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    WORKAHOLISM AND FAMILYFUNCTIONING: A PROFILE OFFAMILIAL RELATIONSHIPS,PSYCHOLOGICAL OUTCOMES, ANDRESEARCH CONSIDERATIONS

    Bryan E. Robinson

    ABSTRACT:This paper examines the relationship between workahol-ism and family functioning and the psychological outcomes of familymembers. A profile of the workaholic family is presented, along withan argument for family scientists and practitioners to pay more atten-tion to this neglected area of family life. Considerations for how toaddress the need in family research and practice also are presented.

    KEY WORDS: work; workaholism; family functioning; family relationships.

    Distinctions among various family groups have been studied in

    the family literature over the years. Theoretical and research issues

    specific to the unique qualities and needs of various family configura-

    tions have been applied to alcoholic families (Wegscheider, 1980), celeb-

    rity families (Mitchell & Cronson, 1987), Black families (Lewis & Loo-

    ney, 1983), stepfamilies (Visher & Visher, 1978), gay and lesbian

    families (Baptiste, 1987; Barret & Robinson, 2000), and most recently,

    workaholic families (Robinson, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c). The adult chil-

    dren syndrome was launched in 1983 with the best-selling book,AdultChildren of Alcoholics(Woititz, 1983), which is credited with spurninga series of other books and research studies examining other legacies

    of adult children such as adult children of divorce (Wallerstein, 1985)

    and adult children of workaholics (Robinson, 2000a; Robinson & Kelley,

    1998; Carroll & Robinson, 2000).

    Bryan E. Robinson, PhD, is Professor, Department of Counseling, Special Educationand Child Development, University of North Carolina, Charlotte, Charlotte, NC 28223.

    Contemporary Family Therapy 23(1), March 2001 2001 Human Sciences Press, Inc. 123

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    CONTEMPORARY FAMILY THERAPY

    Despite the fact that workaholism has been cited as the best-

    dressed family problem of the twentieth century, the subject has been

    downplayed or ignored in the family literature, presumably because of

    cultural maxims that extol its positive aspects while failing to profile

    the negative aspects of high-performance and workaholism on the fam-

    ily system (Robinson & Chase, 2001). Instead of helping workaholics

    deal with workaholism, well-meaning clinicians often view the condi-

    tion as an insignificant factor in family dynamics (Robinson, 2000b).

    This oversight is supported by the fact that workaholism has not been

    accepted into the official psychological nomenclature (Pietropinto,1986).

    The present paper examines the impact of workaholism on the

    family system, profiling the often hidden issues that affect family mem-

    bers. An argument is made for family researchers and family prac-

    titioners to pay more attention to this neglected and essential area of

    study and recommendations for how to address the subject are pre-

    sented.

    EMPIRICAL RESEARCH ON WORKAHOLIC FAMILIES

    The term workaholic appeared in the published literature more

    than 30 years ago (Oates, 1968, 1971). Since that time, there have beenvarious definitions of workaholism but two predominant definitions

    have withstood the rigors of scientific investigation and psychometric

    utility. Spence and Robbins (1992) define the workaholic as someone

    who is highly involved in their work, feels driven to work because of

    an inner compulsion rather than by external demands, and experiences

    low work enjoyment. Their scales identify three workaholic patterns:

    workaholics, work enthusiasts, and enthusiastic workaholics. Robinson

    (1999) operationalized workaholism through the development of the

    Work Addiction Risk Test (WART), a psychometrically-sound instru-

    ment used by clinicians and researchers to identify individuals who

    meet the criteria for workaholism. A discriminant analysis of the WART

    suggests that workaholism is a multi-dimensional construct character-

    ized by (a) Compulsive Tendencies, (b)Inability to Control Work Habits,(c) Impaired Communication/Self-Absorption, (d) Inability to Delegate,

    and (e) Impaired Self-Worth (Flowers & Robinson, 2001). Robinson

    (1998a) defines workaholism as a compulsive need to workregardless

    of external pressuresthat manifests itself through self-imposed de-

    mands, an inability to regulate work habits, and an overindulgence in

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    BRYAN E. ROBINSON

    work to the exclusion of most other life activities (p. 7). This definition

    of workaholism guides the conceptual framework of this paper. (For a

    detailed discussion of the psychometric properties of the WART, see

    Robinson, 1998a.)

    When workaholism has been studied, the focus has been mainly

    on its implications for the workplace, work productivity, and career

    counseling and development (e.g., Matthews & Halbrook, 1990;

    Naughton, 1987; Porter, 1996, 1998). Still, even career and organiza-

    tional theorists have devoted little attention to the concept of workahol-

    ism, despite its having been identified as an increasingly importantfactor in the work careers of many individuals (Naughton, 1987; Porter,

    1996).

    In terms of career development, Weinberg and Mauksch (1991)

    discovered that patterns of interaction to which people become accus-

    tomed in their families of origin often play unacknowledged roles in

    their lives and can contribute to unwanted pressures and job stresses.

    Matthews and Halbrook (1990) suggested that adults from dysfunc-

    tional families of origin seek out high-stress jobs where work addiction

    is rampant because in their families of origin they develop a high

    tolerance for stressful and chaotic conditions. Because the workplace is

    often a replication of the family of origin, it is a setting where unresolved

    issues are reenacted.

    The first study to directly investigate the relationship betweenworkaholism and family functioning provided evidence suggesting that

    work addiction can lead to brittle family relationships, contribute to

    marital conflict, and create dysfunction within the family (Robinson &

    Post, 1995, 1997). The investigators administered a battery of instru-

    ments to 107 subjects from Workaholics Anonymous across the United

    States and Canada. Workaholism (i.e., scores on the WART) was signifi-

    cantly correlated with current family functioning (i.e., scores on the

    Family Assessment Device). The higher the workaholism scores, the

    higher the degree of perceived dysfunction in ones current family.

    Greater workaholism was related to less effective problem solving,

    lower communication, less clearly established family roles, fewer affec-

    tive responses, less affective involvement, and lower general function-

    ing in families established in adulthood. Based on the WART scores,three groups were established from the sample: Low, Medium, and

    High-risk for workaholism. Individuals in the High-risk group were

    more likely to rate their families as having problems in communication

    or in the exchange of information among family members than those

    in the Low- or Medium-risk categories. They were more likely to rate

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    CONTEMPORARY FAMILY THERAPY

    their families as having less clearly defined family roles and believed

    their families were less likely to have established behavior patterns

    for handling repetitive family functions than those in the other groups.

    They also said their families were less likely to appropriately express

    feelings in response to various events that occurred in the family. High-

    risk adults said their families were less likely to be interested in and

    value each others activities and concerns. High-risk individuals also

    were perceived to more likely have problems in the general functioning

    and overall health and pathology of their families than individuals at

    Low- or Medium-risk for workaholism.Although specific family members were not directly targeted in

    this study, one could predict from its findings and from other empirical

    research that both spouses and offspring of workaholics may be at risk

    for certain psychological outcomes, not unlike those of family members

    of alcoholics (e.g., Chase, Deming, & Wells, 1998; Kelly & Myers, 1996;

    Robinson & Rhoden, 1998; Tweed & Ryff, 1991).Clinical reports suggest

    that, because of structural and dynamic characteristics of the worka-

    holic family, each family member can be negatively affected by worka-

    holism and can develop a set of mental health problems of their own

    (Robinson, 1998b). The structure of the workaholic family system is

    such that spouses and children become extensions of work and career

    and the workaholics ego, molding their lives around interests and

    values of workaholics, thus inevitably leading to family conflict (Pie-tropinto, 1986; Robinson, 1998b). An inverse relationship between mar-

    ital satisfaction and obsessive working has been documented in the

    research literature (Gabbard & Menninger, 1989; Matthews, Conger, &

    Wickrama, 1996; Orbuch, House, Mero, & Webster, 1996). Although

    this pattern has never been empirically studied among workaholic

    couples, it has special relevance for workaholic spousal relationships.

    SPOUSAL RELATIONSHIPS INWORKAHOLIC FAMILIES

    Little empirical research exists on the spouses of workaholics. In-

    formation that is available mostly comes from magazine surveys (Her-bst, 1996; Weeks, 1995), and case study reports (Robinson, 1998a).

    Clearly, these popular press articles are non-empirical, difficult to gen-

    eralize, and fail to contribute to a solid body of academic research in

    this area.

    In the first empirical examination of spousal workaholism, a group

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    BRYAN E. ROBINSON

    of 400 physicians was polled regarding their observations of workahol-

    ics as marital spouses (Pietropinto, 1986). Results indicated that worka-

    holics devote an inordinate amount of time to work as opposed to

    marriage and they have higher than normal expectations for marital

    satisfaction. They are more demanding of achievement in their children

    than nonworkaholics and their typical approach to leisure time is to

    fill it with work activities. The workaholics usual style in marital

    disagreements is to avoid confrontation or use passive-aggressive ma-

    neuvers such as silence and sulking. Physicians as a group generally

    agreed that these combined factors wreak havoc on the family unit.Hundreds of anecdotal reports from self-professed workaholics and

    their spouses suggest a pattern of broken marriages and brittle social

    relationships (Robinson, 1998a).

    Only one study has been executed in which spouses of workaholics

    were directly assessed on their perspectives of living in an atmosphere

    of workaholism (Robinson, Carroll, & Flowers, 2000). This study com-

    pared a sample of spouses of workaholics and spouses of non-workahol-

    ics on marital estrangement, positive feelings toward husband, and

    locus of control. A random national sample of 326 participants drawn

    from the membership list of the American Counseling Association was

    surveyed. Spouses of workaholics reported significantly greater marital

    estrangement and less positive affect towards husbands and higher

    external locus of control than spouses of non-workaholics. Moreover,there was a statistically significant difference between reports of

    spouses of workaholics and spouses of non-workaholics in the number

    of hours their husbands worked (i.e., an average of 9.5 more hours per

    week). These findings were the first empirical results to corroborate

    clinical and case study reports. Other studies have suggested that

    workaholics are more interested in mastery than in feelingsmastery

    over emotions instead of the expression of themwhich makes them

    feel safer and more in control. They tend to score higher on the Thinking

    Scale of the Myers-Briggs Indicator, a psychological test of personality

    type, than on the Feeling Scale (Swary, 1996).

    The Japanese refer to the workaholic husband who extricates him-

    self from thefamilythereby contributingto his feeling like an outsider

    and his concomitant role as a marginal family memberas a seven-eleven husband: He tends to have a rather marginal family member-

    ship, and receives only limited substantive validation for his familial

    self from the family. When the family forms an internal alliance exclud-

    ing the marginal father, he is likely to feel displaced and unwanted at

    home, which in turn reinforces his wish to be back in a familiar working

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    environment (Ishiyama & Kitayama, 1994, p. 180). This marginal

    participation in family life has a negative impact on workaholics during

    retirement. Japanese wives use the derogatory term, nure-ochiba (a

    wet fallen leaf) to refer to retired workaholic husbands who do not

    know what to do with themselves when not working and who hang

    around the house expecting their wives to be in charge of their spare

    time (Ishiyama & Kitayama, 1994).

    Many spouses describe life with a workaholic as a living nightmare

    (Robinson, 1998a); for some it can lead to desperation and in rare cases

    to violence, as evidenced from one report:

    In February 1972, Earl D. Rhode, 28, a bright executive climb-ing the ladder of success, fell victim to a national aberrationworkaholism. He returned to his suburban home in Washing-ton, D.C. one evening after a long day at the office with abriefcase bulging with work. The executive secretary of theNixon Administrations Cost of Living Council rested on theliving room couch as his wife approached and then calmly puta bullet in his head. Then she killed her self. A newspaper storyquoted neighbors as saying she had been complaining about herhusbands seven-day workweek. (Walsh, 1987, p. 82)

    Outwardly, workaholic families appear immune from the effectsof the hard-driving, compulsive behaviors. Workaholics mask their anx-

    iety, depression, or fear of not being in control by resiliency, perfection-

    ism, over-responsibility, or self-reliance to the point of having difficulty

    asking for help (Robinson, 1998a). Case studies indicate that family

    members often are reluctant to come forward for fear of being branded

    as ingrates for the material rewards generated by the workaholic

    lifestyle (Robinson, 2000b). Carroll (2001) suggests that this lack of

    understanding can cause spouses of workaholics to question their own

    perceptions and feelingsand to wonder if perhaps it is theywho havethe

    problem. As they see friends and colleagues heap praise and financial

    rewards on the workaholic, spouses suppress their private pain and

    quietly believe something is wrong with them (Robinson & Chase,

    2001). The themes of isolation, low self-regard, and vilification werereflected in a 10point profile developed from hundreds of case studies

    of spouses of workaholics (Robinson, 1998a).

    Over time family members build a pattern of responses to their

    loved ones workaholism (Robinson, 1998b). Spouses, not unlike alco-

    holic spouses, become consumed with trying to get workaholics to curb

    their compulsive behaviors and spend more time in the relationship.

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    Spouses and children of workaholics report feeling lonely, unloved,

    isolated, and emotionally and physically abandoned (Robinson, 1998a).

    They may habitually complain or become cynical about the workaholics

    abusive work habits. A common refrain is that even when workaholics

    are physically present, they are emotionally unavailable and discon-

    nected from the family. Spouses of workaholics may have single-hand-

    edly raised the children and complain of having the major portion of

    parenting responsibilities dumped on them. Filled with resentment of

    this one-sided arrangement, they tend to react with anger and com-

    plaining. Some workaholics then use the verbal complaints as justifica-tion for their physical and emotional aloofness. Thus, circularity often

    occurs when workaholics assert, I wouldnt work so much if you

    wouldnt nag me all the time, whereupon spouses retort, I wouldnt

    bug you so much if you didnt work all the time. In the progressive

    stages of their condition, workaholics do not tolerate their spouses

    objections to their working. They either take an aggressive approach

    of blowing up or a passive-aggressive approach of sneaking their stash.

    Concealing their working is an effort to avoid criticisms and confronta-

    tions with a spouse, much like an alcoholic hiding beer bottles. Worka-

    holics hide memos or files in their suitcases, pretend to rest while a

    spouse goes off to the grocery store, or feign going to the gym and

    working out at the end of the day in order to sneak in an extra hour

    or two at the office (Robinson, 1998a).

    CLINICAL AND EMPIRICAL STUDIES ON CHILDRENOF WORKAHOLICS

    Three decades ago, it was suggested that workaholism could nega-

    tively affect the development of children, although little attention has

    been paid to this issue since Oates (1971) identified four symptoms

    from his conversations with a handful of children affected by parental

    workaholism. Preoccupation was the most significant symptom cited

    by children of workaholics whose parents always had something else

    on their minds. The second symptom was hastetheir parents were

    always rushing around. Irritability was pronounced as when parentswere so deeply immersed in their work that it made them cross and

    cranky. Related to the fact that the children felt that the workaholic

    parents took work too seriously and lacked humor, was the fourth

    symptom identified by children. which was parental depression about

    work. All four of these offsprings reports have been corroborated by

    later empirical studies which confirm that workaholics exhibit greater

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    anxiety, anger, depression, and stress than non-workaholics and that

    they perceive themselves as having more job stress, perfectionism, more

    generalized anxiety, more health complaints, and unwillingness to dele-

    gate job responsibilities to others than non-workaholics (Fogus, 1998;

    Haymon, 1993; Spence & Robbins, 1992).

    The clinical literature suggests that many children of workaholics

    carry the same legacy as their workaholic parents: they become other-

    directed and approval-seeking to meet adult expectations (Robinson,

    1998a). This observation has been supported by the first two empirical

    studies to empirically investigate adult children of workaholics whichreported that adult children of workaholics had greater external locus

    of control (Robinson & Kelley, 1998) and were more extrinsically moti-

    vated (Navarette, 1998) than comparison groups of adult children from

    non-workaholic families. These studies also indicated that adult chil-

    dren of workaholics, compared to adult children of non-workaholics,

    suffer greater depression, higher anxiety, and greater obsessive-com-

    pulsive tendencies (Navarette, 1998; Robinson & Kelley, 1998). The

    findings in these two studies were replicated by a third study in South

    Australia, where 125 adult children of workaholics and adult children

    of non-workaholics were compared on anxiety and depression levels,

    view of family relationships, and their own risk for workaholism

    (Searcy, 2000). Results corroborated previous studies. Children of work-

    aholic parents had significantly higher depression levels, rated theirfamilies as more dysfunctional, and were at higher risk for workaholism

    themselves. Children of workaholic mothers, but not workaholic fa-

    thers, also had higher levels of anxiety.

    Moreover, a fourth study comparing adult children of workaholics

    with adult children of alcoholics (Carroll & Robinson, 2000) indicated

    that adult children of workaholics had higher scores on depression and

    parentification than both adults from alcoholic homes and adults from

    non-workaholic homes. Although the research on adult children of

    workaholics is still embryonic, results of these studies suggest that

    children are affected by parental work addiction in negative ways that

    are mentally unhealthy and that might cause problems well into young

    adulthood.

    IMPLICATIONS FOR FAMILY PRACTITIONERS

    It is hoped that the findings reported in this paper will alert family

    practitioners and researchers to the unmet needs of workaholics and

    their families. Both practitioners and researchers can unmask this

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    insidious problem that continues to masquerade as an innocuous, some-

    times positive, family attribute. It is imperative that family experts

    pay more attention to the subject of workaholism so that a better

    working knowledge of the condition can be accrued. A number of actions

    can be taken that will improve the quality of research, our understand-

    ing of workaholic family functioning, and ultimately our ability to apply

    this information in professional practice.

    More Empirical Research on Workaholic Family Functioning

    The attention given to the study of workaholism and family func-

    tioning pales in comparison to the hundreds of investigations that exist

    on alcoholism and other compulsive behaviors. After an exhaustive

    search of the literature usingPsychological Abstracts, Sociological Ab-stracts, and the Guide to Periodical Literature, other investigatorsfound only a handful of articles containing the word Workaholism in

    the title or abstract (Seybold & Salomone, 1994). They further claimed

    that, Although many writers have contributed to the understanding

    of work addiction, in most cases they have addressed this complex issue

    in an incomplete and fragmentary manner (p. 4).

    Researchers have made a compelling case for devoting more scien-

    tific attention to the study of workaholism (Burke, 2000). An increase

    in the sheer quantity of studies on work addiction is neededstudiesthat include the direct assessment of workaholics and their spouses

    instead of polls of physicians (e.g., Pietropinto, 1986) or magazine read-

    ers (e.g., Herbst, 1996). More empirical research is needed on the psy-

    chological problems and adjustment of the spouses and children of

    workaholics. Currently, only four studies exist on the perceptions of

    the children (Carroll & Robinson, 2000; Navarette, 1998; Robinson &

    Kelley, 1998). Moreover, we have clinical accounts on spouses of worka-

    holics (Pietropinto, 1986; Robinson, 1998a), but only one study has ever

    been performed assessing the attitudes, feelings, and psychological

    adjustment of spouses of workaholics (Robinson, Carroll, & Flowers,

    2000).

    More Sophisticated Research Methodology

    The information we have on workaholics is based predominantly

    on self-report data, namely self-administered questionnaires or face-

    to-face interviews with convenience samples. These limited approaches,

    although useful for building a knowledge base, have led to a need

    for more sampling and methodological specificity. It is important that

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    future research studies are well-planned and include randomized, rep-

    resentative samples.

    A multi-method approach to data collection in which observational

    techniques are used in conjunction with the traditional self-report and

    interview techniques will yield more reliable data and lead to a better

    understanding of workaholic family functioning. No study has ever

    employed this approach in its investigation of workaholic families.

    Moreover, it is essential that future research employs a systems-ori-

    ented approach and assesses perceptions and behaviors of spouses and

    children of workaholics. Other researchers have emphasized the impor-tance of collecting data from family, friends, and co-workers to provide

    a more reliable indicator than the self-reports of workaholics (Porter,

    1996).

    In addition, maintaining an ecological focus is crucial as workahol-

    ics are observed interacting in the family and organizational system,

    not just the researchers laboratory. Family scientists need multivariate

    designs with larger samples that will provide data on the interaction of

    significant variables that impact workaholics and their entire families.

    Longitudinal studies also are needed to follow workaholics over time

    to assess the progression of the disorder in terms of psychological,

    attitudinal, and behavioral changes, family relationships, and work

    satisfaction and performance.

    Initial Screening

    As part of the initial assessment, practitioners can screen for the

    presence of workaholism in thefamily, just as they would foralcoholism.

    When adults present with evidence of depression and/or parentification,

    it is important to consider the presence of workaholism in the family

    of origin as a contributing factor. Moreover, it is important to identify

    the structure of the workaholic family. Is there a tacit family contract

    that permits work addiction? Is the spouse unwittingly enabling the

    addiction? Are there unspoken expectations of children that place them

    into parentified roles that could cause them long-term emotional prob-

    lems? Bringing these unconscious factors into thelight canhelp families

    restructure their behaviors.Once the family structure is ascertained, screening beyond the

    surface of this pretty addiction can be made for potential anxiety and

    depression among workaholics, their spouses, and children. Expecta-

    tions of change in workaholics require that family members who have

    built a pattern of reactions to their loved ones work addiction, be

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    prepared to change as well. Spouses may have gotten into the habit of

    complaining or being cynical about the workaholics absence. Clinicians

    who work with the workaholic couple must be prepared for resistance

    on both sides. One parent who single-handedly raised the kids may

    become resentful when suddenly her workaholic spouse decides to take

    a more active role in parenting. Change in family structure can evoke

    anger and hurtful feelings of where were you 10 years ago? and can

    lead to turf battles.

    Family members may be sending the workaholic mixed signals by

    complaining about his or her absence and, as movement back intothe family system occurs, complaining about his or her attempts at

    integration. Spouses need to be made aware of the double bind of

    complaining about their partners overworking in one breath and mak-

    ing unreasonable financial demands for material comforts in another.

    In some cases they must be willing and prepared to sacrifice financial

    advantages in return for less working and more presence and participa-

    tion of workaholics in their families.

    Another issue that needs to be addressed in treatment is helping

    families negotiate boundaries around the amount of time they spend

    working together and talking about work. They can be helped to learn

    that work does not have to dominate their conversations but that they

    can discuss work frustrations and successes as all healthy couples and

    families do. Additional goals in terms of family dynamics are to workon effective family roles, greater affective responses, more affective

    involvement, and higher general functioningall of which characterize

    the workaholic family system (Robinson & Post, 1995).

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