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\V/ -TPa'M WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPER NUMBER 214
AFRICA TECHNICAL DEPARTMENT SERIES
Agro-pastoralism in Chad as a Strategyfor SurvivalAn Essay on the Relationship between Anthropology and Statistics
Angelo Maliki Bonfiglioli
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WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPER NUMBER 214
AFRICA TECHNICAL DEPARTMENT SERIES
Agro-pastoralism in Chad as a Strategyfor Survival
An Essay on the Relationship between Anthropology and Statistics
Angelo Maliki Bonfiglioli
The World BankWashington, D.C.
Copyright C) 1993The International Bank for Reconstructionand Development/THE WORLD BANK
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ISSN: 0253-7494
Angelo Maliki Bonfiglioli is Director for the UNICEF/UNSO Project for Nomadic Pastures in Africa, Nairobi,Kenya.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Bonfiglioli, Angelo Maliki.Agro-pastoralism in Chad as a strategy for survival ; an essay on
the relationship between anthropology and statistics / Angelo MalikiBonfiglioli.
p. cm. - (World Bank technical paper, ISSN 0253-7494 ; no.214. Africa Technical Department series)
Includes bibliographical references.ISBN 0-8213-1667-21. Pastoral systems-Chad. 2. Agricultural systems-Chad.
3. Chad-Social conditions. 4. Chad-Economic conditions.5. Anthropology-Statistical methods. I. Title. II. Series: WorldBank technical paper ; no. 214. III. Series: World Bank technicalpaper. Africa Technical Department series.GN652.C5B66 1993301'.096743-dc20 93-26651
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Abstract
The paper is a wide-ranging multi-disciplinary study domestic unit, village, local authority, etc.) and theirof the system within which Sahelian agropastoral impact on behaviors; and (iv) description of thegroups in Chad live and work. It examines the key society's production systems, both pastoral and crop-features of a traditional rural society, describing the growing and its alternative activities, accompanied byChadian agropastoral universe as a coherent whole, examination of economic and social constraints, tech-governed by an internal dynamic that operates ac- nical know-how, and production, consumption andcording to its own rationalities within an environment trading strategies.of uncertainty. To assess the impact of economic decisions, taken at
The consequences of war, climatic conditions and the national level, it is necessary to understand thethe interplay of economic mechanisms are just some reactions of households to these decisions and to ac-of the random factors that augment the atmosphere of count for the ultimate social costs or benefits of theseinsecurity. In attempting to counteract this insecurity, decisions to the different population groups. In a tra-the Chadian agropastoral society has surrounded it- ditional, very highly structured society like that of theself with traditional organizational practices which Sahelian agropastoralists in Chad, behavior cannot beregulate the behavior of its members: networks of modified except within the framework of already ex-mutual support and interdependence, division of isting conventional social constraints. It is necessary tolabor among household members, hierarchically-or- observe reaction behavior and to provide rational ex-dered decision-making, etc. Down through the gener- planations consistent with the complexity of the tradi-ations, this society has also built up a fund of tional structure. The detailed description the paperappropriate technical knowledge, which accommo- provides of Chadian agropastoral society makes itdates the rhythm of the seasons and ensures optimum possible to explain the link between microeconomicproduction results, whatever the circumstances, from behaviors and what occurs at the mesoeconomic orits crop-growing and pastoral activities. market level.
Comprehension of the different facets of this society Accurate knowledge of the mechanisms of this so-requires thatitbe approachedinasuccession of stages: ciety facilitates definition of appropriate analytical(i) identification of the actors involved and examina- concepts and design of suitable tools for the observa-tion of the links that connect them in both decision- tion, measurement and analysis of economic behav-making and mutual support; (ii) study of the grouping iors. Through its cultural and sociological descriptionof these actors according to their economic roles and of a traditional society, the paper allows the investiga-functions within broader ensembles whose purpose is tor a twofold perspective: that of economic analysis,production, consumption or exchange; (iii) examina- which attempts to explain behaviors, and that of sta-tion of the hierarchy of decision levels (individual, tistical observation, which attempts to measure them.
V
Foreword
Poverty alleviation has been dedared the overarching that rule Chadian society and thus refine the analyticalobjective of the World Bank. Currently, projects and concepts, such as units of observation, variables, andprograms financed through the lending program are economic functions, which are required for statisticalreviewed to ensure that this goal is properly addressed measurement. The study, by offering a detailed de-and that the poor benefit from initiatives taken at the scription of Chadian agropastoral society, offers in-macro, sectoral and regional levels. sights into the links between microeconomic behavior
Specific tools have already been designed to fulfill and market-level economic phenomena.the objective of measuring poverty in order to under- Such an approach using qualitative methods to de-stand it better. Household surveys, rapid rural ap- fine quantitative tools opens new frontiers in the fieldpraisals, beneficiary assessments, and povertyprofiles of social sciences. It also facilitates more appropriateaid policymakers to identify the most vulnerable groups developmental approaches towards reducing povertywithin a population. They are used to understand the in Sub-Saharan Africa.cultural background, analyze the behavior, and mea-sure the standards of living of these groups.
This paper in an important contribution in this re-spect. It illustrates the powerful links that exist be-tween anthropology and statistics, specifically in the Kevin Cleavercontext of traditional society in Chad. The anthropo- Director, Technical Departmentlogical methods used describe the causal mechanisms Africa Region
vil
Contents
Executive Summary xi
Introduction 1
General 1Basic Perspectives 1General Organization of the Study 2
1. Kinship Groups 4
Introduction 4The Family 4The Lineage 5The Clan 5The Tribe 6Conclusion 6
2. The Socioeconomic Setting 8
Introduction 8The Units of Production 8Primary Socioeconomic Objectives 9Mutual Assistance and Solidarity Networks 10Conclusion 12
3. Sociopolitical Structures 14
Introduction 14The Canton 14The Village and the Fraction 15The Exercising of Authority 15Conclusion 17
4. The Pastoral System 19
Introduction 19Pastoral Work 19The Herd 21The Cattle Market 23Major Constraints 24Major Strategies Employed 26Conclusion 28
5. TheAgriculturalSystem 30
Introduction 30Agricultural Work 30The Land and its Products 34Major Constraints 35Main Strategies Employed 36Conclusion 38
ix
6. Altemative Economic Activities 39
Introduction 39Alternative Pastoral Activities 39Alternative Agricultural Activities 40Parallel Activities 40Conclusion 42
Conclusion 44
Bibliography 46
Tables
1. General classification of Chadian agro-pastors 32. Size and definition of the major social structures 43. Seasons in Chad 20
Boxes
1. The kinship groups 72. The socioeconomic setting 123. Sociopolitical structures 174. The pastoral system 295. The agricultural system 376. Alternative economic activities 43
Figure
1. Timing of crop production activities 32
Acknowledgements
My thanks go to Sara Westcott of Oxfam, Chad, for her help and support during the study; to DjiddaGambo for her collaboration; to Nicole Vial and Carol Watson for their bibliographical advice; andabove all to the agro-pastoralists of the Oum Hadjir region, of Bahoro, Nokou and elsewhere for havingaccepted to share with me part of their knowledge. I am also grateful to Didier Deriaz for havingauthorized the use of pictures such as "Mao city' and "face of Ouaddaian agro-pastoralists' andJean-Luc Dubois for the writing of the executive summary and the boxes which establish, within thetext, the link between the anthropological observations and the statistical concerns.
x
Executive Summary
This study gives a detailed description of the system The study aims at comprehending and analyzingin which Chadian pastoral households in the Sahelian the social impact of economic reform programs. Inregion evolve. The study presents the fundamental this regard, it seeks to comprehend the existing linkcharacteristics of a traditional rural society. It describes between economic decisions, taken at the nationalthe Chadian agro-pastoral system asacoherentwhole, level, and the reactions of households to these deci-governed by internal dynamics and which adheres to sions. More specifically, it seeks to diagnose andits own rationalities in an environment marked by measure the social costs and benefits of these deci-uncertainty. The consequences of war, climatic haz- sions on the different categories of the population,ards and unstable economic mechanisms are so many with a view to helping the most vulnerable anduncontrollable factors which increase the feeling of affected groups.insecurity. In order to combat this insecurity, the agro- The comprehension of this link demands a study ofpastoral society in Chad has adhered to certain organ- the interrelation between the macroeconomic, meso-izational practices which govern the behavior of each economic and microeconomic levels. Decisions aremember of society, such as solidarity and interdepen- taken at the macroeconomic level for the country as adent networks, burden-sharing between members of whole (for example the elimination of taxes on headsthe same household, and established hierarchy with of cattle). The transmission of these decisions is doneregard to decisionmaking, and so on. It has equally at the mesoeconomic level through the markets andthrough the ages acquired appropriate technological economic and social infrastructures. Prices play a fun-skills which are linked to the changing seasons, en- damental role. The microeconomic level translates theabling it to optimize as much as possible agricultural implications on households and individuals. The lat-and pastoral production systems. ter are often compelled to change their behavior or
To comprehend the diverse aspects of this society, attitudes in order to adapt to the new economicit is necessary to give a description of its successive conditions.phases: In the case of an extremely stratified, traditional
society such as that of the Sahelian agro-pastoralists inLdexa rmine who the lnsei betent acthem fromn t Chad, individual behavior can only change within thedecasioneakinks viepint astwell as from tha o context of already existing traditional social con-social siolidarin (Chapter *r straints. It is therefore necessary not only to observesocial solidarity (Chapter 1); behavioral reactions, but to be able to provide rationalH. exaniine the regrouping of these actors in re- explanations that conform with the complexity of tra-lation to their economic roles and functions ditional structure. This study is situated in this con-within large ensembles oriented toward produc- text. The analytical description of the agro-pastoraltion, consumption and trade (Chapter 2); society it provides makes it possible to explain the linkiii. exan.dne the hierarchy regarding thedif between microeconomic behavior and the meso-m. examine the hierarchy regarding the differ- eooi ee ftemresent decisionmaking levels (individual, family economuc level of the markets.
unitviUge, dmiistrtio, an soon) nd hei Furthermore, a thoroug!h knowledge of the mecha-uitcviae anitration, pand rso (anter nisms of this society facilitates the definition of appro-3); and priate analytical concepts and the elaboration of the
necessary tools enabling the observation, measure andiv. describe pastoral production systems (Chap- analysis of economic behavior. The determination ofter 4), agricultural (Chapter 5) and alternative observation units, the corresponding variables andactivities (Chapter 6), by examining economic nomenclatures, the selection of areas for analyses, andand social constraints, strategies of productions, the elaboration of economic functions are a directconsumption, and barter trade. result of these analyses. The presence of local words
xi
xii
in the study makes it possible to ensure the pertinence behaviors and statistical observation with a view toof the concepts utilized and facilitate the elaboration measuring them. The successive phases of this ap-of the questionnaire using the corresponding words in proach are presented in each chapter. They will beFrench. synthesized in the form of boxes.
This document situates thecultural and sociological It is thus that a link can be established betweendescription of a traditional society in the double per- complementary scientific areas: anthropology, sociol-spective of economic analyses aiming at explaining ogy, economics, and statistics.
Introduction
General domestic units experience an excess or a lack of workforce, an abundance or a lack of food, and that devel-
The goal of this study is to trace, analyze and explain opment and water and field management techniquesthe basic articulations of the Sahelian agro-pastoral undergo modifications. It is the capacity to resist sea-dvilization Thefundamentalthemesfocusessentially sonal shocks and to find in them appropriate re-on production, consumption of that which is pro- sponses that distinguishes the poor from the less poor.duced, and distribution of that which is produced Saving and spending alternate and equalize the goodbut not consumed: in a word, on the entire spectrum and the bad periods, between the good and the badof social and productive life, both in the context years.of a subsistence-based economy and a market-based The famines, animal diseases, ecological and eco-economy. nomic crises reoccur with a tragic insistence. They are
Agro-pastoralism, a joint practice of agriculture and henceforth a part of the daily structure, of the frame-cattle raising, constitutes one of the strategies which work and of the biological regime of the men anddifferent groups utilize to live and produce in a pre- women. They create the conditions of a "permanentcarious and unstable social and economic context. But, state of siege," incertitude, and questioning, full ofit is a difficult phenomenon to measure because it is menace and rupture. Risk and precariousness consti-the result of different forms of association, integration tute a basic element of Sahelian civilization. In thisor interweaving of disparate behavior patterns. More- situation, the rich is the one who manages to eat hisover, these forms vary in time and are subject to per- fill, in spite of the alternating seasons and the differ-petual historical osciUations. ences from one year to another, whereas the poor live
from day to day.Basic Perspectives The technological knowledge of the Sahelian popu-
lations is ambivalent and complex, simultaneouslyIn the Sahel, the climate and the ecology shape the experiencing tendencies towards inertia and dyna-overall environment in which the material life of the mism. This knowledge is a part of the group's ideol-people and the animals is organized. But, this influ- ogy, and it is the result of the adaptation and of theence is difficult to grasp. Ecology can only give partial creativity of numerous generations. Simultaneouslyexplanations for the changes experienced by Sahelian technological knowledge, mannerliness, know-how,societies: it defines the general context of the viability the techniques must be carried on and, thereby, estab-and the vulnerability of Sahelian units of production, lish themselves in a code acquired once and for all. But,but its changes do not directly provoke crises at the on the other hand, they must constantly adapt them-heart of these systems. Probably the political and eco- selves to changing historical conditions of the overallnonic changes wiU be translated by ecological conse- environment. Their ambivalence arises from this exist-quences (Dahl, 1979). ing dialectic between ideology and praxis. The study
The social, economic and political life of the Sahel- of techniques and practices also refers to social rela-ian populations is profoundly marked by seasonal tions and to underlying cultural models: for a Sahelianalternating the seasons follow one another, and the peasant, to know who is supposed to produce the food,attitudes and the ways of life of the people, as well as who has the responsibility for the different productivetheir techniques adapt and modify themselves. This tasks, where and at what moment production takes placealternance controls the social division of work and the takes on much greater importance than the simple factchoice of activities, with an accent placed sometimes to know how much is produced (Chambers, Pacey, andon agricultural activities, sometimes on pastoral activ- Thrupp, 1989). The goal is not so much a viable andities and sometimes, finally, on parallel or alternative sustainable system, but the creation of durable lifeeconomic activities. It is because of the seasons that the conditions based on a given system.
I
2
Socioeconomic life is continualy torn between the labor force required, manpower availability, and soobsession to produce the food one needs to exist and on). Chapter 6, in discussing aU of the alternativethe need to produce that which must be sold to pro- economic activities that are practiced either within orcure a revenue. It is a constant and complex dialectic outside the agro-pastoral system proper, attempts tobetween self-sufficiency, dependence on the outside round out the overaU economic picture that makes itworld and the interdependence with others, at the possible for agro-pastoral groups to exist in the Sahel.heart of a double level of economic organization: on This study touches the Sahelian zone, defining it lessone hand, an economy with a weak circulation of based on pluviometric criteria than on socioeconomicgoods, where the economic element depends on the criteria, namely the way to organize production andsocial element; and, on the other hand, a market econ- to have a certain type of relationship with the ecolog-omy, where money, goods transactions occupy a ical milieu: it is a zone that has a certain cohesion,major place, and where the sphere of the economy while simultaneously experiencing different ecologi-enjoys great autonomy (Raynaut, 1972). cal, historical, cultural and economic situations. Spe-
Agro-pastoralism involves instruments, tech- cial attention is paid in this study to the local technicalniques, and control of nature and animals. But it also vocabulary. Obviously it was not possible to take intoinvolves an entire spectrum of social production rela- account all of the languages spoken in the Chadiantionships, implying exercise of authority, control of Sahel, much less all the dialectal variations to be foundindividuals or of groups of individuals, differential within a single language. As much as possible, weaccess to resources, models of cooperation and hold- have tried to consider all the existing information ining. This is surely the most important aspect, though the more or less recent studies, articles and reports thatnot directly visible. It is much easier to measure discuss the Chadian agro-pastoral problems, in gen-the yields and dimensions of a group's fields than eral, and Chadian agro-pastoralism in particular.to quantify its internal and external production In this study, we do not at all retain a classification,relationships. quite frequent and dear to geographers, based on the
distinction between "nomadic", "transhumant,"General Organization of the Study "semi-nomadic," and "semi-sedentary" stockbreed-
ers, with a further breakdown into long and shortAll of these topics and dimensions are explored in the transhumance routes. From a socioeconomic point ofsix chapters which follow, each very different, but view, neither movement nor residential patterns areeach complementing what precedes and what follows. deternining factors. Much more important are all theChapter 1 presents the social identity of Chad's agro- factors relating to economic dependence on livestockpastoralists, introducing their basic social structures, and products from the soil, how long the group hasnamely kinship groups and the essential concepts of been practicing agriculture, the level of their technicalfamily, lineage, clan and tribe. As in aU the other know-how and the general characteristics of theirchapters, concrete examples are given from the vaA- physical environment.1 In short, more than on geo-ous agro-pastoral groups. Chapter 2 focuses on the graphic and residential references, we rely on economicsocioeconomic setting, from three essential perspec- and historic criteria to identify the concrete forms ortives: (i) that of the basic production units (represent- the configurations of agro-pastoralism. This studying the basic residential units), namely the family unit, proposes therefore a general topological table of Chad-the encampment or the village; (ii) that of the main ian Sahelian agro-pastoralism. In this table, the accentgoals of the production systems; and (iii) that of the is placed on the origin or the departure point of themain networks of cooperation and solidarity to be different forms, namely the necessary practice of pas-found within the agro-pastoral societies of the Sahel. toralism or of agriculture. Agro-pastoralism, as a wayChapter 3 discusses the political and administrative of life and system of production, appears at the cross-setting, on the one hand, the notion of the canton and roads of a similar search of balance. On the other hand,the village, as basic administrative structures, and, on we attach a great deal of importance to the duration inthe other, aU matters pertaining to the exercise of time of these forms, that is to the continuation of aauthority, namely the levying of taxes and other fees, given social group in one or the other of the concretecontrol over land, and settlement of disputes. Chap- forms. Time, in fact, transforms behavior, techniques,ters 4 and 5 constitute the very heart of the study, as and cultural values. In this way, categorizing realitythey describe the pastoral and agricultural systems in (see Table 1), we can distinguish:detail. The methodology folowed is more or less sim-ilar in both cases: the description of production prac- * Cultivating pastoralists: this refers to producerstices, know-how and strategies is centered around the who have recently emerged from pastoralismtriad of labor, capital (animals and land) but with par- and have henceforward also become involvedticular emphasis on labor (periods when work is done, in agricultural practice, essentially because of a
3
Table L General classification of Chadian different backgrounds. More than defining a particu-agro-pastors lar ecocultural system, agro-pastoralism corresponds
to a form of transformation and evolution of pastoralCultivating pastors Of long date (e.g., Arbs of and agricultural societies (UNFSCo, 1981). For that rea-
Chani-Baguiru)Recently (e.g., Arabs of Eastemn son, it can be considered an unstable solution, which
Batha) could lead to a repastoralisation (of former pastoral-Stockbreeding farmers Of long date (e.g., Kanembous) ists), to a complete pastoralization (of former farmers)
Recently (e.g., Massalat, Kotoko) or, finally, to the evolution towards a pure form ofagricultural society. Agricultural practices and pasto-ral practices never reach a state of true integration, butthey remain simply associated, even placed side by
loss of basic animal capital; and to producers side. According to the producers themselves, a morewho have f ely emerged from pastoralism or less complete separation of the two practices isand who have been involved in agricultural necessary, however, to preserve zones of security.
for a long time. For the first group, The ultimate objective of this study is to furnish anagropractic . a . . . overall description and interpretation of the agro-pas-agro-pastoralism is a strategy of survival andrecuperation, more or less provisional, whereas toral systems to be found in the Sahel region of Chad.for the others, agro-pastoralism has become a The goal is to promote an understanding "from thedefinite and irreversible choice of socl and inside out," in terms of local categories and percep-economidc life. tions, so as to facilitate the carrying out of more de-Herding farmers: a distinction is made between tailed studies and surveys and ultimately to allow theproducers who have recently emerged from planning of forms of development that will take ac-farming proper and who have henceforward count of the potential and the internal constraints toengaged in the practice of raising livestock for which the people of Chad are bound.reasons that are due to the climatic variability Notesand the necessity to hoard the agricultural sur-pluses from the favorable years: agro-pastoral- 1. Agro-pastormlisdefinedasasysteminwhichatleast50percentism is for them a secondary practice which must of the gross revenue (that is the total value of commercializedpermit the viability of the agricultural system; production phus the estimated value of subsistence production con-and producers who havefonrerly emerged from sumed by domestic units) comes from activities related to agricul-agriculture, for whom raising livestock has be- ture,and between lOaand 50percentfrom livestock raisingactivities;
livelihood, resulting in production whereas one defines as pastoral a system in which at least 50 percentcome a true hvelihood, resultig in production of the gross revenue of domestic units comes from livestock raisingrelationships that are fully integrated into the or from activities related to livestock raising (for example: caravansociety and its structures. commerce) (Swift, 1975).
2. One could also distinguish raisers of different animal types,From this perspective, agro-pastoralism represents in particular, according to Arabs, between ab-aggara (herders of
a kind of pivot between livestock herding and crop bovines) on the one hand and the ab-bala (raisers of camels), on theother. This distinction is useful to the extent that there is a certain
production, in the sense that, for very varied and indirect correlation between camel raising and intensity of agricul-sometimes even opposite reasons, it constitutes a tural practice. (It is rare, in effect, that the ab-bala can properlymeeting ground between groups of producers from practice the culture of fields).
1. Kinship Groups
Introduction ensure the rearing and socialization of children. Themembers of a family live in the same "house" or in the
This chapter represents a very general introduction to same "tent": the terms beyt in Arabic, yaage in Dazaga,the main social structures of Chad's agro-pastoral )izdo in Kanembou, and suudu in Foulfoulde designategroups. The economic and politicoadministrative the "tent/house," and by metonymy "family'; theysetting will be discussed in the following chapters. It represent the core of the household group, to be dis-may seem arbitrary to separate sociological, economic cussed in greater detail below. Marriage and livingand political dimensions which in reality form a single together are thus the two key elements of this defini-whole. In our desire to be both analytical and descrip- tion marriage is the union of two individuals of oppo-tive, we deemed it preferable, however, to proceed site sexes, institutionalized by the payment of astep by step. Thus this first chapter seeks to define the bride-price or dowry and/or by religious ceremonies,social identities of the agro-pastoralists living in the which establishes kinship relationships (as distinctSahel region of Chad, before discussing their political from the dlan relationships created by birth).institutions and production activities. Among the agro-pastoral groups in Chad, three
Throughout this chapter, we face a problem of ter- different types of family can be distinguished, namely:minology: the local terms designating social structures (i) the family made up of a married couple and theirare seldom used in a strict or rigorous manner, cer- children. This is what is termed the "nudear family,"tainly not from an anthropological point of view. The (ii) the "extended" family, formed by several marriedterminology relating to tribe, clan and lineage is ex- couples, living in a certain interdependence; 3 andtremely flexible. Terms are used interchangeably and (iii) the family made up of two couples dependant onseem to lack any absolute values, and the same situa- one another, but on a temporary basis.tion can be described sometimes in one way, and at In the pastoral, and to a lesser extent in the agro-pas-other times in another. This is something that should toral, system the concept of family tends to coincidebe borne in mind at all times in order to avoid viewing with the household group. The family represents thethe system proposed here as overly fixed or rigid (see point at which the household group fits into the line-Table 2).
The FamilyTable 2. Size and definition of the major social
The definition of a family is problematic because of the structuresextreme variability in internal structure, the existenceof polygamy, and the great mobility of individuals. It Sizeis generally true to say, however, that the family is the Structure (parson) Definitionbasic social unit, created by marriage, and made up of Fay 6-15 Socal unit established bya couple, together with their children. This marriage marriage and formed by ais established as a contract between a couple on the couple and children.basis of mutual respect, mutual aid and agreement, Lineage 500-1,000 Primary kinship groupand its major goal is the reproduction of children. An constituted by a group ofindividual has an identity only as a member of the families. Group linked to a nearbasic social group that is the family, and it is thereby histDrical ancestDr. Base ofthat he can integrate himself into an enlarged society. Clan 1,000-5,000 Group of lineages surroundingHis individual interests and those of his family be- the same more or less mythicalcome only one. The role of the family, as a social historical ancestor. Attachmentinstitution, is to channel reproductive capacities and to the same tribal territory.
4
5
age group. Every family is subject to change (fragmen- diya or blood-price) (Tapper, 1979; Baroin, 1985, Asad,tation) and, generally speaking, goes through what 1975). Positively, lineage gives the individual security,might be termed a cycle of development: the nudear protection and valorization: negatively, it defines thefamily tends at first to grow into an extended family, circle of people an individual must not attack.6 Withonly to shrink back again to a nuclear family. To take the exception of the Dazagada groups, it is at the heartthe Dazaga4 groups of western Kanem as an example, of the lineage that one contracts marriages, with athis cycle is of short duration, tied to the maturing and concern to safeguard at the interior of the lineage thesubsequent aging of the man and his wife (Baroin, available animal capital, while simultaneously having1985). Clearly, any survey focusing on families as it circulate between the different domestic units.kinship units must take account of what stage in the In terms of size, a lineage may encompass betweencycle each family currently occupies, depending on a 500 and 1,000 individuals, ie. between 100 and 150wide range of factors (the respective ages of husband family units. The degree of cohesion among these fam-and wife, how long they have been married, what ilies varies by region, depending on production sub-production factors they have available, and so on), in systems, cultural habits, and ecological conditions.7order to determine their status (formation, growth ordissolution phase). The Clan
Finally, one must keep in mind that for the Chadianagro-pastors, the average size of a family unit, in spite Located at a more structured sociological level, theof regional variations, is six to seven people. clan is composed of a number of lineage groups or
patrilinear lineage segments. From the anthropologi-The Lineage cal point of view, a clan may be defined as the collec-
tive descendants of a vaguely known historicalA family unit must of necessity be placed within a ancestor. The members of a dan generally have diffi-more complex family network, which we may term culty in reconstituting the links between them and that'lineage" or "primary kinship group." This social unit ancestor and the genealogical ties among the variousis built up of nuclear and/or extended families, closely clan members (the clan ancestor, jid, is historicallylinked by ties of kinship and mutual obligation and more remote than a lineage ancestor). In a certainsometimes, though not necessarily, by joint residence. manner, the notion of clan is even more vague thanA lineage is made up essentially of the descendants of that of lineage. The members of a clan are nonethelessa single, relatively recent male ancestor (five or six aware of forming a distinct social group, of beinggenerations past). This ancestor is historically known "descendance units," without however being organ-to the members of a given lineage; as a general rule, ized groups. Finally, properly speaking, clans do notthey are able to reconstitute without hesitation their have true chiefs, but rather leaders, even populargenealogical links to that ancestor and to specify their leaders.current relationship to each member of the lineage. On the basis of the local languages, it is not always
Among the Arab or Arabic-speaking groups in easy to distinguish where a lineage stops and a clanChad, the lineage is termed khashim-beyt, among the starts; the same also applies to the boundary betweenDazaga groups it is known as yaga-c, among the the clan and the tribe. Shortcuts or leaps are common.Kanembou as kifaday and among the Zaghawa as bie a. Moreover, the terms always remain the same, evenAll these terms express the same concept, namely, the when reality is dynamic and is subject to alternating"threshold of the house." But all of these terms are fusion and fission, growth and shrinkage, and expan-extremely imprecise and they are sometimes used sion and contraction.interchangeably, representing a kind of catch-all In Arabic, the same term (khashim-beyt) is used tophrase.5 designate both the lineage and the clan, depending on
The members of a given lineage have quite a pro- the context; thus, if someone wished to draw a distinc-nounced sense of forming a single body and of being tion, he would have to resort to the terms khashim-beytlinked by a sense of solidarity ('asabiya) by virtue of the seghiir ("small khashim-beyt/lineage) and khashim-beytblood relationship (rihm). They identify with a com- kabiir (or large khashim-beyt/clan). The members of amon model, and this model assures unity, identity and clan define themselves as being the descendantscontinuity. They also have a tendency to form a sort of (walad or bent) of the ancestor in question. In Dazaga,"united front," particularly when faced with dangers the termjele'or kinjele is used to designate the clan, butand threats from the outside world. At the heart of a it is a synonym for "race, species, genus." Insociety governed by violence, a cultural manifestation Kanembou, the term jili, which means "color" orof the utmost importance, the lineage is, in fact, a true "species," is used to designate the clan; sometimes,"defense group," 'vengeance group" or "attack however, it coincides with the term chieri, which re-group" (particularly in regard to the conditions of the fers to a smaller group of individuals (Conte, 1983a).
6
Among the Zaghawa, the notion of dan is expressed other members of the tribe. Only rarely do membersby the term tirga (Tubina, 1985). At the same time, of a tibe live together as a group; generally, theyamong the Foulbe the term lenyol designates, depend- represent a category of individuals who share a com-ing on circumstances, a variety of levels of social mon social status and identity, but never act as arelationship. community. In the vernacular, we find the same ter-
A clan may be composed of between 1,000 and 5,000 mninological fluidity as with the clan.individuals, or a maximum of 10 or so lineages. Most In Dazaga and in Fulfulde, the terms jeW and lenyolmembers of a given clan reside generally within the are also used to designate the tribe. In Arabic, the termsame geographical area, but there are also some clans nafar (or gabiiZa) is used for the concept of tribe. Inwhose members are very widely scattered. Kanembou, the term kari is employed to refer to the
Within the clan one finds disparate groups of indi- tribe or, if circumstances require, the ethnic group.viduals who do not constitute lineages in the strict From the point of view of numbers, a tribe can varysense of the term; instead they represent a heteroge- greatly in size, it may contain 10,000-50,000 individu-neous assemblage of members of other lineages or als, ie. 10-50 clans.even other clans. Thus, within the internal structure of Tribes tend to split up and form more dearly de-the clan, a distinction should be made between a nu- fined subunits (clans). Thus each tribe has its owncleus of autochtones and a surrounding group of al- internal history. One can say that a tribe regroupslochthones. In this regard, in discussing the Daza and clans that share a certain territory on which they haveTeda groups in Chad, researchers have used the terms established themselves in successive waves (Tubiana,"ethnic clans" and "geographic clans.8 With regard to 1985). The tribe has a dearly defined territorial dimen-the Kanembou, another author has identified a variety sion: the founding ancestor was the first occupant,of processes that came into play in the formation of even the conqueror of a given territory, and his de-clans (aggregation and integration) (Conte, 1983b). scendants, identifying with this territory, retain a cer-Another point that should be noted is that, frequently, tain mastery of the space.clans do not represent geographical units, whichmeans that their memnbers do not get together and as Condusiona result they never meet (Baroin, 1985).
Among most groups in Chad, one can identify a All the agro-pastoral societies of Chad show the char-certain number of characteristics which distinguish acteistics of segmentary lineage organizations ap-one clan from another; these features serve to remind pearing in the form of a series of groups, interwoveneach clan member of his social identity. Chief among onewiththeother,rangingfromsmallcohesivefamilythese distinguishing features are: (a) a common found- units all the way up to vast tribal units. Families withining ancestor. this ancestor may be a more or less historic lineages, lineages within clans, and clans within tribes.personage, the focal point of a tradition; (b) a commton The sense of reciprocity, of mutual obligation, be-residence or, on occasion, a common place of worship, tween kinsfolk is particularly strong and genuinethe latter linked to the group's notional point of origin; within limited kinship groups (see Box 1).(c) a common surname (family name) traditionally as- There is, generally speaking, a linkage between so-signed to the clan; (d) a common taboo or set of taboos cial units and space, ie. a relationship between kinshipserving to regulate social life; (e) a territory (section distance and geographic distance. The doser the ties3.4.2); and (g) a moral obligation to settle vendettas of kinship, the smaller the tendency to live a scatteredand blood-price disputes by arbitration.9 existence; conversely, the more scattered a group, the
less effective and real the ties of kinship. Among theThe Tribe agro-pastoralists of the Sahel, attadument to a given
territory is less pronounced than among settled farm-In very general terms, the tribe is the conflation of all the ers, given their differing production systems and po-kinship groups, representing a kind of coming together litical institutions. Even among the most mobile of theof communities and the embodiment of the links herding groups, however, a given territory remains asamong communities. All the members of a given tribe a point of reference.recognize a common founding ancestor, but this an- From an anthropological point of view, two geomet-cestor is virtually always a personage of whom little is ric figures can be used to represent the overall struc-known historically, in the vague no man's land where ture of society: (i) the pyramid: the smallest andhistory fades into myth. What is certain is that the simplest units are to be found at the base and, as onecurrent members of the tribe are absolutely incapable climbs higher up, one finds larger and more com-of reconstituting the genealogical links between them prehensive groupings (the pattern of a segmentedand the founding ancestor, and also unable to eluci- hierarchy, where each unit retains a measure of auton-date the connections that exist between them and omy while yet fitting within a whole); and (ii) concen-
7
Box 1. The kinship groups
Chadianagro-pastoral society iscomposed of population i. vertically, by forming a pyramid with several hier-groups connected by kinship relations. These groups are archical levels. Each level, the family, lineage, clan orthe family unit, the lineage, the clan and the tribe. tribe is a decision, observation or analysis level. The
Thefivmiy unitis the basicsocialunit Itisdefined by three decision of the highest level imposes itself on the low-criteria: the presence of the head of the family, the wife (or est level; andthe wives) stemning from mnarge and common resi-dec. . . .e .ten,oncni neeeaVe ii. horizontally, because of the numerous connectionsece. uromttese nteara, one ancharactenze several types of solidarity that exist between units and that translateof family units: nuclear, extended, polygamous, aiiail themselves in terms of rights and obligations creatingfraternal; a same family unit being able to evolve from one aeselves in transfers.type to another depending on the a series of transfers.
The lineage unites several family units having solidar- The basic decision unit is therefore the family unitity connections between themselves. The clan unites sev- defined by the criteria of head of family, wives anderal lineages on a determined geographic space. Its residence. This unit, that is only considered in a geo-characteristics are a ban and common obligations, a dis- graphic perspective, can only function optimally by tak-tinct cattle mark, a founding ancestor and a territory. The ing into account constraints stemming from higherlineage and the clan, as statistical and economic units, are decision levels and obligations from units of the sameonly useful if one integrates all the social constraints in level. Its reaction to exterior economic shocks, notablythe analysis. The objective is to reduce insecurity of the during a period of adjustment, will therefore be ex-family units by a system of rights and obligations. It is tremely dependent on these networks of constraint.however difficult to estimate, a priori, the importance of To characterize these statistical units and effectuatethe variables that they characterize in the analysis of the topologies, one would have to collect appropriatebehavior of the family units. variables. The knowledge of local terms therefore be-
Thefirststepofananalysis,beiteconomicorstatistical, comes indispensable to assure oneself of the pertinencerequires that one defines with precision the population of concepts utilized for observation. It finds its practicalgroups to be studied. These groups determine the units confirmation in the elaboration of questionnaires thatof observation or analysis. In Chadian agro-pastoral so- must formulate questions adapted to the observedciety, these units are interwoven in two ways: context.
tric circles: the smallest and simplest units are to be the units of a patriarchal society (a 'patriarch," his wives and hisfound here at the center of a number of circles, or of a sons married with their wives and children), or the nuclear familiesnumber of social spheres. The degree of integration of severl brothers in a fraterral" family.and sociability diminishes as one goes farther and 4. The term Da=agada or Dazagara designates hre, in a generalmianner, all the numerous groups having the same linguistic rootfarther away from the center, that is as the organiza- (dazaga language), which in Chad is designated by the Arab termtion level increases and the fields of social relations Gornnes and in Niger by the term kanouri Toubous (Daza and Aza ofexpand.1 0 northwest Kanem, as well as the Kreda groups and Annakaza of
In confrontations with other groups, each group Kanem and Batha).adopts an "us/them" attitude. How big the "us" is 5. Conte, 1983 for the Kanembous; Tubiana, 1985 for thedepends on the group's position within the social Zaghawa and Baroin, 1985 for the Dazagada groups.pyramid; "our" group, however large or small, is 6. According to the expression of Baroin, 1985.
pyramid;" unit. go n roweveproi mgelrsm , (giftS Z Theagro-pastorahistsofEastemChadseemtohave,uponfirstperceived as a unit. In reciprocity models (gifts, glance, an internal cohesion greater than that of the westem agro-exchanges, and so on) one always proceeds from the pastoralists: their sedentary natur and their practice of agro-pasto-center out toward the periphery; each successive ralism are in fact relatively recent phenomenons. Moreover, theycircle represents a specific sector of social relation- seem to have retained more the structure of the pastoral groups. Theships, and these relationships are diluted as they western groups, on the other hanld, have experiencedi a longer and
further nd furter awayfrom th family more profoundl sodLocultural evolution, and their residential unitsexpand further and futher away from the family (villages) are much more composite.sphere." & Le Coeur, cited by Baroin, 1985.
9. For all this section see Baroin, 1985; and Tubiana, 1985.Notes 10. For all this part, see Sahlins, 1968.
11. This is strikingly brought to mind by a Bedouin proverb3. This type of family can be composed of either the different "Me against my brother, me and my brother against our cousin; me,
family cells of a polygamist (each woman constituting, with her my brother and our cousin against the neighbors; all of us againstchildren, an autonomous sub-unit at the heart of the same family), the foreigner."
2. The Socioeconomic Setting
Introduction double capital and it is for this reason that the mecha-nisms of transmission of goods from one generation to
This chapter addresses the socioeconomic setting of the other are so complex and occupy such an import-the Chadian Sahelian agro-pastoral societies. This is ant place in the life of groups.13
evidently a very vast theme that merits a much more Although important, thenotion of domesticunithasimportant development. Here, the subject is barely however a relative value. In fact, in the first place, aoutlined from three essential perspectives: (i) the units domestic unit is not a simple entity, but a complexof production, namely the domestic unit, the encamp- collective reality: its members, for example, are notment and the village, and the city; (ii) the principal subject to a single center of decision, do not respondobjectives of production; and (iii) the solidarity net- to constraints with uniform strategies, do not con-works.12 stitute a collective budgetary unit, and enjoy a rather
large economic autonomy. Moreover, a domesticThe Units of Production unit is subject to variations, to the growth phenom-
enon, to dissolution and splitting, and to changesThe Domestic Unit because of the mobility and independence of its
members. A domestic unit does not generally haveUnlike a family, a household unit cannot be viewed as true autonomy in relation to other units, and it cansimply a natural unit, even if its three determining never be considered in isolation. Thirdly, a domesticelements are blood, marriage and adoption (Hill, unit experiences a true cycle of development, there-1982). It represents more a group established in light fore a history. It constitutes an ephemeral and com-of concepts, rights, obligations, degrees of freedom, posite group that can disintegrate and divide itselfkinship, residence, labor and constraints (Guyer, at any time: one only belongs to a domestic unit1981). A production unit is constructed and is dis- provisionally.solved because of its objectives and the strategies of itsmembers. Production is a domestic function, the rela- The Encampmenttionships between the members of a family are pro-duction relationships, production is managed in In most Chadian agro-pastoral societies, the en-relation to family demands, and it ceases when family campment (known as ferik in Arabic, plural, furgaan)needs are satisfied. However, even if production is a is the basic social and pastoral unit. Composed of afamily activity, it is not always accomplished as a number of household units/production units, thedomestic activity. encampment is a collective residential unit, physi-
The domestic unit controls the division of labor, the cally visible and circumscribed in space. It is, at onemodels of consumption and the structure of village and the same time: (i) a social entity, as its nudeusterroir. The members of a domestic unit are united by is generally made up of a group of kinsfolk (sameconnections of collective residence, cooperation, com- minimal agnatic lineage, sometimes even a dan).mensualism and conviviality and by the leadership of Thus we find perfect coincidence between thesethe head of the family, true controller of the means of basic communities and primary kinship groups (itproduction and consumer goods, an administrator or should be noted that the vernacular tends to stressmanager more than the owner of the possessions of this relationship between residential communitieseach and every one. In this sense, every domestic unit and kinship communities); and (ii) a pastoral entity,enjoys a certain autonomy, even if his independence as other family units may be clustered around thisis only real in relationship to capital/ land and capi- nucleus. These other family units may have theirtal/herd, as well as the available work force (Asad, origin in other lineages, other clans or even other1975): his survival is linked to the possession of this tribes; and their presence may reflect interests
8
9
or requirements linked to the practice of animal The Neighboring Groupinghusbandry.
As both a community and a pastoral group, the Within a given geographical sector, the various en-encampment represents a pragmatic group, brought campments constitute larger socio-pastoral units,together on the basis of specific, real links and based made up of family units belonging to a number ofon the collective holding of a given set of natural lineages, dlans and even tribes. Within this unit, theresources, a single migration policy, collective man- various production units may be linked by territorialagement of livestock, and with its members eating and mechanisms for consultation and cooperation: the ter-living together. While each household unit is, by def- ritorial community is a sort of spatial projection ofinition, autonomous, it is not self-sufficient in terms of pragmatic defense relationships, collective residence,pastoral life. An encampment could also be termed a and cooperation or exchange of animals. For the agro-"basic pastoral unit," a "local animal production pastoralists, who in comparison with the pastoralists,unit,' a "pastoral cooperation group," a "nuclear pas- have small-scale mobility models, these socio-pastoraltoral community," or a "collective residential and con- units form watering communities joined together bysumption unit.''4 An encampment is established and the utilization of a similar water point or a similargrows on the basis of reciprocal interests, by virtue of water point system. They can consist of several tens,proximity and cooperation in production activities. even several hundreds of families, and several thou-Kinship and proximity are not enough to guarantee sands of livestock heads.permanence of the structure.
An encampment is limited in size and generally The Pastoral Cityconsists of 10-30 family units (ie. 60-180 individuals).T he size will depend first and foremost on ecological IntheSahelianagro-pastoralcontext,thelargevillagesfactors (availability of resources) but also on political and, for all the more reason, the small urban centers,factors,15 while simultaneously changing according to occupy an entirely important role. Because of the pres-the seasons and the years. ence of these centers, agro-pastoralism is part of a
whole, not isolated, but it is in articulation with aThe Village multidimensional economy in the capitalist style
(Dahl, 1979). The urban center is above all the site ofThe village constitutes the most strildng and the most exchanges, transactions, market, ideal place of supplyimmediately visible social unit. As a neighboring and demand, and recourse to others: with the citygrouping more stable and more fixed than the en- there would be no economy. The city is the place ofcampment, the village (hille in Arabic) represents a concentration of military, administrative, judicial, po-stage in the potential evolution of every pastoral soci- litical, ideological and market powers, before beingety. Initially, the village is the geographical expression the center of services and, sometimes, the center ofof the political unity of a given clan or lineage. What production. The Sahelian city has an extremely variedthis means is that villages are established as homoge- population: civil servants, small workers of the infor-neous residential units when a given kinship group mal sector, peasants, livestock and cereal merchants,takes possession of the land in question. Subsequently, insurance salesmen, sales guarantors, chiefs of dis-as a result of in-migration and out-migration, very tricts and their representatives, and also owners ofdisparate groups of individuals may join the original animals kept by the stockbreeders. Regarding the lastnucleus, so that the village may end up as a heteroge- categories, one must keep in mind that these mer-neous grouping of lineages and clans, an agglomera- chants or these owners of livestock must not, in theory,tion of groups of individuals (even though, for be considered as marginal in relation to the pastoralideological reasons, the residents still tend to preserve society: the people from the cities continue in effect toan image of homogeneity, by manipulating or reinter- belong to specific lineage groups, and retain numer-preting family genealogies and histories). ous social, economic and political interests with the
At the heart of a village, the differences between the "bush."domestic units are not very great, because they all live,work and feed themselves in the same manner. Some- Primary Socioeconomic Objectivestimes differences originate from the capacity of certainindividuals to have complementary activities (for ex- An agro-pastoral system cannot be understood with-ample, commerce) permitting them to preserve or to out a proper analysis of the main objectives beingaugment their base capital, and are generally based on pursued by producers. Such an analysis may permit,an unequal access to resources, a different land status, inter alia, an overall view of the system and provide athe size of domestic herds and the mass of available better understanding of the major constraints facingfamily work force. those seeking their livelihood from this system.
10
To speak of the objectives of agro-pastoralists is, an integral part of the system, determining productionabove all else, to speak of the "rationality" embedded strategies and techniques. This variability in the agro-in the system. In point of fact, however, the very notion pastoral system is due essentially to, on the one hand,of "rationality" is sometimes interpreted ambigu- drought, always a recurrent phenomenon which has,ously, in the absence of a single model of rationality. in the unanimous opinion of all those living in the
All of these objectives have one characteristic in com- Sahel, taken on enormous proportions over the past 20mon:theystemfromalocalized,seasonalandindividual years, and on the other hand, markets for grains andperception of problems, and they give rise to local, livestock, which are characterized by huge fluctua-economically and ecologically opportunistic but always tions in price and volume. The agro-pastoralist has aappropriate responses geared to specific objectives. range of possible strategies available for dealing with
risk. The first of these strategies, inherent to the veryFood Security definition of the system, is diversification of activities.
By choosing to engage in both animal husbandry andThe primary objective here is to convert the various crop production, the agro-pastoralist is able to mini-system inputs into food, namely natural resources mize the risk of falling below a certain threshold of(agro-silvo-pastoral), labor and capital (land and ani- "disaster" and thus maximize his probabilities of sur-mals). For an agro-pastoralist, a system is viable if vival (Upton, 1987). In Sahelian agro-pastoralism,there is a sound relationship between the volume of diversification reduces risks, provided however thatinputs actually used and the product obtained, in the two activities are kept somewhat separate. An-terms of the subsistence of the production unit. This other way to reduce risks is mutual aid and coopera-is, quite simply, the notion of "production function" tion, at least at the level of the extended family.as used by economists. This fundamental search forfood guides the choice of agricultural and pastoral Gaining Status Within Societytechniques. To increase his food security, the agro-pas-toralist may, for example, be inclined to spend money Each individual seeks to gain and retain a certainto recruit paid labor, for example, in order to increase status within society. For this, he must have a mini-the amount of land devoted to crops or to cultivate his mum of resources and factors of production at hisfields while he concentrates on his own livestock; command. Capital in the form of land and animalsprefer to grow food crops rather than commercial guarantees each individual a place within an agro-crops; grow lower-yielding varieties of grain that are, pastoral society. Without land or animals, one cannothowever, more dependable and more resistant to be included in the system of agro-pastoral productionsemiarid conditions while making smaller demands and consumption; such an individual cannot be con-on the soil (only the well-off agro-pastoralist can af- sidered a full member of society.ford to experiment with innovative techniques, suchas growing higher-yielding but less dependable vari- Group Survivaleties); retain relatively less productive dairy animalswhich are, however, more resistant, or even immune, Every group of individuals, however small or how-to the main animal diseases found in the area. ever large, has survival of the group as its basic objec-
tive. To achieve this, the group has to define andMinimum Cash Income adhere to a certain number of social and economic
rules, even at the risk of appearing unproductive. TheThis income must be enough to meet immediate phys- ablative practice of the exchange-gift aims at, for ex-ical needs, i.e. sufficient to buy any food needed to tide ample, ensuring the cohesion of the group as suchthe family over the "hungry season," plus assorted However, a group cannot survive without the loss ofingredients for sauces, as well as clothin& farming a certain number of marginal individuals. When theimplements and veterinary products. This cash in- viability of the group as such is menaced, a process ofcome is obtained by selling agricultural or animal expulsion or of "sloughing-off" intervenes in a selec-products, the proportion between the two depending tive manner. Individuals leave pastoral and agro-on which specific agro-pastoral subsystem the family pastoral life to recyde themselves elsewhere, andpursues. the group can continue to live in a less saturated
environment.Risk Reduction
Mutual Assistance and Solidarity NetworksThe overall environment within which Sahelian agro-pastoralists seek to survive is extremely variable and Parallel with the barter system and outside of theunstable, with the result that familiarity with risks is monetary economy, multiple networks of mutual
11
assistance, solidarity and cooperation as well as a creates a great intermixing of animals, according to thecomplex and varied ablative (exchange-gift) system species and the lineages, for a genetic renewal of thecan be identified in Chadian agro-pastoral societies. races: the good male and female reproducers circulateBetween lender and recipient, between donor and and improve the races. Finally, from a social point ofdonee,is always established a symmetrical reciprocity view, the fact to loan animals to others can permit anin which the positions are complementary, the same individual and his family to pride itself on a certainperson being able to sometimes play the role of donor, number of persons, families and grateful, even depen-sometimes that of donee (Nicolas, 1986). In spite of the dent, groups. By these mechanisms, each individualdevelopment of a monetary economy, with all its so- finds himself at the center of an entire network ofcial and mental implications, the circulation of goods economic and social interests from which he can enjoyand the ablative system of the exchange-gift occupies numerous advantages.a place of primordial importance.
Collective WorksThe Circulation of Animals
Sahelian agro-pastoral society prefigures several sche-A number of different types of circulation of animals mas of reciprocal assistance in the takeover of differentamong agro-pastoral household units can be works. We will speak of them later, in the context ofidentified: agricultural and pastoral works. Generally speaking,
Transfer of animals at the time of payment of in every integrated agro-pastoral system, the cultiva-the bride-price or dowry, which the Arab and ton of fields demands a high degree of cooperation
and mutual aid at the domestic unit level, whereas theArabic-speaking groups cal sadaq or mahr. An- raising of livestock demands a great deal of coopera-imals belonging to the groom's family are trans- tion at the encampment level (Cunnison, 1966). Thatferred to the bride's famnily's herd (even though, means that pastoralism seems to more easily pushunder Islamic law, the sadaq should go to the imndviduals toward enlarged schemas of cooperationbride). This transfer reflects the alliance be- in the leading of herds and in the management oftween the different household units or lineage! natural resources, whereas agriculture pushes one to-clan groups.vd Gift of animals from the bride's family to their wards a more precise, individualistic way of acting:m arried daughter, to provide the newly mar- agro-pastoralism is developedinthisdiecticprocess,married coupl terwith o measure ofe neonomicd- sometimes in one direction, sometimes in another.ried couple with a measure of economic inde-pendence (this custom is not found among all Blod Solidaritythe groups).
- Gift of animals from father to son at differentstgsi.hsgot to mtry. Among the members of the same kinship group, by
Exchanges of animalsbetweenrindiwtdual, to mvirtue of the moral connection that unites them, theredivesfy and reiniate thei herdus.6 exists a principle of active solidarity in the defense of
* Temporary loan of animals: theis can tae a va- persons and goods, and in the decision of vengeancerempofar formso asears: dthio cand t. erms in the case of a homicide (Asad, 1975). When honorriety of fozms as regards duration and terms, n h sitrs aebe aae,i hdepending on the nature of the animals and the grouploan provisions, case of a homicide, premeditated or accidental, of one
of its members, the group has the choice either ofThese exchange and livestock circulation networks vengeance (thar), or accepting the "prix du sang" (diya)
enable one to understand the logic of social relations. paid in compensation. The principle is quite simple:Even in societies with vague social structures, their no vengeance with the diya, and no diya after ven-role is to create a dense fabric of interpersonal mutual geance. The principle of the diya is based on a strongaid relations (Baroin, 1985). The circulation of animals familial and tribal cohesion (in fact, no one would beenables one to validate a certain number of social able to pay it by himself, without the aid of his kinshipprocesses and to solidify social connections: for exam- group): the tribe, the clan and the lineage therefore actple, a marriage is not valid unless a transfer of animals as defense groups. The smaller the group is, the moretakes place; unless a diya (blood-price) is paid, an there is a sense of solidarity, and the more vast theagreementcannotbeformallyconcludedbetweentwo group is, the less the sentiment of solidarity will takegroups. Dispersion of individualy owned animals effect.Thedialecticalrelationshipbetween"us/them"over a number of herds and in different geographical of linear segmentary societies, even if affirmed withlocations lessens the risks of epidemic or ecological vigor at the ideological level translates itself in praxisfailure or security threats (cattle raids, theft of ani- with much slowness. Moreover, between extendedmals). The intense circulation mechanisms of animals groups, more or less formal alliances may be con-
12
Box 2. The socioeconomic setting
The internal dynamics of agro-pastoralism are explained production, or becomes unstable in time, evolvingby the presence of a set of production units with perfectly through the different life cycles, it constitutes the first ofdefined production objectives which are interlinked by the statistical units, since it corresponds to the concept ofnetworks of solidarity. To logicaly aralyze the socioeco- the household, used in statistical and economic analyses.nomic behaviors of agro-pastoralism, the following The encampment and the village are the statisticalphases have to be taken into consideration: units at a more aggregated level than the domestic unit.
The encampment is the unit that enables one to betteri. thelocationandidentificationofthestatisticalunits; understand pastoral production. The village possessesii. the study of the link between the micro and some characteristics of the encampment, but because ofmesoeconomic levels; its greater stability, linked to the notion of terroir, it re-
ceives more important economic infrastructures. Locatediii. the study of the underlying production model atamoreall-encompassing level thanthedomestic units,with its objectives, its optimum criteria and variables; they are essential for understanding the connection be-and tween the micro and mesoeconomic levels of analysis.
iv. the study, important in the African context, with The agro-pastoral system is an example of a ratioralrespect to the networks of solidarity, which impose model of behavior. In an insecure environment, severalrights and obligations on individuals, and could con- strategies may be decided to sometimes reduce the risks,stitute constraints in the search for optimal results. or to increase revenue, production and social status. One
needs only to act on the factors of the production func-This chapter on the socioeconomic setting provides tions (levelof inputs, choice of animal species,geographic
elements of response to the four phases. mobility), to substitute production functions (subsistenceThe domestic unit is the simplest of the statistical units or commercial crops, pastoral or agricultural activities),
as regards production and consumption. It has the same and to decide on minimum thresholds of revenue or ofcharacteristics as the demographic unit; the authority of production factors.the head of the family, the unit of residence to which are The mutual aid and solidarity networks that character-added common production and consumption activities. ize the agro-pastoral culture translate themselves by an-Even when this unit possesses only reduced means of imal transfers.
tracted determining the conditions of payment of the similar village is larger than that which exists betweendiya.17 relatives of the same dan who live far from one an-
other. A community constitutes a complex social rela-Condusion tion, bringing together in a fragile manner, fragile
sentiments and disparate attitudes; community rela-The language that surrounds the klnship groups, their tionships are associated with situations of calculating,function and their finality is more often that of ideol- conflict or even violence. Economic organization isogy. On the other hand, the language that is used to consequently the fruit of the combination between, ondefine the socioeconomic setting is much more prag- the one hand, a system of general kinship, and on thematic, real and flexible (see Box 2). But the language is other hand an economic system (determined by his-the reflection of a sociological situation. Social life tory, ecology and relations of social production). Kin-consists of pragmatic and concrete relationships: an ship organizations are regulated by absolute,individual finds himself integrated into an entire imperative norms; on the other hand, economic orga-group of configurations and sometimes complemen- nizations take on less rigid structures, and confer ontary, sometimes competing instances. The kinship their members the possibility of choice.only constitutes one of these instances, but it un-dergoes the rivality of new or different institutions. In Notesthis context, the village is more important than theclan, and the neighboring and cooperating relation- 12. It must be kept in mind that according to econormic anthro-ships tend to be more effective and concrete than the pology, the units of production constitute agents of productionkinship relationships. 18 In other words, the domestic whose dimensions and structure are determined simultaneously byunits interact in a parallel fashion or independently of the forces of production and by production relationships. Each unitthe blood relationship that unites them, and social and is characterized by its specific manner of combining the factors ofproduction and its components in the social production relation-economic solidarity do not always correspond. The ships. Production is consequently defined not only by the technicalcommunity that is established between neighbors of a aspects, but also by the exAsting interactions between producers.
13
13. From a cultural point of view, this economic autonomy by protocol; and ii) exchanges that have a free character, that maycoincides with the desire of every man to be an 'adult: the stab of be the obect of an acceptance or of a refusal (Raynaut, 1972).adult signifies real and concrete autonomy and independence (see 17. From another point of view, granting a credit also expressesReyrka, 1977). a certain type of solidarity it exists in many forms, money as well
14. This from all the literature concerning the notion of encamp- as goods (livestock and harvests). The reimbursement of the debtmentinpastoral societies (seeKChazanov, 1984; Dyson-Hudson 1972; may be the object of a due date decided in a friendly manner, andCunnison, 1966). be continued even after the death of the debtor.
15. Tapper, 1979, evokes the ideal size of the 'vengeance 18. See Nicolas, 1986. The neighborhood is of essential import-gxroups.. ance and the intimacy of the relationships that it concretizes, and
16. One must distinguish two categories of exchanges: i) ex- sometimes surpasses, that of the connections belonging to a similarchanges that have the aspect of an obligation and that are regulated kinship group establishes (Raynaut, 1972).
3. Sociopolitical Structures
Introduction because he is, at the same time, the representative oflocal social groups before the administration and the
This chapter presents actual local sociopolitical struc- representative of the state before these same groups.21
tures, in fact above all the district and the village or In fact, there is not always correspondence betweenfraction and identifies the principal themes of the the canton and the enlarged kinship group (or tribe).political and administrative setting, the exercise of The canton is often an artificial entity, created to attainauthority. administrative and political objectives (Coumakoye,
Since independence in 1960, Chadian administra- 1988). The hierarchy of the chiefs is not always basedtive organization has remained more or less the same, on an existing political base, but is often 'an inven-according to the same colonial model that had been tion," the state aiming to reinforce all the actions of theprogressively put into place during the entire twenti- chiefs as legitimate expressions of customary law:eth century. The administrative units are divided into today, that has however acquired an aureole of perma-police headquarters, sub-prefecture headquarters and nence (Hart, 1983). Before the colonial administration,administrative positions on the one hand, and in can- certain chiefs had just a moral ascendent and not a truetons and villages or fractions on the other hand.19 Only power. The historical realms of Ouaddai, Zaghawa,the chiefs of the cantons, villages and fractions come Fitri, Baguirmi and Kanem-Borno had dominated thefrom the local population. The others, notably the political life of the Chadian territory before coloniza-prefects, sub prefects and the chiefs of administrative tion. The majority of the societies only knew guides orpositions, are civil servants. The modern state has men who simply had the cleverness to submit them-consequently created a kind of political leveling and selves to the colonial regime in the name of their ownadministrative uniformity at the heart of all Sahelian people, without having a true mandate to do it. Thesocieties, those that had a strong political tradition colonial administration instigated a policy of estab-(state controlled societies like for example the lishing chiefdoms with the goal of creating adminis-Kanembous and the Ouaddaiens) and those that were trative sub-structures,22 giving all these chiefs a moreorganized rather on the model of lineage societies (as, established role than the one they had before,23 by afor example, the majority of the Arabs and the Daza group of contradictory behavior patterns, supportingand Kreda populations). or dispersing the political chiefs, according to the sit-
uation (Khayar, 1984).The Canton A chief of a canton is always seconded in his work
by an assistant or representative (called khaliifa), whoThe canton constitutes the basic entity of all the local generally even lives in the place of the sub-prefecturepolitico-administrative structure. The notion of canton or the administrative position, and whose principalincludes above all that of a "chiefdom" and a "terri- role consists of establishing permanent and regulartory." Each canton is placed under the responsibility of relations with the official administration. He is alsoa canton chief (muluuk). This chief is always a clan chief assisted by a secretary and guards, paid by the state.and in theory a member of a dominating clan (that Each canton chief receives from the state a fixed annualmeans that only certain individuals may become can- allocation, the amount of which is established "byton chiefs). He is named by the administration, after taking into account the classification of the cantons byconsultation with the population.20 He is considered categories, the level and the way of serving the Chief,as a kind of "auxiliary of the administration," and he notably in the area of tax collections and maintainingis placed under the authority and the control of the order" (according to the Decree n. 102). To the cantonPrefect, Sub-Prefect and of the Administrative Chief of chief are attributed a certain number of functions andPost. A Canton Chief is thereby situated between the powers. One can distinguish, among others, the fol-state political power and the local social structure, lowing domains. 4 with regard to police matters, the
14
15
canton chief is responsible for tracking down people choose his own administrative inscription, evencommittingcrunes,misdemeanorsandotheroffenses; though the administration normally tries to discour-in the matter of customary civil law it is his responsi- age these changes, since too many changes could de-bility to attempt to reconcile, in the first instance, the stabilize the administrative balance. The duties of aparties residing within his Jurisdiction, failing which village chief (defined in the Decree No. 102) are collec-the matter is referred to a justice of the peace or the tion of the dvic tax under the direction and supervi-competent magistrate; as regards criminal law it is his sion of the canton chief and transfer of the proceeds toresponsibility to handle cases involving theft of live- the tax collector, general police powers to protectstock, homicide and assault and battery; he is also growing crops, plantations and harvested cropsexpected to settle claims for losses caused by straying against stray animals and bush fires in particular;animals; in the matter of taxes, he is responsible for public hygiene, by reporting cases of infectious dis-collecting the civic tax; and in administrative matters, ease or animal epidemics to the canton chief; and infra-he participates in population censuses. structure, by ensuring that the village and its
immediate surroundings are kept clean.The ViUlage and the Fraction
The Exercising of AuthorityAs a political structure, the canton is subdivided intovillages and/or fractions, depending on whether the The authority of canton chiefs and, in part, that oflocal population is sedentary or mobile. The concept village and fraction chiefs, is exercised in a preferentialof "village" covers the entirety of an inhabited area manner when taxes and fees are collected; and also byand, generally speaking, it relates to both the terrir, the control of land and the resolution of conflictsall of the arable land cultivated by the people of the between individuals and groups of individuals. Thesesettlement in question, and the actual territory over three themes constitute the essential part of thiswhich the local people exercise rights of ownership. section.Each cantonal subunit is headed by a village chief(termed kabiir al hill or bama or manjak$ depending on The Collection of Taxes and Feesthe region) orby a fraction chief (kabiiral khashim-beyt),who exercises authority over portions of the canton's We refer here only to the major taxes, notably civic tax,daar (cf. below). These secondary chiefs are often, but muslim tax or zaka and new fees. They enable thenot always, lineage chiefs, members of the kinship chiefs to play a political role of increasing importance,group claiming rights to a portion of the given terri- while simultaneously constituting a definite block oftory. In point of fact, they serve as links to and from an economic takeoff of the administered people.higher administrative authorities and are appointed Every adult, man or woman, from the age of 18 (butby the Central Government (by the prefect and the often earlier) until the age of 60, must pay a civic tax,sub-prefect), with or without consultation with the called in Arabic miiri. This capitation tax was estab-cantonal chief, lineage leaders or the local population. lished by the colonial administration. At the presentBy way of remuneration, a village chief receives a time it is 1,000 PCFA per person each year. This tax,portion of the taxes he has collected. Thus, from the collected by the village/fraction chiefs, is given to thepolitical point of view, the village is not an aggregation canton chiefs respectively and then, to the administra-of individuals but a true unit of local government run tion, the chiefs having the rght to receive a reductionby a political authority. The village is an autonomous on the tax sum of their subjects. Every adult must alsoentity, since each village is represented by its own pay the muslim zaka. According to Islam, the zaka ischief and exercises ownership rights over the land and "legal alms," even obligatory, a kind of "tithe," asterritory surrounding it. For pastoral and agro-pasto- opposed to "spontaneous alms," called sadaqa. Theral groups, the fraction corresponds to the village, and zaka should normally be given to the poor, therebyone must remark that the same word khashim-beyt permitting a certain redistrbution of the wealth of thedesignates the clan/lineage (kinship group) and the rich towards the poor. But today its collective dimen-fraction (administrative entity). That may create a cer- sion has almost disappeared, in favor of a purelytain ambiguity, because social entity and administra- individual obligation. In fact, it is now given to thetive entity are not absolutely identical. That means, chiefs (two thirds to the canton chiefs and a third to theamong other things, that individuals of the same clan village chief), and that is justified by the principle ofnecessarily belong to the same administrative fraction, an automatic redistribution of community goodsand that an administrative fraction is not composed of through the chiefs. Thus, originally a religious act, theindividuals of the same clan. In principle, whereas z7A has become a sort of political act of allegiance. Thebelonging to a dan is determined by birth, belonging contribution to the war effort or to the national con-to a fraction is free and an individual has the liberty to scription effort and the (uNM) party conscription con-
16
stitute new forms of fees: every adult must now be land owners considered separately. The people be-registered with the single party (uNR) and pay annual longing to the group that controls the daar do not needdues, caUed simply uniir, of 500 FCFA (in fact, the canton any special permission to dig for water. On the otherand viUage/fraction chiefs rarely play a direct role in hand, the members of a foreign group must often paythe coUection of this fee). a fee to the representatives of the group that controls
the land (canton chief and/or viUage chief).The Control of the Land The coUective right to land is defined on the basis of
the first occupation. The individual right to dune landsThe land system defines the relations developed by (goz) or to the water-level lands is established by themen concerning the object of work which is the land. clearing of fields for cultivation and the cutting ofIt constitutes an array of practices controlling the ac- trees. The limit of fields may be defined by physicalcess, utilization and transmission of land, the general marks (trees, hedges, enclosures, and so on). If theorganization of space. Every space, to the extent that legal owner is absent or has not worked the land for ait is the object of a group appropriation, is related to number of years, which varies according to the region,the concept of land. The land is in this way the expres- the land wiU be allocated by the vilage chief to some-sion of social relations between individuals (at the one else. In practice, the family of the one that hasheart of a homogenous group) and between groups (at cleared the land first wiU keep this right by internalthe heart of more vast formations) concerning space. adjustments. One must also keep in mind that in an
According to the principles of politico-territorial agricultural field, there may bea double rightof usage:organization in Chad, a canton chief is responsible for the right for cereal products, and the right for fruita daar or cantonal territory (which sometimes corre- products: that means that fruits belong to the one thatsponds to the tribal territory), and a vilage chief is planted the tree, even if he has no right to use theresponsibleforthehilleorvillageterritory(comprising parcel of land where the tree is (Bouquet, 1971).the hille proper, together with its farmed or cultivable In conclusion, the customary land system is charac-lands (dungus). Thus there is a certain correspondence terized by a certain fluidity, an indispensable condi-between the sociopolitical structures, on the one hand, tion for its own survival. It is the result of a certainand geographical territories, on the other. The dungus number of adjustments between colectives and indi-is to the daar what the khashim-beyt is to the nafar. A viduals, and never stipulates any form of exclusivity.given area of land expresses, in spatial terms, the rules The territorial limits remain vague and undefined,of the group in relation to its ecological setting. groups and political hierarchies being concerned with
One can say that the "land" belongs to the group grouping people around collective centers of adhe-and the "lands" to individual families. Individual ac- sion, while simultaneously leaving the spatial limits ofcess to land is in principle obtained by virtue of patri- these centers vague (Hart, 1983). Buffer zones havelineal descent, i.e. the fact that the individual belongs been established among the different clan spacesto a given kinship group, together with the principle (empty lands), the goal of which is simultaneouslyof the coUective ownership of the land. This principle social (reduction of tensions due to immediate prox-is, however, subject to three restrictions: the land is not imity) and ecological (constitution of protection, re-alienable from the point of view of the individual; use serve and expansion zones in case of major ecologicalof the land is transferable in the direct line, but the heir crises).must maintain this right by cultivating the land regu-larly; the beneficiary is required to pay a certain Conflict Resolutionamount in taxes or other levies to the cantonal and clanauthorities (Conte, 1983). It is the cantonal chief who has the responsibility to
What this means is that clans are not all on an equal resolve all kinds of conflicts that may arise among hisfooting as regards access to and control over a given subjects. In fact, he has only a conciliatory role; and theplot of land, and that, even within the same clan, cases can only be resolved initially by theJustice of theindividuals do not aU have the same rights. Different Peace. In this section, we give an example of four ofcategories of individuals can in effectbe identified. For the more recurrent causes of conflict between inhabi-the agro-pastoralists, and more importantly for the tants of thesamecanton, and thewayof resolvingthempastoralists, the notion of pastoral space is of little (more complex is, on the other hand, the solution ofsignificance. More important is the notion of "natural conflict between inhabitants of different cantons).25resources" (grazing land, waters and minerals) that In every case of divorce, where the reimbursementthe spaces contain. The relationship of the stockbreed- of the matrimonial compensation is anticipated (agot),ers to these resources is an exploitative and not a work the canton chief receives an ushuur, that is 10 percentrelationship. The utilization of these resources is reg- of the reimbursed value (in goods or monetarily). Inularized at the coUective level rather than that of the cases of adultery, as in all other kinds of litigation
17
Box 3. Sociopolitical structures
This chapter provides the main elements for the compre- ment, correspond to so many expenses in cash andhension of the sociopolitical structure of the Chadian kind for households. In Chad, agro-pastoralists haveagro-pastoral society. A good knowledge of this set-up is to face a very complex network of taxes, the in-depthindispensable for any economic and statistical analyses knowledge of which facilitates the elaboration of thefor the following reasons: nomenclature of expenditures and makes it possible to
i. The comprehension of the decisionmaking process calculate household budgets.is done by identifying the levels of decision, making it iii. The authority represented by the canton chief is thepossible to establish the link between the political and sole guarantor of all individual rights (land rights,economic spheres, which concern us here. The canton access to water), corresponding obligations and thechief,whohasauthorityoverseveralvillagesisthebest settlement of disputes. All these elements have im-example: "half-way between the government and the plications in the measuring of household assets andsocial structure." The decisionmaking structure ema- wealth.nating from the articulation of different levels ofdecisionmaking makes it possible to understand the ain aopaictical way, k l o theociopoltialinkagebetween macroeconomic decisions, their trans- a a smission at the macroeconomic level and microeco- implementation of a household survey. Indeed, thenon.c repercussions. The constraints that households latter requires the support of the political and admin-have to face are a direct outcome of . s istrative authorities (sub-prefect, canton chief, village
chief or fraction chief) and the sensitizing of the popu-ii. The government levies taxes and duties. These lations concerned that only the former can undertaketaxes, which are a source of income for the govern- efficiently.
between two persons, the guilty person must pay a quite large, because of the production capacities of itsfine (hukum) to the canton chief, fixed usually at 25,000 members, in particular the head of the family, and alsoFCFA, but there are frequently mediations and bargain- because they are exposed differently to recurrent eco-ing and the grieved party must pay a right of judge- logical, food and epidemic crises. The capability toment (called hagg alfashr), of a value of 500-1,000 FCFA. resist shocks and to recuperate after crises is not theIn case of assassination, there is a very detailed reso- same for all producers. All of these factors togetherlution, which varies according to the groups: among favor in the end the emergence of major inequities:the Arabs, the lineage group whose member has been political inequity seems however more profound forkilled must pay to its own canton chief a right called the sedentary farmers than for the pastors and thekhamma-dam, or right of "blood collection." The par- agro-pastors, because of the value of land goods, inents of the murderer must then collect a sum of about spite of the strong productivity of stockbreeding and150,000 FCFA, to constitute the hagg as-sadaqa, essen- the social value of animal property.tially destined to aid the parents of the victim to orga-nize funeral arrangements (this sum enables them to Notesbuy millet, tea and sugar for the day of the funeral).The family, even the clan of the murderer must pay a 19. According to Decree No. 27/INT. (see below), the Republic"blood price," called diya in Arabic (and goraga in of Chad is divided into 11 police departments and 42 sub-policeDazaga). The value of this price varies according to the departments.region. If there is damage in a field cultivated by 20. Decree No. 27/WNT of 23 February 1960, following Decreeanimals, there is a precise resolution that envisages the No. 4 of the same date concening the administrative organizationmeans of reparation, depending on the vegetative of the Republic's territory dictates the following procedures innominating department heads. presentation of candidatures to thestate of the crop and the animal species. sub-prefecture; consultation of the electoral body composed of
heads of viflages, quarters, and notables desgnated by the sub-pre-Conclusion fect; transmission of consultation report and proposals of the sub-
prefect to the Minister of Interior by the prefect; transmission of
Chadian agro-pastoral society, beyond the context of Midister of Interior's proposals to the Prime Minister; and finally thethe ideological discourse of kinship and solidarity, is decision of the Councl of Ministers.
21. In fact, the law (Decree No. 102/PRIThr of 6 May 1970) onnot egalitarian, neither from a political point of view cheftancy makes a distinction between the sultan, the departmentnor from an economic point of view (see Box 3). In fact, head and the head of a group of vilUages. But, in reality, the modal-the autonomy of individual units of production is ities of their nomination, their functions and their power are more
18
or less the same. The status of sultan has an historic character and between direct and indirect rule by setting up artificial chiefdom isonly exists in a few places (Kanem, Baquirmi, FPtri, OuaddaD. The vague.group of villages constitutes a necessary structure in the ceation of 24. That from Regulations No. 6 and No. 7 of 6 May 1970,a department. concrning respectively certain judiaary police functions and cer.
22. Le Cornec, ated by Khayar, 1984. tam powers concering judiciary matters of traditional chiefs, and23. See Baroin (ed.), 1988 In fact, irntially the colonial admii- of Decree No. 102.
trators did not consider it important touse the traditional chiefs. But 25. Beyond the collection of fees, land control, and resolution ofa true indirect system of administration was set up at the end of the conflicts, the exercise of power also finds itself associated with themilitary conquest, more specifically from 1917, with the recognition redistribution of wealth. The prestige of a collectivity is measuredof the status and authority of the traditional chiefs who benefited by the importance of the gifts that its representative can offer to itsfrom a '1imited delegation of powers.' But in fact, the distinction peers and rivals (Nicolas, 1986).
4. The Pastoral System
Introduction June or the beginning of the month of July that the firstrains take place. They inaugurate a season called
The main features of the stockbreeding practices of rushash in Arabic. It is for al the groups of agro-pas-the Chadian agro-pastors will be presented in this toralists a period of great fatigue because of agricul-chapter. There is a wide variety of practices due to tural work, intense animal supervision andthe different histories and pastoral traditions. movements of encampments. It is with the khariifStockbreeding performed by farmers descended that the rainy season is in ful force: it starts in thefrom an authentic pastoral tradition has a different middle of July. One generally says that the yearform than stockbreeding done by agricultural farm- starts off favorably if the animals have already beeners who recently became involved in pastoral activ- able to nourish themselves from the new grass whenities. The pastoral system, which differs from the the constellation of Orion appears at dawn from theagricultural system described in the next chapter, East, very low on the horizon. The khariif constitutes,has to be considered as a consistent whole with at the same time, a season of intense agriculturalseveral components, interrelated with one another. activity and an unequaled pastoral season, and theWe are describing the pastoral system keeping in attention to the fields and animals must be verymind three different perspectives: (i) the pastoral great. The strategies that aim at balancing agricul-work, i.e. the major activities according to the sea- tural demands and pastoral demands are extremelysons and the type of animal; (ii) the herd: the pro- varied. For groups recently emerging from pastoral-gressive formation of the familial herd, the concept ism, stockbreeding remains an absolute priority.of herd and subherd, and the main techniques of Field work is confided to certain members of themanaging and caring for the animals; and (iii) the family, with or without the help of an outside workcattle market with its actors and rules. FinaUly, we force. This is the case of some groups of Arabs ofwiU describe the major constraints of the pastoral Salamat that leave to put their animals to pasture insystem and the main strategies implemented by the the North, leaving the care of the fields to the oldstockbreeders to solve these difficulties. men and a few women. This is also the case of certain
Kreda of the N'Djam6na Bilala region, who live inPastoral Work the southern part of Bahr El-Ghazal. The rains stop
towards the end of September, the vegetation driesIntroduction and the ponds rapidly dry up: this is the season
called in Arabic deret. This is the harvest period forIn the pastoral system, work has specific characteris- the majority of the rain crop products. For all thetics. The overall annual work demands are relatively agro-pastors, without exception, the work in thelight. That means that the average work productivity fields is a priority, since the animals have generallyis light. That is exactly the opposite of the characteris- been able to gain weight during the humid season,tics of agricultural work. and are in overall good health.
During the cold season (shite), from the beginningMain Activities of December to the end of February, the agro-pastors
must prepare the conditions that will enable theirThe practice of Sahelian stockbreeding is deeply animals to get ready for the dry season in a favorablemarked by alternating seasons. The seasons, in manner this is basically the time for the constructiontransforming the natural environment, constantly of cesspools and the repair of wells. One tries, ofmodify the lives of men and animals, and the work. course, to stop installation near wells and to exploitIn the Sahel one can distinguish five main seasons existing ponds as much as possible. To do that, the(see Table 3). In general, it is during the month of family herd is very often divided in half, and young
19
20
Table 3. Seasons in Chad Outside Family Work Force
Seaaon Arab Peul Kanembou Zaghaw When the family work force does not manage to takeBeginring rushash seeto ngili- irsasi care of all the tasks concerning the herd, an outside
rains cinkda family work force becomes necessary. The usage of anRains khariif ndunngu ngih gye outside work force can take on several forms, accord-After rains deret yaawol kere muguli o the sof the heracCold shite dabbunde kasaku dabo mg to the size of the herd:Dry/hot seyf ceedu kii aigi * The farmer who only has several heads of cattle,
gives them to a pastor, in a more or less perma-nent fashion, but on the basis of friendship andconfidence. Between the two parties, there is a
shepherds travel very far with their animals to look for relationship of "trust" (amana). In general, thewater and grazing land. In this season the recession pastor (called amiin, or "man of trust") takessorghum crops arein full force and mobilize everyone's care of the amaana animals together with hisenergies. own animals.
Finaly, during the dry and hot season (seyp, from * The farmer who possesses a very smaU herd,March to June, the fields must be prepared, but it is the gives it to a shepherd, by means of a guardingwatering of the animals that constitutes the most im- contract, called uda'a. The farmer gives no sal-portant work. ary to the pastor, but accords him the right to
benefit from all the milk production of the herd.Family Work Force The uda'a contract is practiced more and more
in the entire agro-pastoral zone, because of theThe majority of pastoral activities are taken care of by rapid impoverishment of numerous stock-the members of the domestic unit of production. The breeders and the progressive transfer of thehead of the family is the chief of the holding, respon- property of their animals in the hands of a mi-sible for herd management, defining each one's role, nority of rich owners (stockbreeders, farmersand sharing tasks. and "absentee" merchants).
There is evidently an optimal relationship be- X The farmer who begins to have a rather largetween the size of the domestic units and the size of numberofanimals,isobligedtohireashepherdthe herds: the number of animals that a stockbreeder (maay). The salary of a hired shepherd variescan effectively manage is limited, and this number from one region to another, but is about 5,000-also varies during the year. The growth of a family 8,000 FCFA per month. Less habitual is the pay-herd is therefore limited by the amount of domestic ment in kind (that is one head of cattle at the endwork force available.26 The family herd is managed of the season). The livestock owner must alsocollectively, but each member is the owner of a provide his shepherd with covers, mats, shoes,certain number of animals. The different activities food and tea, during the crop season, and aboveare divided according to the sex and age of the aUwhentheshepherdmustabsenthimselffrompeople.27 Generally speaking, the men take care of the village or the encampment, he must ensureguarding and watering the animals, search for graz- his shepherd's subsistence by allotting him aing fields, repair wells and cesspools; they also take milk animal.care of everything concerning the sale of animals on * Finaly, the agro-pastor who is the owner of athe market. The women take care of the milking of large herd (or of several herds) generaly usesthe animals, the sale and the bartering of milk prod- an administrator (wakkil), who is in charge of allucts, the guarding and the watering of certain cate- the supervision problems. It is the wakJil whogories of animals (in particular the mules, young personaly recruits shepherds and instructssheep and goats). Moreover, they take care of the them on the management of the herd. When anmanagement of the domestic unit, the preparation animal is sold, the wa7kkl receives gifts from theof food and the children's education. The children owner of the herd. Moreover, he directly bene-participate very early, in an active manner, in the fits from the owner's annual zaka, that is, ahandling of different pastoral tasks, by above all two-year old lamb for a herd of 30 animals, aaiding in the guarding activities and the watering of two-year old heifer for a herd of 40 animals, andthe animals, as well as the search for water for family a young three-year old female for a herd of 50needs. animals.
21
Besides the guarding and watering activities, a has a maximum weight of 35 kilograms and is foundmore or less specialized outside work force is used mainly in the east of AtL The white-haired Arab sheep,for the construction and maintenance of a water with similar characteristics is found mainly in the westhole.28 of Ati, along with the peul sheep with cose-cropped
white hair, and the tall peul sheep (ouda) with long fallingThe Herd ears, and black and white fore and hind legs.
Among the other animals, one distinguishes theIntroduction Sahelian goat, agile, tall, with short hair; the drome-
dary "camelus dromedarius" (with one hump), com-Animal capital occupies a fundamental place in the monly called "camel;" the horse (from the Bahr,pastoral system operations. However, the concept of El-Ghazal and Kanem regions), and the mule.a herd proves itself to be quite complicated to analyze.As a group of social animals, the herd is always at- Acquiring a Herdtached to a human social group, and the two groupsmaintain a symbiotic relationship, which develops in The possession of animal capital constitutes the cen-an interdependent fashion. The herd facilitates the tral element of the social and economic life of everyformation and the reproduction of the domestic family individual. In a traditional pastoral society, to be aunit to which itis attached, and enables the production human being coincides with being a shepherd andof food and revenues for the subsistence of individu- cattle owner. It is the possession of cattle that revealsals. Between the human social group and animal social the full personality of a human being, from birth togroup, there is a double parallel: it is the herd that death. Without cattle, the individual is lost, he has noenables a family to be constituted, and it is the family social status and no power; without cattle, pastoralthat assures a herd of the conditions of its growth. One society breaks up, crumbles and disappears. In thismust not however simplify the existing relationship section, we limit ourselves to analyzing the principalbetween the size of the herd on the one hand, and the social mechanisms that progressively enable an indi-subsistence needs and the work capacity of a domestic vidual to obtain animal property.unit, on the other hand: in fact, the size of a herd is alsoa function of the intensity of an entire array of techni- PURCHASES. In every lucrative activity, the agro-pastorcal, economic, matrimonial and political practices. instinctively acquires for himself an animal (large or
From an internal sociological point of view, a herd small cattle), depending on the amount of money heconstitutes an animal social group, formed of animal has. There is then a legitimate desire to "hoard": thelines and individuals divided according their age cat- wealth is the cattle. One can earn money by wateringegories and their sex. In a herd, individual animals or keeping others' animals, by cultivating others'have status and different social and economic roles. fields, by practicing small trades in the cities on aFrom an economic point of view, a herd is a means of seasonal basis, by making objects, if one masters artsproduction at the disposition of a human group, and and trades techniques or one cannot exclude steal-it is comparable to land. But, contrary to land, a herd ing.30 The animals acquired in this fashion by a per-is a perishable good and must therefore be constantly sonal effortconstitute the animals called dura', animalsreplaced by simple animal reproduction.29 acquired on the markets and whose origins are gener-
ally unknown.Types of Animals
IN-KIND PAYMENTS. Sometimes, when cultivating theAmong the cattle species, one distinguishes the Arab fields or keeping the animals of others, an individualzebu (Bos indicus), fine, with generally short antlers, is not paid with money, but in kind, that is, he directlya protruding fetlock and a black and white, red, black receives animals. These animals and their descendantsor spotted coat. The adult male weighs between 350 are then directly integrated with his personal herd.and 400 kilograms and the female 250-30 kilograms.The zebu mbororo is long-lined, with short hair, lyre- PATERNAL HERITAGE. At the heart of agro-pastoral so-shaped antlers and a long head. The male weighs ciety, it is by animal property that an individual ac-between 350 and 500 kilograms and the female 300 quires social status. In this way, the recognition ofkilograms; the zebu kouri or boudouma is long-lined, paternity passes by the giving of an animal to a new-with enormous "antlers" but light in a high or rising born. In the majority of pastoral and agro-pastorallyre shape (it essentially lives in the islands and on the societies, the notion of "heritage" is not linked withbanks of Lake Chad.) death, but life. The transmission of cattle from one
Among the sheep species, one distinguishes the Arab generation to another is a continual processus (systemsheep with long black hair, and long and falling ears. It of pre-heritage or "ante mortem" heritage).
22
GIFns AND LOANS. In every pastoral society, varied they indude the individual and familial animals.mechanisms exist for the circulation of animals from These are always management units, whose size cor-one individual to another, from one family unit to responds to concrete capacities of work, either theanother. These mechanisms, of which we have spoken watering or the guarding. Everywhere, this size variesin the preceding chapter, enable people to acquire between 60 and 100 animals (it is the number of ani-rather rapidly personal herds, autonomy and eco- mals that a shepherd can care for during a watering).nomic independence. More profoundly, they enable Every morning the subherds leave in different direc-one to understand different aspects of social life. For tions. More often than not, in the agro-pastoral vil-each type of mechanism, or each type of transaction lages, each unit is given to a member of the village or(gift, loan, exchange, sale), there is a specific social the encampment, or to a paid shepherd who is arelationship. foreigner to the village, and is paid by the different
animal owners depending on the number of theirMATRimONIAL COMPENSATION. In the majority of pas- animals. In this way, setting up units of animal man-toral and agro-pastoral groups, animals are utilized to agement becomes a form of cooperation beyond thecontract marriages, and they are the object of gifts and individual domestic units, at the level of the entireallocations. A vast circuit of animal transfers between encampment.groups is organized around marriages, and the circu-lation of women and animals has the goal of structur- BAsED ON MILK PRODucTION uNrIS According to theing society in a fundamental manner. The dowry season, the herd is divided based on the productivegenerally has a conventional character it does not capacities of the animals of which it is composed. Inensure a property right over the woman, but a filial fact, above all during transition perods (beginningrelationship over the latter's children, who belong to and end of the rainy season), the herd is divided intothe husband's lineage (Nicolas, 1986). two parts:
PAYmENT OF THE -BLOOD PRICE" The payment of the * milk animals on the one hand (this subherddiya,orbloodprice,alsoenablesanindividualtoacquire is called shawayl, by the Arabs of Chari-a certain number of animals, over which he exercises Baguirmi);complete property rights, having received the animals * bulls, the castrated ones, the young females andin compensation for the murder of a member of his the nonproductive females on the other.lineage group. The value of the diya is fixed in advance,but varies according to the regions and groups. These different subherds are managed according to
different techniques. Because of their production ofHerds and Subherds food, which moreover varies according to the season,
the milk animals are kept near the encampment orA herd, an animal social group, organizes itself like village, whereas the other animals are given to younga human society, and must be considered as a set of shepherds, generally without women and without en-groups. The herd must consequently be perceived campment, who are very mobile.as the result of a group of subherds. For all theagro-pastoral groups, the herd is divided into sub- BASED ON AGE uNrrs. The herd of the pastoral unit (atherds, based on criteria and multiple constraints. the family or encampment level) is also dividedThe cutting-off points are not independent, some- based on the age and the sex of the individuals, eachtimes not even visible, an individual animal being category using different management strategies.able to be attached simultaneously to several sub- Among the young animals (0-4 years approxi-herds, based on periods, seasonal constraints and mately) one distinguishes among both males andthe type of guarding requested. Consequently, one females: (a) young calves (calves on a string), calleddistinguishes management, milk production, and amsalaab in the East and hidbe at Chari-Baguirmn; (b)age bracket units. calves just weaned, called hawaala-this is the age
bracket of the year-old young animals; (c) youngBASED ON MANAGEMENT uNrrs Animals of the socio- animals called jud'an, that form the age bracket ofpastoral group (village or encampment) are divided the two-year old young animals; (d) the animalsinto several management units or 'lots," and there is called tuniyah, the three-year olds; and (e) therarely correspondence between appropriation or ac- ruba'aan animals, the four-year olds.cumulation units and technical management units: the Among the adult animals one distinguishes: (a) thelatter are called du'un, (plural of daan) by the Arabs of female adults called angamba. One distinguishes moreChari-Baguirmi, and juzo, by the Arab-speaking precisely the females which have never breededgroups of Eastern Batha and in all Eastern Chad, and (called samma), the females without a calf at the foot
23
(mi'addiyat), the females in gestation (duraar) and the furnish to each category of animals varied care de-milk-bearing females with a calf at the foot (shawayl); pending on their specific demands.(b) the adult males called kulsan. One distinguishes the A herd constantly needs minerals. In fact, a lack offaha1 or reproducers, and the khussiyaann or castrated salt is followed by a decrease in performance, which(these bulls are generally castrated from the age of may also cause major pathological manifestations.three). Minerals, according to stockbreeders, are used to
"purge" the animals and liberate them from "all inter-BASED ON PROPERTY. A family herd, a homogeneous nal disease." This true lack of salt (hiyam) can be com-unit of management, does not constitute a property pensated for in several ways:unit. In fact, it is not possessed collectively, but above all, by permitting the pasture of foragebelongs to different members of the family unit and,sometimes, to foreigners. The domestic unit/pro- species rich in minerals. According to the con-ducetion ut apears. aes unitedic uthero- ception of the majority of agro-pastors, theduction unit appears as a result united in the hold-vauofgziglnisnkdtthtyefin of the same herd, but there is no absolute value of gaink theytypeoofcoincidence between property rights and holding in certain regions, during the rainy season, therights, neither between the notions of "animal stockbreeders lead their herds near wells withowner" and "herd chief' or (manager). From an- salty waters. It is a kind of intensive salt cure,other point of view, one can say that the wealth of that enables the animals to become healthy andan individual is never in a unique and visible herd, better uipedtoconfrontthelon season.and is never m a unique place, but is spread out m in the * pp-gcesaythe middle of the group. *wmathe regions where the mineral resources are
weak, the stockbreeders regularly organize ex-Herd Management and Animal Care peditions to go collecting natron themselves.
Twice a year, the camel raisers of the East Bartha
The Sahelian agro-pastors utilize a vast range of region organize camel caravans (caled rabua)stockbreeding practices. These practices constitute a as far as Kanem, in search of natron. The stock-true technological knowledge, which is not fixed, but breeders live in a group. In this way, each rabu'athat changes and evolves depending on external stim- is the occasion of a truly voluntary associationulants, economic, poltical, ecological and sociologi- in which the people gather on the basis of com-caL These practices are different also because the social mon interest; andunits of production of which they are an expression in certain regions where the mineral resources
are different. One can'distnguish:31 rare lacking or are a great distance from naturalare different. One can distingshquarries, the stockbreeders and above all
i. practices of holding which concern the entire the raisers of cattle (baggara) buy natron on theset of operations by which a stockbreeder exer- markets.*ises a levy on the animals he takes care of: milkproduction, in an organic way, or directly animal The Cattle Marketlevy (for sale on the markets, or for their utiliza-tion in social and religious ceremonies); and In a cattle market, one can idensfy several commercial
actors:ii herd management which concerns all of thetechnical operations by which a stockbreeder * theseller (called baya'). This is normally a stock-ensures animal maintenance and conditions them breeder.to reproduce or to be consumed. * the guarantor of a seller (called damiin). In fact,
the guarantor is nothing less than the represen-To be complete, one would have to evoke, in the tative of the canton chief to which the seller is
context of herd management practices, basic veteri- attached from an administrative point of view.nary practices of prevention and care of major animal In each market, one consequently finds a per-diseases. However, according to stockbreeders, a great manent damiin for each local canton, to whommany diseases are not in fact "true" diseases, but the one must add the nonpermanent damiin, oper-consequence of a state of deficiency and malnutrition. ating in the name of the chiefs of neighboringFrom this perspective, the question of giving salt to cantons;animals occupies a particular place, above all for its * the buyer (called tajir), who can be a stock-economic implications. A good shepherd knows how breeder or a merchant. There are four categoriesto give to every animal the water, grazing lands and of merchants: i) those who have the authoriza-minerals which it needs, based on the seasons and its tion to export approximately 1,000 heads of cat-growth cycle. In fact, the stockbreeder is careful to tle a year; ii) those who have the authorization
24
to export between 400 and 800 animals a year; Social Uncertaintyiu) those who may only export a number infe-rior to 400 animals a year; and finally iv) those A general feeling of insecurity pushes the agro-pastorwho do not export at al, but who operate at the to leave some regions and to settle more in others. It isheart of the national market. In fact, in order to the visible effects of war, either open or latent. Thedo this, a merchant would need a license (that consequences are the increase of cattle stealing and thecosts between 52,000 and 172,000 FCFA, accord- emergence of rural thieves. These population move-ing to the category). In reality, on the markets, ments and the resulting concentrations create condi-among the buyers, there are very few licensed tions of overutilization of pastoral lands and under-merchants, and the majority are formed by col- utilization of others.porters (whose annual license costs as much as6,000 FCA a year). However, aU these rules are Land Uncertaintyin the process of being modified, because ofrecent institutional changes; The confused land situation, the result of the inter-the intermediary of the buyer (called dallaali or weaving or juxtaposition of several land tenure sys-sabaaba). The intermediary fills several func- tems, often finishes by opposing farmers, agro-pastorstions (lodger of the producers, guardian of his and pastors concerning the access and holding ofanimals in the viUage), but he is above aU the space. The territorial administrative organization hasguarantor of the legitimacy of the transaction, often caused serious tensions to explode between theconfirming that the animal sold has not been different groups of producers. The chronic situation ofstolen. He must establish a relationship of trust drought has favored a chaotic extension of cultivatedbetween the buyer and the seller. Anyone can surfaces, withareduction of grazingfields, principallybecome an intermediary. In certain regions in the richest ecosystems.there has recently emerged a true socio-professional category (for example, the Arabs of Market Fluctuationthe Ziwd clan in Western Batha);
X the civil servants, notably the tax collector, or The livestock market fluctuates drastically, consider-his secretary, responsible for collecting the dif- ably reducing the purchasing power of the stock-ferent taxes, and the local representative of the breeders, renderng them extremely vulnerable in thestockbreeding service, responsible for issuing face of recurring epidemiological and ecological cri-sanitary certificates to each herd and to each ses. The over-tendency of stockbreeders to accumulateindividual animal. large herds must not be considered an irrational way
of behaving (it has been spoken of, wrongly, asMajor Constraints "thoughtful" or "prestigious' stockbreeding), but as a
strategy linked to the extreme variability of economicThe pastoral system experiences a certain number of parameters. In a precarious situation, in an extremelyconstraints, true "blockage factors" that compromise monetarized economy, the stockbreeders, to achievethe social and economic life of the agro-pastoral pop- the same objectives (production of the means neces-ulations, and destabilize their relationship with the sary for subsistence and revenue), need to possessnatural environment. According to the stockbreeders, large herds. Moreover, the entire amount of fees andthe major constraints are essentially linked to ecolog- market taxes finishes by discouraging and demotivat-ical, social, economic and land insecurity, animal dis- ing producers.eases and the influence of human diseases on normalproductive activity. Animal Diseases
Ecological Uncertainty High rates of morbidity and animal mortality alsoconstitute a major constraint, which varies according
A persistent climatic variability and a general worsen- to the ecological zones. The results of a large surveying climatic condition render fragile, unstable and conducted with the stockbreeders show that approxi-precarious the social formations and the agro-pastoral mately 63 percent of the cases of animal mortality areunits of production. During the recent droughts (1973 due to disease (against 32% to drought and food defi-and 1984), all the Chadian stockbreeders have lost an ciencies, and 5% to accidents). The stockbreedersimportant amount of animals. Numerous are those confirm that among the diseases, digestive diseaseswho have had to irrevocably leave stockbreeding. that result in the highest mortality rate, followed byOthers continue to live a precarious existence. the plague, blood parasitism, anthrax and digestive
25
parasitism, and by other diseases not very well- ation of the cornea. Conjunctivitis is widespread in thedefined?2 Sahelian zone, because of the sand storms. These same
climatic conditions seem to be the cause of a high rateHuman Diseases of blindness. Meningitis is a rather common phenom-
enon. It appears above all during the months of Feb-The physical, biological and human environment, at ruary, March and April, with the great southeastthe origin of numerous diseases of the Sahelian pasto- winds. Finally, lice may lead to different forms ofral and agro-pastoral populations, constitutes without dermatosis, recurrent fevers and exanthematic typhusany doubt a major constraint to agro-pastoral produc- (Glibal et al., 1981).tion. Diseases, hunger and malnutrition have a sureeconomic impact, diminishing agro-pastoral produc- Diseases linked to Milk Productstivity. One must however add that few surveys havebeen able to be conducted in the Sahelian zone to All the agro-pastoral populations have a diet in whichdocument the incidence and the frequency of these nilk products occupy an important place, with adiseases in the agro-pastoral groups. Generally speak- marked improvement in their nutritional state. More-ing, the major causes of morbidity and human mortal- over, a high consumption of milk products seems toity in Chad are the different forms of diarrhoea, also constitute protection a ainst certain infectionsrespiratory infections, the measles, neonatal tetanus due to bacteria or parasites.m It carries however sev-and above all malaria. Here we distinguish diseases eral risks. Diseases like brucellosis and tuberculosisinked to contact with animals, diseases due to the are transmitted to man through the milk of infected
environment in which the agropastoral populations animals. A diet rich in milk may also lead to compli-live, sicknesses linked to milk-based food, "hydric" cations with respect to a deficiency in iron and indiseases, and finaLly malnutrition. vitamnin C (Swift et aL, 1987). The quantity of milk
available at the level of the family unit is moreoverSicknesses linked to Closeness with the Animals very variable. The overall productivity of the dry sea-
son is well inferior to that of the rainy season. In anZoonoses are diseases common to people and to ani- average herd of 30-35 cattle, one can predict that milkmals. Certain zoonoses need an animal carrier at a is abundant during two months of the rainy season,given moment of their cycle. Stockbreeders live very lasting during two or three months after the end of thenear the animals and are thereby exposed, more than rains, and insufficient the rest of the year.other rural populations, to a large number of zoono-ses. These include hydradid cysts that spread through Diseases linked to Waterdogs and camels; anthrax, even though the statisticson human anthrax are rare; and rickettsiosis. Certain human diseases find a milieu propitious for
their transmission around water holes. One may dis-Sicknesses linked to the Environment tinguish: (i) viral hydratid diseases: colon bacillus
which is at the origin of infant gastric enteritis, salmo-The pastoral environment may favor a certain number neDla, typhoid fever, typhoid, shigella and bacillaryof characteristic diseases, creating in each pastoral dysentery; and (ii) different parasitic diseases (amoe-group specific sanitary conditions. The more import- biasis, lambliasis, and ascaridiasis, resulting fromant are malaria, conjunctivitis and meningitis. Numer- pathology associated with fecal danger (Gibbal et aL,ous diseases, whose gravityis not greatperhaps, finish 1981). The hydratid intake of an adult depends on theby having a determining incidence on the pastoral importance of effort and the ambient temperature. Inpopulations, because of their mobility, their isolation this way, in the Sahelian context, the dangers of dehy-and the dispersion of their habitat. This is evidently dration are very frequent above all in children.linked to the large distances the sick must cover toreach the rare medical and dispensary centers spread Malnutritionout over a vast territory.33 Concerning malaria, onemust also note that the majority of pastoral popula- Children are also particularly exposed to seasonal andtions are subject to it only during the rainy season, and annual alimentary deficiencies and to effects of mal-that does not allow individuals to acquire efficient nutrition, including numerous infectious diseases andresistance. Malaria hits more groups that live in spe- diarrhoea. However, malnutrition is not in generalcific regions, like the lakeside zones (lakes Chad and declared, even if it is associated with other sanitaryFitri). The drying and irritation of the eyes aggravate problems. The two characteristic forms of infant mal-ocular infections. Because of various germs, conjunc- nutrition in the entire country are the kwashiorkor (pro-tivitis is endemo-epidemic, and may lead to an alter- tein malnutrition) and the marasma (energetic
26
malnutrition). Hemeralopia, avitaminosis A, of which i. a linear movement, a kind of pendular move-we have spoken above, is also a common consequence ment, of comings and goings, an ascension and aof infant malnutrition in the Sahelian zone. Particu- descent between two geographical points more orlarly critical for children is the weaning period. One less distant, notably a dry season zone (calledgenerally thinks that malnutrition in Chad, like in the massWef, from the term seyf, dry season), and amajority of the African countries, is linked to bad rainy season zone (called makhraf, from the termweaning practices, characterized by the lack of pro- khariif, rainy season). In fact, according to thegression and by rapidity. The basic product intro- groups and regions, it is one zone or another thatduced for weaning is porridge, a poor product, maybeconsideredatruezoneofattachment,'ard,composed of millet flour, sorghum or rice, mixed with or tribal territory. In certain agro-pastoral groups,water or milk. One can however estimate that weaning above all those that do not already have a greatis more easy for the stockbreeders because of their pastoral tradition, this movement has rather themilk-based diet, although that varies according to characteristic of an elliptical movement of smallgroups and heavily depends on the season (children dimension: the weak importance of available an-weaned during the dry season suffer more). In fact, ial capital or the importance of parallel practicesenergy needs are only occasionally attained. Periods of agriculture forces groups to make small move-of grave deficit follow periods of equilibrium. ments motivated essentially by the need to dis-
tance animals from cultivated surfaces. In anMajor Strategies Employed inappropriate fashion, this linear movement may
be designated by the term "transhumance";Facing these constraints, Chadian agro-pastors re- ii. an irregular movement, which is an array ofspond with an entire array of pastoral strategies. The movements, sometimes unpredictable, in the lim-most important of these strategies are the mobility of its of a given region, and only during the rainythe men and the animals; diversity of the animal spe- season. Whereas the linear movement is a collec-cies raised; seasonal separation of herds; cooperation tive movement of an entire migratory group or abetween the productiou units; aninal feeding and homogeneous group of encampments, irregularfinaly attitudes toward the market. nmovement is more an individual movement, at
Mobility the level of domestic units of encampments. It isessenhally determined by the search for varied
Among all the mechanisms Chadian stockbreeders grazinglandsandwater,dependingonthenatureuse to resist the thousands of constraints of their envi- of soils, as well as the demands of agriculturalrorument, mobiity of the men and animals constitutes activities (the adult men go back and forth be-without doubt a central strategic element. It is evi- tween ae;elds and the encampments, where thedently more important for the pastors who essentially herds are);live from stockbreeding and who are not engaged in iii. a circular movement, which is typical of theany type of land work. But, even for the agro-pastors, dry season, and is always relative to a given waterwith different modalities, it takes on a very great im- hole. The space situated around a watering holeportance. It is mobility that enables a herd to optimally is thereby exploited by centrifugal, circular move-exploit resources spread out in time and space, and ments. This movement may however simply bealso to escape ecological and localized epidemiologi- made by the herds, the encampments remainingcal crises. In the Sahelian climate, the floral composi- fixed near the water hole (above all at the end oftion and the bromatological value of forage depends the dry season);largely on the soil, and herd mobility enables animals iv. a withdrawal movement that is typical of theto achieve an alternating of oligo-elements. It is conse- 1V. a thdry seamovemend that is typial o-quently an ecological factor of adaption to the environ- end of the dry season, and that is essentially mo-which~~~~ ~ enbe the to exlihclgianhstvated by a lack of water and/or grazing land.ment whch enables them to exploit ecological mches This concretely means the abandon of the zone ofsubmitted to productvity variations in time (uNfCo, habitual attachment, and the depatue towards1981). But mobility also has a social and political di- another more favorable zone (a zone generary
mension, since it is a privileged means of resolving controlled by another group). It is in this contextsocial conflicts of al kinds arising within groups, as that the buffer zones acquire an important ecolog-well as in the fleeing of all forms of administrative and ical value; andpolitical pressure.
Moreover, each mobility model is linked to a precise v. and finally, much more rare, a migratorylevel of the social structure. One can thereby distin- movement so to speak, that, for serious reasons,guish may force a group to the outside of its own 'ard
27
and make it emigrate towards other regions. Con- postcrisis situations, small ruminants, because of theirtrary to other forms of movement, this migratory high rate of reproductivity, enable stockbreeders tomovementisgenerallyfinalandirreversible,with reconstitute rather quickdy a sufficient animal capitalimportant consequences on social structure and to progressively return to pastoral life. After each drythe functioning of the economic system. At the season, the small ruminants recover quickly, beingbase of the majority of large migratory move- able to profit from the small plants after the first rains.ments there are social and political phenomena of Especially goats present enormous advantages fromsplitting up and fission. an economic point of view, simultaneously in terms of
the production of meat and milk The raising of smallCooperation Between Units ruminants necessitates however a much larger space
and a better water quality than that of a camel raiser.Cooperation between production units (domestic All the small ruminants are very sensitive to the men-units, encampments, networks of encampments, ace of diseases much more so than the cattle and theneighboring groups) may be considered as a true pas- camels.toral strategy. Each unit, to survive, needs to be in-serted in a larger group, interdependence not The Separation of Men and Herdscontradicting independence and autonomy of basicunits. This cooperation may manifest itself in several The members of an agro-pastoral family unit do notcircumstances: in the circulation of animal in collective remain together throughout the year but separate andworks (collective guarding of units of animal manage- meet again according to the rhythm of the seasons andment and well construction); in defense and aggres- the seasonal requirements of their animals, the con-sion groups. straints of watering and the demands of the crop cycle.
However, the subject of interest at this point is theSpecies Diversification separation between humans and animals dictated by
stockbreeding activities.T-he majority of Chadian agro-pastors, few exceptionsaside, have very diversified herds in relation to the Animal Feedinganimal species that make them up. In fact, animalspecies complement one another. they do not exploit Every stockbreeder is extremely careful to give histhemilieuwiththesamemodalities,donotreactinthe animals appropriate and sufficient food. In this area,same way to food crises, do not produce food during there is an appropriate technique for each season ofthe same period, and are not affected by the same the year.epizooties. The choice of an animal species is more-over not a "neutral" choice, in the sense that it is * at the end of the rainy season the major strategy"simultaneously" the choice of a certain way of living, consists of giving animals rich and varied graz-even a certain kind of society. ing land. The major objectives are the stoutness
In the Sahel, the raising of cattle is evidently the of the herd, fertility and milk production. In amost widespread, as opposed to camels, cattle are less more specific manner, stockbreeders utilize theresistant to droughts and are more violently affected practice of buming high grasses (of the An-by the aggressions of ecological crises. But reproduc- dropogon type, ab-taf for example) that smothering themselves faster, their milk production is abun- every other kind of vegetation. On the burneddant and appreciated, and guarding them does not terrain, profiting from the relative humidity ofpresent major difficulties. The raising of camels pre- the soil, the young plants may develop undersents several advantages compared to that of other good conditions. The practice of buming isanimals: their resistance to dry conditions, the stability called khariif (literally "rainy season"), becauseof the milk production of the females. However, a herd it permits a stockbreeder to artificially prolongof camels reproduced itself less fast than a herd of the benefit of the rainy season and to give ani-cattle and, much more so, than sheep and goats. It mals green grass even after the rains, by cuttingconstitutes therefore a high risk in stockbreeding. In back on dry, straw-based food;economic terms, in the raising of camels the returns of * in the heart of the cold season, during thecapital is rather weak. The level of life of a camel raiser months of January and February, herd separa-is generally quite poor, because the majority of imn- tion, or ti'zib, which we have just talked about,mediate benefits must be reinvested in the herd itself. is a practice to enable herds to rationally exploitAlso, the camel market is much more difficult than certain specific ecological niches;that of cattle, the demand being very low. The raising * during the hot dry season, between Februaryof small ruminants is also extremely widespread. In and May, herds graze in the agricultural fields,
28
where the rainy crops are cultivated: it is the largely depend on the importance of farming activi-farmers themselves who ask the stockbreeders ties, the cycle of farning works, relations betweento lead their herds there (for the manure, diyaar). livestock price and cereal prices, pastoral, behaviorOn the other hand, it is the stockbreeders them- and food patterns of the populations, and habits ofselves who ask recession sorghum field owners livestock merchants. The stockbreeders prefer to sellfor the permission to lead their herds there (in the large animals during the dry season (from Febru-general, in fact, one does not fertlize a recession ary to April). Animal sales also become necessary atsorghum field). Access to the recession sor- the end of the dry season and at the beginning of theghum stalks, at the end of harvesting, is called rains, to compensate the fall of the herd's milk produc-talaga. To give his herd access to the farming tion by buying cereals.sub-products, a stockbreeder is prepared to pay One may, in conclusion, identify a certain numberin kind or with money. In the Salamat, for ex- of attitudes common to the majority of producersample, herd owners pay a general sum of 1,500 of the region: the frequentation of the nearest mar-FCFA per hectare. At the local level one finds kets, except due to an act of God; the choice oftrue collective contracts between owners of bartering merchandise rather than its direct sale, theherds and owners of fields, the first having the utilization of money being considered as a necessaryright to exploit vast village terroirs; practice.
* in the heart of the hot dry season, between Mayand June, stockbreeders practice stripping the Conclusionmajor fodder trees. This practice, abundantlyused everywhere, is called khadar. It enables one For all the agro-pastors, and even more so for theto put leaves, pods and tree fruits at the animal's pastors, the activities of stockbreeding do not onlydisposition, at a moment of the year where the constitute a kind of general backdrop of social andherbal stratum is insufficient; economic life: more profoundly, they durably, contin-
* finally, with the beginning of the rains, the de- ually and profoundly affect all the behavior patterns,parture for the transhumance, enables stock- mental structures and rituals (see Box 4). In this way,breeders to achieve the grazing regions rich in property and animal herd management, with the sys-ta'yim. tem of reciprocal rights and obligations which thereby
result, express kinship and neighboring relationships.Attitudes Towards the Market And, reciprocally, kinship relationships express them-
selves through the property (or co-property) relation-Stockbreeders also dispose of numerous strategies ships of an animal herd.concerning the market in general, and the animal mar- For the farmer who begins pastoral practice, farm-ket in particular. The market occupies an essential ing continues to remain at the center of his social andplace in the social and economic life of the Chadian economic life: acquired animals are not really a part ofagro-pastors. In each region, there is constant network this social and economic life, but rather like a foreignof weekly markets. body, finally more aggravating than useful. Pastoral
The principal strategies of the animal market con- work is reduced to a minimum, limiting itself to keep-cern essentially the categories of animals for sale: the ing the animals away from cultivated areas duringstockbreeders prefer to sell sheep or goats more than crop maturity, and keeping them free the rest of thecows and camels, the first category of animals consti- year. An increase in herd size forces the farmer how-tuting a sort of reserve or "pocket money." In fact, in ever to search for new strategies; the guarding andthe familial herd, independently of animal species, supervisory roles of a stockbreeder or hired shepherdone can identify two subherds, in function of produc- become necessary.tion demands: (i) a subherd for investment, reserve or Finally, the farmer who possesses a rather import-speculation, destined essentially for the sale and even- ant animal capital, even while simultaneously contin-tual production of a revenue, and formed of castrated uing to cultivate fields, must compromise: change hisbulls and females of reform; (O) a subsistence herd, life, modify production relations at the heart of hisdestined essentially for milk production for the domestic unit, his behavior patterns and his residen-family's own consumption, and reproduction. This tial models. The simple introduction of domestic ani-second subherd is not in general destined for sale and mals in the agricultural system means the beginningthe eventual sale of animals of this subherd constitutes of a particular agro-pastoral system that transformsa sure indicator of crisis. But the sales strategies also the social and economic life of the former farmer,concern preferential sale seasons; these seasons reorienting all the systems and changing the life stylechange sensibly from one region to the other, and and production style of his domestic unit.
29
Box 4. The pastoral system
The pastoral system is an economic production system digger), cooperation with other domestic units (collec-based on the herd, which is simultaneously considered tive works); andas capital, an element of wealth, and as a factor of pro- ii. utlizing all the tecmological knowledge onsti-duction, like land, susceptible to produce revenue. At the ted by the vast panorama of stockbreeding practicesheart of this system, the pastors sear for strategies (herd mobilit, secies diversification, division in sub-satisfy, in an unstable environment, a minimization of , aim a f . in saon)urisk objectives or an improvement of their economic or herds, animal feedig, sellig season).social situation. The presentation of characteristic features of the pas-
The insecurity of the environment comes from the toral system provides the elements for an analysis inpermanent climatic variability, the overuse of space, the statistical terms. In effect, one finds in this chaptertenure system and price fluctuations of the cattle market.Indeed, the rhythm of the seasons brings a semblance of i. the description of the role and activities of the dif-certainty, because one knows that the following season is ferent miembers of a domestic unit;approaching, but one cannot determine with precision ii. all the essential variables linked to animal produc-the reality of its coming. tion (names of animals, activities, etc.), input expenses
The herd is a capital that is progressively constituted (upkeep expenses, work force, etc.), the exchange ofthrough purchase, heritage, gifts of cattle, sheep, goats, products (actors, causes of herd modification, etc.);and camels. This capital is perishable, it must thereforebe constantly replaced by animal reproduction. The iii. characteristic normns concerning the unit costs ofsearch for optimal herd management is done by dividing work force, the purchase of animals as well as gifts inthe animals into sub-herds (sub-herds of investment or kind.speculation, and sub-herds of subsistence) depending on
thei prouctve cpacties orthei ag clasifcatinsiv. a presentation of the seasonal succession, and thetheir productive capacities, or their age clsifications. correspondingactivities, which ensure that a represen-The pastors Judge themselves on two acquired priThe pastors judge themselves on two acquired 1` tationin time of these phenomena is guaranteed in any
ples: on the one hand, there is an optimal relationship statistical study.between the size of domestic production units and herdsize; on the other hand, the average work productivity is v. a presentation of the basic infrastructures, at thehigh, whereas the marginal productivity is weak. In this mesoeconomic level that facilitate production (watercontext, they search for optimal production strategies by: holes, wells and cesspools) or exchanges (markets);
li. acting on the work factor. perfectly-defined activi- vi. a description of the mechanisms of herd mobility:ties at the heart of the domestic unit (role of the men, linear, irregular and circular mobility that one needs towomen and children), recourse to an outside work know to identify even the most mobile domestic unitsforce (guardian, shepherd, administrator or well- one wishes to survey.
Notes 29. It is a classic study of Barth (1973) who identified the majorcharacteristics of animal capital with respect to land capital i) ani-
26. A herd of about 60 animals constitutes a maximal manage- nal capital is directly consumable, and it does not necessitate aable unit fora domestic unitformed by two active adults (a man and conversion by an interposed market; ii) animal capital, contrary toa woman) with one or two children of working age. land, must be replaced, even constantly renewed; and ii) animal
27. In Chad, one does not have statistics concerning the division capital may be invested directly, without the mediation of specificof work according to age, stil less according to sex This is moreover economicinstitutions.true for Africa in general, probably because the observers have 30. Stealing animals is considered, in certain societies, an act ofunderestimated the impact of the work done by children and the virility, courage and cleverness (see Baroin, (1985), for the caseof theelderly. DazaKesherda).
28. To construct a shallow well ('id), one uses teams of well 31. In foDowing the terminology of Landais-Lhoste-Milleville,diggers; the price varies according to the regions, but is about 30,000 1988.ICFA, but one must provide straw for the team of wel diggers to 32. See Planchenault et aL (1989). For an identification of theplaceaframe on the well, as well as food, tea and sugar. To construct major diseases and the local names see Imadine et al. (1987).a deep well (sannya), a team of well-diggers asks for between 75,000 33. For all this section see Swift et al. (19S7).and 100,000 FCFA, plus food, tea and sugar. 34. Murray dted by Loutan (1985).
5. The Agricultural System
Introduction secondary crops (sesame, peanuts, and cucumbers) onthe other hand; and (iii) the nature of soils on which
In this chapter, we first present the three essential they are cultivated, that is, the rainy crops cultivatedcomponents of the agricultural system, notably work, in sandy soils (goz); low tide crops cultivated betweenland and the market Then, foilowing the outline of the the rainy season and the first part of the dry season, inpreceding section, we describe the major constraints clayish or clayish-sandy soils; and irrigated crops,of Sahelian agriculture and the principal strategies cultivated all year long in generally clayish soils calledemployed by the agro-pastoral groups to combat these wadi or basins. The soils, because of their possibilitiesconstraints and develop potentialities. For the agro- and their more or less large capacities to retain water,pastors who are descendants of the pastoral milieu, have a major importance, permitting an extension ofagricultural activity remains an important secondary the plants' growth period, beyond the so-called rainyactivity maybe from an economic point of view, but season.entirely secondary from a psychological point of view, The proportion between these crops varies enor-and one may say, mental. For agro-pastors who are mously according to groups, agricultural techniquesdescendants of the farming milieu, on the contrary, it and food habits and the potentialities of different mi-retains much importance and plays a capital role, lieu. Generally speaking in the entire Chadian Sahel-being a true technical skill and a way of life. ian zone one can estimate that cultivated, low tide
crops only constitute approximately 30-35 percent ofAgricultural Work the total of cultivated areas.35
-.he Principal Crops Cultivated CEREAL CROPSSorghum. In the Sahelian zone, one can distinguish
In this section, agricultural work is presented based on several kinds of sorghum, based on color, taste anda perspective that takes into consideration the variety length of maturation cycle. There is red sorghum duraof cultivated species and their demands in the work ahmar (sorghum dura var. rubra), also called duraforce. The distinction between the work of the family kurdufaan, because of its geographic origin (inwork force and that of the outside family work force Kordofan, in Western Sudan): it has folded ears, it isenables one to understand the nature of labor fur- planted, in general, at the beginning of July, and,nished. The organization of agricultural work is heav- during a maturation cycle of 80 days, it is harvestedily linked to cultivated species, at the level of towards thebeginningof October; itisnotveryappre-production, soil characteristics, returns, level of food ciated, above all because of its taste, but its cultivation,self-sufficiency of the production units, and models of due to its short growth cycle and its resistance tosocial division of work. Consequently, within a range drought, imposes itself more and more, in conditionsof limited possibilities, the choice to cultivate this or of great rainfall variation; very red sorghum durathat crop has capital importance for a given produc- lachini, (sorghum dura unknown variety), with a mat-tion unit and for the individuals who compose it. One uration cycle of 120 days. It is not very much appreci-can, in other words, say that there is a tight correlation ated, because of its taste; white sorghum durabetween crops cultivated and social relationships of (sorghum dura), similar to panicum; it has a cyde of 60production. days; red, low tide sorghum, "recession sorghum" or
Cultivated crops may be classified based on three masakau (sorghum dura variety nilotica); it is alsomajor criteria, notably (i) their economic function: called ashattay (small pigment) because of its color,with crops destined for subsistence and destined for and it matures 90 days after planting; white, low tidethe market; (ii) their food value: with cereal subsis- sorghum, white "sorghum," with a cycle of 105 daystence crops (mil and sorghum) on the one hand, and after planting.
30
31
Millet.One also distinguishes two main types of millet: In the utilization of agricultural work, Sahelianpemnisetum nieet, called dukhum baladiya, with a mat- agro-pastoralism is characterized by a very markeduration cycle of 90-120 days, and pennisetum millet seasonal aspect empty periods follow periods of great(dukhum nejaada) (pennisetum thyphoideum), with a activity (see Figure 1). This seasonal aspect is linked tomaturation cycle of 90 days. the shortness of the growth period and the rainy sea-What. One can distinguish three kinds of wheat hard son. Consequently, the majority of agricultural workwheat, called "Kanem wheat,V with a maturation cycle must be done in a very short lapse of time. Agriculturalof 90-120 days; hard wheat called Zenati Boutey, more cycles of overoccupation and underoccupation arerecently imported from North Africa; and Siassara characteristic of the Sahelian zone. That also meanswheat for food aid. that the marginal productivity and the opportunityCom. One can distinguish two varieties of corn (zea costs by hour of work vary enormously from oner1Lays, called masar, in the majority of Chadian lan- season to another. It is the temporary utilization of anguages): dry season corn, cultivated in rotation after outside familial work force that often enables one towheat, planted in April and harvested in July (during lessen the inconveniences of seasonal strangling. Onethe preharvest gap period, ihke dates) with a cycle of also finds, according to the regions, important sea-70-80 days (it needs weekly irrigation until maturity); sonal migrations of work force.and rainy season corn, harvested in July after dry Agricultural activity takes place during two distinctseason corn and in the same quarters, and harvested periods and in different ecological zones: in the dunesat the end of October (it needs three or four comple- and in the plateau dunes (goz), during the rainy seasonmentary irrigations). (between June and September), and in the low, clay-
ish-lemon plains (naga'a) during the cold dry seasonSBCONDARY CROPS. The other noncereal crops essen- (between September and February). The rainy cropstially have the goal to complete the diet. The princi- heavily depend on the rainfall, whereas the dry seasonpal crops are beans, or niebe, called in Arabic lubya crops depend on the floodings of terrains (the floods(ngalo in Kanembou, nyebbe in Foulfoulde) (dolichos aerate the soils and deposit clay, a source of fertility)lubia), which may be harvested at the beginning of and it is moreover the probability of flooding whichthe rainy season, and its maturation cycle is 60 days creates the value of a parcel of land.(always cultivated together with other crops); ses-ame, called susum in Arabic; peanut, called ful in RANCROPS. For therain crops, the farmers identify theArabic; tuk-tuk, bittekh and anjelfe, cross cultivated following steps:with millet or sorghum; cucumber, called in Arabicjfaggus, whose grains constitute a preharvest gap a. the clearinga of thes fied
F . . . . . .............................there iS first the clearing of bushes, calledfood very much appreciated; onion, in the wadi, taktagaan, then the constitution of piles (bote) ofcalled basar, which needs 40 days of seeding; and the thors and shrubs and, finaly, their buningtomato, planted in parcels of the wadi, starting with (harragaan); these different activities take placeplants 30 days old. during the months of March and April;
FRurT TRES. Finally, for the fruit trees, among the b. drysowing thisworkcalledmikoya,isaccom-irrigated crops of particular importance is the date plished with the use of a dibble, from the begin-palm (phoenix dactyliferm, called tamr in Arabic, and ning of May, as soon as the fields are ready. Thisdiina in Kanembou). A palm tree produces fruits after dry sowing can be continued and completed byfive years. In addition to the benefit of its production, sowing in the already humid soil, after the firsta palm tree protects, with its shadow, underlying rains;crops against evapo-transpiration. Handpicking is furrow digging caled mur, that consists ofdone between July and August (therefore durng the making small furrows between the rows and thepreharvest gap period, like corn). mounds of earth to cover the plants' roots, to
Major Works collect water and prevent its draining-off. It oftendemands outside family help;
In agro-pastoralism in general, it is work, more than d. weed uprooting, called maale, which takesland, that constitutes the base of the economy and the place during July, as soon as the millet reaches aprincipal limiting factor. Contrary to the European height of 15 cm. Weed uprooting is done with aagricultural system, for example, in Africa it is the hoe, kadanka, used like a scraper, or (jaraay). Thework available that has constituted the base of eco- need for a second weed uprooting (approxi-nonic and political power, in a context characterized mately twenty days after the first), depends onby a weak population density. rain and the nature of the soil.
w"u--------j".w_w_----------- jZ---"
" ", , "~.""".... ... fZ"""......... ....
----------- --
32
33
e. the protection of thorns against grain-eating d. transplanting of plants, caled shaq, accom-birds in August and September; plished during August and September;
f the harvesting, after the complete maturation e. weed uprooting, called knvto, done begnudngof the thorns, starting in the beginning of October. in October for approximately 20 days;This work consists of cutting (gata'an) the thons, f the case of predatory birds;arranging the ears in small piles (caUed masabbat),and then in large piles (jurun) in the middle of the g. the harvest takes place between January andfields; March;
g. the transportation of the millet from the field to h. the transportation of ears of com from thetheseparationzone (madak), located near the village; field to the separation zone;
h. the threshing (called daggaan) of the grains i the separation or stripping of ears of corn Infrom the separation zone; the separation zone (madak); and
i. the winnowing (called darraan) of the grains to j. grain winnowing, to eliminate wastes.
remove their wastes; IIWGATED CROPS. In several regions (Western and
j. the stocking of the grains in the grainary Southeast Kanem, Ouaddai), one finds agro-pastors(dabangat) or in holes in the soil (nugra). irrigating acops in the valleys or in the interdune de-
pressions in the form of more or less closed basinsRECESSION CROPS. Recession crops are more or less called wadi in Arabic and b'Ia in Kanembou. Irrigatedwidespread according to geographic regions and ac- crops have their own characteristics and their owncording to groups, based on soil potentialities and specific qualities: practiced in fertle soils (whose tex-group habits. The floodwater cleans the terrain, resti- ture is generaUy muddy and/or muddy/sandy), theytutes the fertlity and favors the plants' growth, pene- demand a considerable amount of work. The crops aretrating deeply into the soil. GeneraUly speaking, these planted during the entire year, com during the rainycrops demand: (i) more advanced technological season (July-August), and wheat during the cold sea-knowledge than that of rainy crops; (ii) a larger work son (December-April). For these types of crops, oneforce availability; and (iii) a capacity to practice, year can identify two major types of tasks: the first consistsround, very varied activities. of stirring the mass of sterile sand that the wind inces-
All the recession crops demand a lot of general land santly accumulates and that menaces the wadi withdevelopmentactivity,particularlyfortheconstruction being sanded in; the second task consists of irratingand maintenance of small protective dikes to retain the crops two or three times a week (this is a taskwater. The main recession crop is the "recession sor- practiced with the shaduuf, a kind of balanucng poleghum.n This crop varies depending on the soil, and with a counter weight).this variation affects the mass of labor furnished aswell as the yields. One distinguishes two kinds of soils: Family Work Force() the clayish-sandy soil (caUled marsiya in Arabic); and(ii) the black clayish soil (called zargaya in Arabic). Most agricultural works are done by a familial work
One can identify, in the case of the recession sor- force. There is, moreover, a close correlation betweenghum in a clayish-sandy soil marsiya, as many as 10 the size of the family unit (either between the availabletypes of tasks, that occupy the familial and outside family work force) and the size of the familial hold-work force during approximately 10 months a year. ings. This means that the area of cultivated land de-These tasks are: pends on the familial structure and the number of
hours of work that the family is able to provide. Thea. the construction of small dikes, work called in division of labor constitutes the social context of pro-Arabic jir'f this construction begins in February- ductive strategies (Hart, 1982). Most agriculturalMarch and continues until the beginning of the works are done by members of the domestic unit therainy season (these small dikes retain the rain size and the composition of these groups and thewater and force it to penetrate the soil); principles of organization of the work take on primor-
b. the establishment of a nursery called in Arabic dial importance (Swindell, 1985). And it is these mod-diga. ifications that intervene at the level of this
organization, more than the evolution of techniques,c. the clearing of the field called katil (often using that make the entire production system extremelyoutside work force and/or village or lineage flexible and changing(Swindell, 1985). Within a do-help); mestic unit of production, work does not constitute a
34
homogeneous input (Upton, 1987), and there is a social The Land and its Productsdivision of work essentially based on the age and sexof its members, the reasons of which, not always ap- This section discusses the land based on three specificparent, must be situated in the context of relations of perspectives: the measure of cultivated land and thecooperation, kinship and power. There are moreover land's products, and the problems relative to themodels of the division of labor according to the differ- stocking, sale and consumption of these products.ent social networks (kinship groups, villages).
LandMeasuremeftOutside Work Force
Chadian Sahelian populations experience severalGenerally, one does not use outside work force except units capable of measuring the surface of a field:in cases of real need, that is, for long and difficult tasks, tni of measurement corresponds tothat, like digging (mur) in the case of rainy crops, and * e leg that of thedencespon tothe cleaning of fields (kati), in the case of recession an elbow's length, that is, the distance from thecrops, must be accomplished in a relatively short pe- elbow to theetemityof the hand, thatis approx-riod of time. The use of a salaried work force permits imatelY5s58centimeters. Itiscalleddura'bordArabthose who control the means of production (in this bytheArabsofChariBaguirmi;daranbytheAm abscase the land) to have access to the work of others. The of- Eastern Chad; kele by the Kanembous ofimportance of this practice may constitute a significant teKanem;" and fi'ande by the Foulbe;indicator of several underlying phenomena, such as a rthe 'ud ("baton") or agek (canne"), for the mna-chronic lack of money, a lack of possibilities to obtain ority of Arabs, is five or six elbow lengths longshort term credit, the importance of seasonal stran- (that seems to varyt according to the region);gling of the agricultural crop in relation to the work * the surface constituted by 30 batons x 30 isgorc,and the impoverishment of certain levels of the called mukhammas in the Batha and in Westernforce, ation. Chad, and mokakkam or meter by all the Arab-rural population.spagpepeoCetlndWtmCh.
This work force may be utilized in different ways: speaking people of Central and Western Chad.(i) the most common case is the renting (ujaar) of one It corresponds to approximately 5,000 o n2,or several unskilled workers during several days, whichis 0.56 hectares.But thelideaof moahakminbased on the size of the fields and the work capacity does not appear very well-defined and is even,of the familial work force: the payment of the ujaar sometimes, unknown by certain groups or hasis made in part in money (from 250 to 1,500 FCFA a fallen into oblivion.day, according to the region and according to the Generally speaking, the size of the fields dependshours of work used), and in part in kind (a meal two on the size of the family unit, actually the availabletimes a day, that is, before and after work, and tea); familial work force, and the density of the population.(ii) quite common is the system of the standard In the Sahelian zone, it varies between two and sixcontract, called mogawala in Arabic, where the value hectares.of the payment is determined by the nature and thequantity of work to be done, (iii) the third case is the Measuring Productsinvitation to collective work addressed by an indi-vidual to members of his village, to parents and The Arab-speaking groups of Chad have a certainfriends. It is the system commonly known by the number of traditional units of measure destined toterm nafiir in the entire Arab-speaking Chad, but measure the capacity, in particular the quantity, ofthat is also called juwaada or sargaya. The nafiir is the cereals. The use of these measures often falls intoexpression of cultural assistance between different oblivion. Their definition is also subject to variationspersons at the heart of an economic solidarity group: from one region to another:it essentially consists of the pooling of the workforce, and the parcels of different people of the nafiir * the zakka, also called muntal in Eastern Bathanetwork are cultivated in turn. and hin and yawalo in Eastern Chari-Baguirmi,
One must say finally, to conclude this section, that consists of two handfuls, and corresponds tothe payment of an outside work force, according to approximately 600 grams of millet;all the forms it may take on (cash salary, compensa- * the koro consists of 4 zakka/muntal/rot/hin, or ap-tion in kind, food preparation for collective work) proximately 2.40-2.50 kilograms of cerealsconstitutes probably the most important category of (but its capacity varies according to the variety;the expense budget of the majority of the domestic * the midd (or mudd) designates a unit of measure,units. However, we do not have the results of any whose capacity is approximately 12 rotl or 3specific inquiry. koros, or a little more than 7 kilograms.
35
Yields The Consumption of Products
For aU the Sahelian groups, the estimated yields are In the Sahel, the populations do not benefit from aextremely imprecise and problematic and depend on varied diet and do not experience stable nutritionalobjective criteria (nature of the soil, characteristics of equilibrium. One can distinguish:the region) as weU as numerous subjective criteria(adopted measures). For milet, generally speaking m a. customary dishes prenared dailv leV ('esh),the Sahelian zone one has yields going from 350 to 80 generai y based on pennsetum mriUet (duntum),kdlogram/hectare. For sorghum, the yields are a little morninguand teein& acomajie by iffehigher (between 400 and 900 kilograms). morningand the everlng,accompanied bydiffer-
ent vegetable sauces; a bitter drink based on millet
Stocking Products flour mixed with milk, caUed ajina, consumedabove all in the middle of the day; milk; and
In the Chadian Sahel, stocking constitutes an obliga- sugared tea (several times a day);tion for the populations survivaL One finds two major b. inhabitual dishes, prepared for precise cir-systems for stockng of products from the earth (ex- cumstances, such as the greeting of importantcluding temporary stocking of small quantities of ce- guests or social and religious ceremonies (calledreals in cases, by means of sacks or pottery: azuma): grilled or cooked meat, of course, but also
* the granary en banoo, called dabangat, generally rice (riiz), crepes (kesar), cous-cous (cus-cus) basedused above aU in Kanem and in the East; and on dried peanuts mixed with pennisetum millet
• the hole in the soil, called nugra, or, in particular, flour; andlasko, often utilized for securty reasons, against c. finaUy, exceptional dishes during the fast offire and plllagers. Ramadan in particular madide, or porridge based
on curded milk and sugar, and sharba, or soupThe Sale of Products based on meat and vegetables.
The market constitutes a kind of "interface" be- Major Constraintstween the basic agro-pastoral units of productionand the overall socioeconomic environment (Upton, The agricultural system experiences a certain number1987). The term "market" designates here every of specific constraints in addition to general con-kind of financial transaction effectuated on the basis straints (see Chapter 4).of money or the exchange of products, taking placeeverywhere, including in the places of production, Waterand not only in the market places properly speaking.One can distinguish the stand-up sale of non- The decrease i rainfall constitutes, accordig to thefinished products, and the sale of finished products unanimous advice of the agro-pastors, the major causeon the market. of the low productivity of Sahelian agriculture. Water
is consequently considered the major limiting factor.STAND-UP SALE OF NON-FNISHBD PRODUCTS The sheyl Water, as a constraint, may be divided into threesystem enables a cultivator to sell his own millet, classes: (i) drinkng water necessary for men and ani-before the harvest, sometimes even before sowings, at mals: availability of potable water may modify thea price inferior to that of the normal market. Evidently, distribution of the habitat, the size of encampmentsthe sheyl is considered as a necessity for producers in and villages, and finally influence social relationshipsdistress, a survival strategy during the preharvest gap of production; (ii) soil humidity necessary for theperiod. It profoundly compromises productivity and growth of vegetation: it is a constraint linked to landindividual agricultural holding. characteristics; and (iii) irrigated water, for irrigated
crops.THE SALE ON THE MARKET OF FIIHED PRODUCrS. Aproducer generally sells the product of his labor Soil Fertilitythrough the use of intermediaries. But one finds sev-eral systems, more or less complex, in function of The lack of soil fertility is another important con-geographic zones. In zones experiencing good straint.Thisfertilitymaybeseriouslydiminishedafterproduction, the producer is taken care of on the ten years of intensive cultivation. The principal mdi-market by guides and intermediaries (who receive cator of exhaustion is the appearance of a parasiticcommissions). plant, called buda (striga). Certain regions like the
36
Batha and the Kanem experience, from a pedological All these techniques concern the supervision andperspective, a phenomenon of whitening and im- management of the environment. There are two criti-poverishment in the fine partides of the upper soil cal moments when these techniques are progressivelylayer (CrFr, 1989). Generally speaking, one can affirm used: at the beginning of the rains and during the firstthat the loss of fertility, while being favored by the weed uprooting. Laterains may force the farmerto dryphenomenon of eolian erosion, changes in the level of sow. Bad grain Apening forces him to sow againsoil texture, is indirectly linked to demographic and/or transplant or to change the crop variety. Whatgrowth and the increase of population density. counts in the entire process is the constant necessity to
make the right decision at the right time, based on thePredatory Animals empirical knowledge of the major factors and param-
eters of the environment.Another constraint is the presence of many preda- An entire array of adjustments, even arrangements, des-tory animals that destroy harvests, above all-grain tined to permit optimal utilization of the different ecologicaleating birds, grasshoppers and rats. Their damage, subsystems.according to the year, may be very important, above Generally speaking, these practices concern the di-all during sowing (in the case of rats) and after the versification and the association of crops. Diversifica-ripening of the corn (in the case of birds and grass- tion enables farmers to reduce production variability,hoppers). to produce the most necessary subsistence crops, to
satisfy the need for liquid assets and to use the microMain Strategies Employed variables of the soil types (Malton, 1983). These are
sometimes complex arrangements demanding an ap-At the level of Chadian agro-pastors, there are three propriate technology, particularly in cases of exploit-major strategies based on the principal objectives: ation techniques of sediment lands for recession
A variety of techniques destined to conserve or improve sorghum, the choice and management of varieties re-the physical properties of the soils. sistant to drought and the behavior of each variety
These techniques preserve the structure of the soil according to climatic conditions. One notices that:and improve its fertility, and give it nutritive elements. during drought, farmers tend to disperse theirAmong these: cultivated parcels, and, in dune soils (goz) to dry
* manuring (diyaar in Arabic) is practiced in dif- sow, well before the beginning of the rains, toferent regions, but never in clayish soils for save time. The best agricultural strategy is arecession crops (with recent rainfall deficits, the good supervision during the crucial cultivationdiyaar is less and less practiced); periods, at the beginning of the rains and during
* fallowing (bura) is neither generally practiced in the first weed uprooting. Important decisionsmuddy soils (goz), nor in the wadi, because the must be made immediately before the rains, andland is already rather fertile; finally neither in in the interval between the first storms and thesoils already rich in animal manure; heavy rains. During the crop cultural season,
* the construction of furrows and soil hills, small there are three determining periods: (i) the ger-dikes and terraces, and the planting of shrubs mination of cereals (beginning of July); (ii) theand plants such as the Andropogon gayanus) ripening of millet (end of July); and (iii) theon the border of the fields, to reduce wind and ripening of sorghum (September);water erosion and to ensure soil cover; * the practice of diversified and associated crops
* fruitful sowings, from the beginning of the constitutes an important strategy and accordsrainy season, to benefit to the fullest from the tangible results. It permits in fact a reduction ofaddition of nutritive elements: Sahelian soils are the production variability to produce all onein fact poor in organic matter, rapidly decom- needs, to partially satisfy needs in money liq-posed by microorganisms in hot and humid uidity and to exploit the microvariability of soilconditions from the beginning of the rains types (Malton, 1983). Quite crucial is the role of(Upton, 1987). Dry sowing is possible, accord- the woman in the efficient adoption of a newing to the cultivators, only in new soils, little or crop or new variety, because of the impact onnot at all previously worked; organization and the allocation of agricultural
* crop rotation, called shagalibiin in Arabic; and work (Swindell, 1985). Association enables one* in the wadi, to fight against the accumulation of to have better returns and above all more cer-
salt in the lands, the peasants flood the polders tain; it also enables one to economize on theby a breach in the dike to clean the soil and to mass of labor necessary to accomplish differentgive it renewed fertility. activities, on the principal that the same task
37
Box 5. The agiicultural system
The agricultural system is a complex production system ii. utilizing all the technological knowledge relativebased on the two production factors of work and land. to cultivating practices (manuring; fallowing, crop ro-Farmers, using rational strategies based on an optimal tation, time of sowing, water control, etc.), stocking ofallocation of resources, try to satisfy objectives to mini- products (barns en banco) and their sale (period ofmize risks and to improve the economic or social situation sale).in an insecure environment filled with social constraints.
Labor, more than land, constitutes the essential, limit- The detailed description of the major traits of the agri-ing production factor. This explains the tight correlation culturalsystemasdoneinthischapterfurnisheselementswhich existsbetween thesize of thedomesticunitand the indispensable to an analysis of the system in statisticalextent of the exploitation. Agricultural production activ- terms. One finds:ities, a function of adopted cultivating activities, are reg- i. all the essential elements linked to agricultural pro-ulated by the seasons. Consequently, marginal duction (nomenclature of kinds of crops, products,productivity and opportunity costs based on labor hours activities, etc.), inputs (instruments, seeds, work force,vary enormously according to the seasons. etc.) and exchange of products (actors, type of transac-
Farmers, in this context, search for optimal strategies tion, value, etc.);of production:
i. acting on the labor factor division of labor at the ii. indicative normis concerning size of fields, returns,heart of the domestic unit (females activities, males task periods, coefficients of the conversion of quanti-activities, alternating activities, role of children). Utili- ties, unit cost of products, the cost of work force con-zationof salaried work force for long and painful work tracts, allocation and gifts in kind;(renting of unskilled work force, standard contract), iii. linking of activities necessary for the productioninvitation to collective work; of each kind of crop and the persons of the domesticu. diversifying crops fo.owing the nature of the . unit who are traditionally associated with these activ-.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~te according toop theirwm age orur sex; OsS (rainy, low tide, irrigated cultures), following con- itesaccordigtotheirageorsex;sumption objectives (subsistence crops, sorghum, mil- iv. a presentation of the exchange mechanisms at thelet, wheat, etc.), secondary crops (beans, sesame, mesoeconomic decision level that are represented bypeanuts, etc.); and associating certain crops with others the markets (actors, value, benefit, etc.).(millet-beans, sorghum-beans);
(for example, weed uprooting) may finally be interest in the form of descendence and moreover it isprofitable for all the varieties; to minimize the immediately convertible into money. Livestock, con-impact of the draining of rain waters, reduce trolled by the investor, is not subject to inflation; itsdisease infestation and bad grass, and maxi- acquisition becomes for the peasant an incentive tornize the utilization of daylight (Watts, 1987; improve agricultural production. As a property, itRichards, 1983; to take care of great diversity of brings the security of food and social prestige. Techni-needs (subsistence products, products "for the caUy, the herd is a source of manure for soil fertiliza-sauce," commercialized products). tion, especially through its ingestion of harvest
residues which would otherwise be difficult to incor-In this context, the raising of animals may be con- porate into the soil.
sidered in itself an agricultural strategy. The posses- The agro-pastoral populations' capacity to adapt andsion of animal capital has a particular value for alternative strategies facing recurrent ecological and eco-Sahelian farmers: investment in livestock constitutes nomic crises.in effect an alternative and a not to be mnissed oppor- This implies strategies like seasonal migrations,tunity. Money has an ambiguous value because it does hand-picking of crops, the practice of varied economnicnot represent a sure way to hoard, does not express a activities, the expression of a true "science" or peasantpossibility of reserve. The purchase of livestock there- knowledge, which we will discuss in the followingfore constitutes a rare investment possibility, in an chapter. Generally speaking, farmers produce for fa-economic perspective that enables one to live from day milial self-consumption. They try, from this point ofto day. A simple savings account in the beginning, view, to situate themselves facing inter-annual fluctu-livestock finishes by representing a relatively certain ations, by accumulating and keeping subsistenceand stable form of accumulating wealth; it produces stock from one year to the other. But the social dimen-
38
sion of this strategy must not be forgotten: each pro- We have seen in the preceding chapter how theduction uwit must help the others, in the context of choice of pastoral practice on the part of agriculturallineage groups. This social dimension may determine communities is full of consequences for the socialproduction schemas. During periods of crisis or reces- and economic life of basic production units, as wellsion, farmers prefer to eat and drink what they pro- as the environment. The same thing is true for theduce themselves, rather than sell the surplus in choice of the agricultural practice by pastoral com-markets subjectto fluctuationsand speculations. They munities, often following tragic losses of animals,prefertochooseactivitieshavingperhapsweakprofits droughts and famines: their agro-pastoralism isbut also minimal nsks, like those finalized with food then a survival strategy, and the direct practice ofproduction or the exercising of a small local business, agriculture is considered as a refuge and divineratherthanactivitiesimplyingmoreimportantprofits, salvation. This agro-pastoral situation creates how-but also great risks, like activities linked to large busi- ever a change in habitat, diminished mobility, a newnesses and distant markets (Richards, 1985). spatial inscription, modification of feeding habits,
and adjutments at the level of basic pastoral tech-Conclusion niques. The goal pursued is definitely that of recre-
ation of pastoral life, where the livestock can regainIn the study of the functioning of small agricultural its primordial place. Often, however, this style ofproduction units, the family plays an essential role: the living and production tends to perpetuate itself andproduction process is a consequence of decisions become chronic, and agro-pastoralism progres-made by the head of a familial unit and the labor of all sively becomes a true, permanent life style.its members, concerning the utilization of lands, work-force, capital, and crop management (Brossier, 1987). NoteIt is an agricultural system with internal coherence,with an array of practices and logical technical 35. According to the statistics of the National Rural Develop-
sequences (see Box 5). ment Office (ONDR) for 1983.
6. Alternative Economic Activities
Introduction Generally, these guarding contracts do not providefor any form of salary. The shepherd just has the right
The goal of this last chapter is to give a comprehens- to receive milk from the herd. Sometimes, he receivesive view of these parallel activities, because of their gifts: a loaf of sugar, tea, or clothes. Traditionally, theimportance and their impact on material life. Chad- guarding of animals existed within lineage andian agro-pastors know a series of activities, whose friendly relationships, or in specific tributary relation-principal function is to render functional the entire ships between different social formations. However,agro-pastoral system in situations of penury, crisis today, following the general impoverishment of theor rapid impoverishment. Among these activities, rural milieu, this phenomenon has generalized itself,we distinguish those that are connected, in a more and it is destined to increase. Moreover, in regionsor less direct manner, to the raising of animals; those with a strong demographic density and near largethat connected to the work of the land; and finally urban centers, there is a heightened tendency towardsthose that are exercised outside agro-pastoralism monetarization of this type of contract.properly speaking. These alternative activities arevery important,36 but unfortunately, they are subject Watering of Others' Animalsto seasonal and regional variations that are not verywell known qualitatively and quantitatively. How- A poor stockbreeder may very easily rent his ownever, these activities substantially occupy members labor force and, partially, that of his family unit, toof the production units, and exercise a definite im- water others' animals. To do this, actual wateringpact on the agricultural and pastoral activities prop- contracts codified by usage are established that gener-erly speaking. ally foresee the construction, even the maintenance of
a well or a cesspool, and the watering of the herdAlternative Pastoral Activities during an entire season. A certain number of condi-
tions govern the digging and the maintenance of waterParticularly important are the activities that enable an holes. For example, a normal contract foresees theindividual, even an individual domestic unit, to exist payment of a sum of money starting from 3,000 toat the heart of a pastoral way of production, and to 5,000 FCFA a month, according to the region and themaintain a "semblance" of normal stockbreeding depth of the well, for the daily watering of an averagepractice, even if an essential element is lacking, espe- herd of 60 animals. The owner of a herd must alsocially the legal possession of sufficient animal capital. furnish a cord.In this way, a shepherd, with or without the help ofhis family unit, may be forced to sell his own work, to Convoys and Caravanskeep, water, or send towards the markets animalsbelonging to other people. A certain number of people are needed to convey the
animals to markets belonging generally to large mer-Guarding of Others' Animals chants. The work simply consists of transporting a
merchant's herd of animals from a collection marketThe poor stockbreeder must concern himself with an- toward a terminal market, following an itinerary usu-imals belonging to rich farmers or stockbreeders, or ally in a group of three or four people. Their remuner-absentee owners (merchants from the urban centers), ation varies according to the region and the length ofaccepting to submit himself to guarding contracts, the trip. For a convoy of animals from eastern Batha tocalled amaana or uda'a. We have already discussed the N'Djamena, for example, demanding at least 20 daysmethods of guarding of animals belonging to other of travel, each conveyor receives a cash payment ofpeople. 20,000 FCFA. Certain people may accomplish as many
39
40
as three or four convoys a year. Numerous agro-pas- products of handpicking are now regularly commer-tors organize caravans destined to transport different cialized. The monetarization of the economy, theproducts from the Saharan zone to the Sahelian zone, degradation of natural resources and general transfor-and vice-versa. There are true caravan routes in each mation of production systems have however sensiblyregion. modified the methods of handpicking and reduced its
impact.Alternative Agricultural Activities The techniques of handpicking are based on pro-
found knowledge of the ecological milieu by theHere we distinguish two kinds of agricultural activi- populations. Handpicking demands an appropriateties accomplished by poor agro-pastors for other peo- knowledge of the harvest, preparation and utiliza-ple: participation in field work and care of the tion of different products. Even for handpicking,transportation of products of the land. one may identify models of social division of labor,
although the role of women and children is primor-Working in the Fields of Others dial, men only intervene in this domain when there
is a major crisis. The practice of handpicking how-We have spoken at length of this activity in the pre- ever is now experiencing a certain decline for all theceding chapter. Here, we must just add that because agro-pastors: always present as a secondary foodof the internal characteristics of agro-pastoralism, very source, it tends to become residual as substitute foodfew agro-pastors finally work the land for somebody (Chastenet, 1987). Among the principal products ofelse. This practice is common above all among the handpicking, one finds cereals, cereal substitutesimpoverished farmers. and raw fruits.3
Among cereals, the most important of the non-cul-Transporting Agricultural Products tivated cereal species is generally designated in Arabic
by the name kreb: this is general term, that seems toFrequently, pastors and agro-pastors rent their work refer to several species of grasses, such as Brachiariaand that of their animals to transport cereal products Kotschyana, EchinodoaColona, Panicum Laetum andfor farmers. One can distinguish two forms of trans- Panicum Phrogmitoides (Gaston and Fotius, 1979).portation: (i) the transportation of the entire harvest The kreb grows, during the rainy season, in .iuddyof the field to the village granary, for stocking; and land and in the lower depths; it is prepared, like millet(ii) the transportation of a part of the village's produc- and sorghum, to form a "ball." Resembling kreb istion to the market, for sale. One transports cereals with l'absaba, Dactyloctenium aegyptiacum, that grows incamels or mules. The prices of transportation vary the same types of soil and that is prepared in the samedepending on distance and period of the year. More way. Among the other cereals, one must recall theoften than not, remuneration of the transportation is smaU grains of l'amhoy, Eragrostic pilosa, that grow inmade in kind, and not in money. The average remu- the depths of the ouadis at the beginning of the rainyneration provides for a koro of millet (approximately season, wild rice, caled am-belele, Oryza breviligulata,2A kilograms) to transport a sack of 40 koro (or approx- prepared to form small baUs, its harvest takes place inimately 96 kilograms). This is done in the entire coun- the middle of October, I'askanit, Cenchrus biflorus,try. The stockbreeders of eastern Batha, for example, generally called cram-cram, that has the advantage ofat the end of the rains, return precipitously to the being harvested late in the year, in the middle of theagricultural regions of Salamat to take care of trans- dry and hot season, seyf.portation of local farmers. Numerous stockbreeders of For the main cereal substitutes, that during a periodnorthwest Kanem descend into the region of Lake of famine, are used to prepare basic food, in the formChad for the same reason.37 of porridge, cakes or nougats, one can speak of the
round and hard berries of the shrub called mohet,Parallel Activities Boscia senegalensis; juicy fruit seeds from the tree
called gafal, Commiphora africana; fruits of theHandpicking kurmut, Maerwa crassifolia; small, round tubers of the
siget, Cyperus rotundus, harvested at the beginning ofIn Sahelian agro-pastoralism, marked by recurring the rainy season; and the fruits of the sao, Salvadorasubsistence crises, handpicking remains an extremely persica, battikh, Colocynthis citrullus, or wild mellon,important secondary or substitute activity, based on and karkan, Hibiscus sabdariffa. In the regions of thethe alternating of normal and crisis periods. Hand- islands and the banks of Lake Chad, alge, Spirulinapicking has always played a major role with relation- platensis, called dihe in Kanem, are collected in theship to food self-sufficiency of the domestic units. ponds of the littoral, dried in basins dug in the sand.Lately, it has opened itself to the market, and the One prepares sauces very rich in calories3 9
41
Finally, among the fruit trees, one consumes the 1985): in fact the average age of those who leave isfruits of the tomur al abid, the giddem and the kabayna, 30-40. They may remain absent from their encamp-which correspond to different species of Graewia ment/village during several months. The length is(respectivelyVillosa,PopulifoliaandFlavescens),har- determined by their material needs and capacities ofvested in September-October, before the millet har- work of those who stay at home (availability of famil-vest; pulp, kernel and almond of fruits of the nabak and ial work force).42 In the cities, these men do any smallthe korno, that is respectively of the Ziziphus mauriti- craft that can earn them a little money: the transporta-ana and of the Ziziphus spina-christi, or jujubier, that tion of water and the digging of wells and latrinesmatures in March-April, and that are consumed in seems to be their most frequent work. But they aredifferent ways (raw, in nougats and cakes); the pulp, ready to do anything. They integrate themselves withkernel and almond of fruits of the tree hejlij, Balanites great difficulty into the permanent urban populationaegyptiaca, (commonly called "soap tree"), prepared and remain quite marginal.in different ways; and the fruits of the dum, Hyphaene It is, however, rare that these seasonal workers bringthebaica, or doum palm tree, that, harvested in Janu- a lot of money home. They are generally obsessed byary, are directly consumed or are piled and reduced the need to obtain food (cereal) for their families, aboveinto flour.40 all for the long preharvest gap period, and by the desire
to avoid all sale of weak animal capital still available.Crafts Industries The depart of numerous young men has the indirect
effect of easing the family budget destined for buyingAs an economic activity, crafts are practiced essentially food, and to enable those who remain to better shareby a specific socioprofessional category, that of the small resources. Consequently, the departure of a mi-artisans, who are called Haddads by the Arabs, Aza by grant has above all a regularizing role depending onthe Dazagada populations, Duu by the Kanembous, subsistence problems, favorising an improved avail-and Kultu in Ouaddai. The artisans constitute true ability of food for numerous consumers (Couty, 1987).statutory groups characterized by a strict endogamy, a It is probable that the departure of these men has asort of "caste" both feared and despised by the others. negative effect greater for the stockbreeders than forThey are atribal groups, even if their origins seem the farmers, because the herds need constant care. Itethnic (Seignobos, 1984). Distinct from the others from is, anyway, a complex phenomenon, because on thea sociological and sometimes, administrative point of one hand it can aggravate the stagnation of the stock-view (in eastern Batha, for example or in eastern breeding sector, with the departure of an importantKanem, there are cantons called Haddads), today the part of the work force needed by the herds during aartisans are not much different from the agro-pastors critical moment of the year, but on the other hand itfrom an economic point of view. This phenomenon of may invigorate stockbreeding by injecting fresh capi-reduction of identity is linked to a conjunction of tal into the cattle.causes, such as the settling process and the generalizeddependence on agricultural activities, the expansion of Collection/Sale of Wood, Carbon, and StrawIslam, droughts and their consequences, loss of animalcapital and destruction of artisan functions and rituals One of the most common alternative economic activi-which were indispensable in the past.4 ' ties for the agro-pastors is the collection and sale of
heating wood, carbon and straw. In fact, this type ofSeasonal Exodus Towards the Cities activity, despite its simplicity, to be practiced cor-
rectly, demands a certain number of external condi-Every year, above all starting in November or Decem- tions, that is, work force availability; transport animalber, and until May, numerous agro-pastors quit their availability (mules); the presence of a market, that isvillages and their encampments, to go to the large the relative proximity of a city, or, at least, a majorcities of Chad (N'Djamena, Sarh and Abeche) and road. This is a difficult activity, that demands time andneighboring countries (Maiduguri in Nigeria, Bangui finally gives few benefits. In the outlying villages, ain Central Africa or Maroua in Cameroon), searching cargo of heating wood can only bring between 200 andfor small tasks to do. Except in the case of agro-pastors 500 FCFA, according to the regions and, above all, theand pastors without any means of subsistence, these periods of the year (at the end of the dry season, pricesare temporary, seasonal departs. It is rare that women may double, even triple). Carbon is produced fromleave for this kind of exodus. In Ouaddai, where the essences like Acacia (nilotica or senegal). To prepare themasculine emigration is high, for example, during the carbon, a team of two coal men need: 10 days for thedry season numerous villages have a large feminine cutting and preparation of the wood; 4 days for burn-majority, and the proportion increases even more in ing and carbonization; 2 days for cooling and puttingthe age groups of 20-50 years of age (Alio and Goua, into sacks (c=r, 1989).
42
The collection of wood is essentially practiced In fact, certain segments of the population (the Aza)by women, whereas that of straw is practiced by the do the hard and despised work. Extraction is done bymen. The two activities take place usually during the teams of three.dry season. During the rainy season, the pastoral migra- Traditional extraction of natron implies severaltions and agricultural activities leave the men less commercial circuits and several intervening people:available for this kind of work In certain regions, during the workers are generally the Aza, the owners of na-the long months of the dry season, the women organize tron trees are the Kanembous, and the Merchants ofthe collection, the transportation and the sale of wood the Kanembous, Hawsa or Kanouri. Black natron isas much as four or five times a week, being able to exclusively destined for Nigeria, by lake transporta-cover about ten kilometers with their cargo each day. tion. Merchants come to buy natron in person and
transport it, with trucks, towards N'Djamena and,Fishing with large barks, towards Nigeria. It is utilized in
pharmacopoeia, cooking and especially in the raisingFishing is an extremely important activity for agro- of animals.pastoral communities located on the banks of lakesChari and Logone and lakes Chad and Fitri. Fishing Condusiontechniques are simple. The kadei, traditional, lightboats made of papyrus leaves, have been abandoned, Alternative economic activities generally experienceand replaced by canoes. One finds the net trap, called the same constraints as stockbreeding or agriculture,nduli by the Boudouma, made of two poles and a notably droughts, degradation of resources and thecotton net with small links; the ngile-ngile, capture natural environment, demographic growth, deteriora-vessel, is made with woven doum leaves; the kare-kare tion in marketing channels, and insecurity (see Box 6).is a "capture chamber," constructed of reeds in deep They have also been rendered more difficult by thewaters, and whose opening may be dosed from the massive impoverishment of vast segments of the ruralland by a sitter furnished with a cord. The habitat of population as a result of recent ecological, economic,fishers is varied and may consist of installed villages, epidemiological, and political crises. They are nopermanent and temporary encampments. longer viewed as a means of earning additional money
Techniques and fishing seasons vary depending but as sources-sometimes the sole source-of subsis-on the seasons. Fishing on the lakes takes place tence and income.usually between February and August. In the rivers One can speak of a true model of the phenomenonone distinguishes three long periods: the period of of rural impoverishment, from which it is possible tohigh waters (JAuly-November), with the capture of deduce constants and, above all, consequences. Be-large fish (ex. Lates niloticus) with swinging nets; cause of the primordial objective of food security inthe recession period (during the cold season) with the domestic units, it would be possible to trace pat-the capture of fish leaving flood zones, with instru- terns of responses of the Chadian agro-nastors to cri-ments like the net, hoop nets and the cage; and the ses, depending on the degree of penury. Progressinglow-water period (March-July), with intensive fish- from a difficult situation to a crisis situation, one ob-ing of the salanga (alestes baremose), with nets with serves varied responses of the agro-pastors, indicativesmall links) (Bouquet, 1976). of the state of impoverishment:
Traditionally, fish is dried or smoked. Then it istransported to interior markets (N'Djamdna) as well * faced with the first signs of a food crisis, thereas foreign markets (Nigeria). The recent technique of isanintensification of the practices of handpick-the banda also enables one to smoke the fish. ing of crops and craftsmanship;
* borrowing of limited amounts of grain fromHunting relatives and friends;
* sale of a farm product before it is ready (sheyl)Traditionally, groups of iron smiths (Haddaad) hunted and of young animals from the speculation herdwith antelope nets: the meat was dried and the skins already indicates the gravity of the situation;tanned and transformed into straps, sacks and water * sale of labor to tend other people's animals,skins. But this activity has declined because of the water them or till fields belonging to others;disappearance of game birds and very strict rules. * intensive involvement in unaccustomed or
degrading work, such as collection of fuel-Natron Extraction wood, charcoal and straw, or extraction of
natron;Natron extraction, called atron in Arabic,43 is done, * seasonal migration of labor (particularly theespecially in the mines of central and western Kanem. men) to urban centers;
43
Box 6. Alternative economic activities
Excepting the crafts industry, which only concerns the A detailed observation of these activities makes itartisans, a population category with a precise social role, possible to statistically characterize the poorestallothereconomicactivitiestendtocontinuouslyensure population groups. These include on one handsecurity to people constantly in need, in the event of households which do not own cattle nor their ownstructural or temporary poverty, and when poverty is lands, and on the other hand, households with insuffi-due to irregular circumstances. cient assets to provide them with adequate revenues
In the pastoral system, these activities include herd and therefore have to devote themselves to alternativecaretaking for others or escorting animnals for merchants. activities.In the agricultural system, these activities relate to farm- This chapter furnishes a necessary frameworking for others or transportation of agricultural produce. for the elaboration of nomenclature activities andOther more marginal activities are the gathering of cere- products which allow these population groups to beals, grains, fruits and wood, charcoal or straw. determined.
* distress sales of animals from the subsistence 38. For all this section see in particular Tubiana 1969, and Conte,herd. 1983.
39. This alge has an exceptional nutritive value between 3,100The notion of poverty as well as that of social well- and 3,400 calories by kilogram (Bouquet, 1971).
being may vary from one crop to another and may 40. One must finally add handpicking of all types of productsevolve in time. The situation of the "poor" and the used for a variety of purposes: gum of the kittir abiyad, Acacia"less poor" fluctuates, and individuals pass and re- senegal, and of the kittir anag, Acacia nilotica, which is now
utilized as a candy, remedy and material of reparation to close offpass the poverty level depending on endogenous and the recipients; bee honey (ndh); branches and leaves of sao,exogenous factors. The seasonal factor also has a de- Salvadora persica, to prepare vegetable salt, after evaporation ofternining influence on the continual dropping below a water and ash so]ution; barks of the taDir, Acacia seyal, for thethe poverty leveL Consequently, the state of "non- making of cords; and cloves of the hijili, Balanites aegyptica, arepoverty" is characterized by the power to resist picked green and crushed, and produce a paste used for toiletry
items and for washing (thus the name "soap tree given to thisshocks, and by the ability to recuperate after crises. tree): for the preparation of this product, the leaves and branches
are burned, and the ash is gathered in a basket and filtered withNotes water; one boils this water and the deposit constitute a bread of
salt utilized for the cooking of vegetables and the preparation of36. One has been able to calculate that in sub-Saharan Africa, sauces.
between 25 and 30 percent of the annual work of all the members of 41. For the Duu of Kanem see Conte, (1983).a domestic unit is in fact accomplished in the context of alternative 42. For the Duu of Kanem see Conte, (1983).economic activities (see Either-Baker, cited by Upton, 1987). 43. Pon is Duunateane see and (1983).
37. To be complete in this area, one must also recall the transfor- 43. Natron is carbonatb of sodium and magnesium. It comes inmationof agriculturalproducts.Inparticular,thereisthefabrication two forms: one which is extracted by funnel-digging in the soil afrom merisse cereals, a local beer, and d'arg, a local alcohoL These hole of one meter in diametr, and looks like a rock the size of a fist;products are destined in part for local consumption and in part for and one produced by evaporation and crystallization, on the surfacecommercialization. Oil is also produced from peanuts at the level of of ponds, and look like a bick (Le Rouvreur, 1962).the different domestic units. 44. We are inspired by the arile of Watts, 1988.
Conclusion
There can be no real conclusion to an "introductory" producers are more and more similar and form soli-report of this type, as its primary purpose is to throw darity networks. However, the unity of its logic doesopen doors, to give a glimpse of horizons. Nonethe- not allow us to forget deficiencies and asymmetries.less, we propose to make a number of very general The present situation because of the range of forcesconduding remarks. existing at local, national and international levels
As we have worked our way through the pages of tends to increase economic diversity between individ-this report, we have come to see agro-pastoralism in uals as well as groups. Other Sahelian countries are anChad as a highly complex system, difficult to follow exarnple of this differentiation process: the destabili-in its internal logic and held in thrall by its multiple zation and decomposition of the domestic unit; therequirements, the accumulation of needed technolo- breakdown of cooperation networks; and the proletar-gies and the urgency of its vital objectives. We have ianization of some population groups due to ecologi-also come to see it as a contradictory system, both cal and economic crisis. In the long term these trendsfrozen in time and changing. Agro-pastoral memories will modify the general socioeconomic situation ofplod stubbornly down known pathways, avoiding agro-pastoralism in Chad.risk and danger and any dream of a different future; It is perhaps this very ambiguity, this double as-the individual prefers to live within the framework of pect, that makes agro-pastoralism a reflection ofhis own experience, "trapped" (as Ferdinand Braudel both unsuspected wealth and desperate poverty. Itputs it) "by his former successes." But history moves is a system with multiple aspects, a kaleidoscope offorward and the system must evolve with it: the soci- colors, hues, adjustments, strategies and internalological, political, economic and ecological environ- feedback mechanisms, which endow it with its rich-ments offer no guarantee of stability. The ideological ness and ensure its future. But it is also an im-terminology employed by agro-pastoral peoples bricated structure, an interwoven whole, wheresometimes gives the impression that things are fixed, every element is extremely dependent on thosebut reality and praxis are quite different. around it. A reduction in the number of animals, for
In the final analysis, Sahelian agro-pastoralism is exarnple, will be reflected in a decline in soil fertility;ambiguous, representing as it does the end result of a decline in grain output will swell the flight fromtwo opposing processes, namely the growing wealth rural areas to the towns and bring about an increaseof farmers eager to invest their farm surpluses in live- in the area under cultivation to offset the decline instock, and the declining fortunes of herders anxious to yields and ultimately, as the amount of land avail-reconstitute the fabric of part of their pastoral exis- able for grazing is reduced, animal productivity willtence by tilling the soil. drop and death rates for young animals will rise.
Therefore, agro-pastoralism is for the pastor a "ref- With the exception of the southern band situated atuge," a survival choice, and for the farmers an im- the frontiers of the Sahara that experiences annualprovement. In one way or another, there is always rainfall below 250 millimeters, agro-pastoralism in thesome ambiguity. Survival strategy or accumulation, it Sahel continues to be a subsistence solution for thou-is a momentaneous and "provisional" situation. For- sands of family units, an open system, a space ofmer pastors may always either return to pastoralism security, provided, that is, that the mobility and flexi-or decide to settle themselves near an urban center. bility necessary to perpetuate it is preserved. It is dearFormer farmers may always evolve towards a more that agricultural practice of a group of pastors or thepastoral system or revert to their agricultural origins. pastoral practices of a group of farmers introduces inAgro-pastoralism is therefore a space of encounter, a each system new constraints and a new way of life.cohesion factor, in a common, general backdrop, Consequently, agricultural practice forces a pastoralwhich catalyzes all active forces. The frontiers be- group to reduce, even to modify its models of mobil-tween pastors and farmers are vague the two types of ity, change its residential patterns, and to define itself
44
45
in a new land context towards the space, with a more punctual surveys that quantify a certain number ofprecise definition of territorial rights. Land cannot practices using new tendencies, for a larger compre-circulate like livestock, social institutions are then hension of the phenomenon of actual ruralmodified, and solidarity networks lose their intensity. impoverishment. Finally, from a strictly anthropolog-
This study is therefore merely an introduction. It ical point of view, one would have to conduct analysesneeds to be fleshed out and added to in several areas. of a certain number of key concepts (such as wealth,One must macke more detailed case studies, of a village, poverty, or subsistence crisis), and the historicalclan, group of stockbreeders of a given small region, reconstructions of the complex relationships thatand of the precise modalities of individual access to the agro-pastors maintain with their generalthe land to animal capitaL One must also conduct environment.
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