traditional 1 2 3 8Urban fringe 2 7 4Ex-industrial 5 1 3

28


people who had never worked also supportedthe significance of a lack of work experience.

[Work experience] is really important aye, I neveractually thought it was important before but ifyou’ve never actually worked before then itdoesn’t matter how many grades you’ve got andhow many bits of paper you show people, you’vegot to learn to work. (Male Traditional)

Others found it harder to identify reasons forfailing to obtain employment. Under the currentbenefit regulations, young people are requiredto make regular applications for jobs, but manynever received any formal replies fromemployers. Some obtained interviews, but weregiven no feedback on their lack of success: as aresult, many young people were unable toaddress any specific weaknesses and tended tolose self-confidence.

A small number of young people had gainedemployment (often of a temporary nature)directly through youth training schemes orwork experience organised by their schools.However, while their experience of a full-timejob is likely to provide them with advantages onthe labour market, all of those who obtainedjobs in this manner were subsequently laid off.

Very few members of the sample had madethe transition from temporary/seasonalemployment to permanent employment, orfrom part-time employment into full-timeemployment. Indeed, the two labour marketstended to be somewhat distinct and mobilitybetween them restricted. This was particularlytrue of the part-time labour market which wasdominated by females with childcareresponsibilities. Barriers here tended to stemfrom a lack of childcare facilities and the absenceof family or friends who were able or willing to

look after their young children. There were nochildcare facilities in any of the rural locations.

Self-employment among young people hasincreased in recent years, with many youngpeople regarding it as the only alternative tolong-term unemployment. Two of the youngpeople interviewed had ended a period ofunemployment through becoming self-employed, both having skilled trades (anelectrician and a joiner). The electrician wasrelatively successful and regularly worked onbuilding sites throughout Scotland. However,the work entailed long hours and extensivetravel. The joiner tried unsuccessfully to make aliving in the local area, despite obtaining a set-up grant from a youth trust. Living in a remoterural area, few job opportunities emerged andafter obtaining just one contract in his first year,he registered as unemployed.

An informal economy was also evidentwithin the study areas with a number of youngpeople undertaking paid work whilstunemployed. However, the practice did notseem to be widespread, although respondentsmay have been reluctant to divulge suchactivities. Moreover, among those who did work‘on the side’, work appeared to be sporadic andpoorly paid. There was evidence of exploitationby employers with a waitress, for example,being paid £1 per hour.

When I was on the Brew, I had a wee kind ofpart-time job in the kennels, but I never declaredit ‘cos it was only £1.50 an hour anyway. Justhelping the woman with her dogs and that, ken,when she was away on holiday and stuff. I meanshe paid me for it but it was never enough for todeclare it to the Brew anyway. (Female Ex-Industrial)

29


Social networks

Among those interviewed, social networks wereclearly seen as an essential source ofinformation. The majority of those who hadfound work had been provided withinformation or introductions through family orfriends. Social networks were particularlyimportant in the ex-industrial area whereemployment opportunities were severelyrestricted and few jobs were advertised. Indeed,in this area young people felt quite strongly thatnetworks were ‘the only way to get a job’ (MaleTraditional). Young people made use of a rangeof contacts to find jobs, but in all of the areasmembers of the immediate family wereparticularly important. Many said that if itwasn’t for the influence of a parent ‘I would nothave had a chance’ (Male Urban Fringe).Although young people in each of the areashighlighted the importance of familyconnections, these seemed to be weaker in themore remote areas where opportunities tend tobe further away from the place of residence.

The importance of family contacts in ruralareas should not be under estimated, yet thereare a range of other informal contacts on whichyoung people draw. More distant relatives oftenhad a role to play, as did friends and neighbours.These weaker connections often providedsources of information rather than sponsoredentry.

It was one of my pals I never seen for a while Iasked her if there were any jobs and that, and shesays well phone up and give my name and saythat I told you to phone. So I phoned andeventually I got a job out of it. (Female Ex-Industrial)

My brother- in- law’s father, he found out from mymate that I was looking for work and he justphoned me up and offered me a job. So that wasgreat. The fish farm I found out through a friendthat they were looking for people, so I phonedand I got taken on. The fishing boat was alsothrough a friend. (Male Seasonal)

Clearly, a heavy reliance on social networksworks to the disadvantage of those withoutstrong roots in an area. One young personwhose family were ‘incomers’ was out of workfor sometime. He felt that many of the problemshe encountered on the local labour market werea direct result of his lack of contacts andeventually started his own business.

It tends to be one of those word of mouth things,again being a small area a lot of people knowpeople’s parents. Or they know when, you know,if someone’s moving out they tend torecommend somebody else that they know iswanting to move. Sometimes it tends to be whoyou know. (Male Seasonal)

Family stigma

While strong family contacts can clearly smoothyoung people’s transitions to employment, insmall communities poor family reputations canalso prove to be a barrier to employment. Someyoung people claimed that their ‘incomer’status was a disadvantage, especially sinceparents lacked local contacts and sometimescommuted to work outside of the area. Morecommonly moral judgements about lifestyles ofyoung people or their families affected jobprospects. Two families had moved away fromthe city as their sons had been involved in adrug scene and these encountered problems in

30


the labour market. One young woman cited theexample of her boyfriend who was ostracised bymembers of the local community for being a‘trouble-maker’.

They thought he was a troublemaker. He tried toget a job in my work and because people heardwho he was hanging around with they weren’tinterested. (Female Seasonal)

Single parents also felt that they were beingmarginalised on account of their lifestyles withmoral judgements hindering employmentprospects and social acceptance.

It’s just basically crap for the single parent ‘cospeople look down on you, they’re not keen totake on single parents. It affects the kids as well. Itook her to playgroup last week and all the othermothers were looking down their noses pullingtheir kids away from her ‘cos I was a singleparent and they weren’t. (Female Seasonal)

Housing

Although most young people interviewed livedin the family home and had not consideredmoving, the lack of affordable accommodationwas an issue for some who felt that they wouldeventually have to move to another area. Anumber of respondents were graduates whoregarded their housing situation as temporary,having returned to the family home for financialreasons whilst seeking permanent jobs on thenational labour market or temporary ones locally.

The availability of housing varied betweenareas, with council housing being most readilyavailable in the ex-industrial area. In thetraditional and urban fringe area, theavailability of affordable accommodation was

poor and young people expected to have tomove to the nearest urban centre. However, thesituation in many urban towns can also bedifficult: in Oban there are plans to open a Foyerto meet the needs of an influx of young peoplefrom the Western Isles.

Those who had moved away from theparental home but who remained in the localarea often tended to have expensive and poorquality accommodation. In the seasonal area,caravan dwelling is common among youngpeople in the summer, while holiday cottagesare rented in the winter. Two respondents were‘permanent’ caravan dwellers: one had bought acaravan and paid minimal ground rent, theother paid £65 a week in rent, £12.50 a weekcouncil tax and £15 per week for electricity.

Wages

Wages can form a barrier to employment wherethey are insufficient to cover the cost of dailytransport or, when this is necessary, to enableyoung people to afford accommodation in anew area. Young people can also find it difficultto find work if they have unrealistically highwage expectations. Among the young peoplewe spoke to, several graduates had relativelyhigh wage expectations (over £15,000 peranum), although there were graduates whowere willing to settle for £10,000. However, themajority of non-graduates expected to earn lessthan £4 per hour and a few were willing to workfor less than the Government’s minimum wageof £3.60 an hour. Those seeking work inresidential settings tended to expect between£80 and £100 per week. Only two young peoplesaid that they were unwilling to work for lessthan £4 per hour and both of these had

31


previously been in jobs paying over £7 per hour.Young people also felt that small localemployers couldn’t be expected to afford highwages and some said that they would accept alower wage in the local area than they would inthe town.

£3.00 that’s a lot, especially local people, becausethey can’t afford to pay them big wages.(Female Seasonal)

Transport

In rural areas, young people frequently have totravel long distances to work, yet the cost ofpublic transport and restricted timetables have anegative impact on opportunities. Distancestravelled varied by area, with those in theseasonal area being prepared to travel furthest.One respondent, for example, travelled a total of52 miles per day to work in a small café for£3.82 an hour. A respondent in the urban fringetravelled to Glasgow every day, a round trip of70 miles. In general, those travelling longdistances tended to have career type jobs,although those without jobs frequently said thatthey were prepared to travel long distances.Young people’s spatial horizons tended to bemore restricted in the ex-industrial area wherethere was a stronger tradition of localemployment.

I think in a rural area you’ve gotta be prepared totravel a lot more than most people have and justaccept it as a fact of life. (Male Traditional)

There were examples of young people whospent large periods of time travelling and spenta high proportion of their wages on travel costs.One young person who worked in Kilmarnock,

for example, had to work on Sundays despite alack of public transport. This involved a cost of£15 for a single journey.

It’s like £15 and I get a run up to Kilmarnock. I justget a bus from Kilmarnock Bus Station back,they’re operating a Sunday service so the time’salright for when I come out my work to get a busfrom Kilmarnock, but in the morning you don’t getthe first bus ‘til about half ten and I start at halfeight. (Male Ex-Industrial)

Those who were working had found a rangeof solutions to their transport problems, butaccess to jobs frequently involved greatinconvenience and cost. These young peopletended to stress the ways in which their jobsearch had been limited by transport and theextent to which they relied on other people toprovide transport solutions. Most young peoplestressed the importance of having a drivinglicence and being able to afford a car.

Many of those with jobs some distance awayfrom their home town said that without a car, itwould be impossible to get to work. However,unless parents were able to help them buy a car,transport could remain a problem and some ofthose who were unemployed recognised thatdriving lessons were essential, even though theycouldn’t afford them.

It does help if you’ve got the transport, if youdon’t then you can find yourself restricted to thearea you can work in and you’re very veryrestricted. In actual fact if you’re in a lowemployment area you know your chances ofwork are going to be very very small whereas ifyou do have transport behind you you’ve openedyourself out and you can go for other jobs in thesurrounding area. (Male Urban Fringe)

32


Aye transport, like I’m not getting enough off theBrew to like take driving lessons, I’ve got myprovisional, I managed to take one lesson, I’d juststarted taking driving lessons when I was workingfull-time but then I got paid off and the companywas running at a loss, I’ve had to cancel mydriving lessons and that was that. (Male Ex-Industrial)

With employers being aware of traveldifficulties, the issue of transport was frequentlyraised in interviews. Some employers stipulatedthe need for personal transport.

There’s a lot of jobs at Falkirk and I went for one,and the first thing they said to me was, wellyou’re from ‘Merrick’, where is it? Oh, do youhave any transport, such as how you gonna getthere it’s early mornings. (Male, Urban Fringe)

In most of the areas, finding public transportto enable them to seek work in the nearest townwas clearly impossible. While many shops nowopen on Sundays, buses rarely run. Bustimetables can also become more restrictedoutside of school terms. Stories about a severelack of transport and the high cost of journeyswere reported by young people in all areas, butthose in remote areas clearly had the greatestproblems.

I mean to go to Oban and back the buses areterrible, I mean you get a bus half ten to Obanand the next one’s 6 o’clock back, and by the timeyou pay your expenses it’s £10 to get to Obanand back every day so it’s hardly worth my whileto go. (Female Seasonal)

At the moment it’s on winter timetables so youcan get one to Oban on a Monday, a Wednesdayand a Friday. That gets you into Oban for half past

ten and it comes back out at ten to two and that’sthe only bus. (Female Seasonal)

Well if you want to go into Glasgow return for theday on the bus it’s £10, so a five day week there’s£50, £200 a months travelling and it doesn’t getyou there for 9 o’clock. (Female Urban Fringe)

Given these limitations, young people relyheavily on lifts from family or friends. In theurban fringe, where some have parents whocommute to the city for work, this may notrepresent a major obstacle. However, otheryoung people depend on people making majordetours or special journeys.

My dad takes me to work in the morning, there’sno way I can get here with public transport.(Female Urban Fringe)

Opportunities for education and training inrural areas are frequently severely restricted.While the level of education and trainingopportunities affects many rural residents, it hasa particularly strong impact on poorly qualifiedyouth. For those who dropped out of aparticular course, there were also problems inre-engaging as the choices of alternative coursesor institutions tended to be limited. A number ofyoung people who attended courses outside oftheir home area found themselves unable tocontinue due to financial pressures and thosewho dropped out of courses tended to drift intolow skilled employment or Governmenttraining schemes. This situation may beimproved with the introduction of the educationand training option under the New Deal,although problems in accessing provision arelikely to remain.

Transport restrictions also forced manyyoung people to abandon long-held aspirations,

33


even when they had obtained formal training ina specific field. One, for example, had begun anapprenticeship in panel beating, but trainingwas curtailed due to the bankruptcy of the firm.Despite their efforts, no similar opportunitieswere identified within travelling distance andthe young person was forced to obtain unskilledwork. Examples of young people with skillshaving to accept unskilled work wereparticularly common in the ex-industrial area,partly because industrial decline had led to asharp reduction in the availability of manyskilled jobs.

The experience of unemployment

In Chapter 2, we demonstrated that youngpeople in rural areas were less likely toexperience long-term unemployment than theirurban counterparts. Nevertheless, it isimportant to stress that the experience ofunemployment can be different in a number ofrespects. Isolation and boredom were seen asmajor problems, and many saw this as amongthe greatest disadvantages of living in a ruralarea. As one young person said, the area was allright if you liked ‘walking’, implying that therewere few other activities to occupy their time.Others mentioned that ‘you see people justwalking about the streets during the day and atnight and its just boredom, there’s nothing todo’. Feelings of isolation were mentioned lessfrequently in the ex-industrial area.

Even when there where local recreationalfacilities, unemployed young people were oftenexcluded for financial reasons. In one area, alocal hotel had a swimming pool to which localpeople had access on payment of a membershipfee. As one young person commented:

I mean its very sad that people that live here can’tafford it ‘cos its gonna cost a fortune. (FemaleSeasonal)

For those living independently,unemployment heightened their awareness of thehigh cost of living in rural areas. Accommodationcosts were perceived as high, as was the cost ofessential groceries which sometimes had to bebought from a mobile shop.

That wee shop up there you can’t get a pint ofmilk after a certain time and its £1 for a loaf ofbread, that’s ridiculous. (Female Seasonal)

When the young person had family livingnearby, lifts were often provided to the localtown so that they could purchase cheaper goodsin the larger stores, although more perishablegoods still had to be bought locally.

Many young people who were unemployedat the time of interview were extremelypessimistic about their chances of securingwork. Some placed their faith in the localJobcentre, but others argued that even those jobswhich were advertised were difficult to access.Some explicitly required applicants to have theirown transport, while those with children couldsee no way of being able to gain employment.Parents often had childcare problems, but alsohighlighted negative attitudes of employerstowards single mothers.

I was a single parent and they were kinda waryabout taking me on because of the wean and joband that, taking time off for the weans. They’realways telling you we want younger ones with noweans. (Female Urban Fringe)

34


Summary

In this chapter we examined young people’sperspectives on bridges and barriers toemployment in rural communities. With all ofthe young people interviewed havingexperienced a recent period of employment,they were able to provide first-hand evidence ofthe difficulties they faced in finding work. In theprevious chapter we noted the importanceattached to work experience by employers:many of the young people we spoke to lackedwork experience and also perceived this as amajor barrier.

Significant barriers identified included a lackof transport which was an issue in all of therural areas. Timetables were restrictive, costsoften prohibitive, and only those withreasonable wages could afford cars. This lack oftransport served to restrict opportunities andlimited the job search area, although if feasiblein terms of timetables and cost, young peoplewere prepared to travel long distances for work.Yet even when a young person was prepared totravel for work, employers seemed to bereluctant to take them on as they fearedextensive travel, especially in the winter, wouldresult in poor time-keeping.

The lack of affordable housing representedanother barrier. Although most of the youngpeople we spoke to lived at home, there was anawareness that high costs and poor availability

would force them to move out in the future.Many of those who had moved away fromhome lived in poor quality accommodation,such as caravans. For females with children, thelack of childcare facilities also restrictedemployment opportunities.

Social networks were seen as significantbridges for some, but a lack of contacts formedbarriers for others. The majority of ourrespondents who had made a successfultransition from unemployment to jobs hadrelied heavily on social networks. Those wholacked contacts were disadvantaged, as werethose who were stigmatised by the communityin some way. Those perceived as ‘trouble-makers’, those that kept ‘bad company’, singleparents and incomers found that negativeperceptions about their lifestyle meant thatbeing known in a community could work totheir disadvantage.

The young people also provided evidence ofthe greater hardships suffered by young peoplein rural areas. Isolation and boredom werecommon, but many also felt that they were socut-off from employment opportunities thatthey had little chance of gaining work.

Note

1 Details of sample selection are provided inAppendix 3.

35

While youth unemployment has become anincreasingly common part of the transition fromschool to work, few studies have focusedspecifically on youth unemployment in ruralareas. This report has focused on a group ofrural youth who had recently encountered aperiod of unemployment and identifies bridgesand barriers to labour market integration. Itfocuses on young people’s accounts of theirexperiences, presents the perspectives ofemployers and key professionals in rural areasand contrasts the experiences of rural youthwith their urban counterparts. In this finalchapter, we bring these perspectives together andhighlight some of the implications for policy.

Recognising that the term ‘rural’ is used tocover a wide range of circumstances, the studyfocused on four distinct types of rural area: atraditional rural area, an urban fringe area, aseasonal area and an ex-industrial rural area. Insome ways young people living in each of theseareas encounter a different set of possibilities foremployment, education and training, yet manyof the barriers they face are common to all areas.The main differences between the areas relate tothe level of job opportunities, the availability ofseasonal employment and the extent to whichpoor transport and housing provision inhibitsemployment possibilities. In the ex-industrialarea many of the problems faced by youngpeople stemmed from a severe shortage of alltypes of employment, rather than a lack ofaffordable housing or transport difficulties. Inthe seasonal area, young people were frequentlyable to find jobs, but were often unable todevelop sustainable careers.

Transport was a key issue for many of theyoung people interviewed. Many lacked accessto private transport and the public transport

5 Conclusions and policy implications

services tended to operate restrictive and costlyservices. The lack of transport frequentlyrestricted young people’s choices andemployers were often wary about taking onyoung people who had to make long or complexjourneys, even when the young peoplethemselves were willing. While there are nosimple solutions to travel problems, there are anumber of ways in which these barriers can bereduced. First, given that young people tend tobe willing to travel relatively long distances butare frequently restricted by costs, youth travelsubsidies would be beneficial. Second, drivinglicences are particularly important for ruralyouth and therefore driving lessons should beprovided either at school or through the NewDeal. Third, greater flexibility on the part ofemployers is desirable. Where possible,employers should be encouraged to operateflexi-time policies which enable young people tomake use of existing bus services.

A comparison between the experiences ofrural and urban youth unemployment failed toreveal systematic disadvantage among thoseliving in rural areas. Indeed, the chances offinding work in depressed urban areas are muchpoorer and long-term youth unemployment ismore common. At the same time, it is importantto recognise that the problems faced by ruralyouth are quite different from their urbancounterparts and, as such, distinct solutionsmust be found. With rural labour markets beingdominated by low skill and insecureemployment, labour flexibility is a key issue,but it is important to find ways of ensuring thatyoung people do not get trapped in an endlessseries of dead-end jobs. In urban areas, trainingin specific skills may help young people toaccess quality jobs; the link between skills and

36


jobs in rural areas is not so clear. In rural as inurban areas, young people are often trained inspecific skills, either with a local employer orthrough a college course. On completing thetraining, young people in urban areas may beable to apply to a number of employers whorequire employees with these specific skills. Thesame is not always true for rural youth whofrequently find that demand for their skills isdispersed over a much wider geographical area,parts of which are inaccessible due to transportproblems. In these circumstances, training in aspecific skill may be followed by unskilledemployment.

With a more tenuous link between skilltraining and employment prospects, we suggestthat a more flexible approach to theimplementation of the New Deal is required inrural areas. Generic rather than specific skillsmay provide greater advantages in terms offuture labour flexibility. With many ruralemployers being unable to provide the requiredskill training under the New Deal, there wouldalso seem to be a case for a new option in whichwork experience was combined with moregeneral education or training in alternatesettings. While general educationalqualifications seemed to provide young peoplewith advantages in the labour market (contraryto the employers’ view that they were of littleimportance), work experience and theintroduction to informal networks were alsoimportant. The combination of generaleducation and work experience may be moreeffective in providing bridges to work thandiscrete packages which offer either educationor specific skill training programmes. Atpresent, may rural employers who are willing tobecome involved in the New Deal are unable to

participate due to their inability to meetminimum training requirements, yet it isdesirable to explore ways of drawing on theirskills and enthusiasm.

Social networks facilitated access to jobopportunities for those young people with goodlocal contacts. For others, especially those whowere stigmatised in some way, the lack of socialnetworks could represent an important barrier.In these circumstances it is important to findways of introducing young people to networkswhich may be beneficial. The New Dealprovides an opportunity to achieve this butearlier interventions, perhaps through school-based work experience or employment‘compacts’ may prove to be effective.

Although females in rural labour marketsfaced fewer problems than males, there aresignificant gender issues which requireattention. In areas which have a developedtourist industry, females with strong social skillsare in relatively high demand. However, suchjobs are often part-time and it is clear that thosewho find such jobs have difficulty finding full-time jobs. There is a concern that careers officeofficials may overlook the needs of this workinggroup. Rural females with children also facemore severe disadvantages than their urbancounterparts given the lack of childcarefacilities. While larger employers in urban areasare beginning to take the issue of childcareseriously, small rural employers are unlikely toaddress these needs. In these circumstances, it isimportant to consider more flexible modes ofdelivery, perhaps through crèches located inlocal primary schools.

With a restricted range of opportunitiesavailable in many rural areas, it is necessary toexplore new ways of facilitating mobility for

37

Conclusions and policy implications

those young people who wish to access jobs,training or education outside the local area.With less generous provision for the funding ofhigher education courses, the national trend isfor more young people to remain in the parentalhome whilst undertaking degree courses. Forthose in rural areas, this tends not to be anoption and access may be prevented by financialbarriers to mobility. There is perhaps a case for amobility grant for rural youth wishing to accesseducational opportunities which are notavailable locally. There is also a strong case forhelping rural youth access urban labourmarkets through housing subsidies.

The lack of affordable housing also affectsthe opportunities of those young people whowish to remain in rural areas. Young peoplewere often concerned about finding affordablehousing and even those with jobs felt that theremay come a stage when they would have tomove away from the area in order to establishtheir own homes. Although many members ofthe sample lived with their parents, those whohad moved out tended to have poor qualityand/or high cost accommodation.

38

The quantitative phase of this research draws ona unique sample of young people collected aspart of a study of unemployed 18 to 24 year-olds funded by the European Commission. InNovember 1996 and February 1997,interviewers were located in 18 Jobcentres incontrasting areas of Scotland; in rural areasadditional names were collected by writing topostal claimants. The aim of the first phase ofthe project was to collect a sample of 18 to 24year-olds who were both unemployed and whohad been out of work for at least three monthsduring the previous year. This exercise yielded asample of 1,725 unemployed young people fromacross Scotland.

The second phase of the research involved apostal survey which was conducted six months

Appendix 1: Quantitative methods

after the sample collection, in May 1997 andAugust 1997 (by which time some wereemployed, and others were unemployed, hadwithdrawn from the labour market or haveembarked on routes through education ortraining). At this stage, 232 young people hadmoved home or become untraceable and thevalid sample was reduced to the 1,493 whoreceived questionnaires. After several postaland telephone reminders, the final achievedsample was 817, a response rate of 55 per cent.

Given that the sample was intended toreflect the national unemployment picture, it isskewed towards males: it contains 527 malesand 290 females. The sample covers the agerange 18 to 24, with a mean age of 20.7.

39

Appendix 2: Employers and professionals

interviewed

Table A2 Urban fringe

Employees 18–24 18–24 F/T 18–24 P/T Seasonal/Company Type F/T P/T F/T P/T M F M F casual

Farms Man 18 1 2 0 2 0 0 0 Yes (2)Scaffold Service 49 0 10 0 10 0 0 0 YesAgency Service 8 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 NoHotel Service 3 0 3 0 2 1 0 0 YesResearch Service 10 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 NoPrecast Man 17 2 15 0 15 0 0 0 YesTimber Man 57 0 30 0 29 1 0 0 NoFarms Service 43 2 5 0 3 2 0 0 NoPlastics Man 269 0 7 0 6 1 0 0 NoHotel Service 4 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 Yes

Table A1 Ex-industrial area


Craft Man 9 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 YesKnitwear Man 160 37 9 0 0 9 0 0 NoDairy Service 75 8 13 0 5 8 0 0 YesCarpets Man 110 0 14 0 8 6 0 0 NoBottlers Man 30 0 10 0 7 3 0 0 Yes (10)*Wire Service 7 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 No**Hotel Service 7 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 YesHire Service 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 NoUniversal Man 32 0 10 0 5 5 0 0 Yes (10)Hair Service 3 1 3 1 0 3 0 1 No

* There were ten temporary staff between the ages of 18 and 24.** This company uses sub-contractors in busy periods.

Employers interviewed

40


Table A3 Seasonal area


Hotel Service 9 4 2 1 0 2 0 1 YesFish farm Man 280 33 51 20 35 16 16 4 Yes (100)Leisure Service 13 3 8 3 3 2 1 0 Yes (7)Clothing ManKitchen Service 75 * 15 0 6 9 * * YesHotel ServiceEstate Service 3 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 NoDistillery Man 16 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 Yes (10)**Removal Service 7 0 5 0 5 0 0 0 NoGarden Service 5 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 No

* The company employs numerous numbers of schoolchildren at weekends.** All seasonal staff are students employed in the summer.

Table A4 Traditional


Hotel Service 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 YesDairy Man 155 2 17 0 10 7 0 0 Yes (4)Designs Man 4 4 4 0 1 3 0 0 Yes (4)Board Service 20 6 2 2 2 0 2 0 Yes (29)Greek Man 130 0 16 0 15 1 0 0 NoShop Service 6 18 1 4 1 0 0 4 Yes*Forest Service 50 0 2 4 1 1 0 4 YesImport Service 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 NoHealth Service 80 51 0 5 0 0 1 4 Yes**Rubber Man 400 20 20 50*** 0 0 30 20 Yes

* Schoolchildren on Saturdays.** Majority of seasonal staff are students employed through the summer.*** The young people are all temporary employees with this employer.

41

Appendix 2: Employers and professionals interviewed

Key professionals interviewed

1 Alison McLean – Argyll and Bute Trainingand Enterprise Company

2 Mary McKellar – Stirling Careers Service

3 Janice Carlisle – Stirling Careers Service

4 Alison McNeil – Argyll and IslandEnterprise

5 Catrina Eagle – Argyll and Bute CareersService

6 Alasdair Bouard – Rural Strategy OfficerArgyll and Bute

7 Joan Savage – Rural Strategy Officer Stirling

8 Justina Murray – Stirling Council

9 Francis Webster – Oban Careers Service

10 Careers Officer – Dumfries College

11 Heather Tyler – Forth Valley Enterprise

12 Seamus Lalor – Argyll and Bute Council

13 Gillian McInnes – Argyll and Bute Council

14 John Holt – Scottish Young Business Trust

15 John Henderson – Council Careers ServiceDumfries

16 Phil Robinson – Quarrier Homes

17 Jana Hunt – Highland and Island Enterprise

18 Gillian Russell – Ayr College

19 Angela Burns – Cumnock Jobcentre

20 David Donaldson – East Ayshire Council

21 Anne Philips – Jump Start

22 Fiona McIntyre – Oban Jobcentre

23 New Deal Adviser – Stirling Jobcentre

24 New Deal Adviser – Oban Jobcentre

25 Caroline Stewart – Forth Valley Enterprise

42

Table A7 Educational qualifications of sample

Educational qualifications Males Females

No qualifications 8 31 or more O Grade 14 101 or more Higher 9 9College Diploma 10 5University Degree 6 6

The sample described in Appendix 1 was usedto select a total of 80 young people evenlydistributed between the four local labourmarkets. Individuals were selected to ensure fullcoverage of a range of situations andexperiences: account was taken of gender, age,educational qualifications, total length ofunemployment, household composition, mainactivity during the previous week, age firstunemployed and employment status.

The majority of young people (47 per cent)lived with both natural parents, 20 per centlived with one parent, 10 per cent lived aloneand 7 per cent were residing with friends. Six ofthe young people interviewed had children;three were single parents. The gender and agebreakdown of the sample are shown in Tables

A5 and A6. The skew towards males reflectscurrent unemployment trends in Scotland.Given that the sample is drawn from youngpeople who had experienced a recent period ofunemployment, the overall level ofqualifications is below the national average. Theeducational qualifications of those interviewedare shown in Table A7.

Appendix 3: Young people’s interviews

Table A5 Young people interviewed (males)

Age 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Total

Ex-industrial 4 3 2 2 1 2 14Seasonal 2 2 4 2 1 11Traditional 1 3 2 2 1 3 12Urban fringe 3 1 1 4 1 10Total 8 6 8 12 5 2 6 47

Table A6 Young people interviewed (females)

Age 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Total

Ex-industrial 1 1 1 1 2 6Seasonal 1 3 2 2 1 9Traditional 2 2 1 1 1 1 8Urban fringe 3 2 2 1 1 1 10Total 7 8 5 3 3 3 4 33

43

Appendix 4: Regression analysis

Table A8 Regression variables

Min 3, Max 120

Min 18, Max 24

0 = never on a scheme1 = experience of a scheme

0 = urban1 = rural

0 = brought up with two natural parents1 = not brought up with two natural parents

1 = non-manual0 = other

1 = non-manual0 = other

0 = less than 6 months of last 121 = more than 6 months of last 12

0 = less than 6 months of last 121 = more than 6 months of last 12

(residual)

0 = no O Grade passes1 = O Grade passes

0 = no Diploma or Highers1 = Diploma or Highers

0 = no Degree1 = Degree

Dependent variable

Total duration of unemployment sinceleaving school (months)

Independent variables

Age

Scheme

Rural

Parents

Dad occupation

Mum occupation

Dad unemployment

Mum unemployment

No qualifications

O Grade

Diploma

Degree

44


Table 9 Logistic regression predicting total duration of unemployment since leaving school

Males FemalesBeta t Beta t

Age 0.347 8.625 0.459 7.774Scheme 0.077 1.932 -0.032 0.587Rural -0.089 2.277 -0.066 1.254Parents 0.103 2.606 0.132 2.469Dad occupation 0.020 0.437 -0.120 2.065Mum occupation -0.043 1.036 -0.056 0.933Dad unemployment 0.115 2.718 0.014 0.246Mum unemployment 0.080 1.895 0.022 0.373O Grade -0.173 3.715 -0.109 1.495Diploma -0.294 6.219 -0.375 4.837Degree -0.327 6.940 -0.509 6.148

45

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Bibliography

Titles available in the Work and Opportunity series:

Making work pay: Lone mothers, employment and well-being

Alex Bryson, Reuben Ford and Michael White

This study tracks a sample of lone mothers over five years to find out what works in moving themoff benefit, and what really makes a difference in easing hardship.£11.95

Bridges from benefit to work: A review

Karen Gardiner

An innovative study of 42 welfare-to-work initiatives, assessing which give best value for money,how many people they help, and what the level of take-up is.£11.95

Combining work and welfare

Jane Millar, Steven Webb and Martin Kemp

An exploration of key questions surrounding in-work benefits, and the likely impact of the nationalminimum wage.£11.95

Lone mothers moving in and out of benefits

Michael Noble, George Smith and Sin Yi Cheung

This study analyses how and why lone mothers move between income support and in-work benefits,and considers current and future policy directions.£11.95

Pathways through unemployment: The effects of a flexible labour market

Michael White and John Forth

A study of the effects and long-term consequences of flexible forms of work – particularly the part-time, self-employed and temporary jobs often taken up by unemployed people.£11.95

Local responses to long-term unemployment

Mike Campbell with Ian Sanderson and Fiona Walton

A review of research to date on how to reconnect the long-term unemployed to the labour market.£12.95

Company recruitment policies: Implications for production workers

Stanley Siebert

This study explores whether increased regulation of the labour market has an impact on hiringstandards, screening out less qualified workers and so reducing their job opportunities.£12.95

Young men, the job market and gendered work

Trefor Lloyd

A study of whether young men are being adequately prepared for the contemporary workplace, andwhether their, or others’, gender assumptions are affecting their opportunities.£10.95

Back to work: Local action on unemployment

Ian Sanderson with Fiona Walton and Mike Campbell

This report complements Local responses to long-term unemployment (above), presenting detailed case-study research into what local action is effective in getting people into work.£13.95

Ending exclusion: Employment and training schemes for homeless young people

Geoffrey Randall and Susan Brown

An evaluation of the particular difficulties in finding work faced by this group, and an assessment ofthe impact of a range of projects designed to assist them.£13.95

Job insecurity and work intensification: Flexibility and the changing boundaries of work

Brendan J. Burchell, Diana Day, Maria Hudson, David Ladipo, Roy Mankelow, Jane P. Nolan, Hannah Reed,

Ines C. Wichert and Frank Wilkinson

An exploration into the effect of job insecurity on the social, physical and psychological well-being ofemployees.£13.95

Whose flexibility? The costs and benefits of ‘non-standard’ working arrangements and

contractual relations

Kate Purcell, Terence Hogarth and Claire Simm

Drawing on the experience of a range of industries and organisations, the report analyses theeconomic, operational and social effects of flexible employment practices.£13.95

Finding work in rural areas: Barriers and bridges

Sarah Monk, Jessica Dunn, Maureen Fitzgerald and Ian Hodge

A timely analysis of disadvantage in rural areas, and the role employment plays in this. The reportfocuses on the particular problems people in rural areas face and what strategies work in attemptingto find work£12.95

Work and young men

Bruce Stafford, Claire Heaver, Karl Ashworth, Charlotte Bates, Robert Walker, Steve McKay and

Heather Trickey

A study which analyses whether certain young men are underachieving, and what the long-termconsequences of this are. The authors also review the social, personal and economic factors that affecthow young men are integrated into the labour market.£13.95

Making the grade: Education, the labour market and young people

Peter Dolton, Gerry Makepeace, Sandra Hutton and Rick Audas

The decisions young people make when they first become eligible to leave school are crucial to theirlong-term prospects. This wide-ranging study investigates what influences a child’s performanceand choices during this important time.£14.95

Young Caribbean men and the labour market: A comparison with other ethnic groups

Richard Berthoud

An exploration of the challenges faced by a group of young people with an exceptionally high risk ofunemployment. The study relates young Caribbean men’s experiences in the labour market to otherethnic groups, whose employment prospects vary substantially.£14.95

Young people in rural Scotland: Pathways to social inclusion and exclusion

Stephen Pavis, Stephen Platt and Gill Hubbard

This report provides substantial first-hand evidence of what life is like for rural young people today.It explores the impact of education on their work opportunities, and how rural wages, availableaccommodation and isolation affect their lifestyle and their transitions to adulthood.£12.95



A review of the distinctive features of rural youth unemployment, including seasonal work,transport issues and the importance of local networks in obtaining work.£12.95

Further reports from this series will be published throughout 2000.

Titles available from the Rural Issues Research Programme:

Poverty and exclusion in rural Britain: The dynamics of low income and employment

Polly Chapman, Euan Phimister, Mark Shucksmith, Richard Upward and Esperanza Vera-Toscano

This study examines the income and expenditure of rural households and the opportunities for workopen to them. The authors examine whether rural dwellers face particular obstacles, and whethermoving to non-rural areas helps them escape poverty.£9.95

Finding work in rural areas: Barriers and bridges

Sarah Monk, Jessica Dunn, Maureen Fitzgerald and Ian Hodge

A timely analysis of disadvantage in rural areas, and the role employment plays in this. The reportfocuses on the particular problems people in rural areas face, and what strategies work in attemptingto find work.£12.95

Young people in rural Scotland: Pathways to social inclusion and exclusion

Stephen Pavis, Stephen Platt and Gill Hubbard

This report provides substantial first-hand evidence of what life is like for rural young people today.It explores the impact of education on their work opportunities, and how rural wages, availableaccommodation and isolation affect their lifestyle and their transitions to adulthood.£12.95



A review of the distinctive features of rual youth unemployment, including seasonal work, transportissues and the importance of local networks in obtaining work.£12.95

Getting a job, finding a home: Rural youth transitions

Julie Rugg and Anwen Jones

A study of young people in North Yorkshire, which explores the interrelated nature of their housingand employment decisions, and how these decisions are affected by factors distinct to rural dwellers.£10.95 (published by The Policy Press)

All these reports are available from: York Publishing Services Ltd, 64 Hallfield Road, Layerthorpe,York YO31 7ZQ (Tel: 01904 430033; Fax: 01904 430868; E-mail: [email protected]). Please include£2.00 post & packing per order.

youth unemployment in rural areas - jrfparticular groups in rural areas. rural youth unemployment in...

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