world bank document - documents &...

w L L vr ,FEBRUARY 1998

''PACIFIC ISLANDS

STAKEHOLDER

/ a Kerry E. James

IL

________ PACIFIC ISLANDS DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES.J1i ____ NumBER 4

EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC REGION

AA A i PAPUA NEw GUINEA AND PACIFIC ISLANDS COUNTRY MANAGEMENT UNIT

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DISCUSSION PAPERS PRESENT RESULTS OF COUNTRY ANALYSES UNDERTAKEN BY THE DEPARTMENT AS PART OF ITS NORMAL

WORK PROGRAM. To PRESENT THESE RESULTS WITH THE LEAST POSSIBLE DELAY, THE TYPESCRIPT OF THIS PAPER HAS NOT

BEEN PREPARED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE PROCEDURES APPROPRIATE FOR FORMAL PRINTED TEXTS, AND THE WORLD

BANK ACCEPTS NO RESPONSIBILITY FOR ERRORS. SOME SOURCES CITED IN THIS PAPER MAY BE INFORMAL DOCUMENTS

THAT ARE NOT READILY AVAILABLE. THE WORLD BANK DOES NOT GUARANTEE THE ACCURACY OF THE DATA INCLUDED IN THIS

PUBLICATION AND ACCEPTS NO RESPONSIBILITY FOR ANY CONSEQUENCES OF ITS USE.

PACIFIC ISLANDS

STAKEHOLDER PARTICIPATION IN DEVELOPMENT:

TONGA

February 1998

A Report for the World Bank

Prepared by: Kerry E. James

Funded by the Government of Australia under the AusAID/VWorld BankPacific Facility

The views, interpretations and conclusions expressed in this study are the result of researchsupported by the World Bank, but they are entirely those of the author and should not beattributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organisations, or to members of itsBoard of Executive Directors or the countries they represent.

For further copies of the report, please contact:

Mr. David ColbertPapua New Guinea and Pacific IslandsCountry Management UnitEast Asia and Pacific RegionThe World Bank1818 H Street, NWWashington, DC, U.S.A. 20433Fax: (202) 522-3393E-Mail: [email protected]

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CONTENTS

CONTENTS ....................................... 3FoREwoR ....................................... 5GLOSSARY ....................................... 7MAP ...................................... 9INTRODUCTION ...................................... 11

Socio-political Domains ...... 1.................................... 1

Socio-economic Status .......................................... 12

Traditional Enterprise .......................................... 13

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ...................................... 15Land and People .......................................... 15

THE TRADITIONAL DOMAIN ...................................... 17The Family .......................................... 17

Local Freedoms .......................................... 18

Nobles .......................................... 19

Churches .......................................... 19

Church Education .......................................... 19

Church Adherents .................................................... 19

Church Organisation and Activities .......................................... 20

Attitudes to the Church .......................................... 20

Local Government .......................................... 21

Entrepreneurship in the Traditional Domain .............. ............................ 21

Livelihood and Prosperity in the Traditional Domain .......................................... 21

Migration and Remittances .......................................... 21

Land .......................................... 22

Agricultural Production .......................................... 23

Community Leadership .......................................... 23

Leading Ideas in the Traditional Domain .......................................... 24

Summary Points of the Traditional Domain .............. ............................ 25

THE PUBLIC DOMAIN ...................................... 27The Structure of Government .......................................... 27

The Nobility .......................................... 28

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The Government Administration ..................................................... 29

The Prodemocracy Movement ..................................................... 29

Statutory Boards ..................................................... 31

Labour ..................................................... 31

Women's Affairs Unit/Centre for Women and Development, PMO ............. .............. 31

Summary Points of the Public Domain ................... .................................. 32

THE PRIVATE SECTOR DOMAIN ............................................... 35Primary Production ..................................................... 35

Secondary Production Activity ..................................................... 35

Tertiary Business Activities ..................................................... 36

Emergence of a New Kind of Business Person ..................................... 36

Small Business Associations ..................................... 37

NGOs ..................................... 37

Summary Points of the Private Sector Domain ..................................... 38

SOCiO-ECONOMIC GROUPINGS ................................. 39Topic Areas ..................................... 39

Gender ..................................... 39

Decision-Making and Participation ..................................... 43

Resource Allocation ..................................... 45

Education ..................................... 45

Health ..................................... 46

Social Welfare Services ..................................... 48

Land ..................................... 49

Agriculture ..................................... 50

Forestry ..................................... 51

Fisheries ................... 52

External Agencies ................... 53

REFERENCES ................. 55

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FoRuBwoRDiAs in all societies, prospects for economic and social development for Pacific Island economiesare conditioned by the country's social fabric, cultural heritage and traditions, all of which exerta powerful influence over the pattern and prospects for development. Recognising this, whenproviding analytical advice and support for policy makers in Pacific economies the World Bankis obligated to move beyond a perspective that focuses merely on economic factors to one thatincorporates each society's social and cultural dynamic and which acknowledges the influencethese aspects play in social change and economic decision-making.

The series of Stakeholders studies was initiated in 1996 in order to provide a basis for this broaderapproach and, over the ensuing twelve months, reports have been prepared for Fiji, Vanuatu,Solomon Islands, Samoa, Tonga and Kiribati. For each country the formn of the study has varied,reflecting differences in the social and organizational characteristics of each culture. In some, therole of traditional or customary organizations is stronger and more pronounced; in others, formalcommunity structures and organizations may be less defined or play a different role in var-iousparts of the country and in relation to different spheres of social life. The linkages betweentraditional and introduced structures of power are also different in each country: in some, theboundaries may overlap quite clearly; in others, the functions of the government, the role of thechurch and the strength of traditions, for example, may continue to be quite distinct.

We also wanted to consider in more detail the social patterns as well as the political dimensionsat work in influencing social change and to understand better how Pacific Island societies function.Who are the important players in a community or society and how do they interact formally andinformnally? What are the structures that define their roles and how do they manage the interfacebetween the needs of the in-group and those of the wider society? How do different social groupsdefine their values and set their priorities and to what degree does the articulation of traditionalor customary values influence decisions about economic development and the distribution of thebenefits of development? These are some of the questions we wanted to explore.

Each country study has been prepared by a consultant who has extensive familiarity with andknowledge of the social and political dimensions of that country and who could readily provideinformation about the culture and analysis of the issues surrounding key aspects of the society,such as leadership, decision-making and community perceptions of government and development.The studies have provided timely and valuable input into the economic and sector analysesundertaken as part of the World Bank's program in the Pacific during 1996 and 1997. I hope theywill continue to be critical in informing such work in future years.

Klaus RohlandCountry Director, Pacific Islands

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GLOSSARY

'api: an allotment of land

'eiki: chief

'eiki 'si'i: small or insignificant chief

faikava: informal kava drinking

famili: kindred or family

fono: a formal meeting convened by a social superior or agent

kainga: extended family or kindred

misinale: free-gifting church ceremony

tu'a: low status person or commoner

'ulumotu'a: the head of an extended family

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INTRODUCTION

This paper seeks to explain the general region, and which gives a distinctive cast tocharacteristics of Pacific island countries social their social and political organisation.patterns and cultural tradition as they are We have sought to draw attention to these

mafested mn the Kingdom of Tonga, and tomanifeste In ingdomIofTogado distinctive features by organising theoutline the ways in which they affect the course discussion around three very general (andof Tonga's national development. It appears somewhat idiosyncratic) concepts (1) Socio-as a companion to the Discussion Paper on political Domains, (2) Socio-economic StatusSamoa (No. 3) in this series. The two paperswere prepared using a common conceptual Groupings, and (3) Traditional Enterprise.'

framework, and readers interested in the SOCIO-POLITICAL DOMAINScontrasts between the two countries may wishto read both papers. In most contemporary Pacific Island countries,

the people see the institutions, organisationsThe rmnrfhitocand activities which make up their societies as

with the conceptual framework, is common to falling into three broad categories:both papers. government, business and the professions, and

* * * "traditional".

A salient feature of the island countries of the These divisions correspond only very roughlyPacific is the large part which culture and with those that conventional economictradition play in national life. In this they are analyses make between public, private andquite distinct from, for example, Mauritius and traditional sectors. In calling them "domains"the Caribbean countries, with which they are rather than "sectors" we draw attention to thesometimes superficially compared. In fact that, in local terms, they connote more thanMauritius and the Caribbean the indigenous macro-economic categories. They are seen ascultures were effectively wiped out. In the distinct "ways of life", each with its ownPacific they were not. Although modified by characteristic norms, values, and culture.historical and colonial experience, they have In some respects they may be regarded asbeen carried through to the present, retaining distinct ideologies, particularly since theycontrol over significant national resources and overlap and conflict one with another in manyexerting profound influences on national concrete social and political contexts.policies. Ambiguities of this kind are very characteristic

Within the Pacific, Tonga and Samoa stand out of both Tonga and Samoa (as well as Fiji)as two of the countries which were nations long where traditional ideas of rank permeatebefore they became states - a feature which notions of political authority. Many of the samedistinguishes them from Papua New Guinea ambiguities are present in other Pacific islandand other countries of the western Pacific countries - and to some degree in all small-

scale societies.


I:

We have not, however, labeled them as"ideologies" to avoid the possibility of thembeing regarded as "mere ideologies" anddismissed on those grounds. In Tonga and Political

Samoa, each "domain" has a powerful andsignificant material base as well as its set of r vamorally persuasive grounding ideas. Administrative

These socio-political domains are representedin Figure 1 which draws particular attentionto the ways in which the domains arearticulated one with another. The connectionsbetween the domains are of prime importance, Traditional

since it is these that give each country itsdistinctive socio-politicai profile.2

different sectors/domains have existed forFor example, in a country where traditional generations, having been laid one over thestatuses, such as "chief," are gained by other in the form of a palimpsest, eachachievement, wealth acquired from business influencing what was there before and, in turn,or professional activities may be readily acquiring a particular coloration of its ownrewarded by a traditional "chiefship" and, from from what preceded.there, converted into national political office.By contrast, in a country where the "chiefs" Matters are thus historical and contingent. This,are strictly hereditary and occupy the highest however, is in the very nature of the social,national political offices, both the political and cultural facts which shape theadministrative domain and business and course of economic development.professional activities may be shaped to a ,different pattern. The three domains are present Soci ECONOMIC STATUSin both countries, but they are articulated in Cross-cutting the domains there are welldifferent ways. Such differences can have a recognised socio-economic status groupings.profound influence on the course of national Again there are differences between Tonga andeconomic development. Samoa, but the general structure is the same

This may seem to be obvious enough, yet it in both, with four levels.* Those who derive their livelihoods in thedoes contradict the commonly-expressed main from land resources held according

about the necessity of a "transition from a to customary tenure, remittances,subsistence to a "dynamic monetary ceremonial distributions and perhaps

economy". In Pacific societies such as Tonga casual wage employment.and Samoa it is not a matter of a "modern"sector (which many would take to be the public * Manual wage-labourers and those inand private sectors) opposed to an atavistic, unskilled or semi-skilled employment,unchanging traditional sector which is seen as mainly in the towns.creating barriers to modernisation and * A group distinguished by their high leveldevelopment. In both countries, money and of formal education and employment inpurchased goods have been used in traditional upper mnanagerial and professionalexchanges for a hundred years or so; the positions.

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* A relatively small but influential power traditional rather than commercial ends,elite. but the means employed involve often

large amounts of money and,

The tension between these four status increasingly, economically rationalcalculation in the use of it. Private sector

groupings provides much of the socio-political developmen in the Pacific isand senotdyaiwih"mksthnshapn (o,, development in the Pacific islands iS not

dynamic which "makes things happen" (or, impeded by any "lack of enterprise"indeed, not happen) in the drive for better (ultimately, an argument at thenational amenities and higher standards of psychological level) but by the economicliving. and moral salience of the traditional

domains.TRADITIONAL ENTERPRISE

By "tadtonl nerriewmate 2. Secondly, most traditional enterprises, byBy "traditional enterprise" we mean the their very nature, serve the cause ofactivities and undertakings that are social integration, greatly reducing thecharacteristic of the Traditional Domain, and need for what might otherwise bewhich stand in contrast to those which are considerable outlays for welfare,more generally understood as "private" and policing, and local administration and"public" enterprises. Private enterprise may services. Ceremonials of one sort orbe roughly defined as the following: economic another, even when they are tinged withactivities carried on with the expectation of rivalrous elements, in fact generate much

activitie care on wihtexetaino of the social solidarity which they areprofit by private individuals, acting either as desigedt splay.individual entrepreneurs, or throughpartnerships, associations, joint-stock 3. Thirdly, traditional values, institutions,companies or corporations. By contrast, and modes of action are not simply localtraditional enterprise may be defined as: matters, beyond the purview of centraleconomic activities undertaken in support of government institutions. They are therethe material well-being, reputation and social in the constitutions and at the heart ofstanding of extended families, churches, national political life in both Tonga and

illages and 'chiefs'. Samoa. Thus, recommendations forsome courses of economic development

Such activities are well-known throughout the may be not only difficult to implement;Pacific, although they are commonly they may be impossible. Examples ofportrayed in negative terms and dismissed as this are given both in this paper and theobstacles to economic development and companion paper on Samoa.rational use of resources.

Be that as it may, such wholly negative viewsobscure several points which are important inthe overall development process in Pacificisland countries:

1. In the first place, this perspectiveoverlooks the resources of initiative,drive and organisational capacity whichare manifest in many traditionalenterprises. The enterprise may serve

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NOTES

The notion of "traditional enterprise" (as adeliberate contrast to that of "private enterprise")was developed byAntony Hooper andKerry Jamesin a study of aid for private sector development inWestern Samoa and Tonga for the DevelopmentCooperation Division of the New Zealand Ministryof Foreign Affairs and Trade. A much fuller accountof traditional enterprise is given in that study, tobe published by the Ministry.

2 An earlier and somewhatfuller exposition of theseideas is given in Hooper 1993.


14

HISTORICAL OVERVIEWThe early nineteenth century saw permanent commoners still feel constrained before theirEuropean contact in Tonga with the social superiors. The ideal of respect andestablishment of commercial ventures and deference to superiors in the family, church,Christianity. The Wesleyan mission, begun in and state has become an integral part of modemthe 1820s at a time of marked conflict, Tongan identity.supported the faction head whose descendant The society is strongly centralised andrules today as King T-aufa'iihau Tupou IV. In hierarchical. The monarch and nobles represent1875, the dynasty's originator, Tupou '1' the apex of society and the commoners its base,proclaimed a written constitution, and declaredIprocalmeawrltencnsttutlnSandeclred a structure that is reflected in government.Tonga an independent monarchy. These events Education, of fices in government and church,set Tonga on a historical course quite different .and oth limited commeri opportni

and the I'm'ted commercial opportunitiesfrom that of its neighbours.I available have enabled many commoners toTonga was never formally colonised, although acquire prestige and power, although sucha British protectorate imposed limited powers influence as they possess rarely affects mattersover financial and foreign affairs from 1900 of state.to 1970. The 1875 Constitution allowed no The measures outlined in the 1875such dualities in land matters such as occurred Constitution, however, provided the basis forin neighbouring Samoa and Fiji: no land was individual rights and a cultural integrity whichalienated to outsiders, and all customary rights today distinguishes modem Tonga from manywere superseded. Under the new laws, chiefs of its Pacific neighbours. Tonga's record ofhad no right to exact services and goods from ne icursy in econ of9 ~~~~~~~~~development, particularly in education andlower-ranking commoner subjects. other social services, has been a proud one.

Instead, the king selected 20 chiefly titles to As it enters the next century, the choices thatbecome the basis of a new nobility. Eventually, lie before its leaders, therefore, are weighty33 titles were ennobled. Each title was granted and profound.an estate comprising parcels of land throughoutthe kingdom. Legal succession to all noble LAND AND PEOPLEtitles and the Crown passed by male Tonga currently has almost 97,500 residents.primogeniture. Ultimately, the Crown owned Perhaps as many more Tongans again now liveall land, which was divided into royal, noble, overseas.' The wave of emigration in searchand government estates. Adult males became of overseas opportunities and experienceeligible for a small-holding and a house site, swelled in the late 1960s and early 1970s, asalso hereditable in the male line once registered did the Tongan population. The remittance offrom the land held in these estates. goods and money to the relatives of migrants

The legal provisions concerning land have not at home has had an indelible effect.been perfectly implemented nor, for social and Remittances have raised standards of living incultural reasons, have all individual freedoms most Tongan villages and enabled many peoplebeen claimed by commoners. Many to develop themselves, in the sense of

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promoting the prosperity of families and central administrative offices, the majorhouseholds and broadening their horizons. churches, schools, training institutions,

medical facilities, and urban amenities. As aTongan society can no longer usefully be reutoinralmgto,Getrregarded as bounded by the state alone. Over resualtofa andenea pe-rban vilagesthe last forty years, the Tongan diaspora has Nuku'alofaandnearbyperi-urbanvillagesnowdispersed members of the Tongan nation contain over 45,000 people, a third of the total

throughout a number of Pacific Rim countries population.and elsewhere. The home population is Vava'u, the main northern group, has fewergeographically extremely mobile as people go than 16,000 people, 16.2 percent of the totaloverseas for education and training or to pay population, on its 180 km2 of fertile volcanicextended visits to their relatives, the majority land. The Niuas, the far-flung northern outliers,of whom maintain some sort of tie with people have 2.1 percent of the total population. Onlyin the homeland. 8,148 people, less than 9 percent of the total,

Within Tonga, the population is concentrated live in Ha'apai, the middle island group.in the main southern group, which comprises Composed mostly of small atolls, it has 119

in~~~ th ansuhengop hihcmne m2 of land, and is the smallest of the threethe largest island, Tongatapu, and a nearby v ma island rou s the 150lisl in thesmall island, 'Eua. These islands have only 52 grthpercent of Tonga's total 471 km2 of arable land Tongan archipelago, 36 are inhabited. Manybut carry 73 percent of its population. of the uninhabited islands are used forTongatapu, at 260 kM2, represents less than 40 horticulture, gathering fruits, fishing, grazingpercent of the country's total land area, (669 livestock and the like.km2), but currently supports 68.3 percent of NOTESthe population. The number of residents onTongatapu increased by 4.4 percent in the A figure calculatedfor migrant communities and

intercensal period between 1986 and 1996. ethnic Tongans living overseas by George Marcus(1993:27).

The capital Nuku'alofa is the seat ofgovernment and within its boundaries has the


16

THE TRADITIONAL DOMAIN

Approximately 60 percent to 70 percent of the mutual obligations to one another. Familiespopulation live in villages. Perhaps as many conduct elaborate ceremonies for weddings,as 80 percent, however, who have access to funerals, and birthdays. State ceremonialsland through relatives or by other means, use involve huge numbers of people to honourits products to improve their material well- events such as the King's birthday and otherbeing. As noted in the Introduction, the regal anniversaries. Throughout the canonicaltraditional domain is not synonymous with a year, the churches hold feasts for individualrural, "semi-subsistence" or village sector. ministers, children's day, conferences, and onRather, the traditions of Tonga are written into numerous other occasions.its Constitution. Their continued significancecan be seen in the structure of government, the THE FAMILYemphasis placed on family, church, and state Tongans identify primarily with a kindred,ceremonial, and the respect manifested famili or kainga, which is ego-centered,towards social supeniors. bilateral, and wide-ranging. The range of kinThe structure of government is centralised and recognised as "family" has become narrowermonolithic. The church bureaucracies tend to over time indicated by the Tonganised Englishfollow the same pattern as the political system, term, famili. The ideology of fetokoni'aki,of adherents grouped about a small set of "caring and sharing," giving love and help toleaders. So too, many government departments others, primarily those in the kindred, mayare centred around a director or cabinet mask the intense competition which existsminister. In short, the principles upholding the between families and also between smallercivic, church, and household orders are so nuclear and household units within an extendedsimilar that they buttress one another. family.

Family members ideally acknowledge the Nowadays, most people live in nuclear familiesauthority of older people and, especially, of or in households that have attached to themthe father who is the head of the household. one or two unmarried relatives. The averageMigration has empirically altered this situation size of the Tongan household is 6.4 persons.for many families, but the ideology of respect This is smaller than the average Samoanfor people in authority remains. Each time a household, and reflects the greater degree ofperson unquestioningly defers to the head of individuation of families in Tonga.the household, he or she is in fact confirming At the local level, the most significant unit isthe same principle on which the authority of the household, or a number of closely-relatedthe monarchy, the nobles, church and other households. The daily exchanges of food andcivic leaders depends.' work between them are particularly noticeableRespect involves not mere feelings but if the households are in the same village.generous gifts of time, labor, and goods. Modern transport and communications,Ceremonies confirm people's relationships and however, now enable related households

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located some distance apart to cooperate Western education is gradually inculcating inclosely in economic and other ways. younger people a greater sense of personal

The extended family, l-ainga, is important on wants and needs. For the most part, however,Thcexemnded fccamily, kseingais important on the personal desires of people brought up inceremonial occasions, especially funerals, Tonga remain subjugated to the needs of themarriages and birthdays, when particular famil or k_inga. Personal achievements arecategories of kin have specific tasks to carry fory gr famga. brinal proserity andout. It is not as institutionalised an entity as in "for the family", to bring it prosperity andSoa.Itis and lacs insithqutivalsednentofthe asain prestige, just as personal failures "shame theSamoa, and lacks the equivalent of the matai faiy,neauain,fiswot nrltoas its representative, formal, authority figure. family in evaluations of its worth in reltiIn Tonga, an extended family head, the to others'ulumotu'a, may have considerable informal Tongans are strongly individualist but a strongauthority but his position is nowadays sense of "bourgeois individualism," or afrequently undermined in material and Western-style class system, is not stronglypractical terms by younger members who have marked among them. The prerequisites, whichrnodern skills and greater financial resources. include an awareness of self-interest as well

The inheritance of land by the eldest son has as structures based on common interests otherreinforced the material bases of status than kin ties, are beginning to develop,differentials within family structures. The cash- however, especially among people who have

cpt spent considerable time overseas, especiallycrop orientation of the economy and the duigterfmaveyrsincreasing availability of consumer items during their formative yearsencourage individual acquisition and a LOCAL FREEDOMS

different lifestyle. In some cases, thisundermnines the social welfare function of the At the local level, there are few formalextended family and the authority of its senior structures intermediate between central andmembers. Sons rarely usurp the authority of local authority, between national institutionstheir father, however; indeed, it is said that "a and family networks. In Tonga, kinship mayson is nobody while his father is still alive". connect two or more households within aHe is more likely to make a place for himself village, but the village as a whole is notin another sphere rather than challenge his organised around kinship as it is in Samoa.father's authority. Thus, Tongan villages are not the "independent

principalities" ruled over by matai describedIdeally, older people should take precedence foSaa.nTng,vlgearpimiyover younger members of the same generation. fo Saoa In Toga vilgsae. rmnl

administrative units. It is families or activeSisters are accorded social precedence over segments of families which are the effective,their brothers, although brothers ideally have informal economic units.authority over their sisters. The father's seniorsister is held to have particularly strong moral The village has achieved importance in Tongasuasion over her brother and his children. The because it is the locus of modern amenities andloving cooperation between brother and sister household activities. Some village householdsis the ideal. It is considered essential to the may be linked by kinship but may be relatedwell-being of the family and, frequently, equally to households in other villages. Someproves the mainstay of the success (or failure) villages remain closely associated with a noble.of both traditional enterprises and private They retain a measure of cohesion as his peoplesector enterprises. because they are called upon to act as a

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corporate group on behalf of the title in maj'or Church Educationceremonies such as the title's installation, a The churches are responsible for most of thewedding, or afuneral in his family. Generally, secondary school education and post-however, commoners' loyalties are to their secondary vocational and technical trainingfamily rather than a village, in Tonga. This is discussed in some detail in

the section on education towards the end ofNOBLES the report.

Many, but not all, titled men and their familiesare held in high affection and esteem. If they Church Adherentslive on their estates near their people they may The 1986 census recorded that 93,049 of aact as role models, guides, and mentors for population of over 96,000 people claimedtheir people and thus provide local leadership. adenctoahuh.Or40pcntfteOthers rarely visit their estates, preferring to adenctoahuh.Or40pcntftemix with their peers or business partners in population reported at least nominal

Nuk'alfa ner o te entrsof power and membership of the Free Wesleyan ChurchNukueitalofhappenear To hey c renters hihl (FWC), although its number has decreased in

respected for themselves, although their titles rcn er.Bcueo t al itr nstil coman a geatdea offorml dfernce association with the originator of the present

stil repcmadagettelo.oma eeec reigning Tupou dynasty, the Free Wesleyan isregarded as the "state" church and subject to

Among the other factors which increasingly the King's approval; its president usuallydistance some nobles from their people are becomes the Royal Chaplain.overseas education and generational Ovrte10osoyasfisopain,tdifferences. Mostly, however, it is a simple lack Overthen170eorseveyearsrofkitsyoperatin, tsof concern and a lack of contact with their that have resulted in the Free Church of Tongapeople that alienates them. Both rural and (which has presently 10,500 adherents but isurban educated people are beginning seriously decreasing in number), the Church of Tongato question the relevance of the role of the (which has 7,000 adherents and is alsonobility in modem life, decreasing), and the Tokaikolo Fellowship

CHURCHES (which has currently 3,000 adherents).

Since the successful establishment of missions The first Roman Catholic missionaries werein the early 19th century, the Christian church associated in the 19th century with the presenthas played a significant role in Tongan life, royal dynasty's main rival, the Tu'i TongaThe churches have become a vital part of faction, and so were based with its main bodydeeply-held and valued Tongan traditions. The of followers on Tongatapu's eastern seashore.early association with the spiritual potency of The initial antipathy between Protestants andthe Europeans' God, perceived as superior to Catholics has since dissipated. The Catholictheir own deities, meant that churchmen were church has now almost 15,000 adherents andrevered and treated almost like nobles. is increasing in numbers. Both it and the FreeMinisters of the church are held still in almost Wesleyan Church play significantuniversal high regard, especially in rural developmental roles through their educationvillages, and rural programmes.

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The membership of the Church of the Latter- expressions of generosity at any event. Theday Saints has increased steadily to a present Free Wesleyan and other Wesleyan churchesattendance of over 11,000. The popularity of do encourage gifts, especially in an annualthis church is sustained by the excellent free-gifting ceremony known as the misinale.equipment and low cost of its numerous For over a century, this custom has been aschools and colleges in Tonga, and its promise feature of Tongan life. The amount of moneyalso of a possible avenue to the US, particularly donated by each family is announced publiclyby way of Brigham Young University in in church, which can be a powerful tool in theHawaii. The church's injunctions against competition between families for status.adultery, drinking, and smoking, activities that In 1995, the Free Wesleyan Church raised overall cause financial and other problems in T$3 million in the misinale. In addition,

Tong an families, are also increasingly members of its congregation pay school fees,attractive to many people.

provide food for boarding school students, andThe Seventh-day Adventists have over 2,000 also food and donations of money, goods andmembers. There are several fundamentalist labor for the construction of churches and halls,churches, which have a total of about 2,000 one of which - a hall built in 1995, in Neiafu,adherents, but their influence is hardly felt Vava'u, at the FWC secondary school -outside Nuku'alofa. reputedly cost over T$700,000. Local people

fed the workers and held concerts and kavaChurch Organisation and Activities parties to raise money for the construction.

The churches are powerful and pervasive Every three years, the FWC holds a nationalpillage in Tonga. People conference which runs for a week and, bypresences in every villg inTnaepe conservative estimates, costs about T$ 100,000

honor church dignitaries as they wouldtraditionally their nobles and king - with gifts to stage. It is supported, and the ministers fed

daily, by the people of the locality in which itof money, food, decorated bark cloth, and fine ilyemats. Kava ceremonies are frequently held IS held.before church services and ministers are AttitudestotheChurchregularly feasted on Sundays as a way ofthanking them for their sermons, and for their Tongans are pious. They heed the wishes ofattendance and prayers at birthday, wedding, the church ministers and give generously toand funeral ceremonies without which the the church because it is traditional and theoccasions would not be complete. "right thing to do" - it is Tongan. Among

Extensive church activities through the week uneducated people, remnants of olderinclude choir practice, bible studies, kava superstitions persist in the belief that gifts ofgatherpngs, and women's discussion groups money to God ensure a return gift ofgundatheing andga womens dscusgion overtou prosperity: "the more you give, the more youSundays in Tonga are usually given over to wil bebesd,ean,applrble.O

-wlll~'I be blessed" rema'ns a popular belief. Onregular worship, large amounts of good food, th Iandslep. t i ilega towor, rn, wim or the other hand, defiance of church authorityand sleep. It IS illegal to work, run, swim, or bekn,a otn n amt n' aiy

make an unnecessarily loud noise on the beckons bad fortune and harm to one's family.Sabbath. A small study has shown that poorer Tongans

The Roman Catholics do not encourage display give proportionally more and, in some cases,and gifts, but their congregations delight in more in absolute terms to the church than do

most better-off people. Educated people

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seeking to send their children overseas for considerable freedom to run their own affairs.education, saving for a house, or starting a Many lack the opportunities to take practicalbusiness, will give also, out of duty and love affairs such as business ventures very far,for the church, but they tend to limit their gifts however, unless it is overseas. At the local levelto a set amount. Others beggar themselves to in Tonga, social and cultural mores andmake a good showing at the misinale. The traditions remain effective forms of socialincreasing, emphasis on property and money control.by some ministers within the Free Wesleyan Thus, many people manage a traditionalChurch, however, is turnig away better- enterprise involving several different kinds ofeducated people who criticise some of the small-scale commercial activities - such as aleading ministers for their lack of pastoral care. local taxi service, seamstressing, baking,

LOCAL GOVERNMENT making sweets, running a small shop,manufacturing boats, fishing gear, or craftware,

District Officers and Town Officers are elected and selling fish and agricultural produce -for three-year terms by their constituents. In without either the aim or the human resourcesfact, they usually remain in office for much to develop any one of these activities into alonger, the office often passing de facto from private enterprise, such as that which isfather to son. They report to the Prime assumed by aid donors and economists to beMinister's Office or, in the outer island groups, the goal of development.Ha'apai and Vava'u, to the Governor's Office.They have limited authority delegated by the LIVELIHOOD A-ND PROSPERITYcentral government, and act mostly as IN THE TRADITIONAL DOMAINspokesmen for the government. Their actual A family's livelihood may be gained by anypower in the local community in which they one or a number of ways. Its success andhold office tends to vary according to theirpsersonal standing. This, in turn, rests on their prseiy hoee,i.eosrtdmspersonal bearing, achievements, and family visibly in the amounts of money and goods itpersouna b contributes to ceremonial exchanges, and in

background. the number and range of family members oneDistrict Officers and Town Officers are can call upon for support and help on such aninvariably men. Cultural and social attitudes occasion.tend to inhibit women from standing for The involvement of a large number of kinelection to local government offices. Public reflects the prior fulfillment of obligations toauthority is still regarded by most people as them that ensures their loyalty. Success isthe exclusive province of men. Women have shown also by the amount of money donatedhad the vote since 1952 and there is no legal to the church and other institutions, and alsobarrier to their election to local government by the educational and other achievements ofoffice but, to date, none have stood in LG family members.elections.

ENTREPRN EU RSHIP Migration and Remittances

IN THE TRADITIONAL DOMAIN The level of support to the churches as well as

The individualised land tenure system and improvementsinhousingandlivingconditionsother rights give Tongan commoners for the majority of the population are due

mostly to remittances of money and goods sent

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home to family members by migrant workers. parents who may be wholly supported by theirToday, the majority of families have one or overseas children. Rather, gifts are sentmore close relatives living overseas. Despite sporadically, and are distributed unevenly overpredictions made by some commentators, the the population as a whole. They benefit someflow of remittances continues to increase, families considerably, and other families notalthough in recent years the proportion of cash at all. For some, it is the only way in which toremitted appears to have fallen in relation to acquire sufficient cash to educate and clothethe value of goods sent. children. In addition, remittances are

In 1989, a flea-market with an estimated yearly increasingly used for capital investments andturnover of T$3 million, sprang up in savings in Tonga. Migration and remittanceNuku'alofa in response to container loads of represent a large part of Tongans' efforts togoods sent from migrants overseas to relatives develop themselves.as "personal effects". At the request of retailers, LandGovernment tightened customs regulations andraised duties on used "personal effects". The Land Act of 1882 provided eligibility forNevertheless, in 1996, between 100 and 150 commoner males 16 years and over to applystalls were still in regular weekly operation. for a grant of up to 8.25 acres of garden land

In the 1991/2 financial year, an estimated from either royal, govenment or noble estates,T$36,850,800 flowed into Tonga in the form and a small house site in the government-heldof unrequited transfers or remittances. An village or "town areas". Once registered withadditional T$12,720,300 entered in the form the Ministry of Lands and Surveys, theof official transfers. Several migrants have permanent hereditary usufruct of the land

remains with the holders and their direct malereturned, set up businesses, and built imposing heraloasenisidtteetteodrhouses with their overseas earmings. In 1993/ g4, remittances were estimated at T$51 million. and taxes to the government.Many migrants send their children back to Legislation enacted in the late 1970s and earlyTonga to be brought up and educated. A 1980s enabled hereditary land holders to leasesignificant amount of the money sent is part or all of their registered holdings. Thesebelieved to follow the children for-their amendments to the 1882Acthave freed accesssupport, and as a form of thanks to people to land - for those who have the money to paylooking after them. the land holder for the privilege of leasing his

The massive contraflow of root crops, kava, land.food delicacies, decorated barkcloth and Women were rather poorly served in the matterwoven mats, which passes from the islands to of hereditary land rights because it wasthe migrant relatives, has not received the assumed that men in their roles as husbands,analytical attention it warrants. As unrecorded brothers, and fathers, would provide for them.and infornal trade exports, it has a monetary Unmarried women and widows had a lifevalue which has been estimated at millions of interest only in land holdings except in the raredollars each year.2 instance of there being no male heir.

Ryprovide a regular income Amendments in 1928 enabled women to leaseforpemittaces rroel land from estate holders, as men have alwaysfor people or provide for all their subsistence benaltoathuhmshveacdte

nees, xcet, erhps,in he aseof ldely been able to, although most have lacked theneeds, except, perhaps, in the case Of elderly inestomnytods.interest or money to do so.

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Nowadays, groups of women associate and add to an increasingly alienated andinformally to raise capital or get bank loans to disaffected section of the population.fund the production of craftware, particularly Many salaried workers, primarily in the civilbark cloth and fine mats, for their own use, orfor exchange and sale at home or overseas. The proinent fus within en ed amlpresentation of such gifts cements the social ntorks. Ailare p othir ratinae forbonds upon which the majority of Tongans rely pdtionks to prov the manswerebyin the absence of other forms of social security. theyucan il the miand socialWomen also increasingly engage directly in they can fulfil thesr numerous famnly and socoal

agriultual rodutionbecuse e'n ave obligations - for feasts and presentations ofgifts at national, church, and family ceremonial

emigrated or because of economic necessity. occasions. To fulfill labour needs, they usually

Land may thus be basic to traditional engagekinwhomtheyrewardincashorkind,enterprises and commercially-viable private although they may also employ labour on asector ventures, illustrating the point that the more impersonal contract basis.lines between the informal and formal Generally, such salaried workers do noteconomy and between the public, private cultivate in a big way or in an especiallysector, and traditional domains in Tonga are profitable commercial fashion. Theirneither as clear cut or as firm as economists in cultivation ventures offset the costs ofmore developed economics mighttassume.e. maintaining their obligations to kin while, at

Agricultural production the same time, make use of the labour of thosekin who have made or are likely to make calls

The largest category of producers is that of upon their resources. The concern with thesmall petty commodity producers, who maintenance of social obligations, however,produce from their own or borrowed land, does not totally obliterate the concern with anusing the unpaid labour of family members. economic profit, but rather encourages it.Nowadays, more such producers and producersof cash crops are entering the realm of COMMUNITY LEADERSHIPimpersonal contract relations by paying non- Most members of the nobility and the formerfamily members for labour. chiefly families live away from their villages

A socio-economic division is widening of origin. Local Government officers may notbetween men who have been able to obtain in all cases be readily accepted as local leaders.land through inheritance or leasehold and an As a result, many rural people lack effectiveincreasing number who are landless. Some leadership, apart from senior family membersmen are able to gain access to a portion of and church functionaries.friends' or relatives' land for subsistence but The heirs of chiefly families who were notrarely for commercial purposes. ennobled are known as 'eiki si'i (small or

The landless manual labourers generally eke insignificant local chiefs). Their titles andout a living as casual workers, part of the urban families may be respected locally especiallyproletariat, or as unpaid helpers of richer if, as is frequently the case, the descendantsrelatives. They help to swell the number of have distinguished themselves by their modernunderemployed men in rural areas and villages achievements. The "elders" (motu'a) are

referred to as "keepers of the land" (tauhi


23

fonua), or men of skill and power (ivilahi) Most commoners may still feel that their placerather than as aristocrats or chiefs ('elki). They is to obey and work rather than initiate or lead.may exert informal traditional authority within Even villagers who exercise considerablea village but have no legally sanctioned degrees of organisational ability are careful toauthority over its people. They have no disavow leadership and defer to a person ofcorporate identity or importance as a category rank who might be in a purely nominal positionin national affairs. of leadership in the organisation. The

In the absence of effective formal local sentiments commonly expressed by extremelynltheadersence Tongans effetinreai forma lable commoners are apt to be, "I am only

leadership, Tongans increasingly look for helping," or "I am here only to serve".guidance in their behaviour to relatives whoare highly educated and/or have lived overseas. The issue of community leadership is thus aThe mood is not one of regret for passing social vexed one. People prefer a member of the royalmores but how best to strike a practical family, a person of noble family, or othercompromise between propriety, etiquette, and highly-ranked person to fill the highest officescommon sense in the fulfilment of personal in all kinds of organisations. Such a culturaland family obligations. Role models for the preference does not always foster themass of commoners are provided increasingly appropriate cognitive, administrative, andby leading educationalists, school teachers, and political skills in people of lesser social positionuniversity lecturers, the popular People's or prepare them adequately to assumeRepresentatives in Parliament, church people, leadership roles in the future.and successful business people.

LEADING IDEAS IN THE TRADITIONALBecause of the deference still accorded rank DOMAIN

D OMAI Nand title in Tongan society, however, the newerkinds of leaders frequently lack legitimacy in The traditional domain is built on notions ofthe eyes of the people. Their assumption of hierarchy. An ideal set of relationships extendsauthority and leadership roles is accordingly into every area of Tongan life. It involvestentative and ambiguous, fraught with social obligations to the heads of households andcontradictions and tempered by the social extended families, ministers of religion, nobles,tension surrounding commoners who "get government leaders, the monarch, and,above themselves" (fie'eiki). ultimately, God. Respect is shown by gifts of

labour and goods.Ordinary village people are generally reluctantto approach an official or other persons in Thus, the traditional domain entails obligationsauthority whom they do not know. If required to people who are of higher social status ('eiki)to have dealings with the bureaucracy, they and, equally, the expectation of goods andtend to look for relatives or friends in positions services from those who are lower (tu'a). Noof authority to act as middlemen for them. They Tongan has precisely the same status as anyseek to personalize most interactions because other: each is superior to some and,they wish to know the correct way to behave simultaneously, inferior to others. Thesein the particular social context. Patron-client distinctions are not as universally observed asties between rich and poor relatives, officials formerly but are meticulously observed onand supplicants, supply the more significant ceremonial occasions. Tongans belong to onevertical links in Tongan society. another: primarily, to members of their close

families and to the wider, extended, family, the

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24

kainga. These relationships receive widespread privilege, because, "it is correct Tongancommitment. The sanctions against failure to behavior".meet the claims of others is social rather thanlegal and consists of gossip, ostracism, or SUMMARY POINTS OF THEsevere physical chastisement. Government TRADITIONAL DOMAINofficials, villagers, and schoolchildren are allexpected to know the etiquette of behaviour. * The primary distinction between social

superior/social inferior.Relations with foreigners, including aiddonors, may be Tonganized. Requests for aid * Primary personal loyalty to one's family.may be accompanied by formal welcomeceremonies, gifts and feasts, which aid donors * Competition for status between families.have sometimes misinterpreted as "bribes". If * Strong attachment to the church and itsthe aid donors returned to see the completed representatives.projects they have funded, however, theywould be just as generously "thanked". * Significant local influence of church

Despite the great degree of legal freedom ministers.which exists for Tongan commoners below the * Key role of the churches in secondarystate political level, custom and etiquette and post-secondary education.effectively regulate activity in the traditionaldomain. People may escape obligations only * Continuing respect for the rank of nobleif they are rich enough to pay for personal title.substitutes, or can afford to do without the help * Intense loyalty to the King and his socialof other people. Such behaviour is, however, position.regarded as "un-Tongan."

The etiquette of deference and respect for i Little formal leadership at village level.social superiors, however, may mask a deeper * Freedom of personal action.frustration with the constraints that the systementails. This is expressed in the intense * Relative political and economiccompetition for status between individuals and powerlessness among the majority offamilies. Politically, it is expressed in the pro- Tongan people.democracy movement and overwhelmingvotingsupportforthe"radical"populistleader, * Migration and remittance to help'Akilisi Pohiva (see below). improve local living conditions.

The displays of submissiveness associated withdifferences in rank are among the mostenduring characteristics of Tongan life. Theyhave become so thoroughly established as tobe a point of pride in the Tongan character,making them consciously distinctive fromother people. For this reason, people willcontinue to serve even those who abuse the

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25

N OTES

As George Marcus remarked in the 1970s, thestrength of the present system lies less in theupholding of chiefly values by a central authoritythan in their dissemination throughout society sothat each segment of kin and household ideallyreplicates the internal organisation of what wasbelieved to have been the aristocratic kin structure.

2 James 1991, 1993a.

3 The following discussion of producers is takenlargely from Needs (1988).


26

THE PUBLIC DOMAIN

Tonga's successful 19th century resistance to Zealand and Australia respectively. Thesethe imperial ambitions of major cosmopolitan appointments have had the effect of openingpowers was based on a significant self- the judges' decisions to a wider body oftransformation, which assumed the appearance Commonwealth countries' common lawof Western models and confirmed Tonga's practice.ability to handle its own affairs in a modernistway. It should not be assumed, however, that Tonga Is a constitutional monarchy, but It Is

tcmbecame one in which the monarch both reigns andrules. The Constitution can and has been

in any simple way the ruling bodies of Tonga changed, but only through the decision of thetoday. Privy Council, which the King dominates

The 19th century changes were radical and through his appointees. Any changes of policyprofound. The basis and structure of chiefly which might be made by the Crown Princepower were altered. The laws that were (presently Minister of Foreign Affairs andinstituted meant that henceforth the people Defence) when in due course he becomes Kingowed their personal freedoms and land rights are unknown.to the Crown, as did the newly-created nobles Several Cabinet ministers either have nobletheir titles and estates. In the extensive public titles or are heirs to titles. Others havedomain, however, as in many other kinds of aristocratic links and complex connectionsmodern organisations, the ancient template of wiItone ano (Figue2 Noble ora powerful leader-chief surrounded by loyal with one another (Figure 2) Noble orfollowers is still discernible and wields commoner, all cabinet ministers are accorded

coniderable power over the minds of the high status. Upon their appointment, theyreceive the honorific title of address as, "the

people. Honourable," 'eiki minisita. Next to the King

THE STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENT and, perhaps, the Crown Prince, they are quitesimply the most powerful men in the kingdom.

The King appoints for as long as he choosesor for life the twelve Cabinet Ministers and Thehighdegreeofcentralisationofpowerhasthe two Governors (of Ha'apai and Vava'u). the effect of politicising most bureaucraticPrivy Council is formed when the monarch decisions, even quite mundane and routinepresides at the head of the meeting of cabinet ones. Ministers, either singly or in Cabinet,members. This council is the realm's most effectively decide a great many bureaucraticpowerful decision-making body, and forms the matters which, in other countries, would behighest Court of Appeal. The judiciary is decided at a lower level of administration. Thisappointed from overseas. Formerjudges were makes the work of government cumbersome.appointed from the UK but the present Chief Partly as a result, communication andJustice and Puisne Judge are from New cooperation between Ministries may depend


27

Fjule 2.T'nga: The PryCcunc11996-7

, | ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~BajrIll I 1~I~7 Vaea P~i e i,'

Hcn.Fak1nua H D H H M.unl

Go~~~e1mDrE{a a~~~~~~~i HC~.n.T.TU1PWCU DepuIVPheM~mstar_l iofTands Mn.ofJusa. MeofKDuone

Hcn.K.T.Fakafanua H R H .CgnPPmeTut~aM .ofFaeinAfnas, ltHfi.ofFhano arnDetnse Hcn.Dr.G M .Paunga

M -b. ofabIr Cainme eie_ dg ;mS=Sf l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~dites, and TO=

Slblngs %^ae) Ncbe (rib) (rac-t_ _ CbStM}Ms Mn.ofHeaJh

M anido MEmbexrofPiiyCc _ iH.C J.Cod

Chibof Hai NM. Mh.ofW CI

Ciwn C Femae _ Hcn.C.EdwaidsMNa.ofPo2b

_ Hn.Tu iafiu

.G ov=Vava u

on personalities rather than on formal differ greatly in educational qualifications,structures and processes, which can bedevil wealth, rank and power.overall strategic planning. Most nobles of the older generation made little

The government has in addition somewhat attempt to acquire modern education,patriarchal tendencies, rarely asking for advice preferring to rest on the laurels of rank.in making decisions for the people, who have Perceiving the current of change, however, aa minority role. Some ministers make a greater number of their children have acquired tertiaryeffort than others to gather people's opinions education overseas. Educated nobles stillthrough informal means such a kava gatherings remain a minority, although their number isand informal meetings. increasing. More than rank is needed in the

competition among the new elite which isTHE NOBILITY emerging. It is not so much the case, however,

At any one time there are usually fewer than that nobles have lost status as that ablecommoner Tongans have moved up, primarily

33 nobles installed in office. Some titles arethrou h their achievement of educational

left vacant because of the lack of a legitimate gughitir andimoden skills.heir while others have been fused because of qualifications and modem skills.the union of blood lines. Nowadays, nobles


28

THE GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION THE PRODEMOCRACY MOVEMENT (PDM)

Tonga's academically-oriented education The movement arose in the late 1970s and earlysystem has produced to date over 300 people 1 980s as a protest against various forms ofwho hold tertiary qualifications. At least 70 what was considered to be social injustice inTongans hold a PhD, many of whom have the distribution of land and other social andreturned to Tonga or hold important positions economic rewards. The movement gainedin regional organisations. The educated Tongan momentum and formal organisation followingis a recognised presence in the Pacific. public protests against the abuse and misuse

Within the civil service, some tension is of overtime payments and other public moniesdiscernible between members of its upper by government ministers. The PDMechelons, many of whom have reached their campaigned for greater accountability by

' . . . ~~~~~~government in its use of ffinds, and for thesenior positions through long service, and theyounger (under-45s) civil service employees greater representation of commoners inwho have an impressive array of tertiary parliament. The PDM lacks a coherent social

whohav an im resv ara of tetir platform, however, and remains primarily aqualifications. Many of the younger civilservants associate socially with other young moral force aimed at improving the ethics ofeducated people in the private sector, and those in authority.manifest a different lifestyle from that of their The elected representative body is theparents and most of their civil service Legislative Assembly. It comprises 9 Nobles'superiors. Representatives, elected by the 28 or so of their

The talented young become frustrated by the peers, and 9 People's Representatives, who are"glass ceilings" imposed on their career elected by men and women aged 21 years andaspirations by entrenched interests. Civil over, who represent over 97,000 commoners.service appointments nowadays are in fact The Cabinet of 12 members has usually hadmade on merit although there are a few the support of the 9 Nobles' Representativesexceptions. There have been some cases of and can, therefore, outweigh the votes of thefavoritism, meteoric promotions of well- People's Representatives.

connected people, and the like. Civil service The catch-cry of democracy, never properlyemployees lack political organisation, understood by the mass of the people, has losthowever, and are largely powerless in defence a great deal of its force and popular appeal.of their common interest. The movement, led by the "radical" People's

The younger people, especially those trained Representatives, has nevertheless had severaloverseas, would like all vestiges of the beneficialoutcomes.Errantministershavehadtraditional system of patron-client relationships to become more accountable for their publicremoved, and civil service career patterns expenditure. In 1996, the right was granted toinstituted and monitored. They would like to Nobles' and People's Representatives tosee bodies such as a Public Service present Private and Public Bills in the House.Commission and Review Board such as those Previously, only Cabinet Ministers couldthey may have become familiar with in present Bills for consideration by the TonganAustralia and New Zealand. Parliament.

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29

Some of the reforners want the present system impeachment and the increasing use of the law.largely done away with, and the King, Larger numbers of trained lawyers returninghenceforth, to choose his cabinet ministers to practice in Tonga make it more likely thatfrom among 30 -or so generally elected commoners and other Tongans will makeMembers of Parliament. Others see the present greater claim to their rights of citizenshipsystem as acceptable, if appointees would only through rational-legal means.behave properly, because they believe the King Very few govemment "establishment" figureschooses people of undoubted talent. Without and aristocrats support the PDM, evena proper understanding of the issues, the massof people remain vague about the reforms they govermn bureaucrts support edkindeofwant. Most Tongans are extremely sensitiveon the subject of the king's power, and do not reforn, but not necessarily that advocated by

members of the PDM. Businessmen supportwant to see his position or status challenged, temsats o becausesthen stable

the status quo because they need stableThe movement would not have achieved the government and the favour of officials tocoverage and support that it has without the further their financial and business interests.salient issues being widely aired and discussed A large number of people support the mostin an increasing number of independent o . . .newspapers and journals in Tonga. SeveralF W y a o C l h the last election, early in 1996, Pohiva polled

over 9,000 votes in the Tongatapu electorate,leaders were to the forefront of the movement.Others, such as Futa Helu, a leading intellectual mortnoule that of.his nea eral.architect of the prodemocracy movement, have fellow-politiins the genean independent base from which to speak. In feig IdnttikteTnaaupolan independent base from which to speak. In voted for Pohiva because he was labelled as aHelu's case, it is the educational institution, prodemocracy candidate, rather it was because'Atenisi, which he founded, whose ex-students 'Akilisi captured their attention with the workare among the most energetic promoters of the he is doing".movement.

Relatively powerless people admire PohivaThwere bare, hovr, few su rc h ind because he confronts the Government as theypower bases, aarthfo the churches, in might like to but would never dare. To them,Tonga. It has been said that the churches Pohiva is a champion of the underdogs' rights.

Thea politclyt paries in tonea,or uthre. ol one In most cases, they neither understand nor careTonga IS likely to have in the near future. ' The abuthexicnioofdmrcyuthy

Govement howver,hassuchpowe tha it about the exotic notion of democracy but theyGovernment, however, has such power that It unesadttPoiawlcnfnthemtdoes not have to act on complaints or protests. powerflepi th e landonnbeha ofoFor example, it sent no representatives to either people al hi c age owever, ot eventhe Tonga Council of Churches' seminar on clest su courage, however, not even

Land ad Peope in 179 norto the his closest supporters see him as a suitableLand and People in 1979 nor to the naialedrConstitutional Conference in 1994. The national leader.Minister of Police takes quick action against Three of the People's Representatives for thewhat he considers to be treasonable remarks. current three-year term believe that the King

should relinquish his power but remain as aIt is significant, therefore, that the principal fiueadThywnteMnsertobmeans used to check ministerial excess hasbeen through the process of parliamentary appointed from elected Members of


30

Parliament, which could include nobles who mass walk-out by the nurses over decisionswere elected. The other six emphasise that made by the Vaiola Hospital matron, but therepolitical change can be negotiated in the House have been few other large organised protests.if the People's Representatives are sufficiently Professional associations, such as lawyers,capable and can convince the nobles and economists, nurses and teachers associationsgovernment that the laws and Constitution . T

shoud b amndedin inewithproresive exist. They set professional standards andshould be amended in line with progressive support their members, but they do not havesocial and economic trends. Widespread civil the same political role in industrial disputes asstrife is a desperate option, and unlikely to do simi poritic on in othri coutes.

do similar organisations in other countries.occur.

WOMEN'S AFFAIRS UNIT/CENTRE FORSTATUTORY BOARDS WOMEN AND DEVELOPMENT, PMO

Government is a major stakeholder in the In 1993, in response to movements in thestatutory boards, which include the Tonga region rather than widespread pressure fromDevelopment Bank, the Tonga Electric Power inside the country, the Prime Minister's OfficeBoard, the Tonga Water Board, the Tonga (PMO) established a Women's Affairs UnitTelecommunications Commission, the Tonga (WAU). It was to coordinate existing activitiesBroadcasting Commission, the International and to develop a strategic plan of action withDateline Hotel, Royal Tongan Airlines, and regard to women. It has subsequently receivedTonga Investment Limited (formerly, the c

Commodities Board). ~~criticism from outside organisations (such asIJNIFEM, and some aid donors) because of

Government is cautious about further its apparent failure to do either. By the end ofprivatisation. Even if boards and companies 1996, there was no strategic plan set by theare privatised, however, their major executives unit, not even in draft form, and the Neware likely to be the same individuals or people Zealand aid fund for women in developmentof the same type as head them now, because had not been utilized for two years becausethey are the most capable people and leaders the WAU had not been able to produce projectsin modern Tonga. It is not correct to assume that met the NZ criteria.that there is lying neglected in the private sector The Tonga statement for the Beijinga pool of talent which is not being given a Conference on Women stressed as Tonganchance to show its abilities. Most able people women's primary focus, the "family andhave either achieved reasonably prominent culture," rather than women's developmentpositions in public life, or have emigrated. alone, although it also mentioned "economic

LABOUR empowerment for women". Tongan cultureand ideology played a part in the decision to

ILO-inspired Legislation covering conditions switch attention from women to the family.of employment and labour has been instituted First, most men in Tonga have a strongrecently, and will be monitored by the Ministry aversion to any organisation that smacks ofof Labour, Commerce, and Industries. Western feminism. They react against any setGovernment does not allow unions or militant of ideas which is thought to stem from the Westorganised labour activities. Attempts to and which does not find resonance in Tonganorganise a public service association were beliefs.strongly discouraged. The year 1981 saw a

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In addition, Tongan men feel that Tongan the WAU/CFWD. They tend to work closelywomen have already a very strong position. with and push aid funds to the women whoAfter all, men are brought up as inferior in are most like them in Langa Fonua, theprecedence and, in many instances, umbrella NGO women's organisation. Thesubordinate to the will of both their sisters and NGO women are then able to direct funds tofather's sisters. For many, the wife is the first the organisations in which they themselvesfemale over whom they can exert their play a major role. Not all the women appeartoauthority. This fact could in part be responsible share a commitment to aid "the poorest of thefor husbands who prove to be harsh and poor". Members of the Langa Fonuaautocratic heads of families and households. committee which represent over 20As has been remarked upon, it is consonant Government and non-governmentalso with traditional beliefs that men should organisations, similarly vary in theirhave authority as heads of households. This commitment to the development of villageconservative ideology is supported by the womenheads of the WAU.

SUMMARY POINTSThe lack of positive discrimination of women, OF THE PUBLIC DOMAINtherefore, has a distinct cultural logic, butwhich, currently, does not attract aid funds. In * The inner core of Government is the1996 the much-criticised WAU underwent a King and his appointed Cabinetchange of name to "The Centre for Women Ministers, who are bound by complexand Development". It remains unclear exactly personal ties as well as political interest.how the change in name might alter thefunctions. So far, it has done little more than * The traditional structures contribute to arun workshops on the "home improvements" patriarchal attitude on the part ofand "income-generating schemes", which government in all areas of its extensivecharacterise most development activities responsibilities.designed especially for women in Tonga. * Cabinet Ministers have the capacity to

The workshops inculcate the ideology that men dominate decisions made in Parliamentmake all the big decisions in Tonga. They liken and bureaucratic structures, and also on

statutory bodies through their majoritythe woman of the household to the representation on their committees andadministrator and the man to the governor. As boards.the head of the WAU remarked, "That is theTongan way. We are upholding the status of * The decision-making for the many by thethe men even though they do not know it." This few has prompted the prodemocracyis patriarchy at its zenith, when women movement to press for both greaterundermine their contemporary needs in the accountability of Ministers of the Crowninterests of patriarchal tradition. to the people and greater representation

of commoners in Parliament.Rank is more salient than gender in Tongansocial organisation. As a result, "women" is * There are few formal avenues forneither a unitary nor a solidary category. Senior people's opinions to reach Governmentcivil servants, who are also high-ranking

civi . . . °officers, local media, and the debates inwomen and/or married to high-ranking men the Legislative Assembly.in the government, are directly responsible for


32

* Concerned government officials keep intouch through their informal attendanceof men's faikava gatherings in villageswhere they can hear opinions and discussmatters of common interest.

* There is no mechanism internal to thesystem by which the government's handcan be forced.

* Younger, better-educated civil servantsare frustrated by the present system andwould like to see it streamlined to workmore towards career patterns based onmerit.

* The Women's Affairs Unit within thePMO is largely conservative, has notproduced a strategic plan for women, andhas shown no marked commitment to"the poorest of the poor".

- No political organisation of labour isallowed in Tonga.

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THE PRIVATE SECTOR DOMAIN

In Tonga it has been remarked that the private In reality, however, most of them lack thesector tends to be rather public in nature. The knowledge and experience to producestatement reflects the government's successfully "from the seed to the supermarketoverarching power with regard to policies of shelf'.taxation, trade regulation, and the management MAF has in each district agriculturalof spending. The government has a stake in committees which consist of representativelending bodies such as the Tonga Development growers and local leaders, such as the churchBank, and also conducts commercial activities mnse,tenbei ei eiet n oain direct competition with private sector mnse,tenbei ei eiet n oaenterprises in areas as diverse as forestry, government Town and Distn'ct Officers. Thesefisheries, airlines, and tourism, among others committees disseminate informnation from the

(se beow,Topc Aeas. Oe i costatly government research station at Vaini, and(seembelow, Topireoe,tas) One isxconstantl provide advice for farmers. Communication

pumpkin squash which has taken Tonga's commuenit isvemaen alenso thrug the famuliplebalance of payments out of deficit in recent andoverlaping conctos beeas truhtwee kutpeyyears, began without government initiative, indioviduals. onetosbewe ealthough it required substantial government idvdasinput to develop it. Government is also a stakeholder in the fishing

sector through its controlling interest of thePRIMARY PRODUCTION major company, Sea Star Ltd., and its

The major stakeholders in agriculture apart regulation of smaller expatriate-heldfrom the extension, research, and quarantine companies. The Fisheries sector has recentlyfuinctions of the Ministry of Agriculture and become a Ministry under the PMO. It licensesForests (MAF), are the growers and exporters. adtan prtrsi aiersucAgriculturally-based associations exist but are processing and business management. Thenot as effectively organised in pursuit of their sector as a whole lacks the major inj'ection ofcommon interests as they might be. Strong capital such as might be provided by overseaslinks exist between the government joint-venture investment.bureaucracy and the growers. Many civil SECONDARY PRODUCTION ACTiviTryservants are themselves growers and exporters.

The sstem f lan tenre alows Tngan Small processing ventures are in place, but the

farmers a great deal of individual autonomy. govmetaddSalIdsne eteiInded, mny gower fel cofidet enugh not regarded as an unqualified success. Some

tndeed, many growersrefeel onfidentheenough economists attribute this to the heavy dutytorkesay they wouldpefe to seekl theirntown placed on incoming raw materials, while otherscomarkets, topberabetionfo handleio the entire blame the Government's emphasis on import

commrcia opratin fom poducionto sle. substitution rather than on export activities.

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Certainly, the Govemment's array of tariffs and commercial agriculture in Tonga has seen thetrade regulations does not help the secondary growth of business acumen among a broadersector, despite tax holidays for companies and range of people.other benefits accompanying a "development Overseas experience has provided a range of

license" issued by the Ministry of Labour skills not notably provided by Tonga's ratherCommerce and Industry (MLCI). academic-oriented education system, which

TERTIARY BUSINESS ACTIVITIES seems designed rather to prepare people forcareers in the civil service and professions than

The tertiary sector expanded in the last seven in technical vocations or commerce. Thus,or eight years because of the influx of another source of status has emerged in theremittances, aid-funded projects, seasonal success demonstrated by wealth that has beenreturns from profitable cash crops, and the acquired by initiative and hard work rather thanrelaxed loan policies of the four lending banks. through the giant supportive hierarchicalThe expansion has now leveled off, and the structures of church and state.Reserve Bank of Tonga has tightened creditfacilities although, some would argue, not The newer business people owe little orsfciently rapidlygo stiently he, bne nothing to either of these major "traditional"suffc Iently rapidly or stringently. The business isiuin,adaese ihnmdrcommunity is uncertain of future directions. institutions, and are seen within modernAlthough it appears tobe seeking acommercial Tong an s oc iety as b eing rath er mnorebreakthrough, it is not at all clear what this independent than civil servants or churchmight be. workers. Others, burdened and bound by

might be. traditional obligations, say the business peopleBasic stakeholders in business also include the are "culture-proof" because the moremigrants living overseas who have begun successful of them limit their donations tocompanies either requiring or supplying family and church in order to capitalise theirproduce in Tonga. For example, migrants businesses. On the other hand, like businessliving in Los Angeles can fund a wedding feast people elsewhere, they have an interest inin Tonga with food such as fresh or frozen stable government and are unlikely to putchickens supplied in Tonga. In other cases, forward radical political schemes. Instead, theymigrant relatives run the retail outlets in favour an ethos of self-help, speaking up andforeign countries for Tongan produce such as standing up for oneself, and the follow-thoughkava, root crops, and craftware. to "get things done".

EMERGENCE OF A NEW KIND In another sense, the new business people areOF BUSINESS PERSON highly radical because of their commercial

orientation. They still care for members of theirDuring the last decade, a number of indigenous extended families, but selectively, and can bebusiness people have become more prominent, seen to question the existing social systemBusiness in Tonga tended previously to be simply by making their own decisions, and notdominated by expatriate compaies such as accepting passively all the values by whichMorris Hedstrom and Burns Philp, and a they were brought up.number of retail firms run by part-EuropeanTongan families, many bearing German names.Overseas migration and the growth of

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SMALL BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS developmental "follow-through" on the small

An active Small Business Association, a Tonga rural business projects it administers.

Chamber of Commerce, and a Tonga/New NGOsZealand Business Association exist. Theirprovision of information concerning bank A wide range of charitable, sporting and youthloans, training funds, or overseas marketing organisations is represented, not one of whichopportunities, has proved helpful to individual could maintain its activities without fundingbusinesses. On occasion, such associations from outside Tonga. Nor could any NGO takelobby for their common interest. There are few, over the major functions of Government wereif any, farmers or growers represented among these to diminish.their members. The highly institutionalised NGOs, such as the

The Tonga Chamber of Commerce and churches, are able to maintain a visibleIndustries is the largest business organisation continuity of service - no matter how thein Tonga with a membership of over 100, the service may vary in quality or over time -majority of whom are foreign business people because they have the resources to maintain aliving in Tonga. In May 1996, the Tonga pervasive presence, status, and influence inChamber of Commerce was considering a Tongan villages. All churches run some kindposition paper to be presented to the MLCI of youth, rural and/or women's developmentover the immigration andjoint-venture policies programme.of Government. It also appealed to Many of the other smaller organisations areGovernment to consider carefully the position heavily dependent on particular sources ofof foreign business people established in Tonga funds and on the input of highly-motivatedand to adopt favourable transitional measures personalities. Indeed, many of the NGOs arewhile a new immigration policy for Tonga was virtually synonymous with individuals. If thebeing drafted. person leaves or loses interest, the organisation

With UNDP support, the MLCI runs a small disappears. Similarly, much NGO funding isbusiness advisory agency, of which members highly variable or of a "one-off" kind.of the Small Business Association, the Tonga Activities are spurred by the injection of a grantChamber of Commerce, and others may take from an overseas donor or by local fundadvantage. The Tonga Development Bank also raising, but peter out when the funds are usedprovides extensive business advisory services, up.loan support, the restructuring of loan schemes, The newer kind of business people play a roleand the like. in the maintenance and visibility of many NGO

The Central Planning Department staffs a activities. They are called upon frequently forRural Development Unit (RDU) which donations, to sponsorradio programmes, fundadministers a Rural Business Development events organised by NGOs, and the like. ThisFund supported by overseas donor financial help is mutually beneficial, affordinggovernments and funding agencies. The RDU publicity of a pleasant kind to the businessis not equipped nor intended to make small people too, but it may give individuals abusiness people into bigger ones, however, or disproportionate influence over the directionto exert other forms of potentially beneficial of particular charitable and other organisations.

Similarly, with women's organisations, the


37

influence of influential women is often * A discernible section of indigenousmarked. business people with a new ethos has

emerged.SUMMARY POINTSOF THE PRIVATE SECTOR DOMAIN * A concomitant decline has occurred in

the relative importance of ventures

* Government involvement in commercial begun by European traders and runenterprises that might otherwise be run by their descendants.by private sector interests. * NGOs are numerous but variable, and

* Primary production has shown most of them remain highly dependentsignificant if small growth. on local individuals and external funds.

* Secondary industry is stagnant. NOTESFuta Helu and 'Epeli Hau'ofa have both made

* Tertiary activity leveled off after recent remarks to this effect in personal communications.expansion.

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SOCIO-ECONOMIC GROUPINGS

Power, wealth, and status are concentrated in of landless families who live by low-wagedan elite whose members are located primarily employment, casual manual work, share-in the structures of central Government in the cropping, or, perhaps, the cultivation of smallcapital, Nuku'alofa. These people generally subsistence food gardens on others' land.combine high salaries, high rank, and high The mass of the Tongan peasantry live by semi-Government position. Some may be wealthy Ibusiness people. A relatively few control entry puctin. A orti on, perhapsoasto the group through their patronage and muchias 8 perc e p opulation livesfavour. At the apex is the King, members of r X r .

the royal family, a few extremely powerfuil solely or partly on the produce of the land andnobles, and the Cabinet Ministers. Next are the sea.people closely connected to them. Many civil servants who have access to loanSomewhat below in social termns are the mostly facilities and family labour participate in foodcommoner members of what might be thought , production to supplement small local salanres

and to share the cash-needs of poorer familyof as an emergent middle class. The major mmesdivisions within this category are between members.older, long-established civil service Note: Almost all households in Tonga areemployees, some of whom are not particularly multi-occupational, and simultaneously exploitwell-educated, and younger civil servants with a number of economic niches. Networks ofmodern educational qualifications, skills, and kinship and personal ties connect wage andcareer aspirations. Members of the nobility salary-earning households to food-producers.who have not achieved wealth or political Families who have access to only a wage orpower are included in this "middle class". only subsistence horticulture find themselves

relatively disadvantaged in relation to thoseMembers of church hierarchies have an wohv cest ohespecially respected status. Subsistence goodsgiven them by their congregations supplement Topic AREAStheir low stipends.

A newer group of indigenous business people Genderhas emerged largely in the last decade to join The brother-sister relationship remains the keythe ranks of the new middle class and the elite, to much extended-family life. At its core lieThey now outnumber the long- established the notions of respect, cooperation andpart-European traders and business families, harmony. The brother should serve his sisterwhose significance in the community has and he and his family should support her andwaned accordingly. her children. The sister and her children are

The land tenure system of individualised believed to be ceremonially superior ('eiki) tolandholding has led to an increasing number the brother and his children, who are lower


39

(tu'a). Traditionally, a person should be all, they are used to deferring to particularprotected and morally guided by his or her females, and the women in public life are alsofather's sister. other men's sisters. Traditionally, brothers

cannot listen to sexual innuendo or badThis set of ideas, in which the father's sister is langug in th se ncenooter str

paricuarl sinifcan wihinthefamly,has language In the presence of their sisters.particularly significant within the family, has Therefore, in formal situations, when peoplenot been translated directly into modernorganizations or public life. Males hold land are not always sure of the relationshipsand titles and also dominate offices and between the others who are present, they will

and titles and .also dominate offices ant act with cautious propriety. This strict code ofpositions of authority. Women have tended toassume the major domestic role and carry thisover into the modem "caring" occupations of Pteaching and nursing. There are no Beyondthisstudiedcorrectness,however,menorganisations that manifest sister-superiority give no quarter to women in public life. It mayor highlight the role of sisters, such as the be speculated that, in particular cases, becauseaualuma in Samoa. they have been brought up as inferior to their

The senior ,sister" remains anhonousisters, the general male resentment towardsmhembenior ofismay feamiis and hasospei women in authority is given a particular edge.

member of many families and has specialfunctions at ceremonial gatherings such as By definition, in power struggles it is notfunerals. Here, her role is changing as a result gender but power that counts. Men will neitherof migration, the resultant geographical favour nor oppose women on the basis ofdistance between family members, the gender alone. Women have to speak up clearlyalterations in economic activities brought by and forcefully for themselves in public forumsincome-earning opportunities, and the in order to be heard. Those who do so in areduction of formal respect behaviour between socially acceptable way are generally respectedfamily members. for it in the same way as they are respected for

The traditional respect due to the sister is the their academic qualifications or otherbasis for the assumption, frequently made by professional skills.observers, that women occupy a high status in In a hypothetical situation in which a manTongan society. The category of "women" is comes into conflict with a "sister" in an officialfar from solidary, however, because the bureaucratic position, he will seek to avoid adistinctions of rank commonly prevail over confrontation at all costs, frequently by leavingthose of gender, and the relationships in which the arena if the situation is too difficult. Hethe female is regarded as superior to the male will delegate his role to another and deal withare extremely specific to families and contexts. his sister in private, through the intermediariesAs far as men are concerned, women are of their parents if necessary. Sister superiorityclearly divided into sisters and wives. may mean, however, that in contexts in whichCustomarily, a sister is deferred to, but a wife nepotism could be relevant, a man's sister'sis subordinate to her husband's authority. In children are as likely as his own to be favoured.some cases, wives are treated harshly; in Frequently, in bureaucracies, the traditional

others, women's brothers are. hierarchies between family members or

In the public arena, Tongan men are prepared between nobles or aristocrats and commonersto treat women with respect, up to a point. After are reversed and contradicted. The precedent,

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accepted since the reign of Queen Salote, is and tradition do not encourage them. Only two,that the bureaucratic status is upheld in the "unusual", Tongan women have had terms inoffice, and the social distinctions of status are parliament. One was a member of the royalmaintained in private, family and the other a business woman. Both

In practice, this varies according to were regarded as having broken with tradition.

circumstances, personalities, and potential Singenea ten,ton.N women have stood unucsfullpolitical advantage to the persons involved. In ingnrlelection s.lca Novwoment havierstod. ogeneral, however, the compartmentalization of eeto slclgvrmn fiesstatuses is maintained and senior bureaucrats Perhaps as a result of this attitude and feelingwill issue orders to young aristocrats holding within the community, the committees ofoffice junior to them. Ideally, however, they women's non-government organisations tendshould do so in the appropniately polite termns to become very competitive arenas for women.and use the correct forms of address. Many They jostle for leadership positions, to make afind this easier to do in English than in Tongan. name for themselves, gain a little status and

Becase f te costrint onthei beaviur, have a little power, even over a limited domain,Because ofeteral consteraintn thei behpaviour in a way that men rarely do. Men may clash inmtenre generallyoenar easier inth icmpn ofhe meetings, but then go and have a beer together,

women. In several notable contexts, however, even while they might be figuring out how tosuch as in the Police and Defence Force, get even with one another. Women are deniedpreviously all-male occupations have received this easy social congress.a major intake of women. The second in Traditionally, they are meant to stay within thecommand of the Police Force is a woman. confines of their home. They require a reason

Women are in the minority in the civil service to congregate, such as a committee meetingbut, then, only about 15 per cent of women of orwrk group. As a consequence, they seem

workng ae ae litedas bing n te laour to bicker endlessly and competitively over theirfocorrigg " remployted" asbevera of the waomeri portion of authority. As in other areas of

civil serviempholed" highra office, for xmpe,i Tongan society, each will be wary of othersthe cii evc odhg fie o xml, who have wider social power.the Deputy Secretary to Cabinet, DeputyDirectors of Ministries (Education and Thus, women are not solidary. They bothAgriculture), Heads of Department (Statistics), define themselves and are defined by othersand the Crown Law Officer are women. in relation to a family. As a result, the category

Women are prominent in other areas of of gender is not always a sufficient basis forcommunal life. At its 1987 conference, the effective action. Women distinguish among

headsof te Fre Weleya Chuch pssed themselves on the bases of rank, power, status,headsof te Fre Weleya Chuch pssed wealth and position. This is demonstrated in

without demur the resolution to allow women the relations of the Women's Advisory Unit,to be ordained for the ministry. To date, only recently renamed as the Centre for Women andtwo have completed training although several Development, located within the PMO.more are in preparation.

Most women remain hesitant to apply for The unit is responsible for processing projectspositions of power and authority in for women from within Tonga and directingtraditionally all-male domains, and the culture them to appropriate funding agencies. It can

approve or withhold approval from particular

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41

projects. Its power is derived from its location Although supported by the MAF Deputywithin the PMO and from the fact that aid Director responsible for Extension Services,donors, who wish to fund women's projects, the MAF women's extension service is not adeal with the unit because the procedures are major player in either the MAF or in the WAU/set in that way and for that purpose. women's organisations' complex. This is partly

because the extension officers are neitherThe 20 or so orgarusations represented on thehighly educated nor have high status orLanga Fonua Committee have a range of

interests; by no means all are equally influence within the wider society. Also, theycommitted to rural or village women's are not running powerful programmes. The

training material tends to be old-fashioned anddevelopment although poor, village, .and rural irlvn omdmdvlpetneswomen may be thought to be the major singlecategory of "consumers" of the women's Funding support and the streamlining andinterest and development organisations. upgrading of this service would have

immediate and direct impact on grass-rootsMembers of the royal family occupy theand president. training and progress, because it is the one

positions of patron, chairperson, and president. positins of atron,chairprson,consistent Government presence in the ruralCurrently, the secretary IS the wife of the cnitn oemn rsnei h uaCepurtly, thie secretary iSohe ifthe wofhen villages (apart from the Town Officers who areDeputy Pnlme Minister. Some of the womeng on the Langa Fonua Committee have high male and of variable effectiveness). Effective

personal standing in the wider society because support is not forthcoming from the majorof their rank and family background, and/or stakeholders in either agriculture or women's

affairs.marriage to powerful office-holders; some arenot. It is almost inevitable that the women of Women are not discriminated against ininfluence in the community at large also have education until they reach the point ofsway in committee meetings. Some of the other competition for Government scholarships forcommittee members complain that the overseas training, for which males appear tomeetings are not run along the lines of modern, be favoured. Families do not discriminatethat is, Western procedures. against girls but, on the contrary, value them

highly. As a result, many women have beenFrom the point ofview of the consumers, a gyymajor stakehpointe vinw womthecon'suars, a privately educated overseas, some to PhDmajor stakeholder in women's affairs levelrepresented on the Langa Fonua (although itis meant to be an NGO umbrella) is the Women are not discriminated against in theMinistry of Agriculture's extension service. areas of business or rural bank loans but areThe seven district MAF women's field officers now considered to be good risks in both.have the most consistent contact with village Women successfully run businesses alone orwomen on Tongatapu. The women's in concert with other family members, in whichagricultural field service does not extend to the case they may use to advantage their superiorother island groups. Village women are used social status in their families of origin.to seeing the MAF officers but can become In previous censuses, gender-disaggregatedconfused when other NGOs use the structure

questions have not been asked with the resultof the MAF extension groups for their own thtwmnsarcutrladupi

aciite.. that women's agrncultural and unpaidactivities. household work, and their other highly

significant economic contributions, have not


42

been recorded. This omission was to be for the people and country, and its membersrecti'fied in the 1996 census because women undoubtedly have the interests of the countrynow manage farmns, perform manual work, and at heart. These interests and their own,grow and export cash crops. A major income- however, frequently coincide, so that part ofearning activity for women is handicraft, for the national interest is seen to be thewhich many take out small development loans maintenance of the status quo with themselvesfor the purchase of raw materials, in power. In a situation in which public

investment is buttressed by aid funds and theDecision-Making and Participation private sector by remittances, the government

Natinaldeciionmakng i Toga i hihly by and large is not forced into uncomfortablecnatioalse adecision-makmingina Tonartiscighlyo decisions. It can afford, therefore, to be warybentraied mand inolv cominimal wh pripatio and cautious in its control of national resources.

represented by only nine People's In Tonga, the style of command in govermment,Representatives in the Legislative Assembly. church and state bureaucracies, and in non-Debate in the House of Parliament is the most government organisations, as it is in the family,important public forum. Within this forum, is for the superior to give orders and forhowever, the People's Representatives are subordinates to accept them without too muchoutnumbered by the combination of the twelve question. It is "not Tongan" to confront, argueCabinet members, who hold executive power, or disagree with a social superior. For example,and the nine Nobles' Representatives who every Tongan has the right to approach thehabitually vote with the Cabinet. King and petition him, but few avail

Cabinet comprises Ministers of the Crown and themselves of this right of access.includes the two Governors, of Ha'apai and When Government projects are in draft stage,Vava'u, all of whom are appointed by the King the bureaucrat in charge of the project will callfor as long as he wishes. Modem qualifications over the radio station or in the governmentand abilities to govern are relevant to newspaper, for public submissions. People canappointments. In 1996, four of the cabinet express their opinion to the ministerial officialmembers were nobles and others had or through letters to the newspaper. Thearistocratic connections. The Deputy Prime official, however, is under no pressure to takeMinister and his son, the newly-appointed note of these opinions. Opinion is also meantminister of Labour, Commnerce, and Industries, to flow to government through the localboth hold doctorates and are commoners. govermnment officers (the district officers and

Thisoliarch cotros no ony iniviual town officers), but often does so only veryMhinitis but,rch cothrolgh nthi domlyinationduof imperfectly. Meetings (fono) are called by theplanningicommitteesrandgdirectors'mboards, th officers for discussion of government decisionsvlarnious stamttoebdes, includingcthes bonga,th but the discussion can be limited because of

varius tattorybodes,incudin th To vi llage people's fearfulness of appearingDevelopment Bank, and the seven semi- critiafatoiisprivatized, corporatized, companies that were ciia fatoiisformed following the dissolution of the former Evaluations of the processes of GovernmentGovernment Commodities Board. clearly differ according to people's social

The Government's goals are undoubtedly those positions. Those who have powerfulof modernisation, progress, and development connections think the system is serviceable,

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43

but that the excesses and abuse of privilege by The prodemocracy supporters attempt toministers, especially with regard to the use of disseminate information about the movementpublic monies, should be halted. Even they and its suggested reforms through the mediapoint out, however, that so much power and and faikava, the informal drinking of kava, andpublic responsibility vested in so few means discussion with men in the villages. Churchthat they can hardly be expected to be equally ministers also run faikava to educate peoplewell-versed in all the fields in which they make on issues important to them and to hear theirkey decisions. opinions. Other venues for discussion are

Others would like greater changes made to the clubs, bars, and work places. For women, thesystem: greater accountability of ministers and main venue for discussion is in the weaving,

system: ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ tp-mkig commiter andutaIl villagersanrepresentation ofthe people. The social reform tapa-making, committee and villagemovement, including land reform, led by development group meetigs.churchmen, intellectuals, journalists, teachers Despite such efforts over the last decade, mostand others, crystallised in the 1 980s into the people in the kingdom have little knowledgeprodemocracy movement. More recently, it led of western-style democracy or desire to see ittotheformationofTonga'sfirstpoliticalparty, implemented. They are proud of thethe People's Party. Despite overwhelming monarchical tradition, although it was createdsupport for the outspoken populist leader, by law only in the last quarter of the nineteenth'Akilisi Pohiva, in the 1996 general elections, century. Tongans' belief that the present systemthe movement has lost momentum and is the result of a long heritage provides a pointcoordination and the party has stagnated. of identity for them in the modern world.

An important element in the mobilisation of Individuals from church and governmentopinion in Tonga has been the growth in news undoubtedly converse privately, but there ismedia. In addition to the government-run no formal mechanism by which fruitfulbilingual weekly newspaper, The Tonga dialogue between the major government andChronicle, three churches each issue a non-government institutions can take placenewspaper which, despite admonitions from except, perhaps, in the field of education,church leaders to avoid political comment, where, apparently, the procedure for discussionhave provided a channel for such discussion is underused. Most information in Tonga tendsthrough articles and letters to the editors. The to be disseminated between segments of theprodemocracy supporters issue a newsletter, society by informal means and, importantly,whose material is hard hitting and has earned by overlapping ties between people who holdPohiva, the editor, some expensive libel suits. influential offices.An independent newspaper Taimi 'o Tonga The Free Wesleyan and other Wesleyansupports an extreme faction of the churches tend to be "hard ine" andprodemocracy movement. A quarterly cI

conservative whereas both the Roman Catholicmagazine Matangi Tonga, produced locally by and the LDS (Mormon) tend rather to stress aan award-winning Pacific journalist, carnesgood coverage of political and other issues in hierarchical notions. Church politics is intenseEnglish. For a time, the government-owned and,if nyting, lstransparet tnthasoradio station A3Z broadcast parliamentary Gnment.debates which were widely listened to. Govemment.


44

Thus, it can be seen that, at every level, the Many people are in fact over-qualified for thepeople lower down the hierarchical structures tasks they are required to do, but still seekare told only that which their leaders consider educational, usually highly-academic,advisable for them to hear. The strongly elitist qualifications. This reflects the value placedpattern tends to be replicated in NGOs as in on learning and also the desire to acquire anconservative Tongan families. It is slowly edge in the competition for status and thechanging with education and the growth of benefits that accrue from good jobs, salaries,independent sources and bases of power in the and influence in the community.society, but not to the degree that ordinary The major stakeholders in education are thepeople feel that they can change decisions in Government's Ministry of Education and thethe major institutions. The newer business churches, which provide most of the secondarypeople in Tonga, for example, believe education and post-secondary training in theGovernment personnel look down on them. kingdom. Church schools cater for almost 82Indeed, although they have acquired some per cent of all secondary school age children.wealth, business people do not have quite the The Government is responsible for thesame status as educated people, long-serving remaining 18 percent.bureaucrats, or church people. This attitude ischanging, but echoes of the past remain. Many The churches' educational funds arepeople hesitate to voice their views in the belief supplemented by a government allowancethat they are ignorant and unworthy to do so. which pays T$50 towards each school placeThey are beginning gradually, however, to in the non-government system, with thearticulate views among themselves, which exception of the LDS schools which haveoppose the status quo. refused it. The allowance is provided expressly

to supplement teachers' salaries.Resource Allocation

The churches provide over 50 percent of thein-country post-secondary training which is

Educationavailable, in Hango Agricultural College

The achievement of Western-style learning and (FWC) in 'Eua, and in the technical andmodern qualifications has assumed a major vocational training offered by St Joseph'srole in social mobility. A goal for most Tongan Business College, 'Ahopanilolo College (RC),families, education is seen as the means to and a new catholic vocational institutionachieve both material and moral progress. opened in 1996. The FWC also runs aParents will deny themselves necessities such theological college.as adequate food to put their children though The goverment provides almost all (over 92school and to private study overseas. percent) primary education. The remaining 7.7Government scholarships for overseas study percent of children are provided for by non-are so highly competitive that, in 1995, it was goverment systems, which finance their ownestimated that there were over 1,000 private primary schools without any direct aid fromTongan students at post-secondary institutions the goverment. The few kindergartens andin New Zealand alone. This figure gives some pre-schools which exist are private NGOidea of the effort made to acquire education institutions. Parents and Teachers Associationsand to give children "a better chance". p de much-needed equipment, rangingprovld uhnee qupet agn

from books, writing and visual materials, to


45

school vehicles, new assembly halls, and Healthclassrooms. The Ministry of Health controls all majorThe Ministry of Education monitors all sectoral activities. It oversees Vaiola Hospitaleducation in the kingdom. It sets standards for in Tongatapu as well as the hospitals in Ha'apaiexams, curricula, review assessments, and the and Vava'u, which have their own locallike. Despite the significant participation in hospital boards and fundraising activities. Theeducation by non-government institutions, Public Health Section consists of nursingmajor decisions in curriculum development do sisters who visit villages to give mother-childnot appear to include a significant input by care, nutrition advice, vaccinations, and attendthem. What non-government input there is to minor ailments. There are seven districtcomes from teachers in subject teachers' clinics located throughout the kingdom, staffedassociations, principals who belong to by locally-trained physicians who can dispenseprincipals' associations, a few selected to a limited number of drugs and deal withparticipate in the Curriculum Development ailments or refer patients to one of the majorUnit writing team, and a few schools selected hospitals.to trial the new materials.'

Several government-employed physiciansAt present, a "them and us" barrier exists to have set up private clinics in towns and majorsome degree between the government and non- villages. Their extra activities leave the hospitalgovernment education systems. There are few under-serviced at times. Traditional healers,problems for the able or even gifted student in both men and women, remain active in Tongathe present Tongan government education and many people use their services insystem, which is rightly acclaimed as perhaps preference to or before seeking help from thethe best in the Pacific. The provision of government medical services. Femaletechnical skills and vocational training, midwives are used frequently in villages;however, is another story. The non-government recognising this, the Ministry of Health utilisesinstitutions feel they have had to assume most their services and provides training for them.of this training as an immediate strategy tocope with disaffected students, who are not Within the Cnal P ng Deprtmensuccessful with more academic studies and are (

neither enjoying schoolnorfindingtheir Unit. It has recently mounted several

education meanndiful, successful weight-reducing and exerciseprogrammes that have attracted considerable

Whatever the rights and wrongs of this sense local and international media coverage. Theof inequity are, the non-government system unit checks cholesterol levels and bloodfeels it is regarded as the poor relation being pressure from its mobile van. The CPD alsoforced, and trying hard, to educate poorer has a representative on the National Healthpeople, only to have their top students creamed Board which includes the Minister of Health,off to enter the better-equipped and the nursing director, administrator, medicalacademically-superior government secondary superintendent and health planning officer.schools. The church schools are left with fewerhuman and material resources to cope with The Vaiola Hospital's Board of Visitorsbetween 80 percent and 85 percent of the less includes all the leading churchmen. They eitheracademically able students. send representatives or, in the case of the

Roman Catholic bishop, attend in person. The

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MAF women's extension district officers also Tonga Rotary Club has raised funds to providepresent material on hygiene and nutrition to equipment for the hospital.village women's development groups although In many ways, the health of the communitythey are not properly trained or equipped to depends on women. It is they who receivedo so. nutritional training from NGO, government

In addition, several NGOs concern themselves and church agencies concerned with rural andwith health. On the main island of Tongatapu, women's development, plan and providethe Tonga Family Planning Association meals, produce some food themselves, and(TFPA) is active. Begun in 1975, it is funded remain almost wholly responsible for theprimarily by the International Planned quality of the home environment, bedding,Parenthood Federation. It employs three nurses clothing, and all forms of child care.assisted by 33 community workers and runs There are no permanent, institutionalised,men's, women's, and youth groups. The TFPA health committees established in Tonganpromotes good health and family programmes. villages as there are in Samoa. Instead,It has a special emphasis on reaching the poorer community nurses conduct immunization orfamilies. The educated and better-off people mother-child care programmes, workdirectly approach doctors, pharmacists, and independently or use the MAF women'sprivate health clinics for their needs. Thetechniques, mostly pills and injections, are not developmen groups. Onuoccion, theyimatrouble-free because modern medicines are not spe othe gops out non,ehgieor some other topic on which knowledge iseasily procurable or affordable. sought. As a result of this link, the health

CHADU, an organisation concerned with non- workers' activities are frequently conflatedcommunicable diseases such as cancer, heart with the ongoing work of the seven MAFdisease, asthma, diabetes, ulcers, and the like district women's officers.(hence the acronym), is less active than it was Goverment health workers, especially in theformerly. Funded by a number of donors, it Public Health Sector of the Ministry of Health,aims at prevention through care and knowledge also reach into the community through theirof the diseases, and, on occasion, provides participation in workshops organised byfinancial assistance for treatment overseas. NGOs. They talk on radio about CHADU

The Red Cross has a long history of service in (non-communicable diseases), participate inthe kingdom, since the reign of Queen Salote. NGO-run nutrition campaigns, and the like.Both it and the OTA, an association to help Thus, it is not always clear to the general publichandicapped people in the community, are whether the government health worker isconstrained in their good work by limited funds participating in a formal or an informaland the concomitant lack of trained personnel. capacity. The same is true of social welfare

services, which are rudimentary, informal,From time to time, other smaller bodies, such poie yNO ridvdaso aglas the Salvation Army's Home League, include provided by NGOs or individuals on a largelyasthationpoamns Home League,iie. ad hoc basis, and straddle the education andnutrition programmes among their activities.UNFPA has funded family cooperatives, WHO health sectors.has mounted projects, and others from time totime enter the field, for example, youth groupshave disseminated information on AIDS. The

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Social Welfare Services Many people in leadership positions wouldconsider it a national shame if there were. The

The small number that exist are almost all general assumption is that the extended-familyprovided by NGOs. Churches are active, network will continue to pick up the tab foralthough their responsibilities for marriage and the social costs of development although, inpersonal counseling often extend little further some areas, these costs are proving high andthan their own congregations. Lack of the safety nets provided by the family areanonymity makes people shy of sharing family, wearing very thinmarital, or parenting problems, and there areno fully-trained counselors operating full-time An increasing number of people who workin Tonga. with socially distressed families consider this

assumption a denial of the real problems inAs a result, doctors, teachers, pastors, police the community. Three examples may readilyofficers, and other concerned individuals take be given: a newly-formed Lifeline receivedon this role, in addition to their professional about 400 calls over Christmas 1996, moreand family duties, out of compassion and than it could handle. Drug and alcohol abusebecause of their perception of the growing is increasing in the Tongan community but issocial need. Increasingly, some sectors of the only reluctantly recognised as a treatablepopulation expect school teachers to carry out medical problem or psychological condition.completely the socialisation of children, There are few facilities available. A branch ofinstilling in them everything from good Alcoholics Anonymous has been formed, butmanners to sex awareness and morals. They most of the members are still expatriate males.are expected to teach children how to live, in Divorce is on the increase, due in most casesthe absence or partial nature of parental to the separation of spouses because ofguidance, at a time when increasingly tohesprinofpuesbcsef

emigration. In other nations, a social workerstreetwise Tongan adolescents are looking past might make recommendations to the courtthe church and schools to other moreglamorous and exotic role models on which to regarding the maintenance of children or theglattemoterous behandvexoticurole modelsonwhiex-spouse in the divorce. In Tonga, throughpattern their behaviour, necessity, this important role is assumed by

There is no public refuge for people in the case the Crown Law Office in the Ministry ofof threats against their property or life, despite Justice.the increasing occurrence of domestic Some small NGO efforts are beginning in thisviolence, apart from limited functions area. A Roman Catholic nun 's to undertake aperformed by Government agencies such as study of domestic violence in Tonga, and thethe Ministries of Police, Justice, and Health. church may initiate a crisis centre if theThere are no specific policies, programmes, findings suggest that is appropriate.or interventions directed toward the alleviationof the distress of disadvantaged or threatened In quite another field: at present there is noindividuals and families. There is no unemployment orjob placement service exceptDepartment of Social Welfare, Employment, that provided informally by word of mouth oror Family Services, or any similar facility the efforts of the Tonga Chamber ofestablished in Tonga. Commerce, but the MLCI may soon have

legislation in place that will ensure the LabourThere are no community centres, no rape or section assumes the role.crisis centres, no daycare or child care centres,orphanages, old people's homes, and the like.

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Land The individual pattern of landholding gives riseto a wide variety of informal lease and use

The major stakeholders are the Ministry of arrangements. The Government may gazetteLands, Survey, Natural Resources and the land for certain strategic purposes. In the main,Environment, the royal, noble and Government however, landholders do as they please withestate holders, and the registered holders of their plots. In rural areas, this has led to landthe 16,000 or so allotments of arable land and being underused or unused when the holder ishouse sites. overseas, or overused when leased on a short-Many hereditary allotment holders live term basis to a commercial grower who is moreoverseas but retain their land rights in Tonga. concerned with profit than husbandry.Attempts by prodemocracy supporters and In town, individual plot-holding makes townothers to regain these rights for redistribution and urban planning virtually impossible. It isamong residents of Tonga have failed. One also held to be a major impediment to large-supposition is that the government fears that scale development such as that required for athe flow of remittances from overseas migrants tourist resort or major shopping mall-hotelmight dwindle or cease altogether were complex.emigrants to lose land rights in Tonga.

In the 1980s, the Ministry of Lands addedSince the early 1 980s, the individual hereditary "Environment" to its title, a move which maylandholders have been legally entitled to lease involve it in duplication of effort with theall orpartoftheir 'api (taxortownoallotments). Forestry Division within the Ministry ofThey can now act like "little nobles on their Agriculture. For example, the Ministry ofindividual allotments. The survey and lease Lands is presently preparing an environmentalfees set by the Ministry of Lands are relatively report on Tonga, whereas many conservationlow but the extra-legal payments and gifts and replenishment functions are carried out bygiven by lessees to induce the landholder to the Forestry Division.lease his land can amount to many thousandsof dollars. Nobles are still major stakeholders in Tongan

landholding. By 1992, the land allocated toThis has given rise to an extra-legal land hereditary nobles was estimated to comprisemarket in Tonga although legally no freehold only 6.73 percent of the total (51 percent ofland exists. The number of leases and informal the 15,196 tax allotments by then having beenuse arrangements is significantly higher in registered by Tongan individuals) but a furtherTongatapu and 'Eua to thanne other island 11.5 percent of surveyed tax allotments heldgroups This is due to the large numbers of by nobles was recategorised as "land allocatedimmigrants who have moved south away from but not yet registered". Some observers havetheir own hereditary allotments, and, also, the interpreted this reallocation as a move wherebynumber of people without land in Tongatapu noble estate holders simply reduced the officialwho have wanted to participate in the squash figure of their "land in hand".2export market centred there. In 1992, figuresreleased by the Ministry of Lands showed that In effect, a user of unregistered land onlythere were 2,618 leaseholders in Tongatapu and remains at the pleasure of the noble, without'Eua compared with a total of 823 in all other the security of Government-registeredislands. hereditary usufruct. He may be required to

present the noble with gifts of food, money,


49

mats, and bark cloth, only to have the land Commerce and Industries, although as yettaken away and registered by some other these have all largely failed to fulfil theirperson who has gained more of the noble's promise.favour. People with registered title may stillregularly present gifts of produce to the noble Agricultureestate holder as an act of respect and gratitude The major stakeholders in agnlculture are thefor the land, or because he has asked them to.

* growers, the Ministry of Agriculture which isNobles have argued that the 7 percent of land headed by the Prime Minister, the commercialthey still hold includes much marginal land that export companies and, in some cases, theis unsuitable for agriculture. This land may be buyers. In the case of pumpkin squash export,suitable for forestry, however, and is thus of for example, the Japanese importers supply thepotential commercial value and of importance seed, and other companies, including some into the national interest. In some cases, nobles NZ and Australia, supply the herbicides,hold land that is leased for foreign interests pesticides and fertilisers.(3.28 percent of the total area) from which they The Ministry of Labour, Commerce, andderive rent. Commoner landholders may also I

Industries (MCLI) is responsible for thebe leaseholders and renters. imposition of an annual export quota, whichMuch (22 percent) of Tonga's small land base in 1996 was raised for the first time since theis uninhabited land held by the Government, export of squash began in 1987. Treasury alsoconsisting of forest reserves, volcanic islands, may be said to be a stakeholder becauselakes and the like. All "town land", that is, customs and duties on the imports necessaryvillages in which people hold house sites, is for commercial farming as well as charges forGovernment estate. The churches lease 3.19 the export of commercial produce come underpercent of the total land area. its jurisdiction.

In sum, very little land is even momentarily The MAF experimental farm at Vaini carriesout of the control of Tongan nationals and very out trials and advises farmers on virus and pestlittle (3.28 percent) is held by foreign interests. control. Most importantly, MAF provides theThere is talk of Hong Kong Chinese and quarantine service without which TonganTaiwanese business people moving into the export of primary produce would not becentre of Nuku'alofa with multi-million dollar possible. A major stakeholder is also the Tongadevelopments, but these have yet to be seen. Development Bank which advances loans forThe international airport hotel started by a clearing and ploughing, seed, and chemicals.Chinese businessman remains unfinished after

several years. ~~~~~Growers' associations exist but are not maj'orplayers in the sector. As in other sectors

Tonga has no minerals. Its greatest natural concerned with development, theresources are its people, the land, and the sea. Development Coordination Committee is aIn terms of development priorities, however, vital link between needs perceived in thethe potential of the land and the sea (see below, community and aid funds. Donors cannot fundLand, Agriculture and Fisheries) have tended projects unless the aid is specifically requested.to be rather overlooked in favour of "more Given the limited funds allocated by donorsmodern", exotic, ventures such as airlines, for the development, the prioritization oftourism, and the Small Manufacturing projects by the DCC is of prime importance.Industries Centre under the Ministry of Labour,


50

The major players in commercial agriculture growers to afford a vehicle from the proceeds,are the seven local major produce exporting but it has been very bad for the 80 per cent ofcompanies. A very high proportion of Tongans who rely on trees for survival or usecommercial growers are active or retired civil them to improve their way of life". Forservants and others who have access to bank example, an 'api (tax allotment), which hasloan facilities because of their salary or other been leased or "borrowed" for the growth ofform of security. Poor people who hold an 'api squash may be denuded of trees before beingbut have not access to loan facilities are not returned to the hereditary landholder. Treeable to derive the maximum benefit from their planting is not part of the Tongan culturalland. heritage because, traditionally, they simply

Labour force figures do not give a sufficiently cleared land around trees to make way for theirclear picture of the significance of agriculture gardens.in the Tongan economy and in the life of most Since about 1987, it has been estimated thatTongans. In 1992, a crop survey carried out as much as a 26 percent reduction has occurredby the Ministry ofAgriculture showed that out in the number of coconut palms, which areof 14,157 households in Tonga, 5,422 said considered in Tonga as in other places in thefarming was their main occupation. In 1994, a Pacific as "the tree of life". The government,Labour Force survey sample showed that out finding it necessary to fund forestry activities,of a total of 34,573 people employed, 12,139 has corporatized a company, Tonga Timberwere farmers: of these, 11,580 were male and Ltd., which may cut and mill pine from the559 were female. Forestry plantation on 'Eua. In 1995, it was

Statistics alone, however, do not adequately able to cut only 3 ha of the 20 ha Forestryconvey the fact that a great many of the wished them to take. Likewise, its capacity for

remaining 22,434 employed people and their processing senile coconuts Is small anddependents will receive food supplies from accounts for only 15 percent of the net loss offarmers, many of whom are their relatives, to coconuts.supplement their small cash incomes and, for Most of the loss of coconut palms is due towhich, they will donate cash in return. Many commercial agriculture and other land useare themselves part-time cultivators, leasing practices. In addition, a high proportion of theor borrowing land on which to plant food crops remaining palms are senile. The Forestryto reserve their small cash income for other Division encourages replanting on taxneeds. allotments by community and school groups

to replace trees used for subsistence,Forestry handicrafts, and medicinal purposes.

The Forestry Division within MAF is small Major stakeholders in this process are nobleand, hitherto, has been concerned less with the estate holders or influential locals who cancommercialisation of the industry than with the persuade the local community to speak out forreplenishment of trees. Many trees have been their wants or direct them to plant. Its maincut down to clear land for commercial farming. concerns are agroforestry and waterAs the head of Forestry sadly remarked, "the management. Coastal area management issquash and other commercial crops are good becoming a major problem in Tonga becausefor the macroeconomy, have enabled several the overuse of coastal trees for fuel wood asexporters to become very rich and some of the well as shorter fallow periods have broken


51

down the natural barriers and allowed salt-sea The new Ministry is still under the PM but hasspray to degrade arable land. a newly-appointed Secretary whose policies

Forestry is also concerned with conservation have yet to be made clear. A major player inand environmental issues, which frequently the field is Sea Star Ltd., a Government-

involve it in duplication of effort and a controlled company, which exports tuna to

potential confusion of administrative Hawaii and Japan. The chairman of its board

jurisdiction with the Ministry of Lands. The is the Crown Prince. Against the opposition of

Lands Ministry sends out somewhat local companies, Sea Star Ltd. has recentlycontradictory messages it established the begun selling fish locally. In both the local and

National Park in 'Eua, but has also allowed export markets, it competes directly againsthouse sites to extend by means of landfill into private sector ventures.the lagoons surrounding Nuku'alofa, thus In the last couple of years, the Governmentcontributing to the destruction of mangroves has granted tuna-exporting licenses to twoand the pollution of the lagoon. Since smaller companies, which have long-line"environment" and "eco-tourism" have fishing boats. There are now six companies inbecome buzz-words among aid donors, many the small commercial sector. It is expected alsoNGO groups (for example, the Foundation for that the care and development of subsistencethe Peoples of the South Pacific), have also fisheries will become a priority becausebegun tree-planting schemes to bring in funds fisheries in some areas are polluted orfrom overseas agencies. overfished, and a number of species depleted,

wiped out, or seriously endangered. There is aFisheries limited budget for extension work among

village fishing people and small commercialThe major stakeholder is the government. The vig g ppMinistry of Fisheries is relatively new. Before operators.the 1 990s, the Fisheries Division had been part In the 1 980s, attempts to establish cooperativesof MAFF, the Ministry ofAgriculture, Forestry and to help village fishermen failed, in partand Fisheries, under the Prime Minister. The because the people training the fishermen andsubordination of most of Tonga's natural supporting their loans for boats and equipmentresources under the PMO reflected the then failed to take into account their total socialprevailing political view of these activities as situation. So many calls were made on thebeing primarily subsistence, old-fashioned, fishermen's income by members of theirand hardly deserving modern training or aid. families, affines, village and church obligations

The MLCI is also a stakeholder in Fisheries that most of them failed to pay back the bankdevelopment because it grants development loans, failed to meet village obligations and,licenses, issues permits for joint-ventures, finally, failed to fish. In general, development

provides training and overseas marketing trips, programmes tend to focus on individuals inand decides who may export fish; it thus training and workshops as if they were isolatescontrols the players in the game. It also without taking into account the complex webmonitors the progress of the commercial of social obligations into which each person ismoniors he pogres ofthe ommecial bound.'ventures. The Ministry of Finance is astakeholder because it sets customs fees etc.

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External Agencies

The EU has taken particular responsibility forthe -egional development of Vava'u, andAusAID for the development of Ha'apai. NewZealand appears to have assumed a special, ifinformal, responsibility for 'Eua and the Niuas.

NOTES

See 'Asinate Samate's doctoral discussion of theseand related issues.

2 Andrew Needs, 1988.

3 Sitiveni Halapua, 1982, and interview material.


53

REFERENCES

Campbell, Ian C., 1992 Island Kingdom: Tonga Ancient and Modern. Christchurch: CanterburyUniversity Press.

Halapua, Sitiveni 1982 Fishermen of Tonga: their means of survival. Suva: the University of theSouth Pacific.

James, Kerry E. 1991 "Migration and remittances: A Tongan village perspective". PacificViewpoint 32(1): 1-23.

1993a "The Rhetoric and Reality of Change and Development in Small PacificCommunities." Introduction to K.E. James (ed) Pacific Village Economies: Opportunity andLivelihood in Small Communities Special Issue, Pacific Viewpoint.

1993b "Cutting the Ground from Under Them? Commercialization, Cultivation, andConservation in Tonga." The Contemporary Pacifc 5(2): 215-242.

1994a with Antony Hooper. Sustainability and Pacific Cultures. East-West CenterWorking Paper, Pacific Islands Development Series, No.1, July.

1994b "Tonga's Pro-democracy Movement." Pacific Affairs 67(2) Summer, pp.242-263.

1995 "Right and Privilege in Tongan Land Tenure" In R.G. Ward and E. Kingdon (eds)Land, Custom and Practice in the South Pacific. Cambridge University Press.

Hooper, Antony 1993 "Socio-cultural aspects of development in the South Pacific." In RodneyV. Cole and Somsak Tambunlertchai (eds) The Future of Asia-Pacific Economics: PacificIslands at the Crossroads? Asian and Pacific Development Centre and National Centre forDevelopment Studies, Canberra.

Marcus, G. E. 1980 The Nobility and the Chiefly Tradition in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga.Wellington: The Polynesian Society, Memoir No. 42.

1993 "Tonga's Contemporary Globalizing Strategies: Trading on Sovereignty amidstInternational Migration." Pp. 21-33 in Lockwood, V.S., Harding, T.G. and B.J. Wallace (eds)Contemporary Pacific Societies: Studies in Development and Change. Englewood Cliffs:Prentice Hall.

Needs, Andrew P. 1988 New Zealand Aid and the Development of Class in Tonga. PalmerstonNorth: Massey University.

Samate, 'Asinate 1995 Education and National Development in Tonga: a critical policy review.Ph.D. Thesis, University of Queensland.

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The WorAd Bana Paifc East Asia and Pacific Reion

Papua N:ew Guinea and Pacific Islands Country Management UllitlSIS H Street, N l

Washington, VC 243-

ik 4 ~~~~4 4

PACIFIC ISLANDSDISCUSSION PAPER SERIES

THE USE OF FIRST AND SECOND LANGUAGES

IN EDUCATION (No. 1)

NADINE DUTCHER, 1997

ASPECTS OF THE INDUSTRY, TRADE AND MARKETING

OF PACIFIC ISLAND TROCHUS (No. 2)

ICECON, 1997

PACIFIC ISLANDS:STAKEHOLDER PARTICIPATION

IN DEVELOPMENT SAMOA (No. 3)

ANTONY HOOPER

A i ud R *

Papua NewZ Guiinea andi Pacific Islauids C,-vtrntrvaginnt vnt n.gein-t UnitW* * !I Y 1 S H Street, N W 1 v* _ * Y Y .

Washington, DC 2933-0001 ;

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