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YOUTH PARTICIPATION IN ELECTORAL PROCESSES OF MAFIKENG LOCAL
MUNICIPALITY IN THE NORTH-WEST PROVINCE OF SOUTH AFRICA
BY
AZUNNA CHIGOZIE ISRAEL
MINI-DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF HUMAN AND SOCIAL
SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES,
AT THE
NORTH-WEST UNIVERSITY MAFIKENG CAMPUS
SUPERVISOR: DRS.A. BOTCHWAY
STUDENT NUMBER: 21976732
JULY, 2013.
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2021 -01- o 8
DECLARATION BY CANDIDATE
I, the undersigned, AZUNNA CHIGOZIE ISRAEL, hereby declare ·(hat this mini
dissertation submitted to the North-West University, Mafi keng Campus, for the
degree of Master in Development Studies (MSoc.Sc) is my own work which has not
been submitted to any other institution and all the sources referred to therein has
been duly acknowledged.
Signed .. ... .. .... ........ ....... ..... ... .. . .. . .
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
All glory to God for the accomplishment of this study. Thanks to my brothers and my
entire family.
Credit to Dr S. Botchway (my supervisor) fo r your patience and assistance; despite
your tight schedule you were always there for me.
Nigeria Students Union, North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, and all Nigerians
present in Mafikeng, I recognise all your support in my difficult times.
To God be the Glory
ABSTRACT
The study was carried out to provide an understanding of the participation of the
Municipality's youth in the local electoral processes. The objective of the study was
to examine the extent to which the youth participate in the local electora l processes
of the Mafikeng Local Municipality and to investigate and identify factors that prevent
the youth from participating in electoral processes within the Mafikeng Local
Municipality. The study applied a qualitative research methodology to collect data.
The study found that there were a number of factors that pose challenges to the
youth and hinder their participation in electoral processes. Such factors included
poor education background, poverty and unemployment. The study recommends
that the youth in the Mafi keng Local Municipality should be educated by their
parents, teachers, church elders and the Mafikeng community to enable them to
acquire skills and a positive attitude towards participating in the local electoral
processes.
Key Concepts: Youth , Electoral Processes, Participation , Mafikeng Local
Municipality
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Declaration by candidate
Acknowledgement
Abstract
Content
CHAPTER ONE: Background of the study
1.1 Introduction
1.1.1 The Youth and their classifications
1.2 Problem statement
1.3 Research questions
1.4 Aim and objectives of the research
1.5 Significance and rationale of the study
1.6 Research Methodology
1.7 Data Collection Procedure
1.8 Ethical Considerations
1.9 Structure of the Dissertation
1.1.0 Summary
CHAPTER TWO: Literature Review
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Historical overview of local government in South Africa
2.2.1 Creation of Municipal Boundaries and structures after
the adoption of the constitution
2.3 Concept of Participation
2.4 The Concept of Participation and the youth
2.4.1 Levels of youth participation
2.4.2 Youth positive attitudinal change towards development
2.4.3 Youth in Electoral Processes
2.4.4 The case of Nigerian Youth in 2011 Elections
2.4.5 Voting age of youth
2. 4.6 The youth and elections in South Africa
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25
2.4.7 Media for Youth participation 27
2.5 Youth Policy Frameworks 28
2.6 Elections, Electoral Processes and the Youth 30
2.6.1 Characteristics of Electoral Processes 34
2.6.2 Plurality and Proportional representation 36
2.7 Overcoming challenges to youth activities 37
2.8 Summary 38
CHAPTER THREE: The Socio-Economic and Political
conditions of the study area 38
3.1 Introduction 39
3.2 Mafikeng Local Municipality 39
3.3 Socio-economic and political development of Mafikeng 42
3.4 Economic sectors of the municipality local municipality 42
3.5 Socio-political participation of the youth in Mafikeng Local Municipality 44
3.6 Summary 45
CHAPTER FOUR: Data Analysis and Interpretation
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Data Analyses
4.2.1 Section one: Personal data of the respondents
4.2 .2 Section two: Youth participation in the
46
46
46
Electoral processes 49
4.2.3 Types of electoral processes the youth participated in 49
4.2.4 Section three: The analysis of the youth council and
eligible voting age 52
4.2 .5 Section four: Challenges to youth participation 54
4.3 Summary
CHAPTER FIVE: Findings, Conclusion, Recommendations and Summary
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Discussion of find ings
V
56
58
58
5.3 Conclusions
5.4 Recommendations
5.5 Summary of the dissertation
Bibliography
LIST OF MAPS
Map 3.1: Map of Ngaka Modiri Molema District municipality
Map 3.2: The map of Mafikeng town and the neighbouring cities
LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1: Personal data of respondents
Table 4.2: Electoral processes the youth participated in
Table 4.3: Youth councils, policies and eligible voting age of the youth
Table 4.4: Poverty as a challenge to youth participation
Table 4.5: The challenge of poor educational background
Table 4.6: Challenge of youth unemployment
vi
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANC
AU
CDP
CHGM
CROP
CWP
DCS
DNPF
EP
EPWP
GDP
HSRC
IDP
IDEA
IEC
INEC
JICA
LED
LGMS
LGNF
LGTA
LYC
MDA
MOB
MEA
MFMA
MEO
MLM
MSA
MSB
MYS
African National Congress
African Union
Community Development Programmes
Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
Comprehensive Rural Development Programmes
Community Works Programme
Department of Correctional Services
Draft National Policy Framework
Electoral Processes
Expanded Public Works Programme
Gross Domestic Product
Human Sciences Research Council
Integrated Development Plan
Institute For Democracy and Electoral Assistance
Independent Electoral Commission
Independent National Electoral Commission
Japan International Cooperation Agency
Local Economic Development
Local Government Municipality System
Local Government Negotiating Forum
Local Government Transition Act
Local Youth Council
Municipal Demarcation Act
Municipal Demarcation Board
Municipal Electoral Act
Municipal Finance Management Act
Municipal Electoral Officer
Mafikeng Local Municipality
Municipal Systems Act
Municipal Structural Board
Municipality Youth Brigade
vii
NSBAC
NYC
NYDA
NYDPF
NYEES
NYP
NYSC
PAR
PR
RDP
STATSSA
UN
UNCHR
National Small Business Counci l
National Youth Commission
National Youth Development Agency
National Youth Development Policy Framework
National Youth Economic Empowerment Strategy and Implementation
Framework
National Youth Policy
National Youth Service Corps
Participatory Action research
Proportional Representation
Reconstruction and Development Programme
Statistics South Africa
United Nations
United Nations Commission on Human Rights
viii
1.1 INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER ONE
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Throughout the world, governments have engaged the youth in national electoral
processes. This has been encouraged by the United Nations which considers the
youth as the embodiment of hope and aspiration of nations. The participation of
youth in the electoral processes provides them with experience and opportunities for
their future participation in the municipal , provincial and national governments.
In the North-West Province of South Africa , the youth participate in the electoral
processes of the municipality through their Local Youth Councils. Furthermore, the
youth participate through other youth forums such as Youth Centres (YC) and
Municipality Youth Brigades (MYB). The study focuses on participation of the youth
in the electoral processes of Mafikeng local municipality through their Local Youth
Council (L YC). This chapter thus serves as an introduction to the study on youth
participation in local elections. The chapter defines who the youth are, states the
problem for the study, provides aims and objectives, significance , rationale and
research methodology applied in the study. Finally, it provides the structure of the
di sse rtatio n.
1.1 .1 The Youth and their classifications
Who are the youth and how are they classified? The definition of the youth varies
from country to country and from society to society. The term "youth" refer to the
period of transition from dependence of childhood to adulthood. It could also be
referred to as a flexible period or progression from childhood to adulthood. The UN
has carefully defined the youth considering the statistical and consistency
implications amongst the member states as those persons between the ages of 15
and 24 years. Within these are teenagers between 13 and 19 years of ages and
young adults as between 20 to 24 years of age. In South Africa, the Department of
Social Development White Paper for Social Welfare (1997) defines youth as all those
between the ages of 16 and 30 years of age. The Correctional Services also refers
to the youth as all those in the age range 14 to 25 years of age, Department of
Correction Services (DCS, 2003). The National Health Policy Guidelines focus on
the adolescent and the youth as all those between 10 and 24 years of age (SA
Health Pol icy Document, 2000). The African Youth Charter (AU, 2006) also defines
youth as those between the ages of 15 years and 35 years and excludes the 14 year
olds. Without dispute, South Africa 's definition is broader than the narrower definition
of the AU .
From the above definitions youth classifications can be narrowed into two, the
primary and secondary youth. According to NYDA (2008) , primary youth are those
young men and women within the age group of 18 years to 35 years. This group of
youth is seen as youth in the age of majority. They can enter into a business contract
independently without the requirement for parental , guardian or representative
consent. Secondary youth are those young men and women within the age group of
14 years to 17 years. This group of youth is seen as youth in the age of minority.
They can enter into a business contract only with the support and consent of
parents, guardian or representatives.
In other African countries such as Nigeria, various attributes are associated with the
youth. Th is was rightly expressed by Former Nigerian President, General Obasanjo in
a foreword on the Nigeria's National Youth Policy and Strategic Action Plan of 2001
(Ojo, 2011 ). He pointed out that "Youths are the foundation of the society, their energy,
inventiveness, character and orientation define the pace of development and the
security of a nation . Through their creative talents and labour power, a nation makes
giant strides in economic development and socio-political attainments. In their dreams
and hopes a nation founds her motivation, with their energies, she builds her vitality
and purpose. And because of their dreams and aspirations, the future of a nation is
assured." By implication, youth constitute a significant number of the population of a
country. Their presence and participation in all segments of society preserves the
peace and unity of the nation. Therefore, the ability, strength and contribution of the
youth to the nation in electoral processes must not be under-estimated.
In Europe the youth influence local government decisions by being active in Local
Youth Councils (L YC). Youth councils are strong and reliable organisations that
protect the interest of the local youth . They can revolt and cause problems if their
demands are not met. Within the councils, individuals can demonstrate and express
their opinions publicly. Their participation in decision making regarding young people
curbs any confrontation with authorities that may arise either at the level of a school ,
Local Government, Provincial or National. With specific reference to Mafikeng Local
Municipality, the local youth council has been active in mediating between the local
Municipality and the youth .
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT
South Africa has three tiers of government, National, provincial and local. Among
these tiers, local government is the least resourced . Yet the local municipalities are
charged to deliver the most basic services to the local people without being provided
with adequate resources.
The local municipalities are responsible for stable socio-political and economic
welfare of the local people. This can only be effective if the youth are properly
integrated in the electoral processes and governance of the local municipalities.
During and after the apartheid era, not much attention has been paid to the issue of
youth participation in the electoral processes and municipal affairs. Despite recent
emphasis on the youth in administration, little has been done to organise youth
policy framework to guide the local youth council within the Mafikeng Local
Municipality.
Given the lack of youth policy at local municipalities, municipal initiatives around
youth participation in electoral processes and governance of the local municipality
have largely tended to be ad-hoc and unstructured. Consequently, the youth seem to
be marginalised in municipal activities. Lack of youth policy at municipal or rural
levels has hindered youth participation in the electoral processes.
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Having identified the problems above, related research questions below were
formulated and researched.
1 What has been the extent of youth participation in the local electoral
processes of the Mafikeng Local Municipality?
2 Is this lack of youth policy at municipal or grassroots level hindering or
promoting youth participation in the electoral processes of the local
municipality?
3 What are the challenges the youth are encountering in participating in the
electoral processes of the Mafikeng Local Municipality?
4 To what extent has the lack of youth policy framework disenfranchised some
sections of the youth?
1.4 AIM AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH
The main aim of the study is to examine the extent of involvement and interest of the
youth in the local electoral processes of Mafikeng Local Municipality.
The objectives of the study are:
'
NW11-1 -LIBRA-RY)
• To investigate, identify and analyse factors that hinder the youth from
participating in electoral processes within the Mafikeng Local Municipality;
• To find out whether the Local Youth Council (L YC) is active in community
activities;
• To determine the relationship between the municipality, the IEC, the NYC and
the youth , with regard to local municipal elections.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE AND RATIONALE OF THE STUDY
The study's findings may increase the limited literature on youth participation in
electoral processes at municipal level. It may also contribute to new ideas on youth
participation in electoral processes and to the literature of development studies.
The find ings cou ld also be useful for policy fo rmulation on youth at Local , provincial
and National Government levels. Furthermore, youth organisations in South Africa
may also find the study useful. Non-Governmental organisations whose aims are
about youth and their participation in elections may also find the study useful.
1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research methodology is the procedure followed to undertake a particular study or
research. Any chosen methodology depends on the study and the problems the
researcher wants to address and to proffer possible solutions to the problems
understudy. In this study, qualitative research methodology was used as it best fits
the study. This methodology will also address the research problems and objectives.
It gave the researcher the opportunity to observe the phenomenon , meet the
respondents and interview them.
1.7 DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURE
Literature Studies: During the course of the study various sources of information
relevant to the study were consulted . Among them were official documents, articles
in journals, internet sources, books on youth development as well as data published
by STATSSA and the IEC.
Sampling: Sampling means selecting a proportion or representative of a population
that has similar characteristics of the total population. The population was sampled
through a simple random sampling to ensure that all those with relevant information
were not left out.
Sample size: A sample size of forty six (46) was selected. Sample size consisted of
(1 0) officials of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in Mafikeng; ten (10)
councillors of Mafikeng Loca l Municipality (MLM); twenty (20) randomly selected
Youth members of Mafikeng and six (6) Officia ls of the National Youth Commission
(NYC). They were selected based on their knowledge and expertise on youth issues
and activities. The rationale for the choice of these respondents stems from their
extensive knowledge of the subject matter wh ich could not be ignored . For example
the project administrators of the IEC, NYC and municipal ity counci llors were
purposefully selected as respondents .
Research Instrument: Data collection instruments such as tape recorders were used
for face to face interviews. The tape recorder helped the researcher to capture all
important information. It ensured that no information was lost.
Open ended, unstructured questionnaires: They allowed the respondents to respond
beyond the boundaries of the questionnaire. The facial expressions of the
respondents ·was important to ascertain the genuineness of their responses. The
researcher observed that the respondents responded very well to the questionnaires.
Data Analysis and interpretation: Primary and secondary sources of data were
collected. Data collected based on the questionnaires were analysed and interpreted
using tables and discourse analysis.
Findings, conclusions, recommendations and summary: The findings were made
based on the data collected and analysed. From the findings as found in chapter four
conclusions and recommendations were drawn and subsequently a summary of the
whole study was made.
1.8 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
In other to be able to carry out the distribution of questionnaires and interview the
respondents , as a matter of ethics, the researcher wrote a letter to the youth
department of the Mafikeng local municipality, the manager of the NYC, and IEC
asking permission to conduct a survey on youth participation in the local electoral
processes. The letter specified the aims and objectives of the study. It also assured
the respondents of the confidentiality of their opinions and the security of their jobs
since the research is for academic purposes. With these assurances the officials
were cooperative.
1.9 STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION
Chapter one states the background and problem for the study. The chapter also
explains the aim and objectives of the study, the research questions, significance of
the study and fu rther deals with the methodology that was used in the study.
In Chapter two, relevant literature on participation, national youth policy documents,
electoral processes and government gazettes are reviewed . This document review
as presented in chapter two provides theoretical groundings to this study.
In Chapter three, the study area which is Mafikeng Loca l Municipality, is presented.
The map of the municipality, contribution of the municipal ity to the national GDP,
economic, socio-politica l concepts of the municipality are presented.
Chapter four presents the analysis and interpretation of data collected using the
questionnaires.
Chapter five presents and discusses the findings, conclusions, recommendations
and summary of the study.
1.1.0 SUMMARY
The chapter has served as a summary to the study. It put forward the problem to be
investigated and objectives in that regard. The methodology followed such as the
qualitative procedures were identified in the chapter. The structure of the dissertation
(five chapters) was disclosed at the end.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter is a review generally of the relevant literature on the youth and their
participation in electoral processes and municipal affairs. The chapter begins with
the history of local government in South Africa . Thereafter it reviews the literature on
participation. The personality characteristics and concept of youth participation in
electoral processes, opportunities for the youth , youth advocacy and attitude towards
electoral processes are discussed . The case of Nigerian and South African youth
and electoral processes as well as the youth policy framework will be presented.
Other aspects of the literature reviewed include youth voting age, requ irement to
vote in South Africa , characteristics of electoral processes, electoral processes and
ways of overcoming youth participation challenges.
2.2 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA
Firstly, the evolution of local governments and municipalities in South Africa will be
scrutinized. The terms local government, local municipality and local authority will be
used inter-changeably in the study as they describe democratically elected
governments with jurisdiction over local communities or local areas.
South African democracy as experienced and expressed today, is traced to the
overthrow of apartheid and subsequent democratic elections of 1994. The coming of
democracy in 1994 signalled a shift in the parad igm of power and introduced a shift
from apartheid intimidation to freedom of expression in local governance. This
enabled the coming into existence of new electoral processes and various local
municipalities.
Prior to the first national democratic election of 1994, the ANC and 26 other political
parties converged at Kempton Park in Johannesburg with the purpose of creating a
Local Government agency such as the Local Government Negotiating Forum
(LGNF). This gathering led to the drafting of the Local Government Transition Act
(LGT A) 209 of 1993. The Act states the power of local governments, establishes
provincial committees and creation of local fo rums fo r negotiations to determine the
precise forms of local government, and the boundaries of local government areas.
The event resulted in the adoption of a temporary constitution that paved the way for
the 1994 elections (MLM, 2005).
The South African constitution provided for the establishment of local governments
and municipalities and defined the role of local governments in local elections. It
further stated the aims of local government in terms of democratic accountability,
provision of sustainable services, the socio-political and economic development. The
constitution further paved the way for the adoption of Acts to guide and regulate
Municipality activities.
2.2.1 Creation of Municipalities and structures after the adoption of the constitution
Subsequently, the white paper on local government was published in 1998. It is in
this paper that the Municipal Demarcation Act (MDA) and the Municipal Structures
Act (MSA) were endorsed and the Municipal Finance Management Act (MFMA).
Generally, Local Government in South Africa has undergone changes since the fall
of apartheid and the emergence of democracy in 1994. All this legislation has
created a new platform for youth participation in the electoral processes at national,
provincial and local government levels (MLM, 2005).
Municipalities are classified into three categories (Cameron , 1999). Category A is a
Municipality that has exclusive executive and legislative authority in its area.
Category B is a Municipality that shares municipal executive and legislative authority
in its area with a Category C Municipality within whose area it falls and Category C is
a Municipality that has municipal executive and legislative authority in an area that
includes more than one municipal ity. Based on the categories of the municipalities,
Mafikeng Local Municipality fal ls under category B of the Act (Municipality System
Act, 2000).
2.3 CONCEPT OF PARTICIPATION
Participation means actively taking part in any development or community activity
that affects one's life. A member of a community participates in a development action
in various forms and at different levels. One can participate at the decision-making
process level or implementation level or from monitoring or evaluation to a share of
benefit levels. This is to bring about efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability of the
development process. This may explain why participation is crucial in identifying who
does what, when and how in the development of community projects.
The term participation is referred to by philosopher and critical theorist, Paolo Friere,
as the transformation of social structure (Leal, 2010) and means that participation is
a process of involving people in the development activities and decisions that affect
their lives (Botchway, 2001 ). Levine and Weiner (1997) argue that in the new South
Africa, participation must not merely become a legitimation process. It should be an
essential component of a broad political programme in which local knowledge
becomes a driving force for social transformation.
The concept of participation has emerged in recent years as a broad-based
approach and best practice to meet the needs of people, to ensure efficiency and
sustainability of development actions and projects. According to the Trillium
Foundation (2013), participation provides opportunities for the people to take
initiatives and responsibility. In the case of participation in electoral processes, it
would enable them to exercise their rights as citizens and access to democratic
processes in the society (Checkoway, 2010).
The traditional participation has value, but the determining factors are mainly the
degree to which people are engaged in the program and the degree to wh ich the
government programmes, policies and infrastructures support people's involvement
in a meaningfu l way. Accord ing to Botchway (2001) traditional participation ensures
sustainability of community projects.
Nonetheless, participation is described as a way to build peoples' confidence with
the aim of promoting successful development initiatives. In Nnaemego (2009) certa in
government programmes offer opportunity for people to develop leadership skills
needed to become self-confident. One such government programme is effective
communication with the citizenry. Effective communication is one of the best ways to
challenge discrimination against any member of the community. Nnaemego states
that communication , dialogue and negotiation are central to coordinating the wide
range of stakeholders working towards community development and meaningful
involvement through: a) Advocacy to ensure that policy and laws do not perpetuate
discrimination; b) enacting policies in institutional contexts like schools , workplaces
and healthcare settings; c) promoting intergenerational dialogue or partnerships; d)
strengthening and harmonizing existing funding and programming efforts for
community led activities; e) capacity building and talent development initiatives. This
can only be achieved if those concerned are given the opportunity to be part of the
initiative or programme.
According to Botchway (2001) objectives and strategies of participation must lead to
the development of all members of society through a bottom-up approach. If
participation is seen as a top-down research methodology then it explains people's
attitude, how they participate and why they do not participate in community projects.
According to Farthing (2010) previous literature exploring people's participation can
be viewed as either disengaging and disenfranchised at one extreme, or active and
engaged in new forms of politics at the other. Parry, Moyser and Day (1992) in their
study found that people's participation extend no further than voting in the case of
electoral processes. Education , wealth , age and voluntary association membership
are the most important determinants of level of participation in community
development programmes.
Much of the mainstream literature does not take into account the particular
circumstances and issues that affect people and way they view community
development programmes. For example, considering various types of political
participation like voting, party membership, joining local youth council , campaigning
and taking part in demonstrations, the fa ilure of the mainstream literature to attempt
to differentiate young people from adults, means they have tended to overlook
generational effects. Generational effects are distinctive attitudes developed
amongst the people which will change but will be shared by this group overtime.
Generational effects stem from the fact that successive generation's face new
challenges which previous generations have no experience of (Jowell and Park,
1993).
Pirie and Worcester (2000) argue that potential decline in the level of pol itical and
civic participation may be due to the decreasing relevance of political activities to
people. They are of the opinion that people who do not vote or participate in politics
do so because they do not see the relevance neither does it make any difference to
them. Disputing this claim, Deluca's (1995) notion on political apathy clears the
understanding as it is seen to be the essential correlation of free choice and
represents contentment or personal indifference on the part of the individual. Deluca
further argues the concept of nonparticipation as a condition under which one
suffers-apathy (Deluca, 1995).
• Non-participation
... ~1-1 NWU-' IRRARY_
Non-participation is the absence of participation. It is defined as a state of mind
brought about by forces, structures, institutions or elite manipulations over which one
has little control and perhaps little knowledge (Deluca, 1995). Eden and Roker
(1999) argue that people are indeed turning away from formal mainstream politics
but this does not mean that they are necessarily politically apathetic. The non
participation is in many ways a reflection of the failure of politicians, parties and
political structures to address the issues that concern them. People place high
degree of faith in the democratic processes and few support the view that voting is a
waste of time. Seyd, Whiteley and Pattie (2001) found that people conceptualise
politics in a limited and narrow way, they perceive it as boring and irrelevant to their
lives. As such, non-participation is not solely the product of individual indifference,
considering how individuals might be alienated from political participation. Reasons
for non-participation vary considerably beyond simple lack of interest in pol itics.
People's non-participation is sometimes seen as a positive rejection of traditional
political processes. This explains why few people vote given the total absence of real
political choice.
• Participatory culture
One element of democratic value is openness in the participatory culture.
Participatory cu lture motivates people to keep the participation doors open.
Participatory culture teaches people skills and promotes political liberation and
mobilisation. This is because participatory culture generally exposes people to
pol itical information and idea (Judge, 2007). It promotes the key democratic values
of involvement and openness. It teaches people vital elements of involving ,
acquisition of knowledge and collaborative problem-solving. Participatory culture
provides both motives and opportunities for political engagement (Kanni , Berry, Gant
and Zager, 2007).
Furthermore, a resolution from Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting of
2002 argues that participatory culture is critical for maintaining democratic values
such as freedom and justice. According to CHGM (2002), this participatory culture
depends on two ideas about participation, that is, as paid employment and managing
the transition from adolescent student to adult worker, while the other is the
democratic practices embedded in devices like youth roundtables or similar
consultative mechanisms. Roundtable discussions create opportunity for people to
communicate directly with government on issues of concern to them. For instance, in
Australia , the Australian government established a taskforce team to examine
people's transition from school to work and further their education as well as active
involvement in the participation in the activity of community life (Bessant, 2010).
Bessant (2010) further argues that paid employment is a steady transition from
education to the workforce while citizenship is gained through employment, a living
wage and an adequate standard of living which demonstrates the value of being
moral, independent and able to meet one's civic obligations. For instance, in
Australia, federal government increased bid for educational retention rate and
reforms such as work-for-the dole because paid work is seen as serving two
traditional roles- to provide and serve as a source of income and productivity as well
as a moral-social integrative influence in the lives of people to actively get involved in
the participatory culture (Bessant, 2010).
People with higher levels of socio-economic resources are most likely to participate
in electoral processes whi le the almost inactive have the lowest levels of socio
economic resources (Seyd , Whiteleyand Pattie, 2001 ). As such peoples' political
participation is_ seen as a subset of the general population, a specific group with their
own particular circumstances and concerns.
Types of participation - active and passive participations
A broad based meaning of participation is measured by its scope such as th~
number of people who attend a number of activities but also by its quality such as
how participants have real effect on the process to influence a particular decision or
produce a favourable outcome. That is why Checkoway (1998) argues that
measurement of participation is not necessarily whether the effort is youth-led, adult
led or intergenerational but rather whether people have some effect. Delgado and
Staples (2008) further argue that by this they are involved in goal setting , resource
allocation and program implementation. Organizing brings people together and
enables them to generate power to accomplish their purpose (Delgado and Staples,
2008). It is a process that builds their own sense of power, their perceived or actual
power with others, and their ability to affect power relationships in the community.
Adult political organizations learned this lesson years ago.
• Active participation
Active participation is seen as getting a group of people to take initiative in the
governance, decision-making and other community programmes. This is usually the
case when a greater number of people participate in the community project without
being forced. It is also when the majority of the people freely and willingly take part in
community action.
• Passive participation
Passive participation could also be referred to as non-active participation. This is the
kind of participation that defines people's non-involvement through visible or physical
appearance and reaction to events within the community. Passive participation is
most times based on participation by rules and regulations. It ensures that people
participate accord ing to the laws or regulations rather than wilful and free-will
involvement and participation in the community projects. It considers the
accessibility, interest and ability of people in the municipality, vil lages and
communities, the rural and the municipality at large to respond to municipal
development plans, programmes, governance, economic and socio-political
initiatives.
• Reasons for participation
There are various reasons why people participate in the municipal electoral
processes. People participate in projects for personal reasons or for community
obligations. According to Botchway (2001 ), both personal and community
participation should follow a bottom-up approach as this would reduce development
problems. Amongst these reasons include voting for a credible candidate that would
represent the interest of the rural people in decision makings especially in the area of
poverty alleviation, to improve welfare and standard of living at rural level. Also , any
individual voted in by the rural people would possibly determine the level of the
people's participation in planning , decision-making, execution and implementation of
such decisions as well as share of benefits within the municipality.
Participation as a bottom-up approach , ensures that the rural people are integrated
in projects and development plans in the municipality. Botchway (2001) argues that
participation should be people oriented. Rural people should be included in the
processes of planning , decision-making, implementation, evaluation and monitoring
of development programmes and projects. Rural people should see community
projects as "our project" and not "their project". By this approach, managing ,
monitoring and sustaining a such project would be effective. Therefore , it becomes
paramount that the community and the rural people should be allowed to see
elections as their decision to make, to determine who leads or direct the affairs of the
municipality. By participating in the electoral processes, governance of the
municipality and other activities, such as community development and social
programmes, rural people take initiatives , participate in the implementation of
decisions as well as take responsibility for the outcome of their choice of
representative at the municipality.
o Who should participate and why
Every member of the community is entitled to participate in community development
programmes in any capacity he/she is able to , giving every citizen or member equal
opportunity to create freedom of thought, fairness and equity in the community in the
course of participation. In most cases people should be motivated to take part in the
affairs that concern them. Participation assumes that people are competent citizens,
rather than passive recipients of services. According to Finn, Nybell and Shook
(2009), this assumption is consistent with the view of people as resources rather
than the classification of a group of people as victims of poverty and problems to the
society. It is therefore paramount to understand who and why the people should be
motivated to participate in community development programmes and municipal
activities. In Social Science studies people's participation is alienated from the
community and withdrawn from professional activities thereby focussing on a group
of people as weak and deficient and when adults view young people as troubled and
troubling and youth accept these adult conceptions, this weakens rather than
strengthens the roles of young people (Finn, et. al , 2009).
According to Zukin , Keeter, Andolina , Jenkins and Delli-Carpini (2006) , most active
participants in community and municipal programmes are not representative of the
general community due to Income, education, class and socioeconomic status while
non-participation by middle and upper-income people could be attributed to the
individual demand for technology, telecommunications, and decline in social capital.
The resultant effect of this is the withdrawal from participation and disengagement
from democratic activities.
Through increasing participation, low-income people are integrated in governance,
administrative, community projects and educational reforms, including initiatives to
inequities in school suspension policies and prevent cuts in people services, conduct
campaigns for new school curricula responsive to racial diversity and work to reduce
class sizes and increase after-school programmes, (Checkoway and Richards
Schuster, 2006; Ginwright and Cammarota, 2009). Differential participation by low
income people does not mean that they are disengaged from democracy but they
participate in public affairs in the activities which are more appropriate to their
situation.
• Challenges to participation
The Mafikeng Local Municipality is surrounded by 109 villages scattered around the
municipality. The challenge is how to determine the parameter through which people
from these vi llages would get involved and participate in the decision making,
governance and other community development programmes considering economic
cost and socio-pol itical implications. The challenge, as in most cases, is that one
village would be perceived as marginalised while another village may be perceived
as favoured in terms of executing community projects and electoral representation.
Therefore, difficulty in getting people involved in the participatory processes lies in
the ability to change their mentality from a group that cannot create change to a
group that have ideas that are resourceful for implementation (Checkoway, 2010).
Educating people in the scattered villages of the municipality, pose a challenge since
the educated few prefer to migrate to urban areas. Apart from the selection criteria ,
villages and communities lack access to resources such as community policing,
clean water, electricity and good roads.
• Participatory level or forms
There are various forms through which people could participate in development
programmes in the municipality. The context of the study is participation in the
electoral processes of the municipality. In this case, the participatory levels or forms
should be in political parties' activities at any level , registration , voting, and
administrative arrangements during the electoral processes. Other forms include
participation as party agents and vote counting in the local electoral processes.
2.4 THE CONCEPT OF PARTICIPATION AND THE YOUTH
In this study, participation is being reviewed in the context of the youth, their
involvement in plans, decision-making , and implementation as well as governance of
the local municipality. Achievement of genuine participation is difficult because local
elite monopolise power and are often hostile to widespread participation. According
to Coetzee et al (2001) a combination of class, race, gender, age and education
often backed up by tradition are the factors that prevent meaningful youth
participation. However, youth participation in electoral processes, decision-making
and governance of the local municipality can be influenced by a number of factors
such as the family and intergenerational relationships, socio-economic background,
and education, place of residence, peer pressure and mentorship. These factors
would assist to motivate the youth to be involved in electoral and other community
activities of the municipality.
Cornwall (201 0) indicates that it is only through participation that the youth can
develop skills, build competencies, form aspirations, gain confidence and attain
valuable resources. This affirms the view that youth participation in a municipality in
most cases results in sustainable human development of that local municipality's
youth. Flowing from above, the advocacy for youth involvement in all aspects of
political life at international, national , provincial and local is of such importance that it
needs to be cherished.
2.4.1 Levels of youth participation
There are various levels in electoral processes that the youth can participate in.
These include the planning, organizing, decision-making, implementation of
decisions, share of benefits and governance. As this study is a micro - or local
municipality study, detail on various levels of participation will not be scrutinized .
Because elections and electoral processes decisions are made at national
government level in South Africa , much attention will be on the areas of the youth
participation in the local municipality of Mafikeng. This is because the study will not
investigate nor collect any data from the national government to ascertain the
percentages of youth participation at various levels of electoral processes.
• Processes the youth participate in
In Mafikeng Local Municipality, the youth participate in the implementation or the
execution level of the process. This study focuses on the municipal level , that is, the
implementation and execution level of electoral processes as it applies to Mafikeng
Local Municipality. The implementation level the youth participate in include affiliation
to a political party, political party campaigns, voting, party agents, vote observers
and other related local electoral process activities such as administration.
• Element of youth participation
Elements that promote youth participation and involvement in governance as
highlighted by Nnaemego (2009) include evolving capacities, intergenerational
equity, student voice , youth-adult partnership, youth mainstreaming, youth rights and
youth voice. According to Michaelson and Nakamura (2001 ), key factors that support
youth involvement include a supportive family background, mentors or role models,
involvement in cooperative activities, cultivation of intrinsic interest, awareness of
moral and political issues, and traits such as moral sensitivity and optimism. The
roles of adult support, a youth-friendly environment, the completion of meaningful
tasks, and the learning and utilization of new skills support the youth's participation in
the electoral processes (Checkoway and Gutie'rrez, 2006).
According to Young Wisdom Project (2006), the approaches to youth participation
follows the traditional programmes that classifies the youth as clients to officialdoms
led by youth and for youth . That is why Likiw (2007) , explains the traditional
programmes as nurturing participation among the traditionally non-involved youth by
working to raise more significant youth participation outside the programmes. Likiw
(2007) classifies the traditional programmes as:
• Youth-serving: The program targets youth as consumers of service. N'\N\l ·"'~ • Youth input: Youth evaluate or provide feedback on the program. \ L\BRARJ _ • Youth-engaged: Youth are involved in program development.
• Youth-led: The program concept and/or organization came from the youth .
• Participation Objectives: Participation objectives, outcomes, and assessment
criteria .
Participation as a concept is evaluated on the bases of personal and social
development of the participants themselves, such as their knowledge and skills as
well as the youth academic achievement or performance in school , or their sense of
direction , self-confidence, social connectedness, and psychosocial well-being or
critical thinking , public speaking and civic competencies (Dessel and Rogge, 2009).
As such, community agencies use participation for administrative purposes without
transfer of power to the participants. Such agencies prefer participation that meets
admin istrative, political and community needs while opposing participation that
results in contro l by people over key aspects of programmes (Checkoway, 2010).
• Youth and participation in programmes
The youth are organised around issues for community, social and political action.
Most times the youth plan local programmes, advocate in school boards and city
councils, and develop personal services and skills. They serve on municipal agency
boards, campaigns, demonstration and public hearings. In most cases the youth
carry out community-based research , evaluate agency programmes, make pol icy
presentations, and hold public officials accountable for their actions (Richards
Schuster and Checkoway, 2009).
• Youth education
Young people care about war, poverty, racism, health care , housing, homelessness,
violence, sex and pregnancy, adultism and ephebiphobia, diversity, discrimination ,
drugs, clean water, nutritious food , employment, and money (Checkoway and
Richards-Schuster, 2006). They care about improvement of the community, safe
living cond itions , decisions against drugs and safety in the streets, graffiti on the
walls, and the right to freely assemble in public places. The youth particularly care
about schools and education. Th is is because schools are places in which they
spend substantial time and have a strong stake. According to Checkoway and
Richards-Schuster (2006) , the youth are concerned about academic and curricu lar
issues, such as when they question teachers about inaccurate or unrepresentative
curricula ; school facilities such as unsafe buildings and unsanitary bathrooms; and
school practices, such as unjust attendance policies or dress codes.
On the other hand , it is challenging to see adults view the youth as incompetent
rather than resourceful , or show adultism. Adultism is the assumption that adults are
better than young people, and entitled to act upon them without their agreement
because of thei r age (Checkoway, 201 0). Adultism is a mild form of ephebiphobia, a
cond ition described as an abnormal or persistent fear or loathing of teenagers or
adolescence (Grossberg , 2005). This condition is attributable to media, politicians,
social scientists , and professional practitioners who . perpetuate its tenets with
reinforcement by marketing of safety, such as home security systems, metal
detectors and closed-circuit television increasingly sold to schools on the premise
that young people are not to be trusted. The fear of youth by adult authorities can
undermine public participation and affect the health of democracy. Therefore there
should be positive attitud inal change amongst the youth to effect healthy political
participatory development.
2.4.2 Youth positive attitudinal change towards development
One objective of development is having positive minded youth who are self
motivated to participate in building the community and engage in programmes of
self-improvement. Girvan (1938) points out that the youth are seen as assets in the
society. Failure to incorporate them in the local, provincial and national planning
processes by the government would have terrible implications on governance.
Therefore, their participation in local municipal activities such as electoral processes
and governance should not be overlooked.
The youth in a learning process should be mobilized and nurtured to take group
initiatives in participatory democracy. Moreover, the youth provides the community
with human capital that can be mobilized to meet local needs (Poole, 1997).
Furthermore, youth participation in social groups fosters a feeling of connectedness
and belonging. Therefore, participation within social groups needs to be encouraged
in order to develop a sense of identity so that well-planned youth programmes can
become successful when implemented.
By this sense of identity and empowerment, they are encouraged to participate in the
political activities within the municipalities. Fletcher (2006) notes that the youth 's
positive approach towards local electoral processes, the local youth councils, youth
led media, and other youth development organisations and activities are the best
avenues to encourage and integrate the youth into governance and political sphere
of municipalities. Other avenues include traditional activities such as youth
conferences on public policy and involvement in community coal itions at the
decision-making levels where learning processes takes place (Young, 2006).
2.4.3 Youth in electoral processes
In South Africa, youth participation in the local electoral processes is an important
learning process. It is particularly important that opportunities are created for the
youth to participate in activities at local municipality levels. The Draft National Pol icy
Framework (DNPF) for publ ic participation published in November 2005 , defines the
concept of participation as an open, accountable process through which individuals
and groups within selected communities can exchange views and influence decision
making. It is also viewed as a democratic process of engaging people to decide, plan
and play an active part in the development and operation of services that affect the
youth at the local municipalities.
The African National Congress's (ANC) commitment to youth participation in the
electoral processes and policy-making started prior to 1994. The ANC ( 1994) has
since made other remarkable contributions to the nation by getting the youth
involved in electoral processes of local municipalities. The long-term process of
participation results in creating awareness and empowering the local young people.
2.4.4 The case of Nigerian Youth in 2011 elections
Nigerian youths played noble roles during the 2011 elections. The National Youth
Policy (NYP) of Nigeria defines the youth as people between the ages of 18and 35
years. In Ojo (2011 ), analysis during the electoral processes, the bulk of the
Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) staff (both permanent and ad
hoc) who conducted the entire · general elections were youths. Furthermore, INEC
entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the management of the
National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme to use the Youth Corps members as
ad-hoc staff for the election processes.
Among the 313 civil society organisations that INEC recognised and accredited to
operate during the general elections, 70 - 80% of these observers and journalists
deployed for the election process were youths. Officers and men of the security
agencies deployed to maintain law and order, party agents that observed the
conduct of the general elections and nominated candidates in the elections were all
youths. This is because, according to the 1999 Constitution as amended , a youth
can be a Governor of a state as section 177(b) puts minimum age of a Governor at
35 years; Section 65 ( 1 a and b) attach the minimum age of a Senator at 35 years
and that of a House of Reps at 30 years; Section 106 (b) puts the minimum age of a
member of State House of Assembly at 30 years. Therefore, youths are also free to
contest for any election either for Chairmanship or Councillorsh ip of Local
Government and Area Councils at specified times.
Furthermore, section 147 (5) and 192 (4) of 1999 Constitution , by implication, put the
age limit for Ministers and Commissioners at 30 years. Hence, the bulk of potential
voters in the April 2011 elections are youths and they form more than half of the 73.5
million persons on INEC's National Register of Voters. Thus, the credibility of the
April , 2011 general elections rested squarely on the Nigerian youths and they did not
disappoint. The election was hailed as the best in Nigerian history.
2.4.5 Voting age of youth
Voting age has seen increasing legislation around the world in the 21 ist century. A
sizeable number of advanced countries have begun negotiations to reduce voting
age from the usual 18-years to 16-years old. It is believed that this perception of
reducing voting age came into prominence in the early 1990s, when the voting age
for municipal elections in some states in Germany was lowered to 16 years. For
example, Lower Saxony (a state in Germany that shares a border with the
Netherlands in the North-West of Germany) was the first state to make such a
reduction in 1995 and four other states later copied the move (German Parliament,
2007).
Even though the German Lower Saxony legislation was a success, there were still
long lists of failed attempts by the developed world to implement the voting age of 16
years. For instance, by the year 2000 , a number of legislative proposals for
reductions of the voting age to 16 years in various states of United States of America
witnessed failures in their bid to lower the voting age. For instance, in states like
Cal iforn ia and Florida, none of the legislative proposals were successful. Also in
Canada, the age reduction proposals (Canadian Parliament, 2005), were a failure
and a state reduction in New South Wales, Austral ia (New South Wales Parliament,
2005), was also unsuccessful.
Arguably, some countries in Europe have played leading ro les in the legislation and
implementation of voting age reduction from 18 years to 16years of age. In 2007,
Austria became the first member of the European Union and the first of the world's
leading democracies to adopt a successful voting age reduction from 18 to 16 years
for all elections. This move for the reduction in age started from 1992 when the
voting age was reduced from 19 to 18years at all voting levels in Austria (UNHCHR,
2005). Even at that time their states failed in thei r in itial proposal to reduce the voting
age. Hence, at that time the voting age of 16 years as proposed by the Green Party
was not adopted.
Persistence paved way later on the voting age for municipal elections in some states
when the age limit was lowered to 16 years in the early 2000. Three states
(Burgenland , Carinthia and Styria) had made the reduction by the year 2003, and in
May 2003 Vienna, joined and became the fourth (Veronika , 2007). Salzburg followed
suit. Therefore, by the start of 2005, the total number of states that had adopted the
new age legislation was five out of nine states. Due to the state law, reduction of
voting age at the municipal level in the states of Burgenland , Salzburg and Vienna
resulted in the reduction of the regional voting age in those states as wel l.
It is interesting to know that Iran had been unique in the implementation of the right
to vote by 15 years olds. The government raised it back to 18 years in January 2007,
despite ag itations and the public opposing the Government. During May 2007 the
new Iranian Cabinet proposed a bill to reverse the age increase. Elsewhere, on 6th of
May, 2007, the canton of Glarus in Switzerland voted to reduce the voting age from
18 to 16 years for cantonal and local elections. The New Zealand Green Party MP,
Sue Bradford , announced on 21 iSl of June 2007 (New Zealand Radio, 2007), that she
intended to introduce her Civics Education and Voting Age Bill on the next occasion
upon which a place became available for the consideration of Members' Bills. When
this happened on 25 July 2007, Bradfo rd abandoned the idea, citing an adverse
public reaction. The Bill would have sought to reduce the voting age to 16 years in
New Zealand and make civics education part of the compulsory curriculum in
schools.
A request to lower the voting age to 16 years was made during the consideration of
revisions of the Venezuelan Constitution in the year 2007. The President of the
National Assembly, Cilia Flores, announced that the Mixed Committee for
Constitutional Reform had found the idea to reduce the voting age from 18 to 16
years to be acceptable. Matthew (2007), states following approval in the legislature
and the amendment of the legislation, lowering the voting age formed part of the
package of constitutional proposals, but was not successful during the 2007
referendum. A report suggesting that consideration be given to reducing the voting
age to 16 years in the Australian Capital Territory in Canberra, was tabled in the
territorial legislature on 26 September 2007 and was unsuccessfu l.
In South Africa , the case is different. In 1994, Former President, Mr Nelson Mandela,
suggested to parliament to reduce the voting age to 14 years. His view was that if
the youth of all ages could fight for the liberation and freedom of all South Africans,
the voting age should be lowered to enable all youths to vote during elections.
Unfortunately, his view was not approved by parliament. The IEC, whose aim and
objective is to administer free and fair elections, argued that the youth can only be
eligible to vote and be voted for at the age of 18. However, the youth is allowed to
register to vote at the age of 16 years (IEC, 2011) as it is argued that at the age of
16 years the youth may not be able to make sound choice in choosing credible
candidates during elections. Therefore, between 16 and 18 years of age the youth
could have several voter education sessions to prepare them for elections at age 18.
2.4.6 The youth and elections in South Africa I Ll=~i;J In South Africa, the case of the youth participation in local electoral processes is
different. Arguably, the gains from the fall of apartheid can be sustained and
enhanced if elections are held regularly in a free and fair manner and within a
legitimate electoral and political system. The end of the era of apartheid ushered
South Africa into a functioning multi-party parliamentary system with electoral
processes that are considered to be procedural and substantially free and fair. It
creates awareness of the constitution and the rule of law supported by Human
Rights Commission (HRC), Commission for Gender Equality (CGE), as well as the
Constitutional Court (CC). These Commissions provide a mechanism for
accountability, freedom of information and exposition of corrupt public officials.
Furthermore, it creates a platform for the participation of the youth in the political
processes (Muthien, 1999). Such provisions relate to youth participation level and
interest in elections and governance of municipalities.
The General Election of the year 2004 was historical ly important for the
democratisation of South Africa. It was a year that restored hope in the hearts and
minds of South African youths. The year marked the decade of democracy for the
nation and subsequently youth participation in the democratic and political processes
such as the national and local government elections. These elections allowed
freedom of choice and involvement of all youth . Elections are necessary
prerequisites for democracy and participation in the electoral processes is an
important component of democracy.
The constitution of South Africa specified the term of office with respect to local
governments and councillors. Elections are carried out once every five years. During
these elections, the youth , like other citizens, identify themselves with a particular
political party of their choice. The identification of a political party therefore helps
them to participate in the electoral processes. Such participation may include voting
for the party. Understandably, education plays a major role in encouraging the youth
to participate in the electoral processes (Checkoway, 2010). It gives the youth good
knowledge about voting , elections and use of their civil rights in electing those to
represent them in municipal affairs. To participate in elections, the youth are
expected to be educated on registering with the Independent Electoral Commission
(IEC) to enable the IEC to know the exact number of anticipated participants in the
elections and also know how to vote. The education on voter registration should be
an on-going process in the electoral process.
However, participation could be either direct or through legitimate intermediate
institutions or representatives such as youth councils. Emphasis placed on
representative democracy does not necessarily mean that the concerns of the most
vulnerable young people in the society are taken into consideration during decision
making. Civil society refers to that sphere of volunta ry association and informal
networks in which individuals and groups engage in activities of public consequence.
Ayco (2008) simplifies the concept of civil society as a voluntary association of
different kinds. This includes churches, neighbourhood organizations, cooperatives,
fraternal and social organizations, charities , unions, parties, social movements,
interest groups and families. Nonetheless, participative governance in South Africa
has been a top-down process. It is a top-down strategy because decisions regard ing
youth participation at the municipality level are undertaken at national level.
2.4.7 Media for youth participation
Speaking at the 2007 Youth Day celebrations , former President Thabo Mbeki, stated
that "each succeeding generation faces the responsibility to carefully study social
conditions, accordingly to set its own agenda, so that it can contribute to a better
human condition. According to the former president, current generation of youth
owes it to history to protect and champion the ideals of social justice and an abiding
culture of human rights, just and equitable social order" (Mbeki , 2007). This can be
done by allowing the youth to offer their perspectives on world issues, to have them
serve as members of local advisory boards, become peer mentors, and lead
development programmes, non-profit organizations and small businesses.
However, what is most important is that in all these cases, attention is paid to the
quality of the participation to ensure that young people are not just symbolic figures ,
but that they are meaningfully engaged in ways that strengthen problem-solving ,
decision-making and leadership skills. This prepares and engages the youth to
actively build both a better present and brighter future. Key factors that support youth
involvement include- a supportive family background and mentors or role models,
involvement in cooperative activities, cultivation of intrinsic interest, awareness of
moral and political issues, and traits such as moral sensitivity and optimism
(Michaelson and Nakamura, 2001 ). Other factors are the roles of adult support, a
youth-friendly environment, and the completion of meaningful tasks, the learning and
utilization of new skills as key supports which could be done through the local youth
councils (Checkoway and Gudtie'rrez, 2006).
Furthermore, a youth council is the medium through which the youth can participate
in the local electoral processes. The goal of the council is to enable the youth to
have a say in the resolutions made by the local government. Youth participation in
local electoral processes enhances their understanding about electioneering and
making good choices and to freely express their civil rights during voting exercises.
In the local municipa lity, the paradox of the youth participation in the electoral
processes is resolved in a generalised manner by simply assuming that individuals
get utility out of participating in the political electoral processes (Stiglitz, 2000). This
explains the view that considering time, money, resources and energy that is
devoted to campaigns before and after local elections it is therefore important to
educate the youth on the issues of electoral processes. This can be done through
the local youth councils, the IEC, schools, the media, families and churches about
their civil and politica l responsibilities that can easily be done through formulation of
youth policies.
2.5 YOUTH POLICY FRAMEWORKS
For better understanding of the youth responsibilities several legislative and policy
frameworks have been published by the South African government. The aim and
objective of publication of these policy documents are to explain the governmental
steps to integrate the youth into government programmes. These documents are
highlighted. below:
a. White Paper for Social Welfare (1997) places major emphasis on the needs
and challenges of the youth especially their participation in the electoral
processes of the local municipality. It also provides specific interventions to be
used to ensure their full participation in local governance, their empowerment
as well as youth development both in rural and urban communities. This was
the first government policy document that would articulate the need to
professionalise youth councils and their participation in the electoral
processes of the local municipality.
b. National Youth Policy (NYP, 2000) was developed in 1997 but was not
adopted in 1997 when the initial idea was formed. NYP focused largely to
inform Government of Cabinet's decision to endorse and adopt the National
Youth Development Policy Framework (NYDPF). It also gave direction on
action needed to be taken by the provincial government and the nation at
large to meet the challenges faced by the country's youth at local and
municipal level.
c. The National Youth Development Policy Framework (NYDPF, 2002) was
adopted for a period of five years from 2002 - 2007. This policy document
provides the backg round for the Government's youth action arguing for an
integrated, holistic youth development strategy. It fu rther articulates the values
of equity, diversity, redress , responsiveness to the needs and perspective of
the youth , and an orientation that is sustainable, participatory, inclusive,
gender sensitive, accessible and transparent. NYDPF is to integrate a holistic
and sustainable youth participation in local electoral processes and
governance of the municipality. It also addresses the consciousness of the
historical imbalances, current imbalances and current realities, to build a non
sexist, non-racist, democratic South Africa where youth and local youth
councils can enjoy and contribute to their full potential in the social , economic
and political spheres of life but also recognise and develop their
responsibilities to build a better life for all. 1 NWU- '· -'JBRARY
The NYDPF was established to address the major needs, challenges, an-d -
opportunities of young men and women, accommodating provincial variations
and specific issues. It serves as a means of unifying all sectors of the society
in the development of all young people. It goes without saying that the
apartheid era did more harm than good especially to the youth. However, it
not only violated the rights and opportunities of young people through its
repressive and racially oriented system of coercion , it also denied youth their
basic needs. The adoption of NYP becomes an important milestone since the
history of South African, youth aspirations, needs and conditions of young
women and men are formally recognized and articulated through a major
policy initiative. Through the introduction of NYC the youth all over South
Africa now have equal rights to participate actively in the electoral processes
of their municipalities as well as to participate in governance, discussions and
workshops that allow them to share their situations, visions, needs and
responses.
d. National Youth Policy (NYP, 2008), was adopted for the years 2008 - 2013.
This pol icy document focuses on the foundation of both policy and
programmatic interventions implemented for young people between 1994 and
2007. It further states that the participation of the youth in the electoral
processes of the local municipality through the youth council must be
streamlined to the government's approach to address poverty and
underdevelopment, crime, young people's school drop-out-rates, as well as a
mechanism for the promotion of social adjustment, social cohesion , and
economic emancipation attained through comprehensive, integrated, cross
sectoral and sustainable policies and programmes that seek to bring about
tangible improvements in the quality of their lives (NYP, 2008).
e. National Youth Economic Empowerment Strategy and Implementation
Framework (NYEES, 2009). This po licy document was adopted for the years
2009 - 2019, with the sub-theme of the mainstreaming of the youth in South
Africa. It is reviewed after three years, five years and the tenth year, hence, it
is a ten year plan policy document. The document is built on the foundations
and recommendations laid by the NYDPF (2002), recommendations such as
setting aside procurement quotas for the youth-owned and managed
enterprises, encouraging provincial and local government authorities to
formulate youth economic empowerment strategies, ensuring youth
representation in National Small Business Council (NSBAC) and other similar
bodies, scaling up financial support and services to youth enterprises,
building stronger partnerships with the private sector and banks and
developing monitoring , evaluating systems to be used for youth economic
empowerment.
The National Youth Commission (NYC) has a responsibility to develop principles,
guidelines and make recommendations to government regarding the implementation
of an integrated National Youth Policy (NYP). The commission is also charged with
the responsibility of co-ordinating , directing and monitoring the implementation of
such principles and guidelines as a matter of priority and promoting a unifo rmity of
approach by all organizations of state including the provincial government to report
on matters involving the youth voting age, voter registration and other electoral
legislations in South Africa.
2.6 ELECTIONS, ELECTORAL PROCESSES AND THE YO TH
It is the right of the youth to participate in elections. Elections allow people, including
the youth, to freely choose their representatives and hold them accountable for their
decisions and the laws they pass even though elections do not guarantee
democratic governance. However, they are an important instrument through which
all groups, including the most vulnerable youth , elect rulers of their choice. The youth
participate in elections through voting , campaigning, belonging to a political party
and the administrative processes of elections which include directing voters and
acting as election observers. Essentially, elections allow everyone, including the
youth, to vote and elect their representatives.
A free and fair election is such that all candidates and political parties campaign
without intimidation and restriction. It enables every youth who is a registered
member of a political party to vote in the local elections irrespective of race, gender,
sexual orientation or disability. Therefore, if elections are conducted, managed and
administered impartially and transparently, all parties accept the final results
(Tlakula, 2011 ). In terms of the Electoral Commission Act, the functions of the
Commission include to "promote conditions conducive to free and fair elections"
(Electoral Commission, 1996);
Every party contesting an election is bound to observe the prescriptions of electoral
code of conduct (SA Govt, 2000). Legislation outlines prohibited conducts and
requirements to which all parties and candidates contesting an election must
subscribe. The Code of Conduct forms the basis for the youth participation in
electoral processes of their local municipality without fear of any form of intimidation.
The basis of the Code is portrayed clearly in South African Bill of Rights which
encourages freedom of affiliation and speech. Therefore, the purpose of the Code is
to promote conditions that are conducive to free and fair elections. This includes free
political campaigning and open public debate.
• Delimitation of wards for election
The Municipal Demarcation Board (MOB) is responsible for the determination of
municipal boundaries and the delimitation of wards for elections. The Board is an
independent authority and its status as an independent authority is also protected by
section 3 of The Local Government and Municipal Demarcation Act, 1998.
Legislation specifically requires that when the Commission determines the
boundaries of a voting district it must take into account any factor within the
p~oposed voting district that could affect the free, fair and orderly conduct of
elections. These factors may include the avai lability of suitable venues for voting, the
number and distribution of el ig ible voters and the accessibility of the voting station by
voters (Electoral Act, 1998).
• Voter education
The major process in elections where the youth is needed is during voter education
campaigns. This is one of the levels at which the youth participate Voter education
is a term generally used to describe the dissemination of informatien, materials and
programmes designed to inform voters about the specifics of voting in a particular
election. The youth can be useful instruments in the Mafikeng Local Municipality as
they are trained and are assigned to villages within the municipality to promote and
educate the rural people on how to register to vote, how electors can check the voter
lists to make sure that voters have been properly registered to participate in the
elections, the classes of elections that are held in the country, possibly time table for
each voting period , where , when and how to vote, list of possible candidates to vote
for, general voting modalities and how to file complaints, if any.
Therefore, this legislation mandate focuses on voter education and is a prerequisite
requirement in mobilizing necessary budget and staff to support the voting
processes. Election authorities at all levels provide information and education to all
the electorate as well as to certain target groups like the youth. The initiative is to
make youth participation in electoral and voting processes more accessible to
everyone, including the disabled youth and first time voters.
• Voter registration
The Mafikeng Local Municipality's youth participated in the electoral processes of the
municipality, firstly, by registering to vote. At registration, a scanning device is used
in conjunction with the voting district map for efficient and effective reg istration of the
youth and the municipality (Elections, 2011 ). Once scanned, the youth's identity
document barcode is automatically linked to the appropriate voting district where he
or she has registered . A proof in the form of receipt is issued to the youth which he
or she has to bring on the voting day to correspond with the youth information on the
voters rol l. After the registration exercise, the device is linked to workstations at the
municipality office, and then the data is transferred to the central database. This
process is carried out to eliminate capturing errors, duplication and to offer the same
service to all citizens as well as to protect the youth's private information.
• Voting activity ! NWU· ;~~l •.IBRARY_
The youth participates in the electoral processes of the local municipality in many
ways of which one is voting. Participation in voting activity by the youth is an act of
showing allegiance and respect to the constitution and to fulfil their civil
obligations.Voting is a right and responsibility of all citizens, including the registered
youth, to cast a ballot on the Election Day. Arguably the voting behaviour of the
youth is not predictable since human behaviour is inherently imprecise and dynamic
even with detailed information about the youth.
Even the most reliable models of behaviour may not give any guarantee to predict
the youth 's behaviour. Since South African elections are party based, the probability
that a voter will make alternative choices in the polling booth explains the individual's
choices over other parties. The decision could be as a result of policies argued by
various political parties which favour the individual. Therefore, a voter is assumed to
vote based on preferences on candidate policy positions rather than based on the
effect his/her vote wi ll have on the outcome of the election (McKelvey and Patty,
2006).
The youth can only vote once in the election but may cast a vote in each ballot
conducted at that voting station (SA Govt, 2000). To prevent double votes, the
youth 's name is marked with the sign X, the ID also stamped, the finger marked with
an indelible ink; the ballot paper(s) marked on issuance to the youth prior to voting.
These exercises are carried out to show that the youth has voted and to ensure that
only official ballot papers are used in the election (IEC, 2009). In the case of special
votes, any youth who is unable to vote on the voting day, to cast his or her vote at
the voting station in the voting district where he or she reg istered, may in the
prescribed manner apply and be allowed, prior to voting day, to cast a special vote
within that voting district (SA Govt, 2000).
Vote counting
The youth participate as party agents for counting and ensured fairness. Party
agents may observe the voting and counting proceedings as well as the
determination of the resu lts of an election. Independent auditors verify correct
capturing of the results from the various voting stations and the results slip is also
electronically scanned into the Commission's results system (Electoral Commission
1996; SA Govt, 2010).
• Results declaration
Result declaration is the outcome of the voting exercise. The youth could be used
here as party agents, election observers, vote counters and as witnesses to the
result declaration. After casting of votes, there are counted immediately at each
voting station in the presence of the party agents and election observers. The
majority of who may be the youth. The party agents, which are mostly the youth,
would verify the recording of the result slip; if satisfied , he or she signs it. A copy of
the result slip is then posted on the door of the voting station and the original taken
to the municipal office of the Commission. At the municipal office, independent
auditors verify if the capturing was correct against the results slips from the various
voting stations; then the result slip is electron ically scanned into the Commission's
results system; from there the results are declared to the nation .
2.6.1 Characteristics of electoral processes
The following are 8 characteristics that electoral processes must fulfill:
a. Representativeness: This consists of people chosen to act and speak on
behalf of the wider populace. Process is described as a disproportional
representation process. In this electoral process governments are often not
elected on a minority vote leading to the minority grossly under-represented
within parliament of the government (Reynolds, 1993).
b. Party Lists Systems: In the case of party list, a voter selects one party and
candidate to represent him or her. A party list is either closed (in which case
voters can only select the party and the political party determines the ranking
of candidates) or open (voters can express preferences for particular
candidates within the list). An open list allows a voter to vote for individual
candidates rather than political parties. In this case the percentage of party
votes translates to number of seats, example, if a party receives 10% of the
vote they receive 10% of the seats in the legislature.
c. Mixed Member System (MM) : This is a combination of party list and choice
voting . In this case voters elect half the legislature from single-seat; it operates
under winner-takes-all principle, while the districts and the other half of the
legislature are elected by the List System.
d. Accessibility: The issue of electoral processes regarding accessibil ity defines
representation. Two major issues need to be considered , that is , the incentives
given to the voter to cast his/her vote and the level of understanding of the
mechanics of the system that is displayed for the electorate. Party symbols
allow voters to make good choices of vote by simply marking X in the
appropriate boxes (ANC, 1991 ). They encourage participation by parties that
have strong followers. This is more satisfactory than forcing political activity
outside of parliament.
e. Ability to Engender Reconciliation: The plurality electoral process explains the
concept of winner-takes-all approach. The concept does not allow for vote
transfers. In this process every vote counts. The process provides the
necessary incentives for parties to be conciliatory. It minimizes the role of
parties based on race , class or ethnicity except for regional parties. It puts
more emphasis on policy and ideology. The process also encourages a
national approach to issues which provide a unifying bond and loyalty (Asmal ,
1990).
f. Accountability: In a limited vote process, there is a strong link between
constituency and values. Constituency refers to voting area from which a
member is voted to the parliament and values refer to the standard upheld by
the party. Plurality process commands accountabi lity of the elected
representatives while alternative vote maintains a strong link between
constituencies and their members of parliament through a system of single
member constituency. This link may be enhanced as more voters are likely to
support winning candidates. Compared to proportional representation (PR)
immense powers are given to pol itical parties to determine which cand idate
gets elected (Asmal , 1990).
g. Developing a Party System: Alternative vote promotes two strong parties at the
expense of minority representation. The policies pursued by governments will
flow from incentives not constraints. The electoral processes will still
encourage conciliation along whatever lines of differences are merged in
policy, which may include, but not be limited to differences based on policy,
ideology, class or religion.
h. Promoting Stable Government: The stability of government is influenced by
more than just the electoral processes but the processes play important roles
in the coherence and legitimacy derived by the government. Minor parties,
through their allegiance with one or the other major party, can effectively and
at times quite irresponsibly affect the balance of power through artificial
coalition (CDS, 1990).
2.6.2 Plurality and proportional representation
1. Plurality form of electoral process is associated with majoritarian processes: This
type of process is used in Great Britain and other countries that are historically
influenced by Britain such as USA, New Zealand , Canada, and some white electoral
processes in South Africa. This process is based on a single-member constituency
with a simple majority of the votes cast, leading to the election of a candidate even if
that candidate does not receive an absolute majority of votes cast, that is, 50% plus
one vote. Under the system, members of the parliament theoretically represent their
constituencies rather than pol itical ideologies (Reynolds, 1993).
The advantage of the process is that it produces a strong two-party system which
gives rise to a dominant one-party cabinet and therefore , stable government. It also
gives little chance of coalition government since the mind of the voter is concentrated
on polarized options. Furthermore, plurality processes are simple to use and
maintain a strong link between constituencies and their members of parliament.
Therefore, this linkage provides high level of accountability.
2. Proportional Representation (PR): This system is associated with variation of a
single transferable vote. The process is practiced in countries such as Ireland, Malta,
Ita ly and South Africa. Under this processes, the decisive act of choosing the
governing teams is left to the representatives, such decisions are not made by the
voters (Reynolds, 1993). The aim of the PR processes is to award seats in
proportion to the votes, depending largely on the size of the constituencies involved.
In this process election is an end in itself wh ile in plurality process elections are
means to forming a single party government.
2.7 OVERCOMING CHALLENGES TO YOUTH ACTIVITIES
Overcoming the youth's challenges to participating in the municipal electoral
processes means firstly identifying such challenges. The next step is to identify
initiatives designed to overcome these challenges in the municipality. Building
infrastructures and providing basic services can offer better opportunities for youth
development and participation in electoral processes. New technology makes it
possible .to bring information and learning into remote areas, poor areas, and areas
which lack conventional educational facilities. The youth can not only benefit from
the improved learning opportunities, but this infusion of technology also offers
employment and entrepreneurial opportunities (Nnaemego, 2009).
Youth engagement and participation in electoral processes are faced with a variety
of obstacles. The historical disconnect between positive youth development and civic
engagements are considered leading challenges to the youth participation in the
electoral processes (Mohammed and Wheeler, 2001 ). There is also disjunction in
adult perception and attitude towards the youth . That is what the adults think about
the youth and what they actually do against the youth . Researchers such as Rhodes
and Clary (2004) argue that this disjunction could be as a result of social norms that
encourage youth engagement, and the presence of strong norms that discourage
youth and adult partnerships.
These disjunctions hinder progress toward full youth participation in the local
electoral processes, development and sustainable livelihoods (Fletcher, 2006). The
disjunctions are categorized as follow: Firstly, Government Policies and Practices
refer to the current economic and social conditions in the country. It includes lack of
quality education , lack of enabling macro policies that promote youth employment,
lack of access and appropriate use of new technologies to support the youth.
Secondly, Business and Private Practices explain the lack of financial support and
other services to help the youth in generating self-employment. It includes lack of
private sector partnerships to promote youth employment, lack of productive on-and
off farm employment.
The first strategy to self-empowerment of young people is to recognize these
constraints and point out the opportunities that each constraint presents. The next
step is to identify initiatives designed to overcome these constraints taking place
within the Municipality (Fletcher, 2006). These measures are to be taken because
the youth holds the future aspiration of the society. Building infrastructures and
providing basic services can offer better opportunities fo r youth development and
thus promote youth interest to participate more in the electoral processes of their
local municipality.
2.8 SUMMARY
The chapter indicated that elections and electoral processes are basic ingredients of
democracy which is practiced in South Africa . South African democracy that is
experienced and expressed today is traced to the overthrow of apartheid and
subsequent democratic elections of 1994. The coming of democracy in 1994
signalled a shift in the paradigm of power. This shift in paradigm is made possible
through people's participation.
Participation means the act of taking an active part in any development or
community activity. In this study participation refers to active participation in the
Mafikeng local electoral processes. Active participation is seen when great numbers
of people participate without being forced or mandated to take the initiative in the
governance, decision-making, other community programmes while passive
participation ensures that people participate through their own will through
government regulations.
For better understanding of the youth responsibilities, several legislative and policy
frameworks have been published by the South African government. The aim and
objective of publication of these policy documents is to explain the government's
steps to integrate the youth into government programmes.
CHAPTER THREE
THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS OF THE STUDY AREA
3.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter will present the study area which is Mafikeng Local Municipality. The
chapter will explain how the activities of various sectors of the municipality, such as
the socio-economic and political developments, improve or hinder the youth
participation in the electoral processes of the Mafikeng Local Municipality. The
chapter will also discuss the contribution of the Municipality to the North-West
Province.
3.2 MAFIKENG LOCAL MUNICIPALITY
-"~ · I NWU· ,, IBRARY
The emergence of South Africa's new era in 1994 saw the formation of the Municipal
Demarcation Board (MOB). The board was constituted to execute certain mandates
which included the creation of a spatial design that would leave no part of the
country outside a jurisdiction of a Municipality. Out of MDB's design came Mafikeng
Local Municipality. The Mafikeng Local Municipality (MLM) is a Category B
Municipality established in terms of Section 12 of the Municipal Structures Act
(MSA). The Municipality is amongst the five Municipalities in Ngaka Modiri-Molema
District Municipality. The others are Ramotsere Moiloa Local Municipality, Tswaing
Local Municipality, Ditsobotla Local Municipality and Ratlou Local Municipality. In the
Mafikeng local municipality, Mafikeng is the capital city of the North-West Province
and the seat of the provincial government and legislature.
Map 3.1 Map of Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality
A
Bo1swana
Source: NGAKA MODIRI MOLEMA DISTRICTMUNICIPALITY IDP 2007 - 2011
Map 3.1 also shows the five municipalities which comprise of the Ngaka Modiri
Molema District Municipality. On the map, Mafikeng is identified with an arrow.
The municipality is estimated to have a population of 490,300 people but this is
increasing due to rural and urban migration. This is because most parts of the
municipality consist of rural areas, mainly farmlands and scattered rural settlements.
Map 3.2: The map below shows Mafikeng town and the neighbouring cities.
Lobat.:se
BOTSW-ANA
SotlagoJoi::-
Jtsose JY1a.-oe1Sane ,._
. . . CoJigny
Madi kwe
••> Atamclang ~ ' - _____ r=: Ste iii Gci1(;,,d nni~sh
pan . EYVJL
Source: MLM IDP.
Mafikeng shares boundaries with Zeerust, Lichtenburg, Delareyville, and Vryburg
and the country of Botswana. The Mafikeng Local Municipality is seen as the
heartbeat of all these cities mentioned above due to the strategic location .
The Mafikeng Local Municipality is predominantly a black African community. The
black population constitute 85% of the Municipality population while other races such
as the Coloureds, Whites and Indians take the remaining 15%. The municipality is
divided into 28 wards with 102 villages and suburbs. The total area is approximately
3703km2 (Integrated Development Plan , 2010). It is estimated that about 75% of
Mafikeng Local Municipality area is rural. Statistics South Africa 's Community Survey
of 2007 shows population growth from 259,502 people in 2001 to 290 ,228 people in
2007. The present population of Mafikeng local municipality is approximately
549,730.
3.3 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MAFIKENG
The Mafikeng Local Municipality hosts some remarkably modern day state-of-the-art
facilities, for instance, the Mmabatho Palms Hotel, Protea Hotel , Mmabana Cultural
Centre, the Civic Centre, Metsweding Radio Station, SABC Television Station,
shopping complexes, banks and head offices of many provincial institutions.
Remarkably, the youth of the municipality has been actively involved in some
activities of the above mentioned centres especially the Mmabana cultural centre.
This cultural centre has provided an avenue where the youth in the municipality
develop their music and dance talents, arts and acting talents, weight lifting and
gymnastic exercises and competitions. Meanwhile the hotels, radio and other
economic complexes provide various forms of employment opportunities for the
youth within the Mafikeng Local Municipality. These forms of employment
opportunities have empowered some of the youth financially. Most of the youth are
now entrepreneurs with various tender opportunities from the local municipality.
The IDP (2010) states that the Mafikeng Local Municipality has an airport situated
5km west of the Mmabatho CBD, which boasts a 4.6km landing strip , one of the
longest runways in the world . The airport is designed to accommodate large aircraft
and is not only ideal for both business and leisure activities but has been used on
many occasions to ho~t national as well as international air shows (IDP, 2010). This
airport serves as a source of revenue for the local municipality since it has been
used as a training centre for young pilots. The airport has also attracted foreign
attention as some foreigners pay to be trained in the pilot school. The youth in the
municipality are not left out because they are employed in the school as
administrators, technicians and managers.
3.4 ECONOMIC SECTORS OF THE MAFIKENG LOCAL MUNICIPALITY
The economic sectors of the municipality include agriculture, mining , manufacturing ,
trade and tourism (IDP, 2010).
The agriculture sector of the Mafikeng Local Municipality consists of crop and
livestock farm ing, commercial hunting of game, forestry, and fishing. The importance
of agriculture to the Mafikeng Local Municipality's economy cannot be under
estimated considering its enormous contribution to the local and provincial economy.
According to STATSSA (2007), agriculture contributes about 6.2% of the total GDP
and 19% of formal employment in South Africa. The statistics also show that 16.9%
of total labour of South Africa in agriculture is based in the North-West Province to
which Mafikeng Local Municipality contributes extensively. Therefore, the Mafikeng
Local Municipality plays an important role in feeding the people of South Africa. The
cash crops produced include maize and sunflower, and livestock such as cattle , pigs,
goats, sheep and chicken.
The local mining sector of Mafikeng Local Municipality is currently not very active.
However, small-scale mining still holds tremendous potential in certain areas. Gold is
seen as a powerful resource in economic development and poverty reduction. Mining
in Mafikeng Local Municipality can help fight poverty due to people engagement and
employment opportunities it provides (IDP, 2010).
The Manufacturing Sector of Mafikeng contributed about 4.8% to the GDP and 5.0%
to local employment. Between the periods 2000 to 2004 this sector experienced a
growth rate of 1.1 % on average per annum. Currently, the manufacturing sector of
the Mafikeng Local Municipality comprises small-scale light industries. Prominent in
the Manufacturing sector is construction material companies followed by the
automotive sector (IDP, 2010).
Prominent amongst tourist attractions in Mafikeng Local Municipality are the World
Centre for Science and Environment of the Scout Movement, located on the border
of Mafikeng Game Reserve, the Mafikeng Museum, located in Mafikeng town,
Mmabana Cultural Centre near Megacity, Mafikeng Game Reserve along the
Lichtenburg road, Modimola and Disaneng Dam and Kalahari Goldridge Gold Mine
just outside Mafikeng, Molopo Eye located near the Molopo river, Lotlamoreng
Cultural Reserve located to the south of Mafikeng (IDP, 2010).
3.5 SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF YOUTH IN THE MAFIKENG
LOCAL MUNICIPALITY
Miga (2011) argues that the youth with in the local municipa lity have come into
prominence by contributing to the socio-political stability of the municipality. As part
of the government's plans to contribute towards the national New Growth Path
(NGP), which aims to create at least 5 million jobs in the next 10 years, 800 young
people in Mafikeng were selected for employment; 500 of these are currently
engaged in the Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP). According to . Miga
(2011 ), the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs secured
R4 million for the fiscal year 2010/2012 to equip 300 young people in Mafikeng
villages to contribute towards the Community Works Programme (CWP).
This measure was taken to reduce poverty and create employment among the youth
in the local Municipality. Miga (2011) further claims that when the youth are uplifted
from their poor state and given employment, the tendency will be that they will
participate actively in community projects, though this may not always be the case.
However, the local youth can influence decisions through participation in decision
making processes and involvement in the electoral processes and governance of the
local municipality. The youth , through various units such as government parastatals ,
individual units and cooperatives come together to promote social and political
views. They do this through organisation of soccer games, social club asso~l ?., ·ons
and belonging to political youth leagues. I NWU· 1.LIBRAR)'
Miga (2011 ), claims that the impact of political zeal of the youth is noted by their
turnout and participation in the local electoral processes and in community based
programmes. Failure to involve the youth further delineates them away from
decisions and issues that concern them. However the cla im by Miga is flawed. This
is because the youth of Mafikeng Local Municipality are not involved in the decision
making on the issues that affect them. The Mafikeng Local Municipa lity does not give
room for the youth to make suggestions and inputs on matters that involve the youth
and the local municipal ity. The youth would be better-off if they are involved in the
decision-making processes.
3.6 SUMMARY
Despite the fact that the Mafikeng Local Municipality is largely rural, it is one of the
fastest growing municipalities in the North-West Province. The Municipality is
amongst the five Municipalities in Ngaka Modiri-Molema District Municipality. The
socio-economic and political developments of the municipality, the economic sectors
and the socio-political contributions of Mafikeng to the North-West Province are seen
to have great potential. This is because the municipal youth were fully integrated in
some aspects of the economic and cultural areas of the municipality such as the
airport pilot training centre , institutions, television and radio station and Mmabana
cultural centre. However, the municipality faces a huge challenge of participation of
the youth in decision-making and political activities. Chapter four will analyse and
interpret the data collected through questionnaires and interviews.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS ANO INTERPRETATION
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter will present the data collected for the solution of the research problem.
The data is analysed and interpreted , using Microsoft excel and SPSS statistics
software. The chapter is divided into four sections. Section one deals with the profile
data of the respondents. Section two deals with youth participation in the electoral
process. Section three deals with the youth council and eligible voting age, and
section four deals with challenges to youth participation in the local electoral
processes.
4.2 OAT A ANALYSES
The data obtained are analysed in the subsections below.
Section One
4.2.1 Personal data of the respondents
This section presents data on gender, place of birth , marital status, race, age
distribution , employment status and socio-political status of the respondents. From
their profile further questions were responded to by the respondents which led to
other sections.
Table 4.1: Personal data of respondents
RESPONDENT TOTAL OF VARIABLE FREQU ENCY PERCENTAGE
CATEGORY RESPONDENTS
Gender 46 Male 26 58%
Female 20 42%
Marital Status 46 Single 26 56%
Married 19 40.5%
Divorced 1 3.5%
Residence 46 Mafikeng 34 67%
Non- 12 37%
Mafikeng
Race 46 Blacks 41 82.5%
Coloured 3 10.5%
Indians 1 3.5%
Whites 1 3.5%
Age 46 18-25 years 26 56%
26-35 years 19 40.5%
36- 45 years 1 3.5%
Employment Status 46 Employed 37 75%
Unemployed 9 25%
Socio-political 46 With Socio- 26 58%
Status political
affi liation
Without 20 42% Socio-pol itical
affiliation
Table 4.1 presents categories of respondents. In the Table, the gender
representation shows that the respondents were both male and female. With 46
respondents, the male respondents dominated with a total of 26 while the female
respondents were 20 .
The Table shows that respondents consisted of single, married , and divorced
individuals. The single respondents constitute 56.5% of the total respondents, the
married consists of 41 .3% and divorced 2.2%. This shows that a greater number of
respondents were single.
On residency, the Table shows that 73.9% of the respondents reside in Mafikeng
while non-resident respondents constituted 26.1 % of the total respondents.
The race category of the 46 respondents show that Black race constituted 89.1 % of
the respondents . The Coloured race constituted 6.5% of respondents. The Indian
and White races constituted 2.2% each of the total respondents. This shows that the
majority of respondents were blacks.
Age category of the 46 respondents shows that the 18-25 year's olds constituted
56.5% of the respondents , 26 - 36 years constituted 41.3% and the 36 - 45 years
constituted 2.2% of the total respondents. The Table shows that a greater number of
respondents were within the age group of 18 -25 years .
Out of the 46 respondents, 80.4% of the total respondents were employed. The
remaining 19.6% respondents were unemployed. From the Table it can be
concluded that the majority of the respondents were employed.
In the Table, 56.5% of the total respondents indicated that they were either members
of pol itical organisations or social groups. On the other hand, 43.5% were neither
members of political nor social organisations.
Section Two
4.2.2. Youth participation in the electoral processes
This section presents how the youth participated in the electoral processes using the
qualitative research methodology. Information from the interview is captured in Table
4.2. From the interviews the data that the researcher obtained were that the youth
were · encouraged through political parties, schools, homes and youth groups to
participate in the electoral processes ..
4.2 .3 Types of electoral processes the youth participated in
, NWU·•:.7 ~ ... IBRARY1
Table 4.2 presents various aspects of electoral processes which the youth
participated in. From the Table , the youth were polit ical party members through party
affiliation ; they campaigned for their various political parties. The youth preferred
participation in the processes that provided immediate reward such as acting as
election observers and party agents where they received T-shirts, vouchers and
other incentives.
Table 4.2: Electora l processes the youth participated in
PARTICIPATION AND ELECTORAL PROCESSES
A B C D E F
Respondents Total No. Political Campaigns Voter Voting Election Party Agent of Member Registrat ion Observer
Responde Affi liation nts
No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % No. %
Youth in 20 14 70 18 90 20 100 4 20 8 40 16 80 Mafikeng
Municipality 10 4 40 9 90 9 90 4 40 5 50 8 80 Council lors
IEC Officers 10 4 40 7 70 9 90 2 20 3 30 9 90
NYC Officers 6 5 83.3 5 83.3 6 100 2 33. 5 83.3 5 83.3 3
Total No. of 46 27 58.7 39 84.8 44 95.7 12 26. 21 45.7 38 82.6 respondents % % % 1% % %
Questions on the processes the youth involved themselves during the municipal
elections were posed to the respondents. Below is how the respondents responded.
As captured in Table 4.2, the youth had 20 respondents, the municipality councillors
had 10, the IEC officials 10 while the NYC had 6 respondents. The first question was
whether the youth participated in the electoral processes, Column A in the Table
shows that out of the 20 youth respondents, 70% indicated that the youth
participated in the local political party activities through political party affiliation. In the
same column, 40% members of the municipality's councillors and IEC officials
respectively shared similar views with the youth, 83.3% of the NYC were also of the
same opinion. This suggests that the majority of the respondents agree that the
youth participated through affiliation with political parties.
The sub-total of each column was determined by the total percentage as presented.
For example, 46 is the total number of questionnaires distributed. In Column A, 27 is
the total number of respondents who responded to the question of youth participation
in local party activities. These 27 respondents represent 58. 7% of the 46 total
respondents.
Responding to the question whether the youth participated in the political campaigns,
column 'B' shows that 90% of the youth indicated that the youth participated in the
political campaigns. This response from the youth were shared by other respondents
as shown by 90% of the municipality councillors, the IEC with 70% officers and
83.3% of the NYC members agreeing that the youth participated in the political
campaigns.
When posed with the question whether the youth that participated were registered
voters, column 'C', shows that 100% of the youth who participated were registered
voters. The municipality with 90% of the councillors share a similar opinion with the
youth. Also 100% of the IEC officials indicated that all the youth who participated in
the electoral processes especially voting activities were registered voters. This same
view was shared by the NYC with 100% respondents.
Since the youth who participated were registered voters, the next question was if the
registered voters actually voted during the election . Responding to the question, in
column 'D', 20% of the youth respondents indicated that the youth voted. Also 40%
of the Municipality councillors, 20% of the IEC officials and 33.3% of the NYC
officials respectively responded that the youth participate in the actual voting
process. This means that 80% of the youth, 80% of the municipality councillors, 80%
of the IEC and 66. 7% of the NYC disagreed that the youth actually voted. During the
course of the interview, the researcher tried to determine why the youth did not vote
even though they were reg istered voters. One common response shared by all the
respondents was that youth did not vote because they prefer participation in the
exercises that have immediate reward, for example, as party agents, campaigns,
election observers, etc.
Posed with the question whether the youth participated as election observers,
column 'E' shows that 40% of the youth took part as election observers. On the other
hand, 50% of the municipality councillors and NYC with 83.3% officers, share the
same view that the youth participated as election observers. Also , 30% of the IEC
officers express the view that the youth formed a considerable number of the
election observers.
The majority of the respondents agreed that the youth prefer to be party agents due
to incentives and vouchers as a motivation to participate in the processes. In column
'F' , 80% of the youth and 90% of the municipality councilors shared a similar opinion
that the youth acted as party agents to various political parties. This same view was
shared by 90% of the IEC and 83.3% of the NYC.
Therefore, the question posed was why the youth were selective in their choice of
participation in the electoral processes. From the Table, it can be deduced that the
youth only participated in the processes that attracted rewards such as in
campaigns, acting as political party agents and election observers wh ile they
distance themselves from the processes that do not bring immediate rewards such
as standing in the queue to vote. With regards to the literature, this is an active
participation since the youth willingly participated in their chosen activities without
being forced.
Section three
4.2.4 The analysis of youth council and eligible voting age
Table 4.3 presents how respondents respond to the question on how the local youth
council participated in the Mafikeng Local Municipality. They were interviewed on the
issues of youth councils, government electoral legislation and voting age of the
youth .
Table 4.3: Youth councils, policies and eligible voting age of the youth
L YC AND ELIGIBLE VOTING AGE
A B C D E
Respondents Total No. of LYC Youth Age IEC and Local Respondents Involvement Government Municipality
in Policies Programmes Governance
No. % No. % No. % No. % No. %
Youth in 20 7 35 12 60 16 80 16 80 12 60
Mafikeng
Municipality 10 4 40 4 40 8 80 5 50 5 50 Councillors
IEC Officers 10 6 60 7 70 9 90 4 40 8 80
NYC Officers 6 2 33.3 5 83.3 5 83.3 3 50 4 66.7
Total No. of 46 19 41.3% 28 60.9% 38 82.6% 28 60.7% 29 63%
respondents
On the question to ascertain if the L YC was the medium through which the youth
parti_cipated , 35% respondents of the youth were of the opinion that the youth
participated through the L YC while 75% of the youth disagreed. Also, 40% of the
municipal councilors agreed that the youth participated through the L YC while 6 or
60% of the councillors disagreed. The IEC with 60% respondents agreed that the
youth participated through the L YC but 40% of the IEC officers disagreed. The NYC
respondents which constituted 33.3% agreed that the youth participated through the
LYC while 66.7% disagreed. From column "A", a majority of the respondents
disagreed that the youth participated in the local electoral processes through the
L YC. Table 4.3 shows that the Local Youth Council (L YC) was not the medium
through which the youth participated in the local electoral processes.
In column 'B', the question of youth involvement in local governance was asked,
60% of the youth respondents show that the youth are not adequately involved in
local governance. This cla im is refuted by 40% councillors of the municipality
respondents while 60% of the councillors agreed with the youth. Also , 70% officials
of the IEC respondents agree with the Mafikeng youth claim while 30% disagreed.
Also, officials of the NYC with 83.3% favours the youth claim. Therefore, inadequate
involvement of the youth in local governance affected their rate of participation in the
electoral processes. Also , the youth 's inadequate involvement in the local
governance disenfranchise some youth especially the youth that are not in the ruling
party youth league, and the youth that are less than 18 years of age.
Responding to the question of legal age to participate in the electoral processes, in
column 'C' 80% of the youth respondents agreed that age is significant to
participation. Other respondents such as 80% respondents of the municipality
councilors, 90% officials of the IEC and 83.3% officials of the NYC officials agreed
with the youth. Therefore, age differences disenfranchised the secondary youth. The
secondary youth as defined in chapter one are the youth below 18 years of age.
When the question of whether the IEC and government policies also militated
against the youth of 16 years was posed , Column 'D' shows that 80% respondents of
the youth agreed that the legislation for a voting age reduction is a challenge to the
secondary youth to vote or be voted for. This claim by the youth is supported by 50%
of councillors of the municipality, 40% of the IEC and 50% of the officials of the NYC.
On the other hand , 50% of the councillors disagreed that age legislation does not
militate against the secondary youth but rather prepares them for active participation
when they turn 18 years. This claim was supported by 50% of the councillors, 60% of
the IEC officials and 50% of the NYC. Therefore, the voting age is an issue affecting
youth participation. The 16 year old are eligible to register to vote at 16years, only to
vote when they get to the age of 18 years. From column 'E', when the respondents
were asked if there were municipal programmes for the youth , 60% of youth
respondents agreed that there are programmes such as a car-wash scheme that aim
to equip the youth with skills and employment. This is supported by 50% of the
municipality councillors, 80% of the IEC officers and 66.7% respondents of the NYC.
The greater number of the respondents agreed that there are municipal programmes
for the youth which indicates active participation.
Therefore , the L YC did not serve much purpose since it was not the medium through
which the youth participated in the local electoral processes. Inadequate involvement
of the youth in local governance affected their rate of participation in the electoral
processes. Age differences disenfranchised the secondary youth, though there are
municipal programmes for the youth .
4.2.5 Section Four
• Challenges to Youth Participation
This section analyses the challenges to the youth participation. The tables below
present three main challenges to the youth participation which include poverty
among the youth , poor educational background of the youth and unemployment.
Table 4.4 presents how poverty among the youth of the municipality affect their rate
of participation in the electoral processes. Table 4.5 presents poor education
backgrounds of the youth as a challenge to their participation and Table 4.6 presents
the unemployed state of the youth as another challenge to their participation in the
local electoral processes.
Table 4.4: Poverty as a challenge to youth participation
Respondents No. of Response
respondents Frequency Percentages
Youth 20 9 No 45.0
11 Yes 55.0
Municipality Councillors 10 4 No 40.0
6 Yes 60.0
IEC Officers 10 6 No 60.0
4 Yes 40.0
NYC Officers 6 6 Yes 100.0
Total 46 100.0
In Table 4.4, respondents were asked if poverty constituted a chal lenge to youth
participation, 55% of the youth respondents agreed that the youth participation in
local electoral processes was affected by poverty but 45% respondents were
indifferent that poverty constituted a challenge. Also , 60% of the municipality
councilors agreed that poverty was a challenge to the youth participation while 40%
of the respondents disagreed. Also, 60% of the IEC officers agreed with the youth
and 100% of the NYC respondents agreed with the youth and municipality officers
that poverty posed a challenge to the youth participation in the local electoral
processes.
Table 4.5: The challenge of poor educational background
No. of
Respondent respondents Respondent Frequency Percentages
Youth 20 7 No 35.0
13 Yes 65.0
Municipality Councillors 10 0 No 0.0
10 Yes 100.0
IEC Officers 10 5 No 50.0
5 Yes 50.0
NYC Officers 0 No 0.0
6 6 Yes 100.0
Total 46 100.0
Posed with the question whether a poor educational background constitutes a
challenge, Table 4.5 shows that 65% of the Mafikeng youth agreed that a poor
educational background of the youth was a challenge to their participation , 35%
disagreed. Municipality councillors had 100% respondents who agreed that poverty
was a challenge to the youth participation. The NYC had 100% respondents that
agreed that poverty was a challenge. Furthermore, 50% respondents of the IEC
officials agreed that poverty was a challenge to the youth participation, the rema ining
50% disagreed with the cla ims, rather they explained that voting and participation in
the electoral processes is a matter of the youth's civil rights and responsibi lity. From
the Table 4.5 the majority of the respondents agree that poor educational
background constitutes a challenge to the youth participation in the local electoral
processes of the Municipality.
Table 4.6: Challenge of youth unemployment
No. of
Respondents respondents Response Frequency Percentages
Youth in Mafikeng 20 7 No 35.0
13 Yes 65 .0
Municipality Councillors 10 0 No 0.0
10 Yes 100.0
IEC Officers 10 2 No 20.0
8 Yes 80.0
NYC Officers 6 0 No 0.0
6 Yes 100.0
Total 46 100.0
Responding to the question of unemployment as a challenge to the youth
participation, Table 4.6 shows how respondents responded. Of the youth
respondents, 65% indicated that unemployment is a challenge to their participation
while 35% disagreed. However, 100% of the municipality councillors and 100%
respondents of the NYC officials agreed that unemployment was a challenge to
youth participation in the local electoral processes. Furthermore, 80% of the IEC also
agreed with the youth, NYC and Municipality while 20% of the IEC disagreed.
Therefore, the majority of the respondents agreed that unemployment was a
challenge to youth participation during the local electoral processes.
4.3 SUMMARY
The chapter analysed the data co llected through questionnaires and face to face
interviews with the respondents for the so lution to the research problems. The
chapter was divided into four sections. These sections attempted to analyse al l data
in accordance with the research aims and objectives as well as the research
questions. In section one the personal profile of the respondents was presented,
section two presented how the youth participated in the electoral process, section
three, discussed the youth councils, government legislation, policies and elig ible
voting age of the youth while section four, highlighted the challenges to the youth
participation. It was shown that poverty, poor educational background and
unemployment constituted challenges to the youth participation. The next chapter
will present the findings , conclusions to the study, make recommendations and
summarize the study.
CHAPTER FIVE
FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND SUMMARY
5.1 INTRODUCTION
Based on the data analysis and interpretation in the previous chapter and the
literature, this chapter presents the findings , conclusions, recommendations and
summary of the study.
5.2 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
The findings of the study are presented as follows:
I 'L
Firstly, the study found that there are policies and programmes and legislations in
place for the youth in South Africa (see p.28 -30 and 60). The legislation provides
better understanding of the youth responsibilities, hence the provision of several
legislative and policy frameworks by the South African government. The aim and
objective of publication of these policy documents are included to explain South
African government steps to integrate the youth into government programmes (see
p.36 in the literature). At the municipality level , additional programmes are provided
such as Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP), Community Works
Programme (CWP) and car-wash scheme (referred to in p.44 and Table 4.3 p.51 ).
These additional programmes are aimed at equipping the youth with skills and
employment. The problem is that these programmes are not properly implemented
and not evenly distributed within the municipality.
Secondly, the study found that the youth participated in the Mafikeng Local
Municipal ity electoral processes and such participation was active as in the case of
political campaigns. The youth participated in the political and administrative
processes. They affi liated with political parties of their choice and registered to vote.
The youth who participated did not participate as a result of L YC activities or
affiliation but were encouraged by various factors such as families, parents or
guidance, teachers and/or educators, by friends, the media and Local Youth Council
(compare Table 4.3 and p.10, in the literature).
Finally, the study found that poor educational background, poverty and
unemployment in the municipality constituted a cha llenge to youth participation, (this
can be seen in pages 17 and 26). This is because unemployed youth lack income to
keep up-to-date with political financial commitments, responsibilities and obligations;
as a result most of these youth indulge in crime rather than participation in electoral
processes. Their inability to complete education constitutes a challenge to read, write
and to gain employment. Also education of the people in the scattered villages of the
municipality poses a challenge since the educated few prefer to migrate to urban
areas. Therefore, all the respondents (that is, the Youth , NYC, MLM and IEC) agreed
that education plays a major role in encouraging the youth to participate in the
electoral processes (this can be seen in pages 17, 26, 54-56, Tables 4.4 - 4.6).
Reflecting on the last aim and objective of the study (relationship between
Municipality, IEC, NYC and the youth with regards to local municipal elections),
there is an agreement amongst the respondents as shown in the findings above For
example, the NYC, MLM and IEC agree that educational background , poverty and
unemployment constitute a challenge to youth participation (see p.54-56).
The data analyses in chapter four also show that there are agreements and
similarities in responses amongst all the respondents (this can be seen in p.49-53).
For example, the voting age is an issue affecting youth participation. One common
response shared by all the respondents was that the youth did not vote as much
because they preferred participating in the activities that have immediate reward.
Examples of such activities were party agents, campaigns, election observers etc.
(see page 49 and Table 4.2). They also agree that there are youth programmes in
the municipality which are aimed at mainstreaming the youth in the issues that
concern them and to provide them with skill and employment in the municipal youth
programmes.
5.3 CONCLUSIONS
Based on the findings, the study concludes that youth participation in the electoral
processes of MLM is confronted by various challenges such as poor educational
background, unemployment and poverty. That the average youth of the MLM do not
have a job hence the municipality initiated development programmes such as
Comprehensive Rural Development Programmes (CROP). Also, the car-wash
schemes provide some hope of skill acquisition and employment to the youth.
Therefore, involvement in Community Development Programmes (CDP), Expanded
Public Works Programme (EPWP), Community Works Programme (CWP), the car
wash scheme (can be seen in p.44 and Table 4.3, p.51) forms an important aspect
of political process to get the youth participate in governance and in the local
electoral processes.
Furthermore, the study concludes that age differences disenfranchised the
secondary youth which include the 16 year olds. This is because the 16years old are
eligible to register to vote but only participate in voting exercises when they reach
18years. Since the municipality operates with the national youth policy framework,
tackling grass-roots or municipal youth problems become a challenge in the long run.
Finally, the study concludes that the voter and youth education programmes by the
Municipality and IEC have not been extended to the rural areas This is due to lack
of rural policy, planning and execution of civil education programmes at communal
and rural levels .
5.4 RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the findings, the following recommendations are made:
1. The youth perception of electoral processes should be guided tactfully at home by
parents, in schools by teachers, church members and the society at large. This is to
enable the youth to have better orientation towards participating in local electoral
processes.
2. Youth participation in the local electora l processes in the local municipality should
be streamlined to involve other non-political/political processes such as CROP and
governance of the local municipality. This will give them the skills and employment
required .
3. Though there are policy documents at the National level, the municipality should
strive to develop grass-root youth policy documents at the local municipal level to
serve as a guide on implementation of youth programmes instead of relying solely on
National documents.
4. The youth should be involved in the municipal governance and all community
programmes. This is to ensure that the needs and concerns of the youth are met and
taken care of in the Municipality.
5. The youth should be encouraged to participate actively in CRDPs, this is because
CRDPs have political undertones that would encourage the youth to participate in
political and electoral processes of the municipality.
6. Furthermore, the study recommends that youth participation in the local electoral
processes, should be encouraged at District and local municipalities
7. The study finally recommends that the local municipality should address the
constraint and challenges that confront the youth such as unemployment, poverty,
and poor education . In addition to the car wash scheme, the Municipality should
provide other vocational education to ensure that marginalised youths in the
Municipality acquire formal skills and employment.
5.5 SUMMARY OF THE DISSERTATION
The study was carried out to provide an understanding of the participation of the
municipality's youth in the loca l electoral processes. The objective of the study was
to examine the extent of youth participation in the local electoral processes and to
investigate and identify factors that hinder the youth from participating in electoral
processes within the Mafikeng Local Municipality.
In Chapter one, the study presented the outline of the study. In the chapter, the term
"youth" was found in various sources, such as the African Union (AU), NYC, the
Departments of Correctional Services (DCS), defined as age between 18 - to 35
years. However in South Africa , the youth age is between 16 - and 35 years, while
the United Nations provides another dimension that youth age is between 16 - and
24 years. The chapter stated the research problem, research questions which dealt
with the determination of the extent of youth participation in the local electoral
processes of MLM. The aims and objective of the study, significance of the study
and research methodology used are embodied in this chapter.
Chapter Two of the study reviewed various relevant literatures to the study. In the
chapter electoral process is defined as the process that culminates in the election of
local leaders of the municipality. This process refers to getting the youth involved in
campaigns, having the right attitude and mind-set to participate in voting and election
exercise of the local municipality.
Active participation was seen when great number of people participate in community
projects without being forced while passive participation ensures that people who
must participate would participate because of government regulations. Also , for
better understanding of the youth responsibilities, several legislative and policy
frameworks have been published by the South African government. The aim and
objective of publication of these policy documents are aimed at explaining the
government steps to integrate the youth into government programmes.
Chapter Three discussed the study area, which is Mafikeng Local Municipality.
Despite the fact that Mafikeng Local Municipality is largely of rural setting , it is one of
the fastest growing Municipalities in North-West Province. The Chapter ind icated that
Mafikeng Local Municipality is a Category B municipality established in terms of
Section 12 of the Municipal Structures Act (MSA). The municipality is amongst the
five Municipalities in Ngaka Modiri-Molema District.
The Mafikeng Local Municipality is a predominantly black African community. The
black population constituted 85% of the municipality population while other races
such as the Coloureds, Whites and Indians take the remaining 15%. The municipality
has 28 wards and 102 villages and suburbs.
Chapter Four analysed every relevant response that could answer the research
questions and to achieve the aims and objectives set out in chapter one. Each Table
in chapter four presented comprehensive analysis of the data obtained through the
questionnaires and interviews.
In Chapter Five the find ings, conclusion, recommendations and summary of the
study was articu lated. The study found that poor educational background , poverty
and unemployment in the municipality constituted constraints to youth participation.
The study recommends that the youth with their perceptions and exuberance should
be fully util ised in electoral processes for effective and efficient running of municipal
elections. Such utilisation will , to a very large extent, empower them in governance.
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