1

Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj: A Study of Women Representatives in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh

RAKESH K SINGH

INDIAN SOCIAL INSTITUTE

10, INSTITUTIONAL AREA LODI ROAD, NEW DELHI-110 003

STUDY REPORT MARCH 2014

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page No.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 4

LIST OF TABLES 5

LIST OF FIGURES 6

LIST OF BOXES 6

GLOSSARY 7

Chapter-1 INTRODUCTION 8-19

1.1 Status of Women in Rural India 8-11

1.2 Evolution of Panchayats: An Overview 12-14

1.3 Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 14-15

1.4 Panchayati Raj in Uttar Pradesh 15-17

1.5 Women and Panchayats in Bundelkhand 17-19

1.6 Present Study 19

Chapter-2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY

20-30

2.1 Introduction 20

2.2 Statement of the Problem 20

2.3 Significance of the Study 20-21

2.4 Objectives of the Study 21

2.5 Research Variables 21-22

2.6 Research Questions 22-23

2.7 Methodology 23-29

2.7.1 Instruments Used 23

2.7.2 Process of Study 24

2.7.3 Study Area 24-27

2.7.4 Sample Design 27-29

2.7.5 Data Analysis 29

2.8 Limitations 29-30

Chapter-3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 31-39

3.1 Introduction 31

3.2 Empowerment: The Concept and Definition 31-33

3.3 Women Empowerment 33-36

3.3.1 Measuring Women Empowerment in Rural India 34-36

3.4 Other Operational Frameworks 37-39

Chapter-4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 40-95

4.0 Introduction 40

4.1 Socio-Demographic Profile of Women Representatives 40-47

4.1.1 Age Profile 40-42

4.1.2 Educational Level 42-43

4.1.3 Primary Occupation 43-45

4.1.4 Marital Status and Religious Affiliation 45

4.1.5 Economic Profile 45-47

4.1.6 Profile of Male representatives 47-48

4.1.7 Profile of Community Members 49-50

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4.2 Participation, Awareness and Role Performance 51-67 4.2.1 Introduction 51

4.2.2 Participation of Women Representatives in Gram Panchayats 51-58

4.2.3 Awareness of Women Representatives 58-61

4.2.4 Role Performance of Women Representatives 61-67

4.3 Nature and Extent of Women Empowerment 68-75

4.3.1 Extent of Women Empowerment 68-69

4.3.2 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Demographic Variables

69-71

4.3.3 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Awareness, Participation, Performance and Interface Variables

72

4.3.4 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related Variables

72-75

4.4 Blocks to Women Representatives 76-89

4.4.1 Caste-related Blocks 77-79

4.4.2 Patriarchy-related Blocks 79-82

4.4.3 Socio-economic Blocks 83-84

4.4.4 Proxy-related Blocks 84-86

4.4.5 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Blocks 86-87

4.4.6 Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables

87-89

4.5 Role of Capacity Building Training and Enabling Structures 90-95

4.5.1 Capacity Building Training 90-94

4.5.2 Parallel Village Bodies and Community Based Organisations 94-95

Chapter-5 CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS 96-103

5.1 Conclusions 96-100

5.2 Suggestions 100-103

LIST OF REFERENCES 104-107

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I express my deep sense of gratitude to Dr Joseph Xavier, S.J, Executive Director,

Indian Social Institute for entrusting this study to me and for his ruitful discussions

and support. My thanks are due to Dr. Paul D’Souza, Research Director of the

Institute, for sparing his valuable time and talking to me from time to time on issues

relating to women empowerment and representation of women in Gram Panchayats.

I am grateful to Dr. Marianus Kujur S.J, Joy Karayampuram S.J, Dr. Denzil

Fernandes S.J., Dr. Archana Sinha, Mrs. Renuka Rammanujam, and all past and

present faculty members of the Institute, especially Dr. Christopher Lakra, S.J.,

Former Executive Director and Prof. John Chathanatt, S.J, former Research Director

for the keen interest that they have evinced in this study.

My sincere thanks are also due to the Women Representative and community

members of Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand who gave us their time during the field

work and provided valuable insights and observations.

While the entire team from Vidya Dham Samiti, Atarra deserves special recognition

for their dedicated and efficient field work, I am especially thankful to Raja Bhaiya

and Jainarayanji for helping me with the interviews and data collection from all the

seven districts of Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand.

I also acknowledge Ms Madhuri Paliwal for undertaking the responsibility of data

entry. Many more who have helped during the course of this study directly or

indirectly are duly acknowledged.

Rakesh K Singh Principle Researcher Department of Women’s Studies Indian Social Institute

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LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Brief Profile of Study Area – Bundelkhand (U.P.)

Table 2.2 District/Block-wise Sample Distribution Table 4.1 Respondent Panchayat Representatives Table 4.2 Age of Women representatives by Social Category (%)

Table 4.3 Education of Women Representatives by Social Category Table 4.4 Primary Occupation of Women Representatives by Social Category

Table 4.5 Economic Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category

Table 4.6 Land Ownership Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category (%)

Table 4.7 Socio-demographic Profile of Male Representatives (%)

Table 4.8 Socio-demographic Profile of Community Members (%) Table 4.9 Number of Times Gram Sabha Meetings Held in a Year (%) Table 4.10 Formation of Quorum for Gram Sabha Meetings (%)

Table 4.11 Participation in Gram Sabha Meetings (%) Table 4.12 Participation of Women Representatives in Development Agenda of

Panchayats (%) Table 4.13 Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions (%) Table 4.14 Implementation of Panchayat Raj Development Agenda (%)

Table 4.15 Implementation of Community Development Programmes (%) Table 4.16 Interaction with Government Functionaries (%)

Table 4.17 Interaction with Line Departments (%) Table 4.18 Monitoring of Govt. Schemes/ Functioning of Officials

Table 4.19 Extent of Women Empowerment in Rural Bundelkhand of UP Table 4.20 Correlation of Women Empowerment with Demographic Variables Table 4.21 Social Category and Women Empowerment

Table 4.22 Correlation of Women empowerment with Awareness, participation, Performance and Interface with Government

Table 4.23 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related Variables

Table 4.24 Blocks to Women Representatives (%)

Table 4.25 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Blocks Table 4.26 Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables

Table 4.27 Training Received by Women Representatives (%) Table 4.28 Reasons for Training Not Received (%) Table 4.29 Content of Training Received (%)

Table 4.30 Agenda for Training/ Further Training (%) Table 4.31 Membership in Various Parallel Bodies (%)

Table 4.32 Association with CBOs (%)

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1 Sample Distribution by Respondent Types Figure 2.2 Sample Distribution by Districts/Blocks

Figure 3 Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj: The Study Diagram Figure 4.1 Age of Women Representatives

Figure 4.2 Educational Attainment of WRs Figure 4.3 Primary Occupation on the Basis of Time Spent

Figure 4.4 Participation of WRs in Gram Sabha Meetings Figure 4..4.1 Participation in Panchayat Development Agenda Figure 4.5 Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions

Figure 4.6 WRs and Discussion on Development Issues in Panchayat Meetings Figure 4.7 Role of WRs in Implementation of Community Development

Programmes Figure 4.8 Interface with Government by Social Categories (%) Figure 4.9 Caste Blocks to Women Representatives

Figure 4.10 Patriarchy Blocks to Women empowerment Figure 4.11 Socio-Economic Blocks to Women Representatives

Figure 4.12 Proxy Blocks to Women Representatives

LIST OF BOXES

Box-1 ‘Don’t attend Panchayat meetings, because don’t get information’: Meera

Box-2 Can’t run from pillar to post all the time, no one listens: Meena Box-3 Things would improve only with the passage of time, says

Panchayat Secretary Box-4 Sanjo: Fighting against the Odds and succeeding Box-5 Prevalent gender norms preventing interaction

Box-6 Women Empowerment: The Gulabi Gang Style Box-7 Reasons for low women empowerment level are many: Raja Bhaiya

Box-8 Who will take care of home, asks Rajeshwari Pal

Box-9 Registration of land and properties in women’s name increasing: Bhola Prasad

Box-10 Males don’t let women to come to the forefront Box-11 Household matters are most important for ladies: Indra Pal, a Dalit

Pradhan-Pati Box-12 Gender discrimination still pervasive: Babita Gupta, Asha Bahu Box-13 Gopi: The Story of an abandoned girl Child

Box-14 Munni Devi: a disempowered woman in veil Box-15 Vimala: A Victim of physical abuse and desertion

Box-16 ‘She would only echo what I say’: Shivlal

Box-17 School management Committee and absentee Women Panchayat members

Box-18 Jyoti survives to fight

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GLOSSARY ANM = Auxiliary Nurse Midwife APL = Above Poverty Line BPL = Below Poverty Line CBOs = Community Based Organisations CMs = Community Members CSR= Child Sex Ratio ERs = Elected Representatives EWR = Elected Woman Representative GOI = Government of India GP = Gram Panchayat GS = Gram Sabha ICDS = Integrated Child Development Scheme JMC = Joint Management Committee MDG = Millennium Development Goals MDMS = Mid Day Meal Scheme MMR = Maternal Mortality Rate MNREGA = Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act MR = Male Representative NRHM = National Rural Health Mission OBC = Other Backward Caste PDS = Public Distribution System PRIs =Panchayati Raj Institutions PVBs = Parallel Village Bodies SC = Scheduled Caste SHG = Self Help Group SPSS = Statistical Package for Social Scientists SSA = Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan ST = Scheduled Tribe TSC = Total Sanitation Campaign UEE = Universal Elementary Education UP = Uttar Pradesh VEC = Village Education Committee VWSC = Village Water and Sanitation WCP = Women's Component Plan WEC = Women Empowerment Committee WEC = Women Empowerment Committee WM = Ward Member WR = Woman Representative

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Chapter-1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 STATUS OF WOMEN IN RURAL INDIA

Of the 587 million women in India, more than half of them – 405 million – are in

rural areas, according to Census 2011. Women have been identified as key agents of

sustainable development and women's equality and empowerment are seen as

central to a more holistic approach towards establishing new patterns and processes

of development that are sustainable. Women empowerment is essential for ensuring

not just their personal or household welfare, but also the wellbeing of the entire

society as women are seen to be the primary guardians responsible for altering the

quality and quantity of human resources available in a country to promote

sustainable development in the coming generations (UNFPA, 2005). The importance

of women empowerment on the international development agenda is amply clear

from the policy statements made at such high level international conferences as

Beijing Platform for Action, the Beijing +5 Declaration and Resolution, the Cairo

Programme of Action, the Millennium Declaration and the Convention on the

Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. All these forums have

identified gender equality both as a development objective in itself, as well as a

means to promote growth, good governance, and reduce poverty.

Since Independence, the Government has introduced a number of path-breaking

laws relating to women. Some of the important legislative measures include, among

others, the Hindu Marriage Act (1955), The Hindu Succession Act (1956), Dowry

Prohibition Act (1961), Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act (1971), Equal

Remuneration Act (1976), Child Marriage Restraint Act (1976), Immoral Trafficking

(Prevention) Act (1986), Pre-natal Diagnostic Technique (Regulation and Prevention

of Measure) Act (1994), Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (2005),

Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (2006), Protection of Children from Sexual

Offences Act (2012), Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace – Prevention,

Prohibition and Redressal Act (2013) and finally the Anti-Rape or Criminal Law

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(Amendment) Act (2013). Besides, various welfare measures have also been taken up

by the Government from time to time to empower women.

There are however significant gaps between policy advancements and actual

practice at the community level. One key factor for the gap in implementation of

laws and policies to address discrimination and socio-economic disadvantages

against women is largely the patriarchal structure that governs the community and

households in much of India. As such, women and girls have restricted mobility,

access to education, access to health facilities, and lower decision-making power,

and experience higher rates of violence. Moreover, they are, by and large, excluded

from political life, which by its very nature takes place in a public forum. Whatever

whiff of emancipation has blown in Indian society, has been inhaled and enjoyed by

the urban women, their population belonging to the rural areas are still totally

untouched by the wind of changes.

Among rural women, there are further divisions that hinder women's

empowerment. The most notable ones are education levels and caste and class

divisions. Women from socially disadvantaged groups (the scheduled castes, other

backward castes, and tribal communities) are particularly vulnerable to maternal

mortality and infant mortality. They are often unable to access health and

educational services, lack decision-making power, and face higher levels of violence.

Among these groups, however, some level of education has shown to have a positive

impact on women's empowerment indicators.

The status of rural women with respect to various socio-economic conditions in the

country is described below:

Low Sex Ratio

Gender disparity manifests itself in various forms, the most obvious being the low

sex-ratio in the population in the last few decades. The overall sex ratio (number of

women per 1,000 men) improved only marginally in rural areas from 946 to 947

between 2001- 2011. The real improvement was seen in urban areas where the sex

ratio improved from 900 to 926 during the same time. Though the child sex ratio (0-6

10

years) is far worse in urban areas than in rural areas, the fall in rural areas has been

much sharper – from 934 to 919, i.e., a drop of 15 points (Figure1.1). This also goes to

show the higher preference for male child rather than females.

Maternal Mortality Rate

Maternal mortality in India is estimated at 212 per one lakh live births, whereas the

country`s MDG in this respect is 109 per one lakh live births by 2015 (The

Millennium Development Goals Report 2012). As many as 150 women were dying

daily in India, as per 2010 data on maternal deaths. This means one woman is dying

every ten minutes. The states where MMR is still high are Assam, Bihar, Madhya

Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan, besides others. Not surprisingly, higher rates

of maternal mortality are more characteristic of rural and backward caste women

than of urban and forward caste women. This is also a pointer to the poor access of

women to health care in general and maternity facilities in particular, in rural India.

Poverty

Nearly one out of three persons in India's villages - or about 32% of rural population

- lives in abject poverty with income barely enough to buy even basic essentials

(Ministry of Rural Development, GOI, 2013). However, it is women both in rural and

urban areas who face a higher risk of poverty and more limited economic

opportunities than their male counterparts. Women in rural poverty live under the

same harsh conditions as their male counterparts, but experience additional cultural

and policy biases which undervalue their work in both the informal, and if

accessible, formal labor markets (World Survey, 2009). Moreover, women’s

contribution to the rural economy is generally underestimated, as women perform a

disproportionate amount of care work, work that often goes unrecognized because it

is not seen as economically productive.

Educational Deprivation

Educational deprivation is a distinct gender dimension which is most visible in case

of rural women and girl children, especially those belonging to oppressed castes (the

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scheduled castes, tribal communities, and other backward castes). The literacy rate

of women is much lower than men because boys receive more schooling than girls.

However, modest improvement is gradually coming up in the educational level of

women. The overall female literacy rate has gone up by 31% from 224 million in 2001

to 328 million in 2011. Nevertheless, while the literacy rate in rural India has

increased to 58% from 46%, the literacy rate for urban females shows a growth from

73% to 79% in the same time period.

Financial Inclusion

One of the ways in which the government has tried to ensure financial inclusion in

rural areas is through self-help groups (SHGs). The number of women headed SHGs

with saving accounts has increased from 5.3 million to 5.9 million from 2009 to 2013.

As on 31 March 2013, nearly 6 million SHGs have reached 95 million people in the

country. However, SHGs having savings account is only considered the first step to

financial inclusion; the real indicator would be the loans disbursed to SHGs.

Unfortunately, the number of SHGs receiving loans has come down from 1.2 million

in 2009-10 to 1 million in 2012-13. This tends to shows that commercial banks are

cautious while lending to SHGs.

So, rural women in India face battles that begin from their birth – with the declining

child sex ratio – to accessing loans through SHGs. There are, however, a few good

developments like increasing literacy rates and more and more women learning to

read and write. Whenever and whatever opportunities are provided to rural women,

they seem to grab them; for example, the formation of SHGs under Swarnajayanti

Grameen Swarozgar Yojana.

1.2. EVOLUTION OF PANCHAYATS: AN OVERVIEW

Panchayati Raj is not a new phenomenon in the country. It has its roots in ancient

Indian institutions when the villages were little republics governed by their

Panchayats. In modern India, however, the idea of Panchayats was first evoked in

the colonial period. The British through their ruthless method of revenue collection

and the introduction of Zamindari land tenure system almost destroyed these

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ancient republics and also the involvement of women in politics. After

Independence, the idea of the revival of Panchayats was first proposed in the

Balwantrai Mehta Committee Report (1957), which saw democratic decentralisation

as a way of making good the failures of the community development programme.

Subsequently, the National Development Council endorsed the basic principles of

democratic decentralization enunciated in the Balwantrai Mehta report and laid on

States the duty of working out the structures suitable to each State.

By the mid-60s, Panchayats had been established in several States all over India in

accordance with local state legislations. However, these were differentially

empowered by these legislations. Women were not given any special representation

through reservation in Panchayat bodies. Elections to these bodies were not held

regularly and state governments often superseded them prematurely and placed

them under administrators (Committee on Empowerment of Women, 2009-2010).

Two decades later, the Asoka Mehta Committee Report (1978) on Panchayati Raj

Institutions made far-reaching recommendations for the revival of Panchayats,

which also included inclusion in the Constitution.

In keeping with the spirit of the Asoka Mehta Committee recommendations, some

States including West Bengal, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh revisited their

respective Panchayati Raj systems and undertook several new initiatives to endow

local bodies with more powers.The importance of according Constitutional status to

the PRIs subsequently came up in the recommendations of several official

committees reviewing rural development and poverty alleviation programmes (e.g.,

the G.V.K.Rao Committee, 1985; the L.M. Singhvi Committee, 1986). The Sarkaria

Commission on Centre-State relations also noted that panchayats were not

functioning effectively as elections to them were not regularly held, and they were

constantly being superseded on flimsy grounds. At the national level, the initiative

to give Constitutional status to Panchayati Raj was attempted by the Rajiv Gandhi

government in 1989. Eventually, in 1993, Panchayati Raj was incorporated into the

Constitution by the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (Ministry of Panchayat Raj,

2008).

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Notably, until the passage of the 73rd Amendment Act, the suggestion for

strengthening women's representation was only faintly articulated in the

mainstream history of Panchayati Raj. The Balwantrai Mehta Committee report had

suggested only that the 20-member Panchayat Samiti should co-opt or nominate two

women, "interested in work among women and children" (Government of India,

1957). Between Balwantrai Mehta and Asoka Mehta, the Committee for the Status of

Women in India, in its famous report Towards Equality (1974), argued forcefully that

rural women's needs and perspectives had never been given sufficient weightage in

the plans and development policies of the Government of India. The Report

recognised that co-option and nomination were underwritten by the assumption that

women were incapable of contesting elections, and would not permit the

questioning, much less transformation, of power equations in rural society.

The Asoka Mehta Committee Report (1978) recommended a two-tier panchayat

system, in which the two women who polled the highest number of votes in the

panchayat elections would, even if they failed to actually get elected, stand co-opted

into the panchayat. Where no women contested elections, any two women known to

be active community workers, could be co-opted. The issue of the representation of

women and their participation in local-level institutions only came up again in the

parallel stream, with the National Perspective Plan for Women (1988)

recommending 30 percent reservation for women in these bodies. The same

recommendation was also made in the unsuccessful 64th Constitutional Amendment

Bill of 1989, but it was only finally in 1992 that a redesigned three-tier system of

Panchayati Raj - along with the provisions for women's reservation in panchayat

bodies at every level - was incorporated into the Constitution by Amendment, and

subsequently ratified by the states.

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1.3. 73RD CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ACT, 1992

The Amendment Bill, giving Constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj institutions,

was passed by both Houses of Parliament in December 1992. It was ratified by 17

State Assemblies in 1993 and came into force as Constitution 73rd Amendment Act

from the 24th April 1993. The Act provides Constitutional status to the Panchayats

and gives it uniformity by making the three-tier system a permanent feature. The

key features of the Act are the following:

• Panchayats shall be constituted in every State at the village, intermediate and

district level. However, the States with a population not exceeding 20 lakh have

been given the option to not have any intermediate level Panchayat.

• There shall be a Gram Sabha in each village exercising such powers and

performing such functions at the village level as the legislature of a State may

provide by law.

• Members of Panchayats at all levels will be elected through direct elections. The

election of the chairperson at the intermediate and district level will be through

indirect elections and the mode of election of the chairperson of the village

Panchayat has been left to the respective States.

• Seats are reserved for Scheduled Caste (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) at all

level according to their population at each level. Not less than one-third of seats

are reserved for women and these may be allotted by rotation. The office of

chairperson will also be subject to this provision.

• A uniform five-year term has been granted to the Panchayats. In case of

dissolution or supersession, elections should be held within six months of the

date of dissolution.

• State legislatures have the legislative power to confer on the Panchayats such

powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as

institutions of self governance.

• State government has the power to authorise the Panchayats to levy, collect and

appropriate suitable local taxes. The Government can make grant-in-aid to the

Panchayats from the consolidated fund of the concerned State.

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• A State Election Commission shall be constituted to ensure free and fair elections

to the Panchayats.

The 73rd Amendment was inserted in Part IX of the Constitution, containing article

243 to 243-O. Local government is an exclusive State subject under entry 5 of List II

of the 7th Schedule. It was binding on the States that the implementing legislation

should be undertaken within a year of the commencement of the 73rd Amendment

Act.

1.4. PANCHAYATI RAJ IN UTTAR PRADESH

The first Village Panchayat Act in Uttar Pradesh was enacted in 1920. Village level

local bodies were set up to assist in the administration of civil and criminal justice,

sanitation and other common concerns. However, the Panchs of the Panchayats set

up under the Act were to be appointed by the Collector of the district, ruling out any

chances of democratic self-government. Immediately after Independence, Uttar

Pradesh enacted the United Provinces Panchayat Raj Act 1947 (also known as Uttar

Pradesh Panchayat Raj Act, 1947), which was signed by the Governor General on 7th

December, 1947. Under this Act, three bodies were created – Gaon Sabha, Gaon

Panchayat, and Panchayat Adalat or Nyaay Panchayats. To begin with, around

35,000 Gaon Panchayats and 8,000 Nyaay Panchayats started functioning for nearly

5.4 crore (the then) rural population of Uttar Pradesh.

Following the recommendations of Balwant Rai Mehta Committee a three-tier

system of Panchayats was established through the enactment of the U.P. Kshettra

Samitis and Zila Parishads Act, 1961 (later renamed as UP Kshetra Panchayats and

Zila Panchayats Adhiniyam, 1961). The three tiers (from lowest to the highest)

consisted of Gaon Panchayats, Kshetra Samitis and the Zila Parishad. Ksehtra Samiti

was a block level body headed by a Pramukh. It included the Pradhans of

constituent Gaon Sabhas and all the MPs and MLAs belonging to the area or whose

constituencies fell in the area. The Kshetra Samiti was given functions in the fields of

agricultural development, minor irrigation, animal husbandry, health, education and

cooperatives. On the other hand, Zila Parishad was a body at the district level.

During the year 1972-73, when the fourth general elections was successfully

16

completed, there were 72834 Gaon Panchayats and 8792 Nyay Panchayats in force in

Uttar Pradesh.

The Sixth general elections were successfully completed in year 1988 and a 30%

reservation for the women representative was given during the same year.

Following the 73rd Constitutional Amendment) Act, 1992 by the Government of

India, the Government of Uttar Pradesh also amended the UP Kshetra Panchayats

and Zila Panchayats Adhiniyam, 1961 to bring about conformity with the provisions

of the Constitution through the Uttar Pradesh Panchayat Laws (Amendment) Act,

1994. As on March 31st, 2012, there were 51974 Gram Panchayats, 821 Kshettra

Panchayats, and 72 Zila Panchayats established in Uttar Pradesh.

Increasing presence of elected women representatives to the Panchayati Raj

Institutions at various levels has certainly raised hope for women empowerment in

Uttar Pradesh. The 2010 Panchayat elections have resulted in a phenomenally large

number of women elected leaders, much beyond the reserved one-third seats. Areas

where civil society organizations have empowered women at large, the elected

women are found to be very articulate, vigilant and practical. More women in

grassroots organizations will ensure more meaningful engagement of women in

decision making. A more active Gram Sabha which is sensitive to women's issues is

the desirable goal as a woman sarpanch alone in a gender hostile Panchayat may not

be able to accomplish and sustain much for the benefit of women or the village

community at large (Uttar Pradesh Human Development Report, 2007).

The status of women in the State remains a cause of concern. However, women see

effective and efficient functioning of Panchayats closely linked to the issue of active

women's participation (Mahila Samakhya U.P. Annual Report, 2004-05). Entry into

public space, utilization of authority in practice, trainings by government and non-

government agencies are all part of a process of gradual growth of knowledge, self-

esteem and empowerment which gives women the agency to function effectively in

the political process. Even proxy and dummy candidates may experience this

process of empowerment. Having a high participation of women at the local self

17

government level can create an environment which is enabling for other women,

receptive to the idea of gender friendly initiatives and can serve to monitor and

implement government community and gender- based programmes related to

education, nutrition and health.

1.5. WOMEN AND PANCHAYATS IN BUNDELKHAND

The social relations in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh are still based on

feudalism, casteism and rigid patriarchal norms. The harsh realities that unfold for

its women are: they always play second fiddle to men, their caste determines their

social status, they are largely illiterate and their entire existence is confined to the

four walls of the home. If they do to step out, it is either to make endless trips to

fetch water from a distant source or to work as agricultural labour to supplement

their meager household incomes. Quality of life in Bundelkhand is reflected by the

prevalence of diseases, high mortality rate, atrocities against women, poor linkages

by roads, and lack of sanitation at the household level.

The concept of universalisation of education, even at the primary level is far beyond

the reach. The literacy percentage among the SC/ST, and particularly female literacy

among them, shows a very dismal picture. A recent study on development of

elementary education in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh concluded that in

spite of various initiatives taken by the government to achieve the goal of UEE

(Universal Elementary Education) in Bundelkhand region of U.P. vast disparities

were observed in terms of literacy, access, participation, and gender (Narula, 2009).

Backwardness of women is evident from the fact that male literacy is very high in

comparison to females; even lowest level of literacy of male for Lalitpur (75 percent

on overall basis and 73 percent in rural areas) is higher than the highest of female for

any districts.

Bundelkhand also happens to be one of the major contributors to the poor sex ratio

of Uttar Pradesh. While in the 2001 Census, it was the western UP that was red-

marked for killing girls, the 2011 Census figures show that in Bundelkhand, the ratio

has dipped starkly. In 2001, the 0-6 CSR in Jhansi district was 886/1000. But as per

18

the 2011 figures, it has dipped further to 866/1000 with a further difference of 20

girls than the last decade. Similarly the ratio in Chitrakoot, which was known for its

dacoits so far, has fallen from 928 to 907, creating a gap of 21.

Panchayati Raj Institutions in Bundelkhand haven’t so far proved effective because

of interference from bureaucrats and dabangs (dominant/influential individuals).

Due to their disadvantaged social position, the political participation of women,

especially Dalit women in Panchayats seems only a mockery of the constitutional

provisions. Male dominates the political scene, be it the upper caste man of the

village or the husbands of Dalit women Pradhans/ Ward members. According to a

ground assessment, the concept of Gram Sabhas has become nearly redundant.

Pradhans have become the all-important centres of power, as well as repositories of

state and central funding for implementation of all village level schemes. Most of

them are backed by political parties or use the position as a ticket to further their

political ambitions (Times News Network, 2010)

Panchayats in the region are hardly women-friendly, focusing on issues faced by

women and children. On the other hand, assuming the constitutional office does not

mean the end of discrimination. Upper caste men do not like to be ruled by a woman

and that too by one who belongs to a lower caste. Recently it was reported that two

Dalit women Pradhans of the Bundelkhand region were forced to move out of their

villages due to constant threats and oppression from people of upper castes

(Mookerji, 2011).

1.6. PRESENT STUDY

It is in the above context that the present study titled ‘Women Empowerment and

Panchayati Raj: A Study of Women Representatives in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar

Pradesh’ is located. As the above account shows, the human development indicators

of rural women, particularly those belonging to socially disadvantaged groups, are

abysmally poor. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act has given a new dimension

to the process of women's empowerment. Apart from one-third reservation of

women in PRIs, it has given constitutional powers and responsibilities for a range of

19

issues including resource management, family planning, education and health. With

the participation of women in PRIs, interpersonal relations within their families are

expected have changed for the better and this political process would also improve

women's perceptions of their own capabilities.

The present study would examine the extent of women empowerment in

Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh in the context of increased participation and

role performance of women members in Gram Panchayats. While investigating the

relationship of participation and performance of elected women members and that

of gender and social equality with women empowerment in the region, the present

study would also analyze socio-economic blocks that inhibit women empowerment,

need for capacity building trainings for women members, and value addition by

parallel village bodies, such as Women Empowerment Committee (WEC), Village

Education Committee (VEC), etc., and community based organizations such as

SHGs as enabling factors.

20

Chapter-2

RESEARCH PROBLEM, OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY

2.1. INTRODUCTION

Empowerment of women and women leadership in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) is

crucial not only for the development of women themselves, but also for the availability of

their creative potential that is socially important without which country or State cannot

assure sustainable development. The 73rd Amendment Act, 1992 has been a major step

towards women empowerment through Panchayati Raj Institutions. It gave India the unique

distinction of having more number of elected women representatives (EWRs) than the rest of

the world together. What followed over the course of the next two decades or so is a political

and social transformation that has impacted the nature of governance itself. The presence of

more than 1 million elected women representatives in the institutions of local governance in

rural India has rightly been termed as 'silent revolution' within the process of democratic

decentralization. Out of the total 28 lakh elected Panchayat representatives, around 10 lakhs

are estimated to be women (Lok Sabha Secretariat, 2013). With the proposed amendment

in Article 243D of the Constitution of India, which provides 50% reservation for

women in seats and also offices of Chairpersons in all 3 tiers of Panchayats, the

number of EWRs is expected to rise to more than 14 lacs (Ministry of Panchayati Raj,

2011).

2.2. RESEARCH PROBLEM

Despite the presence of women in Panchayats in large numbers through

reservations, empowerment remains elusive. There are still formidable structural,

social and political obstacles to be overcome before women and women leaders,

especially those among socially disadvantaged groups could actually be

empowered.

2.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

Despite several studies on participation and empowerment of women and women

representatives, our understanding of the issue is still deficient. There is need to

have an improved empirical base in the context of low economic development,

21

especially from Bundelkhand region, where no worthwhile study on women

empowerment and participation in Gram Panchayats has so far taken place.

The road to women empowerment through representation of women in PRIs is a long-

drawn process. Therefore, in Bundelkhand region, where social relations are still based on

feudalism, casteism and rigid patriarchal norms; and uneducated, ill-informed and

poor women representatives are subjected to exploitation at the hands of

government machinery and their dominant husbands and family members, it is

important to analyze the nature and extent of women empowerment and the

attitudinal change of family members and society as a whole that is required towards

women and girls.

2.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The objectives of the study are as follows:

1. To map socio-economic profile of women represesentatives (WRs) in Gram

Panchayats

2. To study the participation and role performance of WRs in Gram Panchayats

3. To study the nature and extent of women empowerment in Gram Panchayats,

and

4. To study the blocks to WRs in performing their roles

2.5 RESEARCH VARIABLES

A description of the identified variables for the study is given below:

2.5.1 Dependent Variable: Empowerment of women

2.5.2 Independent Variables:

2.5.2.1 Enhancing variables: i). Participation of WRs

ii). Awareness of WRs

iii). Performance of WRs

22

2.5.2.2 Block variables: i). Socio-economic related

ii). Patriarchy related

iii). Proxy/ surrogate related

iv). Caste related

2.5.2.3 Demographic Variables: i). Age

ii). Marital status

iii). Social category

iv). Education

v). Type of family

vi). Size of family

vii). Occupation

viii). Economic status

ix). Housing type

x). Land ownership status

2.5.2.4 Support variables: i). Capacity building training

ii). Parallel village bodies

2.6. RESEARCH QUESTIONS

In line with the objectives to study socio-economic profile, participation, role

performance, and blocks of/ to women representatives and nature and extent of

women empowerment in Gram Panchayats, the guiding questions for research were

identified as under:

1. What is the nature and extent of participation of women representatives in

Gram Sabha meetings and the development agenda of Gram Panchayats?

2. How aware are women representatives of Panchayat provisions, development

programmes and their role & responsibilities in Gram Panchayats?

3. How do women representatives perform in implementing key areas of

Panchayat development agenda and community development programmes in

Gram Panchayats?

23

4. What is the magnitude of women empowerment after the introduction of

reservation for women in Gram Panchayats?

5. What is the relationship of awareness, participation, performance, and

interface of women representatives with women empowerment?

6. What are the blocks to women representatives inhibiting women

empowerment?

7. How are blocks to women representatives and women empowerment related?

8. How enabling are capacity building trainings and association of women

representatives with parallel village bodies, to their participation and

performance in Gram Panchayats?

2.7. METHODOLOGY

This is mentioned under three sections: instruments used, process of study, and

duration of study.

2.7.1. Instruments used

The word methodology is used to refer to the methods and general approach of a

particular research study. In this study the main instrument for data collection was

interview schedule. A structured integrated interview schedule was used for four (4)

sets of respondents – a). Elected Representatives, b). Defeated Representatives, c).

Former Representatives, and d). Community Members. The objective of taking four

different sets of respondents, further divided into two broad categories of women

and men, was three-fold – i). To add to the richness of the data set, ii). Get a

diversified response on women empowerment and related variables and iii). Avoid

biased response, if any, from ‘women only’ respondents.

A select number of statements concerning women empowerment (gender equality,

social equality, decision making, functional autonomy, etc) and blocks to WRs

(patriarchy-related, proxy/surrogate related, caste-related, etc) statements were

chosen to assess women empowerment and blocks. The statements reflected

situations with which the respondents were asked to either agree or disagree, or to

give know or don’t know type response in five-point Likert Scale. Thus both positive

24

and negative statements were considered for getting a balanced response from the

respondents.

2.7.1. Process of Study

Identifying local partner from the study region/field locations in Bundelkhand

region of Uttar Pradesh was the first step. This was done with the help of

information gathered during preliminary visits to the study region. Accordingly,

Raja Bhaiya (Vidya Dham Samiti, Atarra, Banda, Uttar Pradesh) was taken on board

who was already working with Chingari Sangathan, a vibrant organization of

grassroots women in the region. The discussions with various government and non

government agencies helped to understand in depth as to what are the major issues

confronting women empowerment and participation of women in Gram Panchayats

in the study region.

Duration:

Duration of the study was 12 months, among which six months was the time utilized

for field study. The study was initiated in November 2012 and field study started in

May 2013, which was over by mid-September 2013. This followed analysis of data,

report writing and submission of draft report by mid-February 2014.

2.7.2 Study Area

The study is confined to Bundelkhand

region of Uttar Pradesh. Women,

particularly the elected members of

Panchayati Raj Institutions in all the 7

districts of the Bundelkhnad region of

Uttar Pradesh (Chitrakoot, Banda,

Jhansi, Jalaun, Hamirpur, Mahoba and

Lalitpur) constitute the population

under the study. Bundelkhand is one of the most underdeveloped regions of the

country infamous for its socio-cultural traditions which hardly give any space to

women in public sphere. The purpose of selecting this area was to know the nature

25

and extent of women empowerment and its interplay with participation of elected

women members in Gram Panchayats in a context of low socio-economic

development.

Table 2.1: Brief Profile of Study Area –Bundelkhand (U.P.)

Districts Total Population

Rural (%) Sex Ratio (females per 1000)

SC (%) ST (%) Male Literacy Rate(%)

Female Literacy Rate(%)

Banda 1,799,410 84.68 863 20.83 0 .00 77.78 53.67

Chitrakoot 991,730 90.29 879 26.34 0 .00 75.80 52.74

Mahoba 875,958 78.84 878 24.93 0 .00 75.83 53.22

Jalaun 1,689,974 75.21 865 27.04 0.01 83.48 62.46

Jhansi 1,998,603 58.30 890 22.79 0.02 85.38 63.49

Hamirpur 1,104,285 81.00 861 25.78 0.01 79.76 55.95

Laitpur 1,221,592 85.64 906 28.07 0.06 74.98 50.84

Source: Census 2011 (provisional data) Percentage of SC & ST as per Census 2001

Basic Population Profile

According to Census 2011 (provisional data), the combined population of the 7

districts of Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh was around 9.7 million. The

majority – almost 75 to 90% of them live in rural regions. There is a significant

presence of scheduled caste population which varies between 20 to 28% of the total

population. It is also characterized by highly adverse sex-ratio and high level of

illiteracy – both for men and women. Illiteracy, dowry, backwardness, and land

ownership make the preference for the son stronger. The school drop-out rate is

marginally higher among girls than among boys. In some districts, more than 70% of

the girls enrolled discontinue their studies before completing primary level.

Social Groupings

A significant feature of the Bundelkhand region is high percentage of population

belonging to Scheduled Castes (SCs). The high SC population has some important

implications. Generally, compared to other castes, SC households possess less land,

of lower quality and incidence of landlessness among them is higher. Traditionally

deprived of education, in an under-developed, rural economy, SC households fall

easily into a trap of never-ending, highly exploitative manual labour. Other

Backward Castes (OBCs) form the largest proportion of the population, whereas the

upper cast groups under the 'general' category constitute around 10-15% of the rural

26

population of Bundelkhand (Arya, 2010). Compared to the India average, however,

Bundelkhand has a low percentage of ST population. In Uttar Pradesh as a whole, ST

groups constitute only 0.1% of the population, and the situation is no different in

Bundelkhand districts.

Agriculture and Land Use Pattern

Agriculture is the predominant occupation in the region. According to Census 2001,

percentage of main workers engaged in agriculture, as cultivators or labourers, was

higher than 60, and much higher than state and national averages, in all districts of

Bundelkhand except Jhansi. However, land available and used for cultivation in the

region is considerably lower than in other agriculture zones of the country. Around

a sixth of the total land of the region falls under some or the other category of

wasteland (Arya, 2010). Despite agriculture being the mainstay of the economy,

conditions are unfavourable for growth of cash crops like sugarcane and cotton. For

productivity is affected by the poor water retention ability of the soil, weather

fluctuations and large amount of wasteland. Rising input costs and frequent

incidence of drought are pushing agricultural labourers and small farmers out of

agriculture.

Industry in Bundelkhand

There are no significant traditional industries in Bundelkhand. Till the end of 2008,

there was only one large manufacturing units in the entire region - a unit of the

public sector Bharat Heavy Electricals, set up at Jhansi in the 1970s. Several small

and tiny industrial units are scattered across the region, especially in Jhansi districts

but no modern industry has emerged as a major source of employment across the

region. Trade and transport, stone quarries are the largest source of 'industrial'

employment other than construction, in Lalitpur and Chitrakoot districts. In 2001-02,

Jhansi was one of the districts of UP that contributed 5-10% of the state's industrial

output, while all other districts of UP Bundelkhand belonged to the category of

districts that contributed less than 1% of the state's industrial output (Uttar Pradesh

Human Development Report, 2006).

27

Migration

According to 2002 BPL Survey data, nearly 50 to 70 percent of rural households in

the region have at least one member who migrates annually or has migrated

permanently. It also indicated that apart from permanent or semi-permanent

migrants, working adults of 30 to 50 percent of the region's rural households migrate

every year, seeking casual or seasonal employment. The proportion of casual labour

migrants is much higher than that of migrants seeking seasonal employment in

Bundelkhand. Chitrakoot witnesses all time highest proportion of migration.

2.7.3 Sample Design

A total of 369 samples were drawn

from 7 blocks, one each from all the

seven (7) districts of Bundelkhand

region of Uttar Pradesh. The samples

consisted of four (4) set of

respondents – a). 231 Elected

Representatives (168 Women and 63

Men), b). 39 Defeated

Representatives (34 Women and 5 Men), c). 23 Former Representatives (18 Women

and 5 Men), and d). 76 Community Members (39 Women and 37 Men). Selection of

samples was based on availability and willingness of the respondents to share their

views/ experience during the field survey. The details are given as under:

Jalaun being the largest district of Uttar

Pradesh Bundelkhand in terms of

number of blocks and Gram Panchayats

(9 blocks and 575 Gram Panchayats,

respectively), the largest chunk of

samples consisting of 94 respondents

was drawn from Jalaun (Madhogarh

Block) only, followed by Banda (Naraini Block), Jhansi (Gursarai Block), Lalitpur

Naraini (57)

Madhogarh

Naraini

Gursarai

Kabrai Maudaha

Bar

Manikpur

Table 2.2: Sample Distribution by Districts/Blocks

Figure 2.1: Sample Distribution by Respondent Types Total Samples = 369

28

(Bar Block), Chitrakoot (Manikpur Block), Hamirpur (Maudaha Block) and Mahoba

(Kabrai Block), with 57, 52, 44, 42, 40 and 40 respondents, respectively.

Table 2.2: District/Block-wise Sample Distribution Districts/

Blocks

Respondent Categories Total

Ward Members Pradhans

Other Representatives

Community Members

Banda (Naraini)

40 6 4 7 57

10.8% 1.6% 1.1% 1.9% 15.4%

Chitrakoot (Manikpur)

20 4 7 11 42

5.4% 1.1% 1.9% 3.0% 11.4%

Lalitpur (Bar)

12 14 8 10 44

3.3% 3.8% 2.2% 2.7% 11.9%

Jalaun (Madhogarh)

44 18 16 16 94

11.9% 4.9% 4.3% 4.3% 25.5%

Hamirpur (Maudaha)

12 8 13 7 40

3.3% 2.2% 3.5% 1.9% 10.8%

Mahoba (Kabrai)

20 4 8 8 40

5.4% 1.1% 2.2% 2.2% 10.8%

Jhansi (Gursarai)

23 6 6 17 52

6.2% 1.6% 1.6% 4.6% 14.1%

Total 171 60 62 76 369

46.3% 16.3% 16.8% 20.6% 100.0%

Note: Other Representatives include defeated and former representatives (Ward Members and Pradhans); and figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn.

District/Block-wise distribution of samples by respondent categories is presented in

Table 2.2.

The social category of the respondents reveals that out of 369 respondents, Dalit

respondents (182) comprise 49 percent, followed by OBCs (150), 41% and General

Category respondents (37), 10%. This is in tune with the social categorization of

people in Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand, where Dalits and OBCs outnumber General

Category people. This is also in conformity with the research intending to study

women empowerment and political representation among Dalits vis-à-vis other

caste categories, which has still to overcome formidable structural, social and

political obstacles. On the other hand, women respondents (259), comprising 70

percent of the total, quite naturally outnumbering male respondents (110) were 30

percent of the total.

29

2.7.4 Data Analysis

The Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) was used to make whatever

quantitative analysis felt necessary from the point of view of the study. Accordingly,

tables and charts were also prepared as per the study requirements with adequate

explanation of the same. Special attention was given to the reliability,

comprehensiveness and appropriateness of the responses from the selected

respondents for proper analysis and interpretation of the data so obtained. On the

other hand, qualitative information was synthesized through free listing of

responses to obtain the range of responses. The responses were entered into the

computer database under the specific question. The responses which were

considered irrelevant under a specific question were removed. During this process,

important statements or suggestions were extracted for use in the report as reference

material.

2.8. LIMITATIONS

• Social relations in Bundelkhand are still based on the feudal system. Therefore,

women respondents, both women elected representatives and community

leaders, were initially hesitant to open up and share experiences on women

empowerment and political participation of women in Gram Panchayats

• Because of proxy representation of women elected members by the dominant

male relatives in Gram Panchayats, which is a common feature in the region, it

was difficult to get response from real women representatives. Proxy

representatives often barred women representatives to open up with investigators

and reveal relevant information on participation of women in Gram Panchayats

and the extent of women empowerment in the region. Despite repeated attempts,

many of the proxy representatives only volunteered themselves to respond on

behalf of the women representatives. They would also often try to influence

response from women representatives.

• The study is confined only within the Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. Its

outcomes therefore cannot be generalised for the whole country.

30

• The findings of the study are based on the qualitative and quantifiable data

responses from the study area. Hence the objectivity of the study is limited to the

abilities of the respondents (mainly women elected representatives and

community leaders in seven field locations in Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand) to

express and also to their honesty in furnishing the required information.

• Panchayats in Bundelkhand are located at a distance from each other and lack

frequent public transport facilities. This often hampered field visits and data

collection/ fieldwork.

31

Chapter-3

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

3.1. INTRODUCTION

Framing this study within the context of empowerment places it directly in terms of

what John Friedmann termed ‘the emerging practice of an alternative development

with its claims to inclusive democracy, appropriate economic growth, gender

equality, and intergenerational equity’ (Friedman 1992). Moving away from top-

down framework of development models, empowerment here places emphasis on

local people, local contexts, and local forms of power and governance. This is not to

suggest that there is no element of top-down facilitation and pressure involved in

the empowerment process, particularly when multilateral agencies such as the

World Bank and international NGOs are adopting the development rhetoric of

empowerment; but the intention is to focus on ‘people as active subjects of their own

history’ (Friedmann, 1992) and also as participatory active voices in their own

development.

3.2. EMPOWERMENT: THE CONCEPT AND DEFINITION

The concept of empowerment has a fascinating history. Its origins and meanings,

could be traced back as early as to the Protestant Reformation in Europe which

echoed through the centuries in Europe and North America through Quakerism,

Jeffersonian democracy, early capitalism, and the black power movement (Gaventa

2002). The concept was rooted in many significant struggles for social justice: in our

own country India, for example, the Veerashaiva movement against caste and

gender repression in 12th and 13th century in Karnataka advocated for relocation of

power and access to spiritual knowledge through demolition of the existing forms of

social stratification. But the term acquired a strongly political overtone in the second

half of the 20th century, when it was embraced by the liberation theorists, black

movement, feminist and other struggles for more inclusive and just forms of social

change and development. The 1990s witnessed an all-pervasive co-option of the term

by corporate management, political movements, and consumer-rights campaigns.

32

3.2.1 Defining Empowerment

Empowerment is a process of change that focuses on expanding the range of choices

that people can make. As such, it cannot be understood as a single dimensional

formula for change, either as process or outcome. It must instead be understood in

particular contexts taking into consideration the specific needs of the people

intended to be empowered (Kabeer 1998).

Providing what is possibly the most comprehensive view of power, the central

concept within empowerment, Rowland (1997) notes that power operates in four

different ways:

Power-over: It involves control or influence over others which is an instrumentation

of domination. It involves creation of simple dualities, threats of violence,

intimidation, and active and passive resistance.

Power-with: It is a collective form of power where people feel empowered by

organizing and uniting around a common purpose or understanding and it involves

a sense of whole greater than the sum of individuals.

Power-within – It involves the spiritual strength and uniqueness that resides in each

one of us and makes us really human. Its basis is self-acceptance and self-respect,

which extend, in turn, respect for and acceptance of others as equals.

Power-to: It is creative, productive, and enabling and considered the essence of

individual empowerment. It involves capacity building, decision-making authority,

leadership, the power to understand how things work, and problem-solving skills.

In the above framework, power-over is the most common, yet most destructive

conceptualization averse to development. Other forms of power therefore need to be

explored within development to engender positive forms of empowerment. It is also

important to note that ‘men also benefit from the results of women's empowerment

with the chance to live in a more equitable society and explore new roles (Oxaal

1997). It is this framework, encouraging a shift from the hierarchical power-over

conceptualization towards equitable individual power-within and power-to

33

conceptualizations of empowerment, which constitutes the theoretical framework

for this study. However, the concept of power-with is also important, particularly

when understanding collective forms of empowerment, which this study also

addresses.

In an extensive exploration of empowerment, Kabeer (1999, 2001) focuses on three

dimensions that define the capacity to exercise strategic life choices: access to

resources, agency, and outcomes. Building on Kabeer's emphasis on choice, Steady

(2006) selects mobilization of political, economic, education, human, social, and

cultural resources as key to empowerment, both within and outside formal political

processes. According to another definition, empowerment is an active, multi-

dimensional process which enables women to realize their full identity and powers

in all spheres of life. Power is not a commodity to be transacted, nor can it be given

as alms. Power has to be acquired and once acquired; it needs to be exercised,

sustained and preserved (Pillai 1995).

3.3. WOMEN EMPOWERMENT

Women empowerment as a concept emerged from several important analyses and

critiques engendered by the women's movement throughout the world during the

1980s, when feminists, particularly in the Third World, were increasingly dissatisfied

with the generally apolitical and economistic 'WID', 'WAD', and 'GAD' models in

existing development interventions (Batliwala 2010). It challenged not only

patriarchy, but also the facilitating structures of class, race, ethnicity, and, in India,

caste and religion, which regulated the nature of women's status and role in

emerging societies. With the commencement of 1990s, empowerment held an

important place in development jargon. And though it was applied in a variety of

social-change processes, the term was most commonly used with reference to

women and gender equality only.

Empowerment being a process and not something that can be given to people, and

empowerment process being both individual and collective, since it is through

involvement in group that people most often begin to develop their awareness and

34

the ability to organize to take action and bring about change, women empowerment

can be viewed as a continuum of several interested and mutually reinforcing

components (Karl 1995). These are as under:

Awareness building about women’s situation, discrimination, and right and

opportunities as a step towards gender equality, collective awareness building

provides a sense of group identity and the power of working as a group.

Capacity building and skills development, especially the ability to plan, make

decisions, organize, manage and carryout activities, to deal with people and

institutions in the world around them.

Participation and greater control and decision-making power in the home,

community and society.

Action to bring about greater equality between men and women.

Women’s empowerment is essential for ensuring not just their personal or

household welfare, but also the wellbeing of the entire society as women are seen to

be the primary guardians responsible for altering the quality and quantity of human

resources available in a country to promote sustainable development in the coming

generations (UNFPA 2005).

3.3.1. MEASURING WOMEN EMPOWERMENT IN RURAL INDIA

One of the challenges is that the behaviors and attributes that signify empowerment

in one context often have different meanings elsewhere. For example, a shift in

women's ability to attend public meetings without a veil may not be a sign of

empowerment in urban India, but it may well be in rural India, especially in

Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. Thus context is also important in determining

the extent to which empowerment at the household or individual level is a

determinant of development outcomes. Moreover, because women's empowerment

and status are multi-dimensional, several measures have to be utilised to gauge

women's status in various settings. Greater power or autonomy in one dimension

and in one community is not expected to amount to the same in another (Sathar and

Kazi 2000).

35

Keeping in view the rural context, the present study has attempted to measure

women empowerment by considering basically five (5) important dimensions of it.

These dimensions are dynamic, interlinked and mutually reinforcing and recognise

the fact that the level of gender equality and empowerment are directly

proportional. These dimensions are as follows:

Gender Equality

Gender equality implies a society in which women and men enjoy the same

opportunities, outcomes, rights and obligations in all spheres of life. Since gender

equality and women empowerment are two sides of the same coin, measuring

gender equality in a way means measuring women empowerment in a specific

context. In the present study, by gender equality we mean equality between women

and men, girls and boys in all aspects of life including child related concerns,

domestic workload, social practices, and marriage and family related issues.

Social Equality

Social equality means that all citizens in a society are treated at par with each other

and there will be no discriminatory treatment on the ground of caste, sex, religion,

etc. In Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh, where casteism and feudal practices

are all pervasive, women empowerment is directly proportional to social equality

and related practices. The present study therefore conceptualizes social equality as

one of the important constituents of women empowerment in the region. The four

(4) contextual indicators of social equality towards women empowerment are:

1. Increased interaction between Dalit girl children and caste-girl children,

2. Dalit girl children no more sitting separately in schools,

3. Equal treatment of Dalit and caste women representatives (WRs) in Panchayat

meetings, and

4. Growing respect of Dalit WRs among the village community.

36

Decision Making

Decision-making in one form or the other is at the heart of some of the best known

attempts to conceptualize power (Kabeer 1999). The present study therefore takes

decision-making power of women is an important indicator of women

empowerment. It examines select decisions by women representatives typically

made in households. Decisions asked about are decisions regarding purchase of

household food items, education of children (when, how much and where), buying

and selling of land and other major household property, how many children the

family should have, and use of family planning methods.

Financial Autonomy

Financial autonomy is one of the direct evidences of women empowerment. In a

rural set up, Self Help Groups (SHGs) with women membership also play an

important role in providing women with financial autonomy, and hence making

women empowered. Therefore, the present study conceptualizes financial autonomy

as a women empowerment tool in terms of the following five (5) indicators:

1. Increased number of SHGs in the village

2. More women in control of their own income (meaning women can spend their

own earned income as per their own wish or understanding without

interference)

3. More women in control of their family or household income, and

4. Increase in assets owned by women or purchased for women members

Personality Development

The process of getting elected to PRIs is expected to enhance elected women

representatives’ personality, thereby resulting in heightened women empowerment

in a rural set-up. The present study, therefore, measures women empowerment in

terms of – a). Increased confidence level or self-esteem of WRs, and b). Increased

dignity or respect of WRs among various stakeholders.

37

3.4 OTHER OPEARAIONAL FRAMEWORKS

As the present study is an attempt to study women empowerment in the context of

participation and performance of Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) in Gram

Panchayats, and also blocks to their participation and performance, a brief

description of the operational framework of these and other related concepts is given

as under:

3.4.1 Participation in Gram Panchayats

Women’s participation in Gram Panchayats could be looked at three levels – at the

level of community at large, at the level of women members of Gram Sabha, and at

the level of EWRs. The present study however attempts to analyze women’s

participation in Gram Panchayats in terms of – a). Participation of EWRs in Gram

Sabha or Panchayat Meetings, and b). Participation of EWRs in the Development

Agenda or Panchayat Activities.

3.4.2 Awareness

Awareness of EWRs has been studied in terms of – a). Basic awareness of Panchayat

provisions, such as awareness around Gram Sabha members, person who can

convene Gram Sabha, frequency/regularity of Gram Sabha, etc. and b). Knowledge

of key Panchayat provisions comprises information on electoral rules for Panchayat

election, roles & responsibilities of ERs, etc.

4.4.3 Performance in Gram Panchayats

The operational framework for performance of EWRs in Gram Panchayats has been

explored in terms of three (3) performance indicators – i). Implementation of key

areas of Panchayati Raj development agenda, ii). Implementation of community

development programmes, and iii). Interface with Government.

In line with participation of EWRs in Gram Sabha, implementation of key areas of

Panchayati Raj development agenda has been measured in terms of their

performance in – a). Making development plans for the Panchayat, b). Preparing

38

budget proposals for the Panchayat, c). Reviewing existing Panchayat Schemes or

activities, and d). Identification of beneficiaries of Government Schemes.

The performance of EWRs in implementation of community development

programmes has also been considered in four (4) dimensions as - i). Undertaking

health-related campaigns, ii). Waging drive against diseases, iii). Implementing

family planning campaigns, and iv). Improving enrollment of girls in schools.

3.4.4 Blocks to Participation and Performance

There are a number of blocks or barriers to participation and performance of WRs in

Panchayat activities, which reflect unequal power relations and poor status of

women in the region. In the present study, the four (4) interrelated dimensions of

these blocks are – a). Socio-economic blocks, b). Patriarchy-related or gender blocks,

c). Proxy or surrogate-related blocks, and d). Caste-related blocks.

3.4.5 Capacity Building Training

An important support mechanism for EWRs towards effective participation and

performance in Gram Panchayats is capacity building training. The study considers

basically four (4) dimensions of capacity building training. These are – i). Is it given?

What are its constituents? ii). Participation of EWRs in training, iii). Usefulness of

training, and iv). Do EWRs need more training? If yes, in what?

3.4.6 Value Addition by Other Structures

In the present study, membership of EWRs of, and participation in parallel village

bodies (Village Education Committee, Village Health Committee, Village Water and

Sanitation Committee, and Women Empowerment Committee) and community

based organizations (Self Help Groups, Mahila Mandals, Joint Management

Committee, and Cooperative Society) in the villages have also been conceptualized

as support mechanisms, enabling them for greater participation and performance in

Gram Panchayats.

The study diagram (Figure 4) reflecting the conceptual framework is given below:

39

Women

Awareness

Participation

Performance

Interface with Government

Basic Awareness of PRI Provisions

Knowledge of Key Areas

Participation in Gram Sabha Meetings

Participation in PR Development Agenda

Works Related to Improving the

Status of Women

In the Implementation of Key Areas of

PR Development Agenda

Interaction with Government

Functionaries and Activities

Monitoring Government Functionaries

and Activities

In the Implementation of Community

Development Programmes

Women Empowerment

Gender Equality

Social Equality

Decision Making

Financial Autonomy

Personality Development

Blocks

Socio-economic related

Patriarchy related

Proxy/ surrogate related

Caste related

Gender related

Training

Value addition by other

structures

Is it given? What is given?

Participation in training?

Usefulness?

More training? In what?

Functioning of parallel bodies

Functioning of CBOs

Figure 3: Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj: A Study of Women Representatives in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh

Background Variables (Age, marital Status, Social Category, Education, Economic Status, etc)

40

Chapter-4

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

4.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter presents the results and discussion of the present study in five sections,

namely, socio-economic profile of women representatives; awareness, participation

and role performance; nature and extent of women empowerment; blocks to women

representatives; and role of capacity building training and enabling structures for

women representatives, by analyzing the data obtained from 369 interview

schedules in 7 blocks, one each from 7 districts of Bundelkhand region of Uttar

Pradesh. The quantitative data is supplemented with data collected from secondary

sources and experiences collated from case studies of select respondents from the

field.

4.1. SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF WOMEN REPRESENTATIVES

Since the focus of the study was

on women empowerment and

participation of elected women

representatives (EWRs) in

Panchayati Raj, the proportion of

women covered in survey was

deliberately kept larger 70.2%

(259) in comparison to men 29.8% (110). Of the total women respondents, 84.5% (220)

were Women Representatives (WRs), while the rest 14.5% (39) were Community

Members. Of the total WRs, however, 129 (58.6%) were Ward Members, followed by

39 (17.7%) Pradhans, and 52 (23.6%) Defeated & Former Representatives, i.e.,

defeated or former women Ward Members or Pradhans (Table 4.1).

4.1.1 Age-Profile of Women Representatives

The age-wise analysis of WRs shows that the majority of them were in the

reproductive age group between 21-40 years (20.9% between 21-30 years, and 44.5%

Table 4.1: Respondent Panchayat Representatives

Description Women Men Total

Ward Members 129 42 171

(58.6 (57.5) (58.4)

Pradhans 39 21 60

(17.7) (28.8) (20.5)

Defeated & Former Representatives

52 10 62

(23.6) (13.7) (21.2)

Total

220 73 293

(100) (100) (100) Note: Defeated & Former Representatives consist of Ward Members and Pradhans; and figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn.

41

between 31-40 years). Another 22.7 percent were in the next bracket, between 41-50

years. Only a small portion, 6.8% were above 50 years (Table 4.2). This trend is

confirmed by a series of studies1. This is also indicative of a progressive change from

prior to the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. One previous study, for example,

found that most elected women were aged 40 years or older, explained on the basis

that older women enjoy greater freedom regarding physical mobility and are

relatively less burdened by household chores and child care (Datta, 1998). Another

study noted that while a slight majority of women were in the older grouping (above

46 years), a significant number of women were elected from the younger age group,

which the author attributed to changing family mindsets and politically ambitious

men seeking to fulfill ambitions through their wives (Singla, 2007).

Compared to Pradhans, Ward Members

were younger (Figure 4.1) as a higher

proportion of the latter (25.6% and 45%)

belonged to the 21-30 and 31-40 age

groups, respectively, than the former

(15.4% and 38.5%). In the middle (41-50

years) and high (Above 50 years) age

groups, the proportion of Ward

Members was less, in comparison to the

Pradhans. Ministry of Panchayat Raj

(2008) also highlights that female Ward Members are younger to their Pradhan

counterparts, as at the all-India level, a higher proportion of female Ward Members

(40%) belonged to the 21-25 age group than female Pradhans (33%).

1 Kaushik, Susheela (1998), Participation of Women in Panchayati Raj in India: A Stock Taking (New

Delhi: National Commission for Women) – which observed that 74% of EWRs belonged to the 20-40 age group; Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWDS) (1999), From Oppression to Assertion: A study of Panchayats and Women in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and S Uttar Pradesh, CWDS, New Delhi – which concluded that 69% of EWRs were below 45 years of age; and Santha, E.K (1999)., Political Participation of Women in Panchayati Raj, Haryana, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu, Occasional Paper Series 24, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi – for which Kerala and Tamil Nadu had drawn a majority of women under 40 years and Haryana a majority over 40 years.

25.6% 15.4% 13.5%

45.0%

38.5% 48.1%

24.0%

38.5% 28.8%

5.4% 7.7% 9.6%

Ward Members Pradhans Defeated & FormerWRs

Figure 4.1: Age of Women Representatives

21-30 Yrs 31-40 Yrs 41-50 Yrs Above 50 Yrs

42

In comparison to OBC (20.2%) and General Category (34.8%) WRs, a lower

proportion of Dalit or SC WRs (18.6%) were from the 21-30 age group and relatively

high from the 31-40 age group (Table 4.2). This reflects the fact that Dalit WRs

tended to be older than their OBC and General Category counterparts in the region.

The reasons being, Dalit women are married and have children at an early age and

usually only after 30 years of age they are somewhat free from child bearing

responsibilities, though not too free from child rearing, household and other

responsibilities.

Table 4.2: Age of Women Representatives by Social Category (%)

Category 21-30 Yrs 31-40 Yrs 41-50 Yrs Above 50 Yrs N

SC 18.6 47.8 23.9 9.7 113

OBC 20.2 41.7 33.3 4.8 84

General 34.8 39.1 26.1 0.0 23

Total 20.9 44.5 27.7 6.8 220

4.1.2. Educational Level of Women Representatives

Education is a central force of

empowerment that can enable

women to exercise real

political power as Panchayat

representatives in multiple

ways. It supports the

acquisition of knowledge and

skills necessary for women to

be able to lead local

development and engender cultural change in values for equality and non-

discrimination (Mangubhai, 2009). As presented in Table 5.3, the majority of WRs in

the region were illiterate (52.7%). Kaushik's study (1998) confirms this finding for

Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, where 25 percent of the EWRs surveyed

were unable to read and write. However, Kaushik's study shows that in Tamil

Nadu, Orissa and the Garhwal region of U.P., there are very few illiterate WRs.

Illiteracy among Dalit or SC WRs (62.8%), in comparison to General Category and

OBC WRs (17.4% and 62.8% respectively), was substantially higher (Table 4.3). As

Table 4.3: Education of Women Representatives by Social Category

Category

Education

Total Illiterate Class

1 to 7 Class

8 to 10 Class

11 & above

SC 71 34 5 3 113

(62.8) (30.1) (4.4) (2.7) (100)

OBC 41 30 9 4 84

(48.8) (35.7) (10.7) (4.8) (100)

General 4 10 6 3 23

(17.4) (43.5) (26.1) (13.0) (100)

Total 116 74 20 10 220

(52.7) (33.6) (9.1) (4.5) (100) Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn.

43

against 43.5% of General Category and 35.7% of OBC WRs, only 30.1% of Dalit WRs

were from Class 1 to 7 education category. Their proportion was also relatively

lower in other higher education groups. Hence, as has been the trend in other parts

of India2, the educational deprivation of Dalit WRs in Bundelkhand region of Uttar

Pradesh was higher than their General Category and OBC counterparts.

Educational attainment was greater for

Pradhans, in comparison to, Ward

Members. Not only was the proportion

that passed ‘Class 8 to 10’ and ‘Class 11 &

above’ higher, but there was also fewer

illiterates among the Pradhans as

compared to Ward Members (Figure 4.2).

As against 27.9% of women Ward

members, around 48.7% of women

Pradhans were in ‘Class 1 to 7’ education

category. Corroborating this trend, Ministry of Panchayat Raj (2008) also observed

that educational attainment of female Pradhans were greater than that of female

Ward members at the all-India level. Among the interviewed female Pradhans, 52.4

percent had, reportedly, passed middle school or higher, as compared to 37.1 percent

of the female Ward Members.

4.1.3. Primary Occupation of Women Representatives

To assess which activity engages WRs most, questions pertaining to their primary

occupation from the point of view of time spent on it was collected through survey.

An analysis of data on primary occupation by position in the Panchayat shows that

WRs spend their time primarily in performing household works (41.4%) and only for

2 Mangubhai, Jayshree et al (2009), Dalit Women’s Right to Political Participation in Rural Panchayati

Raj: A Study of Gujarat and Tamil Nadu, Justitia et Pax Netherlands – pointed out that

61.2%

28.2%

50.0%

27.9%

48.7%

36.5%

7.0% 17.9%

7.7% 2.3% 2.6% 1.9%

1.6% 2.6% 3.8%

Ward Members Pradhans Defeated & FormerWRs

Illiterate Class 1 to 7 Class 8 to10

Class 11 to 12 Above Class 12

Figure 4.2: Educational Attainment of WRs

WRsesentatives

44

a negligible proportion of them (0.9%), Panchayat activities constituted the primary

occupation, engaging most of their time. The primary occupation of the rest of the

WRs was farming (27.7), labour works (27.7%) and small business (2.3%) (Figure

4.3).

A sizable proportion of the Ward Members

reported their primary occupation as labour

works (36.4%), followed by household works

(31.8%) and farming activities (30.2%).

Surprisingly, for none of the Ward Members,

Panchayat work was their prime occupation

with respect to time spent. On the other

hand, reflecting the overall trend, Pradhans

spent their time mostly in performing

household works (64.1%), followed by

farming activities (20.5%), and labour works (10.3%). Only 5.1% of them could spend

time for Panchayat works. This may be accounted for the fact that Pradhans, being

senior Panchayat functionaries, spend more time in executing their role, as

compared to Ward Members.

Table 4.4: Primary Occupation of Women Representatives by Social Category

Category Primary Occupation Total

Farming Labourer Panchayat Work Small Business Housewife

SC 34 44 1 3 31 113

(30.1) (38.9) (0.9) (2.7) (27.4) (100)

OBC 25 16 0 2 41 84

(29.8) (19.0) (0.0) (2.4) (48.8) (100)

General 2 1 1 0 19 23

(8.7) (4.3) (4.3) (0.0) (82.6) (100)

Total 61 61 2 5 91 220

(27.7) (27.7) (0.9) (2.3) (41.4) (100) Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn

To none of the social groups of WRs, Panchayat work was their prime occupation

with respect to time spent (Table 4.4). A sizable proportion of Dalit WRs, however,

reported their primary occupation as labour works (38.9%), followed by farming

activities (30.1%) and household works (27.4). Mangubhai (2009) also found that the

30.2% 20.5%

26.9%

36.4%

10.3%

19.2% 5.1%

1.6%

5.8%

31.8%

64.1%

48.1%

Ward Members Pradhans Defeated &Former WRs

Figure 4.3: Primary Occupation on the Basis of Time Spent

Farming Labourer Panchayat Work

Small Business Housewife

45

majority of Dalit women seeking election to the Panchayats in Gujarat and Tamil

Nadu were from the labour class. This high proportion of WRs engaged in labour

and household works would have implications for their confidence and ability to

move freely in public spaces, as well as capacity to speak and engage with others in

public for a, including fellow Panchayat members, district administration officials,

contractors and others. The high dependency on wage labor employment for

livelihood also leaves Dalit WRs with a poor economic base and a higher under-

employment rate. This results in a higher level of poverty.

4.1.4. Marital Status and Religious Affiliation

As expected, given their age group, most of the WRs interviewed (94.5%) were

married. There was no major difference by position or social category. Thus the vast

majority of the WRs are women of some maturity with family responsibilities of

their own. The implications are that they have to juggle their household

responsibilities alongside their Panchayat responsibilities. This highlights the

importance of family support to leave women free from household responsibilities.

As for religious affiliation, except for Banda, where 2 respondents reported to be

Muslims, entire WRs covered in the survey were Hindu (99.1%).

4.1.5. Economic Profile of Women Representatives

The economic profile of the WRs was understood by collecting information

regarding their ‘economic status’, i.e., Above Poverty Line (APL), Below Poverty

Line (BPL) and under Antyodaya Scheme as per the Village List; their land

ownership status, and house type (Kutcha, Semi-Pucca or Pucca).

4.1.5.1. Economic Status

The economic status of more than half (59.1%) of WRs was above the poverty line

(APL) as per the Village List reported by the respondents. There was a higher

proportion of APL individuals among Pradhans (79.5%) as compared to Ward

Members (51.9%) and Defeated & Former WRs (61.5%) (Table 4.5). Around 25.9% of

46

all WRs were, reportedly, below the poverty line, the majority of this category being

Ward Members (75.4%) rather than Pradhans (5.3%) and Defeated & Former WRs

(19.3%). This indicates, overall that women Pradhans are better off than other WRs.

Table 4.5: Economic Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category APL BPL Antyodaya Not Aware N

By Position

Ward Members 67 43 13 6 129

(51.9) (33.3) (10.1) (4.7) (100)

Pradhans 31 3 4 1 39

(79.5) (7.7) (10.3) (2.6) (100)

Defeated & Former WRs 32 11 6 3 52

(61.5) (21.2) (11.5) (5.8) (100)

By Social Category

SC 53 39 17 4 113

(46.9) (34.5) (15.0) (3.5) (100)

OBC 58 15 6 5 84

(69.0) (17.9) (7.1) (6.0) (100)

General 19 3 0 1 23

(82.6) (13.0) (0.0) (4.3) (100)

Total WRs 130 57 23 10 220

(59.1) (25.9) (10.5) (4.5) (100) Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage of total samples drawn

The proportion of APL individuals was highest in case of WRs from General

Category (82.6%), followed by OBC (69%) and SC (46.9%) categories. The majority of

the BPL group consisted of Dalit (68.4%), followed by OBC (26.3%) and General

Category (5.3%) WRs. Around 10.5% of all WRs were, reportedly, under the

Antydaya Scheme, the majority of this group being Dalit WRs, followed by OBC

(26.1%). None of the General Category WRs were part of the Antyodaya group.

4.1.5.2. Land Ownership Status

Land ownership status of WRs shows that more than half (58.6%) were land owners,

while around one-fifths (28.7%) were in landless category. Nearly 10.9% reported as

tenants, followed by 4.5% as both land owner and tenants. Compared to the Ward

Members, land ownership status of the Pradhans was better (Table 4.6) as a higher

proportion of the latter (71.8%) belonged to the landowner group than the former

(56.6%). Out of one-fifths (28.7%) of total WRs reporting as landless, the majority

were Ward Members (64.9%) rather than Pradhans (10.5%) and Defeated & Former

WRs (24.6%). This also indicates that women Pradhans are better off than other WRs.

47

Table 4.6: Land Ownership Status of Women Representatives by Position and Social Category (%)

Landless

Landowner

Tenant

Landowner & Tenant

N

By Position

Ward Members 37 73 14 5 129

(28.7) (56.6) (10.9) (3.9) (100)

Pradhans 6 28 2 3 39

(15.4) (71.8) (5.1) (7.7) (100)

Defeated & Former WRs

14 28 8 2 52

(26.9) (53.8) (15.4) (3.8) (100)

By Social Category

SC 41 63 7 2 113

(36.3) (55.8) (6.2) (1.8) (100)

OBC 14 51 13 6 84

(16.7) (60.7) (15.5) (7.1) (100)

General 2 15 4 2 23

(8.7) (65.2) (17.4) (8.7) (100)

Total WRs 57 129 24 10 220

(25.9) (58.6) (10.9) (4.5) (100)

In comparison to OBC and General Category WRs (65.2% and 60.7%, respectively),

the proportion of Dalit WRs (55.8%) was lower in the landowner group and

relatively higher in the landless group. This reflects the fact that land ownership

status of Dalit WRs in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh is worse than their OBC

and General Category counterparts.

4.1.5.3. Type of House

The majority of WRs in Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand had either Kachha (35.9%) or

Semi-Pucca (35.0%) houses. The proportion with Pucca houses was 29.1 percent

only. Pucca house type was greater in the case of Pradhans (53.8%), in comparison

to, Ward Members (15.5%) and Defeated & Former WRs (44.2%). The majority of the

Kutchha houses were owned by Dalit (43.4%), followed by OBC (32.1%) and General

Category (13%) WRs. This again indicates towards a greater vulnerability of Dalit

WRs.

4.1.6. PROFILE OF MALE REPRESENTATIVES

As mentioned in Chapter-3, the idea behind selection of male representatives (MRs)

was to get a varied response on issues of women empowerment and participation &

performance of women elected representatives, and to negate any kind of bias that

48

could have resulted otherwise. Interviews of MRs – either current Pradhans or Ward

Members, or former Pradhans or Ward Members were conducted in the sample

Gram Panchayats. However, there was no fixed sampling plan for MRs separately.

Hence, the demographic profile and other aggregate findings have been presented

for them as a whole. Across 7 districts, 73 such MRs were covered under the study,

of which 42 were Ward Members, 21 were Pradhans, and the rest 10 were Former

MRs – either Pradhans or Ward Members.

As observed in the case of serving WRs, 94.5 percent of the MRs were Hindus and

5.5 percent were Muslims. The proportion that had passed ‘Class 11 & above’ was

30.1 percent, but more than one-fifth (21.9%) was illiterate. All the interviewed MRs

were married. The majority of MRs were Dalits (47.9), followed by OBC (43.8%) and

General Category (8.2%) (Table 4.7).

Table 4.7: Socio-Demographic Profile of Male Representatives (%) Male Representatives (N=73) Position Ward Members 57.5 (58.6)

Pradhans 28.8 (17.7) Former MRs 13.7 (23.6)

Social category SC 47.9 (51.4)

OBC 43.8 (38.2) General 8.2 (10.5)

Religion Hindu 94.5 (99.1)

Muslim 5.5 (0.9) Age-Group 21-30 yrs 15.1 (20.9) 31-40 yrs 45.2 (44.5)

41-50 yrs 19.2 (27.7) Above 50 yrs 20.5 (6.8)

Educational Level Illiterate 21.9 (52.7) Class 1 to7 26.0 (33.6)

Class 8 to 10 21.9 (9.1) Class 11 & above 30.1 (4.5)

Note: Figures in brackets represent comparable data for women representatives (N=220) in percentage terms

The economic status of the MRs, according to the Village List, shows that 72.3

percent had APL status, followed by 19.2 percent with BPL status and 8.2 percent

under Antyodaya Scheme. When occupations were considered, 50% of MRs were

found to be engaged in farming, 19% in labour works, 2 percent in small business,

while 2 percent were engaged in Panchayat-related work.

49

4.1.7. PROFILE OF COMMUNITY MEMBERS

The objective of interviews with community members (CMs) was to understand

their perceptions about women empowerment, participation & performance of

women Pradhans and Ward Members, and other related issues. CMs consisted of

village leaders (other than Panchayat representatives), social workers and ordinary

individuals. They were interviewed irrespective of gender. Hence, no proportion

was fixed for men or women respondents in this segment of the survey. On the

whole, across 7 districts of Uttar Pradesh Bundelkhand, 76 such CMs were covered

under the study, of which 39 (51.3%) were women CMs and 37 (48.7%) were male

CMs.

As for social background, both SC and OBC categories had equal share among the

total respondents (44.7%), while General Category made up about 10.5 percent. As

with the cases of women and male representatives, 98.7 percent of the CMs were

Hindus, while only 1.3% of them were Muslims.

Table 4.8: Socio-Demographic Profile of Community Members (%) Community Members (N=76)

Gender Women 51.3 Men 48.7

Social Category SC 44.7 OBC 44.7 General 10.5

Age-Group 21-30 yrs 13.2 31-40 yrs 52.6 41-50 yrs 23.7 Above 50 yrs 10.5 Marital Status Married 90.8 Single 6.6 Widow/widower 2.6

Education Illiterate 47.4 Class 1 to7 11.8 Class 8 to 10 22.4 Class 11 & above 18.4

In terms of their age profile, 13.2 percent, 52.6 percent, and 23.7 percent, respectively,

fell within the 21-30, 31-40 and 41-50 age brackets. Only 10.5% of the CMs were

above 50 years of age. About 90.8 percent of them were married (Table 4.8).

50

The economic status of the CMs shows that 63.2 percent of the respondents had APL

status while 31.6 percent were BPL. On the other hand, while 48.7 percent reported

farming as their primary occupation, 21.2 percent of respondent CMs were primarily

engaged in labour works. In terms of land ownership, more 60.5 percent were

landowner, while 23.7 percent were in the landless category.

51

4.2. PARTICIPATION, AWARENESS AND ROLE PERFORMANCE

4.2.1 Introduction

Meaningful participation in Gram Panchayats; awareness of Panchayat provisions;

and effective role performance in implementation of key areas of Panchayati Raj

agenda are some of the basic interrelated attributes of Panchayat representatives that

are critical to women empowerment and the functioning of a healthy democratic

local self governance system. As elected representatives, and therefore as ‘duty

bearers’, WRs have an obligation to exercise their constitutional rights to

participation in order to fulfill their responsibilities towards ‘claim holders’, that is,

their constituencies. It is only through adequate information and quality

participation and role performance in the Panchayats that they would be able to

fulfill the obligations to the people, who elected them. Given the unequal position

women are placed in caste-class-gender hierarchy, however, whether they as

democratically elected representatives vested with political authority are actually

able to enjoy their right to participate and perform in PRIs and contribute towards

women empowerment at the grassroots level becomes a matter of enquiry.

4.2.2 Participation of Women Representatives in Gram Panchayats

The point of reference for participation of WRs in Panchayati Raj is generally their

representation in term of numbers or percentages. This does not help in adequate

understanding, because representation does not, in itself, constitute evidence of

participation. Therefore, instead of resorting to broad-brush inference based on data

on representation, this study sought to gather evidence about participation in terms

of three basic indicators – i). Organization and frequency of Gram Sabha, ii).

Participation in Gram Sabha, and ii). Participation in development agenda of

Panchayats. This is based on the assumption that representation is a necessary, but

by no means sufficient, condition for participation. As such, we start by recording

the number of Gram Sabha organized in villages, in which WRs, by virtue of their

special responsibilities, are expected to participate.

52

4.2.2.1 Gram Sabha: Organization and Frequency

One of the manifestations of participation of ERs in Gram Panchayats is organization

and frequency of Gram Sabha (GS) in the villages. Out of the contacted 369

respondents, 319 (86.4%) reported organization of GS meetings in their villages.

Among them, ERs (Ward Members and Pradhans together) in general reported

higher frequency of Gram Sabha meetings than ‘Non-Elected Respondents’

(Community Members and Defeated & Former Representatives).

Table 4.9: Number of Times Gram Sabha Meetings held in a year (%)

Respondents Frequency of Gram Sabha meetings

Once Twice Thrice Four times & above

N

Elected Representatives (ERs) 5.4 37.9 29.6 27.1 203

Non-Elected Respondents 16.4 33.6 32.8 17.2 116

Total 9.4 36.4 30.7 23.5 319

As Table 4.9 shows, over two-third (76.5%) of the total respondents (72.9% of elected

representatives and 82.8% of non-elected respondents) reporting organization of

Gram Sabha said that the frequency of Gram Sabha varied only between one (1) to

three (3) meetings per year. This is contrast to the findings of the Ministry of

Panchayati Raj study (2008), where elected representatives (at the all-India level)

reported that on an average six Gram Sabha were organized in each village during

their current term. The average was seven with Pradhans and six in the case of Ward

Members. One of the reasons for less number of Gram Sabha reported from Uttar

Pradesh Bundelkhand could be attributed to the fact that the duration of the current

terms of Panchayats varied from state to state. Therefore, the all-India figure for

Gram Sabha is not comparable to that for the region. The other reasons are

administrative in nature (e.g. Pradhan indisposed, quorum not met, etc) and ‘non-

awareness’ of the respondents, so far as the organization and frequency of Gram

Sabha are concerned.

Maintaining a quorum3 for the Gram Sabha is an important norm, and therefore an

important yardstick to assess quality of participation of ERs in Gram Sabhhas. The

3 The quorum is the minimum number of registered voters or representatives of households required

to be present in order to hold a Gram Sabha meeting. In Uttar Pradesh, it is one-fifth of the total

member.

53

data presented in Table 4.10 show that nearly 34.5 percent of the ERs (Ward

Members and Pradhans) reporting organization of Gram Sabhas said that quorum

was not formed, while the majority (43.3%) was not even aware of quorum

formation at Gram Sabhas. This was stated more often in the case of Ward Members

than Pradhans and more by Dalit than Non-Dalit representatives.

Table 4.10: Formation of Quorum for Gram Sabha Meetings

Gram Sabha Quorum formed? N No Not aware Occasionally Yes

Ward Members 37.9 48.3 9.0 4.8 145

Dalit 46.4 49.3 4.3 0.0 69

Non-Dalit 30.3 47.4 13.2 9.2 76

Pradhans 25.9 31.0 20.7 22.4 58

Dalit 21.4 50.0 21.4 7.1 28

Non-Dalit 30.0 13.3 20.0 36.7 30

Total ERS 34.5 43.3 12.3 9.9 203

Dalit 39.2 49.5 9.3 2.1 97

Non-Dalit 30.2 37.7 15.1 17.0 106

A typical Gram Sabha (2013) in Jhandu Ka Purva, Banda. Look at the back seat women members take in the region.

4.2.2.2 Participation in Gram Sabha

To study the extent of participation of women representatives in Gram Sabha, five

(5) distinct questions related to participation (in Gram Sabha) were asked from the

respondents. Using the Likert scale in the interview schedule, these questions were

mainly concerning the frequency and punctuality of WRs in attending Gram Sabha,

their speaking habits, and making prior preparations and exercise of voting rights in

Gram Sabha.

54

Table 4.11 shows a moderate level of

participation of WRs in Gram Sabha

meetings. Apart from 31.9 percent of

the WRs never participating in

Gram Sabhas and 35.1 percent being

unaware of their participation,

around 33 percent of WRs did

participate in Gram Sabhas in one

way or the other. Participation was reported more by Pradhans than Ward Members

and by Non-Dalit representatives than Dalit representatives.

Compared to low attendance, non-

punctuality, and lack of eloquence,

poor prior preparedness and non-

exercise of voting rights by WRs

emerged as main reasons for the

moderate participation level of WRs.

For the proportion of ‘no’ and ‘don’t know’ response categories, 95 (66 plus 29)

percent and 84 (38 plus 46) percent, respectively, were highest for questions relating

to prior preparation and exercise of voting rights by WRs in Gram Sabha (Figure

4.4). Thus participation of WRs in Gram Sabha appears to be more symbolic and less

substantive in nature.

Lower participation of WRs in Panchayat meetings has been supported by many

earlier studies. Sarkar (2004) observed that the participation level of the respondent

elected women members in Panchayat meetings in two backward districts of

northern part of West Bengal was also quite low – only 21 percent respondents

participated fully and a considerable number did not participate at all.

Sukhdev Singh and Verminder Kaur (2007) revealed that majority of the women

Panchayat members (51.7%) never participated even in case of invitation, largely due

to pre-occupation in domestic chores and social obstacles. The level of participation

Table 4.11: Participation in Gram Sabha Meetings

No Don’t know Yes N

Ward Members 33.9 33.7 32.4 171

Dalit 39.3 32.6 28.0 87

Non-Dalit 28.3 34.8 36.9 84

Pradhans 26.3 39.0 34.7 60

Dalit 33.6 35.0 31.4 28

Non-Dalit 20.0 42.5 37.5 32

Total ERs 31.9 35.1 33.0 231

Dalit 37.9 33.2 28.9 115

Non-Dalit 26.0 36.9 37.1 116

19%

22%

16%

66%

38%

33%

34%

33%

29%

46%

48%

44%

51%

5%

16%

How often?

How punctual?

Speak up?

Prior preparation?

Exercise voting rights?

Figure 4.4: Participation of WRs in Gram Sabha Meetings

No Don't know Yes

55

was also not very encouraging as only one-fifth of the total respondent women

members held that they “fully” participated in the decision making process. About

half of them did not give any time at all towards the Panchayat work.

Kumari and Singh (2012) reported that only 40 percent of the women members in

Bihar made prior preparations during meetings, while only 18 percent exercised

voting rights. The number of women who spoke during the meetings was 48

percent. According to a study undertaken by Bal Vikas Social Service Society in

Andhra Pradesh (2009), elected women members were reluctant to participate in the

meetings due to their lack of communication and public speaking skills. This has

been a deterrent in their participation in decision making in the local bodies, despite

the provision of reservation.

Box-1 ‘Don’t attend Panchayat meetings, because don’t get

information’: Meera

Meera, 44, is a Dalit Ward Member from Piprahari Gram Panchayat. She fought election because her husband asked her so. Ever since she was elected, she has only once attended a Panchayat meeting, because, in her own words, “I don’t get information of any such meetings. The Pradhan and other Dabang (upper caste) members have vested interest. They think if women, especially Dalit women start attending meetings, then what will happen to them, how can they do what they want to do?” She is also peeved at the fact that the Government has not provided her with any sort of training so far. “Unless I know what is my role and responsibilities, and how much money has arrived for the Panchayat and for what schemes, how do I confront the Pradhan”, she asks.

Lower participation level of Dalit representatives in Gram Sabha meetings, most of

which are illiterate and engaged in labour works or farming for livelihood, is also a

reflection of the fact that their experiences are still governed by dominant caste male

control over Panchayat resources and ingrained discriminatory attitudes toward

them. Many of the WRs, especially Dalit WRs, function either as proxies or face

strong opposition and obstructions while attempting to work for the benefit of their

community. Vested interests don’t enable them to participate. Often, they are not

even informed about meetings (Box-1).

Meera, a Dalit Ward Member from Piprahari

56

4.2.2.3 Participation in Development Agenda of Panchayats

Substantive participation of WRs is limited not only to participation in Gram Sabhas,

but also in the development agenda of the Panchayats, which include among others,

preparation of development plans, making budget proposals, review of the

implementation of existing schemes, attending community meetings to discuss local

community issues, and identification or selection of beneficiaries of the Government

schemes in Panchayati Raj.

In comparison to the moderate

participation level of WRs in Gram

Sabha, participation in the

development agenda of

Panchayats was lower. This is

quite natural because participation

in the development agenda of

Panchayats requires many other

attributes on the part of the ERs

and goes beyond simple representation in Panchayats. Apart from a high 47.8

percent of the WRs not participating and an equally high 43.6 percent quite unaware

of their participation, nearly 8.5 percent reported as active participants in the

development agenda of Panchayats. Participation was again reported more by

Pradhans than Ward Members and by Non-Dalit representatives than Dalit

representatives (Table 4.12).

All the constituents of participation in the development agenda of Panchayats,

namely, preparation of development plans, making budget proposals, review of the

implementation of existing schemes, attending community meetings to discuss local

community issues, and identification or selection of beneficiaries of the Government

schemes in Panchayati Raj seem to have played equal role in low value for the WRs.

For the combined proportion of ‘no’ and ‘don’t know’ response categories (ranging

between 87. 5% to 96.1%) and that of ‘yes’ (ranging between 3.9% to 12.5%) is more

or less similar (Figure 4.4).

Table 4.12: Participation of Women Representatives in Development Agenda of Panchayats (%)

No Don't know Yes N

Ward Members 48.1 44.3 7.7 171

Dalit 58.2 35.4 6.4 87

Non-Dalit 37.6 53.6 8.8 84

Pradhans 47.0 41.7 11.4 60

Dalit 65.7 26.4 7.8 28

Non-Dalit 30.6 55.0 14.4 32

Total ERs 47.8 43.6 8.5 231

Dalit 60.0 33.2 6.8 115

Non-Dalit 35.7 54.0 10.4 116

57

Assessing the participation of

women in PRIs and the factors

affecting it in the states of Gujarat

and Himachal Pradesh, Centre for

Social Research (2009) contended

that most women remained only

figurative members of the

Panchayat, with actual

responsibilities being shouldered by male family members. Sarkar (204) also

observed that nearly 30% of the total women respondents at the Panchayat and

Panchayat Samiti levels had never contributed towards any development issues of

their respective villages/ constituencies.

Box-2 Can’t run from pillar to post all the time, no one listens: Meena

Meena, 30, married and educated upto Class-V, is a 30 year-old Dalit Ward Member from Sukaura Gram Panchayat of Kabrai, Mahoba. She was initially very enthusiastic about attending Panchayat meetings, understanding Panchayat procedures and trying to solve problems of her community, but not anymore. These days she hardly attends any, because ‘first of all, there is hardly any meetings organized, and even if organized, they don’t serve any purpose’. She says, “Pradhan never attends Panchayat meetings. All the time it is Pradhan’s husband who works on her behalf. Therefore, as a Ward Member, I have to deal with her husband only. My husband doesn’t like me to talk to him. He is so crooked that in connivance with the Panchayat Secretary he takes all the decisions unilaterally. We are not even asked to sign on the Panchayat decisions. Maybe someone else does it on my behalf and for other Panchayat members as well. Who would I complain to? Who is there to listen to me? Last time when I asked the Panchayat Secretary as to why decisions

were taken without informing community members and even Ward Members, he asked me to keep quiet and send my husband instead to know”. Having faced continuous problems with the Pradhan-Pati and Panchayat officials, Meena seems to have developed a growing sense of cynicism about participating in the Panchayat development agenda.

Lower participation of WRs, especially Dalit WRs in Panchayat development agenda

is again a reflection of the multiple disabilities of gender, caste and poverty in the

region, and perhaps much of India. In most of the cases, the positions occupied by

them are actually managed by members of the family or even dominant community

Meena, a Dalit Ward Member from Sukaura Pipahari

45.5%

49.4%

55.0%

35.5%

53.7%

42.0%

44.6%

41.1%

55.8%

34.6%

12.5%

6.1%

3.9%

8.7%

11.7%

Prepare developmentplans?

Prepare budget?

Review existingschemes?

Attend communitymeetings?

Identify beneficiaries

Figure 4.4: Participation in Panchayat Development Agenda

No Don''t know Yes

58

members. Many women claimed ‘no’ participation also because their plans and

demands were not considered, and everything was decided by the Pradhan, officials

and dominant personality of major castes and communities. Thus they considered it

wastage of time (Box-2).

4.2.3 Awareness of Women Representatives

A pre-requisite to effective participation and role performance in Gram Panchayats

is the enjoyment of the rights to information and capacitation. This enables the

women to fulfill their responsibilities in accessing ‘development processes,

institutions, information and redress or complaint mechanisms’ (Mangubhai et al

2009). Therefore, the study enquired about the awareness of women representatives

on basic as well as key Panchayat provisions relevant to effective participation and

role performance as Panchayat leaders.

4.2.3.1 Awareness of Panchayat Provisions

Basic awareness of WRs

about Panchayat provisions

was assessed in terms of

five (5) basic awareness-

related questions – i). Who

the members of Gram Sabha

are, ii) Who can convene

Gram Sabha, iii). How many times Gram Sabha should at least be held in a year, iv).

How to call a special Gram Sabha, and v). Percentage of seats reserved for women in

Panchayati Raj. The results emerging from the composite awareness variable is

presented in Table 4.13.

An overwhelming majority (76.7%) of the WRs were either unaware or they didn’t

know about the basic Panchayat provisions. Only 24.2% reported in the ‘aware’

category. Unawareness of basic Panchayat provisions of WRs thus renders their

representation and participation in Gram Panchayats inconsequential. Significantly,

the low awareness of WRs of basic Panchayat provisions was reported both across

position and social category.

Table 4.13: Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions (%)

No Don't know Yes N

Ward Members 28.9 47.5 23.6 171 Dalit 31.0 46.9 22.1 87

Non-Dalit 26.7 48.1 25.2 84

Pradhans 26.0 48.0 26.0 60 Dalit 28.6 47.1 24.3 28

Non-Dalit 23.8 48.8 27.5 32

Total ERs 28.1 47.6 24.2 231 Dalit 30.4 47.0 22.6 115

Non-Dalit 25.9 48.3 25.9 116

59

The Centre for Social Research

(2009) observed that the

awareness level of Panchayat

members is very poor regarding

the importance of women’s

reservation in PRIs, as well as

regarding laws pertaining to

women, financial aspects of the Panchayat and issues to be addressed by PRI, and

this is also corroborated by the findings of the present study. The awareness of WRs

was found particularly low regarding how to call a special Gram Sabha and

provisions of women’s reservation in PRIs. A mere 4 percent of the WRs were aware

as to how to call a special Gram Sabha. However, a good 40 percent said they knew

who the members of Gram Sabha are (Figure 4.5).

Not surprisingly, knowledge of WRs on key Panchayat provisions, such as, electoral

rules for Panchayat elections, roles & responsibilities of ERs in Gram Panchayat,

development schemes at Panchayat level, Government officials dealing with such

development schemes, and sources of funds available to implement development

schemes have also been found utterly inadequate. A whopping 93.1 percent of WRs

were either unaware or they didn’t have full knowledge of ‘Key Panchayat

Provisions’ in a composite mode. In fact, the proportion of WRs having knowledge

of any of these key Panchayat provisions ranged between 5 to 11 percent only.

The main reasons behind such pathetically low awareness level of WRs on basic as

well as key Panchayat provisions lie with the low education level, especially

functional education and abysmally low participation level in Panchayat meetings

and Panchayat development agenda, coupled preoccupation of WRs with household

or livelihood earning activities. Poor educational status of WRs contributing to their

overall poor awareness level is reflected from correlation value (0.215) between

education and overall awareness of WRs, which is significant at the 0.01 level. On

the other hand, proxy representation by husbands and other male relatives, which is

10%

17%

26%

50%

38%

50%

42%

53%

45%

47%

40%

41%

21%

4%

15%

Know GS members?

Know GS convenor?

No. of GSmeetings/yr.?

How to call special GS?

Women's reservation(%) in PRI?

Figure 4.5: Awareness of Basic Panchayat Provisions

No Don't know Yes

60

more a rule than exception in the region, by obstructing the formal engagement of

WRs with Panchayat processes, such as attending and taking part in meetings, is not

helping WRs to improve their awareness even through ‘learning by doing’ routines

(Box-3).

Box-3

Things would improve only with the passage of time, says Panchayat Secretary

Dharmendra K Singh, Panchayat Secretary, Naugavaan Gram Panchayat, Naraini says that low level of education of WRs poses problem for them at various stages in their functioning. This problem is at both Gram Panchayat and block level. If WRs are educated their awareness would be higher and they will be less hesitant while interacting with different officials for necessary works. “Expecting uneducated WRs with rural background, especially the first timers to be aware of Panchayat rules & regulations and procedures is asking for too much. Most of these women are hapless poor housewives struggling with their daily lives. Their world is mostly limited to cooking, washing clothes, doing dishes, taking care of children, working in fields, and things like that. They are not even

aware of their rights as women. How do we expect them come to the forefront, and start interacting with Government officials without knowing much about the structures and function of Panchayats, the issues involved and procedures to be followed? Most of the WRs are apprehensive, fearful, and remain silent during Panchayat or Gram Sabha meetings; many even avoid attending Panchayat meetings. Things would improve only with the passage of time, when they become increasingly aware about procedures, rules and programmes and keen to attend meetings and become bold enough to express them and without hesitation”.

Several studies have reported on poor awareness level of WRs in other parts of the

country as well. Observing that the knowledge of WRs about PRIs was limited to

their traditional functions only, a study in Haryana (MARG, 1998) said WRs were

unaware of the new Haryana Panchayati Raj Act and the functions assigned to

Panchayats under it and also completely ignorant of the procedural aspects of

welfare schemes, and the financial powers of Panchayat bodies. Benke (2011) also

maintained that WRs in Maharashtra were unaware of their functions, duties and

responsibilities. In fact, they did not know what role they have to play in the

functioning of local government. The CWDS study (1999) however revealed a high

level of awareness about reservations, but low levels of awareness about the powers

and responsibilities of Panchayats. It also found literacy and education to be

correlated with higher levels of awareness. The positive correlation between literacy

Dharmendra K Singh, Panchayat Secretary, Naugavaan

61

and education, on the one hand, and awareness, on the other, is reinforced by data

from Tamil Nadu (Athreya, 1998) and the Garhwal region of Uttar Pradesh (Verma,

1998).

4.2.4 Role Performance of Women Representatives

Role performance of WRs is a broad concept, encapsulating various dimensions that

were analyzed in this study. The indicators used to assess the role performance of

WRs were: their role in implementation of Panchayati Raj development agenda,

community development programmes, and their interface with the Government.

These issues were further triangulated with response from the community members,

the data related to which are presented in the following sections.

5.2.4.1 Implementation of Panchayati Raj Development Agenda

Gram Panchayats are empowered as institutions of local-self-government for

planning and executing village level public works and their maintenance, ensuring

the welfare of the people of the village including health, education, communal

harmony, etc. As political functionaries, women representatives are also expected to

perform these roles.

Figure 4.6 shows the perception of the

respondents on WRs discussing

development issues in Panchayat

meetings. Nearly half (50%) of the

respondents, cutting across positions,

reported that WRs did discuss

development issues in Panchayat

meetings upon participation. The main

development issues discussed by WRs in Panchayat meetings included The main

development issues discussed by WRs included drinking water supply or repair &

maintenance of handpumps, construction/ repair of drainage, roads and school

buildings; welfare schemes such as MNREGA, old age pension, PDS; and social

issues like domestic violence, closure of liquor shops, etc.

31.6%

25.0%

35.5%

42.1%

23.4%

25.0%

17.7%

21.1%

45.0%

50.0%

46.8%

36.8%

Ward Members

Pradhans

Defeated & FormerRepresentatives

Community Members

Figure 4.6: WRs and Discussion on Development Issues in Panchayat Meetings

No Don't know Yes

62

Mangubhai et al (2009) in their study of Gujarat and Tamil Nadu observed that the

most common issues raised by women members in Panchayat meetings were

development or economic issues – inclusion in BPL lists, increasing facilities, need to

focus on the poor and Dalits or women, focus on common lands and usage by Dalits,

etc. Linked to this was neglect in the implementation of various Panchayat

programmes or services.

Implementation of key areas of Panchayati Raj development agenda was assessed in

terms of performance of WRs in – i) Making development plans for the Panchayat,

ii). Making budget proposals for the Panchayats, iii). Reviewing the existing

Panchayat schemes, and iv). Identification of beneficiaries of Government schemes.

As it appears from Table 4.14, a very

high proportion (93.4%) of the total

ERs either don’t know what the

performance of WRs is or they

perceive it as poor. Only a tiny 6.6

percent reported that performance of

WRs was good, so far as

implementation of key areas of

Panchayati Raj development agenda

is concerned. Among those who reported good performance, the proportion of

Pradhans, especially Dalit Pradhans, was more, in comparison to Ward Members.

4.2.4.2 Implementation of Community Development Programmes

One of the objectives of women empowerment through Panchayati Raj has been to

broaden the focus of development to include issues that directly concern women and

the community at large. The initiatives taken by ERs at the community level involve

providing an enabling environment for ordinary citizens, especially women, both

within and outside the household environment. To assess the constructive efforts

undertaken by WRs for the development of the village community, their perceptions

on various indicators was captured. As Figure 4.7 shows, as against 36.8 percent of

Table 4.14: Implementation of Panchayati Raj Development Agenda (%)

Poor Don't know Good N

Ward Members 51.0 43.9 5.1 171

Dalit 46.8 47.4 5.7 87

Non-Dalit 55.4 40.2 4.5 84

Pradhans 36.7 52.5 10.8 60

Dalit 42.9 43.8 13.4 28

Non-Dalit 31.3 60.2 8.6 32

Total ERs 47.3 46.1 6.6 231

Dalit 45.9 46.5 7.6 115

Non-Dalit 48.7 45.7 5.6 116

63

Community Members, nearly half

(50%) of the Pradhans and 45 percent

of the Ward Members perceived WRs

playing a role in implementation of

community development programmes.

The data on gender and social

categories also revealed a similar

trend.

The four main community development programmes in which WRs do play a role in

the region are: undertaking health-related campaigns, waging drive against diseases,

implementing family planning campaigns, and improving the enrolment of girls in

schools. To study the role performance of WRs in implementation of community

development programmes, therefore, respondents were asked four (4) distinct

questions concerning such efforts from WRs.

The results show that a quarter (25%)

of the respondent ERs, which is quite

an impressive proportion, reported

WRs to have played a ‘good’ role in

implementation of community

development programmes (Table

4.15). The proportion of WRs playing

a ‘good’ role was reported lower

(23.9%) by Dalit ERs than by Non-

Dalit ERs (26.1%). This reflects the fact that compared to Non-Dalit caste groups;

Dalits have so far been unable to reap the benefits of community development

programmes. It also calls for special arrangements to be made so that everyone

benefits from development.

Amidst the current hopelessness around role performance of WRs in the region - be

it implementation of development agenda of Panchayats or community

development programmes, there are amazing stories of success and hope as well.

Table 4.15: Implementation of Community Development Programmes (%)

Poor Don't know Good N

Ward Members 33.5 43.1 23.4 171

Dalit 36.5 40.2 23.3 87

Non-Dalit 30.4 46.1 23.5 84

Pradhans 30.0 40.4 29.6 60

Dalit 33.9 40.2 25.9 28

Non-Dalit 26.6 40.6 32.8 32

Total ERs 32.6 42.4 25.0 231

Dalit 35.9 40.2 23.9 115

Non-Dalit 29.3 44.6 26.1 116

31.6%

25.0%

35.5%

42.1%

23.4%

25.0%

17.7%

21.1%

45.0%

50.0%

46.8%

36.8%

Ward Members

Pradhans

Defeated & FormerRepresentatives

Community Members

Figure 4.7: Role of WRs in Implementation of Community Development Programmes

No Don't know Yes

64

Breaking the gender, caste, illiteracy and poverty blocks, some of the WRs have

made impressive contributions to the cause of development in their respective

Panchayats (Box-4).

Box-4

Sanjo: Fighting against the Odds and Succeeding

Born into a poor Kol tribal family in Chitrakoot district of Bundelkhand, Sanjo has toiled hard to map a better life for herself and her family. Voluntary organizations in the region helped her to make the best use of the government’s laws for the landless. Impressed with Sanjo’s courage and selfless service, the poorest families in her village wanted her to contest for the post of Pradhan in the Panchayat elections of 2005. Being a key member of the Patha Kol Adhikar Manch since 1994, she was certain to win the elections. Sanjo agreed to file her nomination from Girudha Panchayat, but feudal interests conspired with officials to get her name deleted from the electoral rolls. She had to struggle till the last moment to get her name re-entered. Sanjo won the elections with a big margin. Living and working in a feudal, dacoit-infested area, she overcame strong blocks and speeded up development work.

As Pradhan, Sanjo has paid special attention to distribution of land and housing plots for the weaker sections. Helped by other Panchayat members, she has taken up check dam projects and ensured pension to the elderly. During Panchayat elections in 2010, this seat was no longer reserved for women and several feudal interests had ganged up to defeat her. However, in the face of such heavy odds, Sanjo managed to win the election for the post of Pradhan once again.

But Sanjo is an exception. Her life has been one of courageous and determined struggle against adverse circumstances. ‘I have been working since the day I was conscious’, she says. Along with her brothers she used to work for eight months in a year in stone quarries, returning home during Holi. After she got married and her husband left her to live with another woman, Sanjo brought up her daughter on her own. She helped set up self help groups, and along the way, learnt to ride a motorcycle and a tractor.’ Today, Sanjo thanks the local voluntary organisation ABSSS for helping her in difficult times and adds, ‘Now our village is threatened by displacement in the name of wildlife protection. We need to establish wider unity to protect our villages’

4.2.4.3 Interface with the Government

Interaction with Govt. Functionaries

An attempt was also made to investigate the extent to which WRs interact with the

local bureaucracy, line departments, and how much do they monitor Government

schemes and functioning of officials while carrying out their duties as intermediaries

between the people and the Government.

Data shows that nearly 49 percent of the Ward Members and 46.7 percent of the

Pradhans believe that WRs interact with Government functionaries, such as ANMs,

Anganwadis, block officials, police and the local leaders (MLA, MP, etc), given the

Sanjo, Pradhan, Girudhan

65

executive powers vested with

them, especially with Pradhans.

Significantly, both at the Pradhan

and Ward Member level, Dalit ERs

reported a higher interaction with

Government functionaries than

their Non-Dalit counterparts

(Table 4.16). A higher proportion

of Dalit WRs approaching Govt. functionaries indicates they are gradually

establishing networks to increase their information on Panchayat schemes and

administration, obtain advice and help on issues, and negotiate for schemes and

funds to implement development schemes for their constituencies.

Box-5

Prevalent gender norms preventing interaction

Mrs. Reena, 45, a social activist from Banda, says that WRs are still hesitant to interact with government officials and line departments due to a large number of proxy representation and prevalent gender norms. Usually, it is their husbands or male relatives who speak on their behalf and their role, if at all, is merely to deliver petitions drafted by other to the officials or the concerned line departments. Almost all WRs are escorted by husbands or male relatives, or other Panchayat members to meet with officials and line departments. WRs feel they should not or cannot go just because they do not feel comfortable or confident enough to interact with government officials and line departments, and because officials are mostly men.

Compared to Non-Dalit WRs, according to Mrs. Reena, Dalit WRs are not so much bothered by the patriarchal obstacles in the region, and this reflects not only in their comparatively higher participation in Panchayat meetings, but also in higher interaction level with Government officials and line departments. The trend is partly also due to the fact that most of the rural development programs have special provisions for Dalits. Compared to Dalit WRs, Non-Dalit WRs don’t know much about the government schemes and the procedures to get them implemented.

Among the five categories of Government functionaries, WRs interacted most

frequently with ANMs (89%), followed by Anganwadi Workers (84%) and block

officials (32%). Interestingly, it was lowest in the case of local police (10%), followed

by local leaders (21%) and blocks officials (32%). Corroborating the trend, the

Panchayati Raj study (2008) also observed that almost 70 percent of the ERs regularly

Table 4.16: Interaction with Government Functionaries (%)

No Don't know Yes N

Ward Members 40.6 10.4 49.0 171

Dalit 25.3 15.4 59.3 87

Non-Dalit 56.4 5.2 38.3 84

Pradhans 46.7 6.7 46.7 60

Dalit 35.0 8.6 56.4 28

Non-Dalit 56.9 5.0 38.1 32

Total ERs 42.2 9.4 48.4 231

Dalit 27.7 13.7 58.6 115

Non-Dalit 56.6 5.2 38.3 116

66

interacted with ANMs in one way or the other. There was however a significant

difference between the Pradhan and the Ward Members in terms of interaction, with

a much higher proportion of Pradhans (88%) reporting that they interacted with the

ANM as compared to 65 percent of Ward Members.

Interaction with Line Departments

Besides the Government functionaries,

WRs also need to interact with local line

departments for various departmental

issues. But WRs are often shy and lack

confidence. Not surprisingly, therefore,

only 15 percent of the WRs have been

reported to have interaction with line

departments. The proportion of Dalit WRs

(both Ward Members and Pradhans)

interacting with line departments was much higher than that of their Non-Dalit

counterparts, suggesting that Dalit WRs are more proactive in these matters.

Patriarchy and associated stereotypes in the region don’t haunt Dalit WRs as much

as they do Non-Dalit WRs (Box-5).

Lower interaction of WRs with line departments is not confined to any particular

department, but it appears to be an all pervasive or a department neutral

phenomenon. The highest interaction was reported from Animal Husbandry

Department (19%), followed by Electricity Department (16%), Irrigation Department

(13%) and Forest Department (12%).

Monitoring of Govt. Schemes/ Functioning of Officials

WRs are expected to play the role of change agents and facilitate the development

processes in their villages through effective monitoring of Government schemes and

functioning of Government officials as well. Data reveals that nearly 31.8 percent of

the respondents perceived WRs were engaged in monitoring of govt. schemes and

Table 4.17: Interaction with Line Departments (%)

No Don't know

Yes N

Ward Members 77.3 7.6 15.1 171

Dalit 64.1 11.2 24.7 87

Non-Dalit 91.1 3.9 5.1 84

Pradhans 74.2 10.8 15.0 60

Dalit 64.3 10.7 25.0 28

Non-Dalit 82.8 10.9 6.3 32

Total ERs 76.5 8.4 15.0 231

Dalit 64.1 11.1 24.8 115

Non-Dalit 88.8 5.8 5.4 116

67

functioning of government officials at

Panchayat level. Dalit ERs, both at the

Pradhan and Ward Members level,

reported a higher (35.7%) monitoring of

Government schemes and functioning of

Government officials by WRs than their

Non-Dalit counterparts. Among the

studied Government Schemes,

monitoring was reportedly highest in

case of Mid-day Meal Scheme (49%), followed by the functioning of school teachers

(35%), PDS (25%) and MNREGA (19%).

A higher proportion of Dalit WRs (as compared to Non-Dalit WRs) interacted with

the Government in the region in respect of all three interface variables, namely,

interaction with Government functionaries, interaction with line departments, and

monitoring of Government schemes/ functioning of officials definitely gives the

hope that these interactions would strengthen participation of Dalit WRs in

Panchayats, and their responsiveness to people’s needs.

Table 4.18: Monitoring of Govt. Schemes/ Functioning of Officials (%)

No Don't know

Yes N

Ward Members 57.6 9.1 33.3 171 Dalit 50.0 12.4 37.6 87 Non-Dalit 65.5 5.7 28.9 84 Pradhans 58.8 13.8 27.5 60 Dalit 53.6 17.0 29.5 28 Non-Dalit 63.3 10.9 25.8 32 Total ERs 57.9 10.3 31.8 231 Dalit 50.9 13.5 35.7 115

Non-Dalit 64.9 7.1 28.0 116

58

25

36 38

5

28

48

15

32

Interaction with Govt. functionaries Interaction with line Depts. Monitoring of Govt. schemes

Figure 4.8: Interface with Government by Social Categories (%)

Dalits Non-Dalit Total

68

4.3. NATURE AND EXTENT OF WOMEN EMPOWERMENT

Representation in political decision-making bodies and the empowerment of

marginalized groups are two quite distinct concepts and so is the specific nature of

political representation and political participation (Hust 2004). However, there is no

denying the fact that women’s reservation under PRI has opened up the spaces

where women can acquire the necessary expertise that historically has been denied

to them. It is important therefore to focus on the effect the representation through

reservation on the extent of women empowerment in the region.

4.3.1 Extent of Women Empowerment

To study the extent of women empowerment in rural Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh,

Likert scale was used in the interview schedule under five (5) key empowerment

variables - i). Gender equality, ii). Social equality, iii). Decision making ability, iv).

Financial autonomy and v). Personality development. While gender equality had

nineteen (19) distinct questions related to empowerment – four (4) child-related

concerns and five (5) each for domestic workload, social practices, and marriage &

family life issues; social equality had four (4), decision making had five (5), financial

autonomy had four (4), and personality development had eight (8) distinct questions

related to women empowerment. Altogether 40 questions were used to measure

women empowerment in the study region. Each question had a ranking of 1 to 5.

The score value of the respondents to consider their perception on women

empowerment in rural Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh was - 40 to 94 (low

empowerment level), 95 to 147 (moderate empowerment level), and 148 to 200 (high

empowerment level).

As shown in Table 4.19, the majority of the respondents (63.1%) reported low

women empowerment level, while the rest, 36.6 and 0.3 percent, reported medium

and high women empowerment level, respectively. As compared to 68.3 percent of

the interviewed Pradhans, only 61.4 percent of the Ward Members thought that

women empowerment was low. An analysis of the gender differences vis-à-vis

women empowerment shows that male respondents perceived women to be slightly

69

less empowered than their female counterparts. The proportion of male respondents

who perceived low women empowerment level was 60 percent, in comparison to

64.5 percent for women respondents. Moreover, in comparison to literate

respondents (ranging between 57.8% to 60.9%), a higher proportion of illiterate

respondents (69%) reported low women empowerment level in the region.

Table 4.19: Extent of Women Empowerment in Rural Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh (%)

Low Moderate High Total

By Gender

Women 64.5 35.1 0.4 259

Men 60.0 40.0 0.0 110

By Position

Ward Members 61.4 38.0 0.6 171

Pradhans 68.3 31.7 0.0 60

Defeated & Former Representatives

66.1 33.9 0.0 62

Community Members 60.5 39.5 0.0 76

By Education

Illiterate 69.0 31.0 0.0 168

Class 1 to7 57.8 41.2 1.0 102

Class 8 to 10 56.6 43.4 0.0 53

Class 11 & above 60.9 39.1 0.0 46

Total 63.1 36.6 0.3 369

4.3.2 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Demographic Variables

Table 4.20 shows the correlation between demographic variables, age, education,

and annual income of the respondents. The correlation value (r) between age and

women empowerment is -.023, and it is statistically non-significant.

Table 4.20: Correlation of Women Empowerment with Demographic Variables

Age Education Annual Income Women Empowerment

Age 1

Education -.062 1

Annual Income .094 .186** 1

Women Empowerment -.023 .165** .107* 1 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

The correlation value between education of the respondents and women

empowerment in rural Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh is 0.165, and it is significant at

the 0.01 level. In other words, across higher educational level, women empowerment

70

increases. On the other hand, the correlation value between monthly income of the

respondents and women empowerment is 0.107 and it is significant at 0.05 level. In

other words, when income increases, women empowerment also increases. This is

understandable, because when income increases, the status of the respondents, the

vast majority of which are women, moves higher on the ladder, and consequently

women empowerment also goes up.

4.3.2.1 Association between Social Category and Women Empowerment

Table 4.21 brings out the association between social category and women

empowerment. Here the null hypothesis is that there is no association between social

category and women empowerment. As the p value is 0.00 which is less than <0.01,

the null hypothesis is rejected and it is concluded that there is statistically significant

relationship between social category and women empowerment.

Table 4.21: Social Category and Women Empowerment Low Moderate High N

SC 137 (75.3%) 45 (24.7%) 0 (0.0%) 182 (100%) 37.1% 12.2% 0.0% 49.3%

OBC 79 (52.7%) 70 (46.7%) 1 (0.7%) 150 (100%) 21.4% 19.0% 0.3% 40.7%

General 17 (45.9%) 20 (54.1%) 0 (0.0%) 37 (100%) 4.6% 5.4% 0.0% 10.0%

Total 233 (63.1%) 135 (36.6%) 1 (0.3%) 369 (100%) 2 = 24.293, df = 4 and p = .000

The proportion of Dalit or SC respondents who reported low level of women

empowerment in the region was higher (75.3%) than that of OBC (52.7%) and

General Category (45.9%) respondents. On the other hand, the proportion of Dalits

who reported women empowerment level as moderate was substantially lower

(24.7%) than that of OBC (46.7%) and General Category (54.1%) respondents. This

means that the sense of disempowerment among Dalit women is more pronounced.

While women empowerment was hardly viewed cutting across social categories,

almost half of the OBC and General Category respondents somehow felt women to

be moderately empowered in the overall rural set-up.

71

Box-6

Women Empowerment: The Gulabi Gang Style

As one travels deeper into Bundelkhad region of Uttar Pradesh, the much hyped figures of the growing Indian economy become meaningless. Bundelkhand is a highly caste ridden and male dominated society which refuses to educate its women, suppresses them, and marries them off too early. Marginalized, exploited, often victims of violence and abuse, these women bear the brunt of poverty and discrimination. But there is hope too. In this invisible corner of our country, women have taken their cause into their own hands. The Gulabi Gang (Pink Gang) is an outfit of more than 40,000 women who fight injustice and corruption at a grassroots level. Sampal Pal is the leader of the Gulabi (Pink) Gang. This feisty crusader for the poor and the downtrodden believes in speaking loudly and carrying a big stick to fight against corrupt official and men who abuse women. Sampat Pal says, “Ï salute Gandhiji. He was the father of our nation. But times have changed and my style is different. I am Sampat Pal. I do what I think is right”. Gang members seem to relish the chance to hit back.

The Gang’s vigilante tactics have included attacking police and publicly humiliating a district magistrate. “Why do I have to take laws into my hands? I will tell you. Because the Government doesn’t obey its own laws. Police and Government officials take bribes. Now people look up to me and don’t go to police. Sampat can do what police can’t. That is why people respect me”, she says. Perhaps it is no surprise that a women’s vigilante group has sprung up in Banda district of Uttar Pradesh, which is one of the poorest and most feudal parts of India. Around 20 percent of the population in Banda is born into the bottom of the caste ladder which dictates where they can work, who they can marry and even, where they can bathe. Above all, it’s women who bear the brunt of the discrimination. Sampat Pal herself is an illiterate and low caste. She was married of at 12 and had her first child at 15. She says, she was angered by a world in which people are considered untouchable. She says, “It makes me angry. How can people hate another human being? They don’t even hate dog piss. If a dog pisses near the water where they are worshipping, they still drink the water. But they hate touching a human being. That’s why I had to do this. I have always argues and fought since childhood”. This former health worker spent years working quietly behind the scene with local women. It was only when they adopted a uniform and threatened violence in 2006 that they were finally taken seriously.

The Gulabi Gang has only resorted to violence on a handful of occasions. Sampat says, “Most people now see reason. It’s quite straightforward. First, we simply approach people with our requests. Please do what we ask. If that’s wrong, don’t do it. If it’s right, then do what I ask. But those who have been dishonest and are taking bribes, they are not able to help us. So, when I know that my request has not been considered, I go there once, twice. If they still don’t listen, I hit them with lathi”. Tackling corruption is just a small part of what Sampat Pal does. Everyday

women come to her for help. Sometimes they are victims of domestic violence. Sampat takes up their case with local police. Others are mostly victims of their in-laws. Sampat frequently steps in to sort out such quarrels, acting as the judge, the jury and sometimes also as a property surveyor. Although she has fought with the police and still faces criminal charges for her vigilante attacks, Sampat tries to stay on the good side of the law. She figures “it is more effective to shame the authority in doing the right thing than to make headlines by beating them up”. But the headlines have also helped. As time passes by, many more women in this backward region of India are joining the ranks of Gulabi Gang, hoping that someday life will be a little better, that there would be food, water, employment and equality. One is not sure if this would ever be achieved in totality or how long it will take. But realized or unrealized, this is a cause worth fighting for!

Sampat Pal, Leader of Gulabi Gang

72

4.3.3 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Awareness, Participation,

Performance and Interface Variables

The correlation value (r) between women empowerment and awareness of

Panchayat provisions is 0.113, and it is statistically significant at 0.05 level (Table

4.22). On the other hand, the correlation values of women empowerment with

participation in Gram Panchayat, performance in Gram Panchayat and interface

with Government variables are 0.153, 0.279 and 0.270, respectively, and these are all

statistically significant at the 0.01 level. It is also to be noted that all these four

variables have positive correlation with women empowerment. Therefore, it is

interpreted that as the awareness of Panchayat provisions of women representatives;

their participation and performance in Gram Panchayats; and interaction with

Government functionaries & departments increase, women empowerment in the

region also increases.

Table 4.22: Correlation of Women Empowerment with Awareness, Participation, Performance and Interface with Government

Awareness of Panchayat

Provisions

Participation in Gram

Panchayat

Performance in Gram

Panchayat

Interface with

Govt.

Women Empowerment

Awareness of Panchayat Provisions

1

Participation in Gram Panchayat

.082 1

Performance in Gram Panchayat

.402** -.018 1

Interface with Government

.021 -.139** .298** 1

Women Empowerment

.113* .153** .279** .270** 1

**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

4.3.4 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related

Variables

Table 4.23 brings out the correlation between women empowerment and

empowerment related variables. Five empowerment related variables, namely,

gender equality, social equality, decision making, financial autonomy, and

personality development have been identified and studied. Women empowerment is

the combined variable resulting from the interplay of these variables.

73

Box-7

Reasons for low women empowerment level are many: Raja Bhaiya

Based in Ataraa, Banda, Raja Bhaiya, 45 year, is a tireless social activist fighting for the rights of the poor and the downtrodden, including women in Bundelkhand. He says, a woman giving birth to baby girls is considered a curse in the region. She is invariably ridiculed and teased by the society as ‘nipurti’, i.e., a woman incapable to bear a son, the ‘actual inheritor’ of the family traditions and property. The overall environment is quite hostile to women and girls. Women and girls are still considered a weaker sex. They are uneducated, insecure, and bereft of dignity and self-esteem. There are restrictions on their movement. They are not free to go to schools and colleges and be educated and independent. As a result, women are still confined within the four walls of their homes. Gender equality is a distant dream. Women

and girls have been allocated specialized work and duties. They simply need to cook food, do dishes, wash clothes and be in home.

There is hardly any change noticeable in the traditional roles and responsibilities of girls and women. The mental make-up of the people is still traditional and highly patriarchal. The rampant crimes against women and girls make the situation even worse. There are frequent incidences of abduction, rapes and a host of other crimes reported in the region, which further force women to remain within the confines of their home. Recently, a 17 year girl studying in Class-XI in one of the villages of Atarra (Gramin), Panchayat, was enticed by a group of people and taken away, never to return back and heard. The parents of the girl ran from pillar to post, made repeated visits to the police station and to all those who mattered, but to no avail. The girl still remains untraced since the last six months or so. In another instance, a girl from Naugavan Gram Panchayat, who was going to her field early in the morning carrying breakfast for her father, was forcibly abducted and serially raped by a group of boys in one of the nearby fields. A lot of hue and cry was made; some killings also took place but the police refused to register a case against the accused as they were influential, belonging to the upper caste. On the contrary, the parents of the girl are still languishing in the jail. These kinds of episodes in the region, wherein school going girls become either untraceable on her way to school or abducted and raped, play badly with the minds of the people in sending their daughters to schools and colleges and giving them the space they deserve.

As expected, all the five empowerment related variables have high positive

correlation with women empowerment. In all the cases, the value of correction

coefficient is more than 0.9, which is very high. This is mainly because – these are the

very factors which make up women empowerment. Among the five variables,

gender equality has the highest correlation with women empowerment (r=0.991),

followed by decision making (r=0.954), financial autonomy (r=0.954), social equality

(r=0.942), and personality development (r=0.902), and these are all statistically

significant at the 0.01 level.

Raja Bhaiya, Secretary, Vidya Dham Samiti

74

Table 4.23: Correlation between Women Empowerment and Empowerment Related Variables

Gender Equality

Social

Equality Decision Making

Financial Autonomy

Personality Development

Women Empowerment

Gender Equality

1

Social Equality

.926** 1

Decision Making

.928** .904** 1

Financial Autonomy

.934** .882** .930** 1

Personality Development

.871** .801** .816** .839** 1

Women Empowerment

.991** .942** .954** .954** .902** 1

**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

Box-8

Who will take care of home, asks Rajeshwari Pal

Rajeshwari Pal is a 45 year old OBC Mahila (Women) Pradhan from Palhari Gram Panchayat. It is in Naraini Block, Banda. She is one of the very few Mahila Pradhans who has at least no hesitation in talking about Panchayat issues. As one arrived at her house, all the onlookers, including her daughter told that Pradhan was away – had gone to the Block. Only when told that we actually wanted to meet her mother, the real Pradhan, one was allowed to get in and have conversation with her. Rajeshwari clearly told that when meetings were held in the village, it was her husband who attended them. Only when meetings are held at Block or district

headquarters, she attends them, though always accompanied by her husband, who is a two-time former Pradhan from the same Panchayat. “He (her husband) understands Panchayat matters better, so what is wrong in taking help? If I attend all meetings, who will take care of home”, she asks.

One of the most important reasons of the low women empowerment level in rural

Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh is the widespread gender inequality practiced in the

region or rather lack of gender equality. Despite the increased representation of

women in Gram Panchayats, gender equality – be it child-related concerns, domestic

workload, social practices or marriage and family life issues, still remains a dream

(Box-7 & 8). The subordinate position of women to men in Bundelkhand, which

manifests itself in the deeply unequal sharing of the burden of adversities between

women and men, restricts their financial autonomy and decision making ability as

well, which turn further disempowers them.

Rajeshwari Pal, Pradhan, Palhari

75

Box-9

Registration of land and properties in women’s name increasing: Bhola Prasad

Mr. Bhola Prasad, a Dalit Lekhpal with over 40 years of experience, operates in Turra Gram Panchayat,. He too blames WRs - their illiteracy and ignorance of Panchayat issues for their predicament. When asked what positive changes has he witnessed in the status of women over the last 40 years or so in the region, he says – now a days, more and more land and properties are being registered in the names of women members of the family in place of male members in villages – just to avail concession in registration charges, which is good for rural women. It has helped in breaking down the gender barrier, allowing women to enjoy property rights more and more. It has provided an enormous opportunity for women from marginalized communities to bargain for their rights and those of their fellow women.

Unless a concerted effort is made to get rid of traditional values & norms, and

address the all pervasive problem of gender inequality, women empowerment

through representation and participation of women in Panchayati Raj would remain

elusive. The required reforms must recognize that empowerment cannot be viewed

in isolation; efforts to realize other enabling rights – especially the rights to

education and information, alongside the right to equality within the family and in

society – must be integrated with efforts to ensure women’s enjoyment of their right

to participation.

Bhola Prasad, Lekhpal, Turra Gram Panchayat

76

4.4. BLOCKS TO WOMEN REPRESENTATIVES

There are a variety of reasons as to why women, despite their representation

through quotas, do not effectively participate and perform in Gram Panchayats.

Therefore, while analyzing women empowerment in Bundelkhand region of Uttar

Pradesh, it is important to understand the factors that blocks WRs, either as Ward

Members or Pradhans, in effectively participating and performing in Gram

Panchayats. It would enable us to observe the broader trend at the Gram Panchayat

level.

Box-10

Males don’t let women to come to the forefront

“The main reason for low women empowerment level is the overwhelming dominance of males in the society, who don’t let women to come to the forefront. It’s always males who are at the forefront in taking all decisions at

the village and family levels”, says Suresh Kumar, a young grassroots social activist aspiring to be a Pradhan from the Atrarra (Rural) Gram Panchayat someday. Atarra (Rural) Gram Panchayat has a total 30,000 population and 20,000 voters. Nine (9) out of fifteen (15) Ward Members are women here. Currently, it has a woman Pradhan as well. “But except once, I have never been able to either see or meet her. She is always confined within home. It is her husband, who himself has been a two-time former Pradhan, who is addressed as Pradhan and does all Panchayat work on her behalf. If you ask, she herself would say – Pradhanji is not home or has gone to Banda or somewhere else, as the case may be. Pradhanji (her husband) had never worked for the villagers, nor does he work for the benefit of the villagers now. A Dabang belonging to the OBC community, he has all along been feudal in nature and manages votes in the name of the community. His main

aim is to exploit the fellow villagers and make money for him. Therefore, the social welfare schemes earmarked for the poor and the needy have been unable to reach and benefit them. For instance, electricity, a public good, which should be available to all cutting across communities and castes, is not available to Dalits in the village. Only Dabangs have the exclusive electricity connections here. Pradhanji believes, if Dalits start getting all the benefits, including electricity connections, he would lose his overall grip and Dalits wouldn’t bow down to Dabangs anymore. By not allowing Dalits the benefits of development, he wants to continue his hegemony over the poor and Dalits. The same is the case with the status of women in the village”. Thus despite the presence of women representatives in Panchayats through mandatory women’s reservation, women empowerment has not taken place in the region. Their condition remains the same as before.

The study asked a range of questions in Likert scale format on blocks or obstacles

faced by women to act as Panchayat representatives. These could be classified into

four (4) broad categories – i). Socio-economic blocks, ii). Patriarchy-related blocks,

iii). Proxy or surrogate related blocks, and iv). Caste-related blocks. While socio-

economic blocks contained five (5) socio-economic-related questions; patriarchy or

gender-related blocks had nine (9); proxy or surrogate-related blocks had five (5);

Suresh Kumar, social activist

77

and caste-related blocks contained four (4) distinct questions. Altogether twenty-

three (23) questions were used to study blocks to WRs in the region.

Data shows that women are perceived to have been facing formidable blocks in

terms of all the above cited categories of blocks – socio-economic, patriarchy-related,

proxy-related and caste-related blocks in effective participation and performance as

Panchayat representatives. Whatever be the category, more than 87 percent of the

respondents, cutting across gender, position and social category, said these blocks

played the serious spoil sport.

Table 4.24: Blocks to Women Representatives (%)

Proxy Socio-Economic Patriarchy Caste N

Ward Members 87.7 90.8 96.1 98.1 171

Dalit 87.6 89.7 95.1 99.1 87

Non-Dalit 87.8 92.0 97.0 97.0 84

Pradhans 87.5 93.3 93.8 97.5 60

Dalit 87.5 88.4 90.2 97.3 28

Non-Dalit 87.5 97.7 96.9 97.7 32

Total ERs 87.7 91.5 95.5 97.9 231

Dalit 87.6 89.3 93.9 98.7 115

Non-Dalit 87.7 93.5 97.0 97.2 116

Caste-related blocks emerged as the most formidable block (97.9%), followed by

patriarchy-related (95.5%), socio-economic-related (91.5%), and proxy-related blocks

(87.7%) to the emergence and advancement of women as Panchayat representatives

(Table 4.24). There was not much disparity in the perceptions of Pradhans and Ward

Members, and Dalit and Non-Dalit ERs on the gravity of the blocks faced by WRs.

4.4.1 Caste-related Blocks

Any study of participation and performance of WRs and women empowerment

cannot be separated from caste and class considerations. Different Indian women are

subordinated in different ways, with caste and class being key factors which transect

gender. Moreover, caste and class are commonly acknowledged to coverage as a

result of historical systemic discrimination against ‘lower’ caste groups and denial of

economic and knowledge resources to them (Verma 2002). In other words, in a

hierarchical society, where the social structure is itself based on social exclusion

arising from caste inequality, caste becomes a key factor in understanding how

78

participation and performance of WRs, especially those from the marginalized

sections, results in women empowerment.

The modern democratic system of governance rests upon a social system in which

caste, kinship and community relationships are given high value, and where the

exercise of power on behalf, and for the benefit of one’s caste group is expected

(Kumar, N and Rai, M 2006). Any change to socio-political structures and

transformation of governance is resisted, even to the point of violence. This

opposition has manifested itself in terms of a sharp increase in violent manifestations

of casteism in local communities ever since the local government system was

strengthened through the Constitutional Amendments. When the PRIs have been

seen by the upper castes as the tool for the lower castes to assert their rights as

individuals living in a democratic polity, the latter have become targets of caste

based discrimination and violence (Mathew 2002).

As Table 4.24 shows, an overwhelming 97.9 percent of the respondents admitted

WRs faced caste-related blocks in Gram Panchayats. Only a marginal gap was

noticed in the perceptions of Pradhans and Ward Members and those of Dalit and

Non-Dalit respondents on this issue, with more Ward Members (98.1%) and Dalit

ERs (98.7%) reporting caste-related blocks to WRs than Pradhans (97.5%) and Non-

Dalit ERs (97.2%), respectively. This suggests that the all pervasive nature of caste-

related blocks is acknowledged by one and all, including Non-Dalits.

Caste-related blocks were analyzed in terms of questions on use of caste offensive

language against Dalit WRs, prohibition on sitting on chairs alongside non-Dalit

representatives and drinking water or tea from the vessels used by dominant caste

representatives. Among these, the first and the fourth blocks, namely, caste offensive

language and prohibition on drinking water from the vessel used by dominant caste

representatives, with hundred percent acceptance, appear to be the most important

blocks or constraints, followed closely by prohibition on sitting chairs alongside non-

Dalit representatives and physical violence against them (Figure 4.9).

79

Caste-related blocks throw up a

number of challenges before

Dalit WRs. The first challenge

relates to the legal ambiguity in

respect of powers and functions

given to the Panchayats as they

have not been clearly demarcated

and defined in the Uttar Pradesh

Panchayat Laws (Amendment) Act, 1994. This ambiguity has created confusion

among the ERs about their powers and functions. Second, caste prejudices have

become a stumbling block for Dalit women to exert effectively as Panchayat

representatives. There have been instances of not allowing Dalit women

representatives to discharge their legitimate functions. A number of such cases have

come to light from Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh as well.

Box-11

Household matters are most important for ladies: Indra Pal, a Dalit Pradhan-Pati

Indra Pal, 33 yrs, is a Dalit Pradhan Pati (husband of the women Pradhan) from Sukaura Gram Panchayat, which is in Kabrai Block of Mahoba district. His wife, 30 yrs old Prabha Pal is a first time Pradhan. She is very much willing to deal with Panchayat issues, learn how Pradhans function and what functions he performs. In fact, this is something which came out very strongly in our first round interaction with her during the initial data collection period. Unfortunately, Indra Pal, her husband, doesn’t approve of her interest in Panchayat matters. We could clearly sense that she was very much there in home, but Indra Pal would say, she had gone out for a wedding and would return next day only. In his words, “She would love to move around and do things she likes to do. But as a husband, I don’t think it proper that ’mehraaroos’ (wives) should be allowed to deviate away from household chores. A woman has many constrains in a village set-up. She cannot talk freely and she has to be under veil in front of the elders. Besides, household matters are most important for ladies”.

4.4.2 Patriarchy-related Blocks

Among many constraints, the socio-structural parameters of the ideology of

patriarchy continue to serve to block and control the thoughts, movements, and live

of WRs. Being a heavily patriarchal - male-dominated, male-identified, and male-

Physical violence

Prohibition on same chair sitting

Caste offensive language

Prohibition on drinking water fromsame vessel

93%

99%

100%

100%

Figure 4.9: Caste Blocks to Women Representatives

Indra Pal, a Dalit Pradhan-Pati from Sukaura, Mahoba

80

centered- society that Bundelkhand region is, women’s lives, including those of WRs

are rather harsh. They are often denied to participate in the public life and important

issues associated with Panchayat politics have been an area of men. Nearly 95.5

percent of the respondent ERs reported patriarchy-related factors as stumbling

blocks to WRs. Interestingly; this was reported more by Ward Members (96.1%) than

Pradhans (93.8%) and Non-Dalit representatives (97%) than Dalit representatives

(93.9%).

Box-12

Gender discrimination still pervasive: Babita Gupta, Asha Bahu

Babita Gupta is a 30 year old Asha Bahu from the OBC category, working in Mahotra Gram Panchayat. Asha Bhaus ( are usually employed from the same village, and they are expected to take care of the health of women and children, especially that of pregnant women and their kids, giving them advice, nutrients, supplements, admitting them to nearby Government hospitals for safe delivery and things like that. “Frequent interaction with women Panchayat representatives and other village women is part of my job-profile. I do go out and inform them about pregnancy, child care, immunization, sanitation, diseases, and a whole lot of other things. Most of the parents have started to understand the importance of immunizing their kids, so immunization has picked up. But gender discrimination is still pervasive. Ladkan sab bimaar pad jaihan to jyaada chintaa hot hai. Ladkiyan to fhir bhee chal jaat hai (people are still more concerned about the health of a male child, as compared to that of a girl child)”, she shares. Describing vividly how the preference for son is still predominant in rural Bundelkhand, she says “Sometimes even ANMs (Auxiliary Nurse Midwife) help women to abort their fetus, if they fear that the next child would still be a daughter. Last year, a five month-old pregnant woman died when one

of the ANMs in a nearby village tried to abort the five month old-fetus of a woman in home and landed up in jail. The incident was widely reported in news papers as well”.

Patriarchy-related blocks to WRs

were examined by putting out

nine (9) questions on need to take

permission of husbands or family

members to attend meetings,

talking to unrelated persons, be

accompanied by husbands or

family members to meetings, dual

responsibility (child, family and home care), and unequal gender norms and practices at

play, such as, minor presence of women in Panchayat meetings, unwillingness of

Babita Gupta, Asha Bahu, Mahrotra

Character assassination

Dominating MRs

Talking to unrelated persons

Unwilling govt. officials

Minor presence of women in meetings

Permission to attend meetings

Veil in meetings

Dual responsibility

Accompanied to meetings

55%

70%

92%

92%

94%

95%

97%

98%

99%

Figure 4.10: Patriarchy Blocks to Women Representatives

81

Government officials to listen to WRs, their character assassination, and dominating

presence of MRs. Out of these, the requirement of WRs to be accompanied in

meetings by their husbands or family members was reported as the most important

block. Nearly 99 percent of the respondents replied in affirmative, when asked if it

was indeed a block to WRs in Bundelkhand. In fact, travelling long distances to

attend Panchayat meetings is still perceived as something women cannot do

unescorted. Hence, it is not unusual to find WRs being accompanied by husbands or

other family members, usually male.

Dual responsibility also emerged as an equally important patriarchal block, as

reported by almost 98 percent of the respondents. This means that WRs do have

heavy work load with dual responsibility for child/family/home care and

Panchayat work. They have to face frequent questions as to ‘who will make the

chapatis?’ and ‘who will look after the children? Co-operative arrangements within

the home, with domestic responsibilities being cheerfully shared by husbands or

family members are not common in the region.

Box-13

Gopi: The story of an abandoned girl child

One of the ugliest forms of discrimination against girl child in the region is to abandon her after birth. Gopi, an 18 year old girl from Atarra, Banda, is a living example of this horrible, yet widespread crime. On a chilly night of September 1996, Bimla (name changed), a lady with three grown up children, two daughters and a son, woke-up from the heart-rending screams of a baby coming from a marshy area not far away from her home. When the screams became louder, she made her son wake-up and asked to see what the matter was. Her son, not wanting to be disturbed at mid-night, opined that it must be the handiwork of some ghost! Otherwise, who could cry in such a manner at such an odd hour, when there was no baby around in the neighbourhood? Not convinced with the response, Bimla decided to venture out and check on her own. As she came out and followed the screams, she quickly found Gopi - then a newborn baby girl wrapped in a piece of

muddy cloth in a sewerage line behind her house and crying for help. The body bore bruised marks all over. There was also mud all around the body. Guided by her motherly instinct, Bimla took the baby girl to her home, gave her the much needed warmth and got her treated against some serious forms of infections and cold she had caught. Despite her modest means, and opposition from family members, Bimla took it upon her to raise Gopi as one of her own daughters. Today, Gopi is a healthy, 18 year old beautiful girl with lots of hope and dreams in her eyes. She is in Class-10 and wants to continue her studies. She is indeed fortunate to have had a mother like Bimla, who has taken such a good care of her. But thousands of other abandoned girl children in Bundelkhand are not so fortunate, who almost invariably either die or end up vagabonds.

Gopi with her foster mother

82

The adverse impact of patriarchy-related blocks also gets reflected in lack of

information, negotiating skills and self-confidence of WRs as compared to that of

MRs. These are the factors which obstruct their active participation and role

performance in Gram Panchayats. This enables men, with better education and

understanding of the Panchayat process, to dominate Panchayat proceedings, garner

support for themselves and direct decision-making to their advantage. Much of this

is an outcome of discrimination coupled with women’s lack of education, previous

Panchayat experience and social capital. Needless to say, education and literacy link

to women’s access to information and understanding of Panchayat functions and

resources. This could be further bolstered by capacity building training programmes,

which facilitate women’s awareness of their rights and duties in the Panchayats, and

equip them with skills to participate in decision making. Social capital – that is,

associational activity in the public sphere among women – serves as another

enabling factor in women’s active citizenship, access to information and effective

participation and role performance. Building social capital is pertinent for rural

women in particular, as they generally have less social capital than men due to social

norms that restrict their associational activity outside of their family.

Box-14

Munni Devi: a disempowered woman in veil

A number of women standing from reserved seats in the region get elected unopposed. Munni Devi, 40 years of age, is one of the many such ’elected unopposed’ Ward Members. Belonging to the OBC community from Kachhiyan Purva Gram Panchayat, she has 5 children, all sons. She is totally illiterate, cannot even sign. Throughout the interaction with her, she kept herself wrapped under the veil, and did not utter a word. It was her 12 year old son, who did all the talking. “My father attends Panchayat meetings whenever required. Mother stays home and cooks food for us. She remains ill most of the time. How can she be expected to go to the meetings”, he asked.

Munni Devi,, Ward Member, Kachhiyan Purva

83

4.4.3 Socio-Economic Blocks

Of all the respondent ERs interviewed 91.5 percent said WRs faced socio-economic

problems in participating and performing in Gram Panchayats. However, this was

stated more often in the case of Pradhans than Ward Members and by Non-Dalit

representatives than Dalit representatives. Perhaps this indicates towards the fact

that Non-Dalit women in a feudal rural set up in Bundelkhand have also formidable

blocks to overcome as they are always expected to act and behave in a certain

manner, both before and after marriage, in conformity with well-established family and

social norms.

Box-15 Vimala: A victim of physical abuse and desertion

Because of the widespread poverty and undernourishment in the region, the average life span of people doesn’t cross beyond 55 to 60 years. In many cases, people even die after 40 or 45 years’ of age. This is exactly what happened to Vimala’s husband, who died 10 years back. Vimala, currently 40 years of age, was an educated woman with good looks and household skills from Naraini, Atarra. After the sudden death of husband, as her economic condition deteriorated, she started to work with a local organization to sustain her. There she was hounded and accosted by a co-worker who found her loneliness and beauty easy to be exploited. Making tall false claims to marry and take care of her, he virtually trapped her and started living with her in his home. For the next five years or so, he continued physically exploiting and befooling her unabated.

Once she lost her youthful beauty, Vimala was unceremoniously thrown out of his home to fend for herself. With no money, land, and support, and also her physical beauty and self-respect gone, she now has nowhere to go. These days she is barely sustaining her by somehow opening a petty shop on the footpaths of Nariani. Vimala is just one of the many cases where women are treated just as commodities in the region. There are innumerable counts of hapless women trapped, used, raped, blackmailed, thrown and sometimes even murdered in Bundelkhand.

To study socio-economic blocks,

the five questions asked from the

respondents were concerning

illiteracy or low education level,

lack of financial support,

inexperience of WRs, resistance

from family members, and

resistance from other caste groups. It appears that out of these concerns,

inexperience emerged as the most important socio-economic block as nearly cent

Illiteracy

Lack of finance

Inexperience

family resistance

Caste-groupresistance

84%

93%

100%

90%

76%

Figure: 4.11: Socio-Economic Blocks to Women Representatives

Vimala at a public function at Naraini

84

percent replied in affirmative in this case, followed by lack of financial resources

(93%), resistance from family (90%), and illiteracy (84%) (Figure 4.11).

4.4.4 Proxy-related Blocks

A widespread malpractice in Uttar Pradesh, more so in Bundelkhand is that

husbands and other male relatives of WRs act as their proxies and interfere in the

functioning of Panchayats. The Government of Uttar Pradesh has issued orders

intended to help women Pradhans to keep their husbands away from interfering in

their work. Husbands, according to this order, will not be allowed to enter their

wives’ offices (except for urgent work or to take part in Panchayat meetings); to

accept memoranda from villagers; and to travel in official vehicles. Nevertheless,

proxy or surrogate representation is still the order of the day. Husbands of women

Pradhans are all too frequently referred to as the Pradhans, as they assume the

authority of the Pradhan and discharge the functions of the office.

Box-16

’She would only echo what I say’: Shivlal

Sixty (60) year old Shivlal is the husband of Champa Devi, a Dalit Ward Member from Chaukin Purva. He unabashedly says there is no need to talk to Champa, as ‘’she would only echo what I say. Yadi main haan kahtaa hoon to vah haan bolegee aur yadi main naa bolataa hoon to vah naa bolege. Hamase baahar thodee he naa hain ve (if I said yes, she will she yes. If I say no, she would say no. She wouldn’t go beyond my wishes)”. He also admits that fighting election was his decision and not of his wife, and that it is he who performs all the Panchayat related works, his wife only signs, whenever required. On being asked why doesn’t he allow his wife, the real Ward Member, to be active on her own, he has a readymade answer – “My purva (village) hasn’t seen much development. Over the years, no Pradhan has done any development work for it. One needs to fight against the misdeeds of the Pradhan, who does nothing. This requires lots of time, courage and thinking. If she starts getting into all this, who will do jhadu-chauka (home care) and who will look after gaay-goru (cattles)”? Mind you; he seemed very unpopular among the fellow villagers, as a lot of them blamed him for some of the recent problems that they were encountering.

Nearly 87.7 percent of WRs have been reported facing proxy-related blocks to

participation and performance in Gram Panchayats (Table 4.24). The response was,

more or less, the same among Pradhans and Ward Members, and Dalit and Non-

Shivlal, husband of Champa Devi, Ward Member, Chaukin Purva

85

Dalit ERs. Needless to say, this malpractice by male family members acting as proxy

for WRs is not only in violation of the law, but also in direct hindrance in the path of

empowerment of women and defeats the very purpose of providing reservations to

women.

Box-17

School Management Committee and absentee Women Panchayat members

Panchayat members, especially women members, have an important role to play in the overall development of a school in their area though participation in SMC meetings as active, vigilant members. However, despite the large presence of women Panchayat members, many of which are SMC members as well, they are mostly absent from SMC meetings. A conversation with teachers of an Upper Primary School at Fauzdar Ka Purva in Atarra Rural Gram Panchayat

also revealed that the Pradhan-pati of the Panchayat (i.e., the husband of the actual Mahila Pradhan) was doing nothing to improve things related to the school, despite repeated requests. Panchayat members, including women members, who are part of the SMC or School Management Committee, never participated in any of the SMC meetings. “Each time the Pradhan-pati would meet me, he would inquire - what is there for him in school funds? So you can understand where things stand”, said Mrs. Kaushalya, the Head Teacher.

Proxy or surrogate representation of WRs takes many forms. It takes place in the

form of proxy attendance (family members or husbands of WRs presiding over or

attending Panchayat meetings), proxy control (family members or husbands trying

to influence WRs, and through them Panchayat decisions), proxy signature (family

members or husbands of WRs signing Panchayat documents or papers in official

capacity), proxy interaction (family members or husbands meeting citizens and

Panchayat or Govt. officials in official capacity), or manipulation (members of

dominant group(s) influencing Panchayat decisions). Data suggests that out of these

modes, proxy attendance was reported as the most important proxy-related block,

followed by proxy interaction, manipulation, proxy signature, and proxy control.

Nearly 97 percent respondent ERs replied in affirmative, when asked if it was indeed

a block to WRs (Figure 4.12). This is quite contrary to the results of some other

In conversation with Ramlakhann Sen, Kaushalya Devi and Neelam Singh, teachers at Upper Primary School, Fauzdar Ka Purva, Atarra Grameen

86

studies. A six-State study, for instance, shows that WRs are fairly regular in

attending meetings, and that the phenomenon of proxy attendance – by husbands or

other male relatives – is actually on the decline (Kaushik 1998).

Some of the women Ward Members even did not know that they were a Panchayat

representative. The women who at least knew that they were Ward Members very

rarely went to the meetings. If they did, then they only did so in order to put their

thumb impression or to sign and then came back. Most of the time, they are not even

required to put their thumb impression on the required documents. It is taken care

of by their husbands or male relatives.

4.4.5 Correlation between Women Empowerment and Blocks

Table 4.25: Correlation between Blocks and Women Empowerment Caste

Blocks Patriarchy

Blocks Socio-Eco

Blocks Proxy

Blocks Women

Empowerment Caste Blocks 1

Patriarchy Blocks .306** 1

Socio-Eco Blocks .248** .411** 1

Proxy Blocks .431** .431** .375** 1

Women Empowerment

-.692** -.632** -.515** -.783** 1

**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

Table 4.25 shows the correlation

between blocks to WRs – caste

blocks, patriarchy blocks, socio-

economic blocks, proxy blocks,

and women empowerment. The

correlation value (r) between

women empowerment and caste

blocks is -.692, and it is

statistically significant at the 0.01 level. On the other hand, the correlation values of

women empowerment with patriarchy blocks, socio-economic blocks, and proxy

blocks are -.632, -.515, and -.783, respectively, and these all are also statistically

significant at the 0.01 level. It is also to be noted that these four variables have

Proxy control

Proxy signature

Proxymanipulation

Proxy interaction

Proxy presence

80%

81%

84%

92%

97%

Figure 4.12: Proxy Blocks to Women Representatives

87

negative correlation with women empowerment. In other words, there is inverse

relation between blocks and women empowerment. Therefore, it is interpreted that

as blocks to WRs – be it caste, patriarchy, socio-economic, or proxy blocks; women

empowerment in the region decreases. It also means that low woman empowerment

in the region is possibly a reflection of the high blocks to women and their

representatives that prevail out there.

Box-18

Jyoti survives to fight

The story of Jyoti, 30 yrs, from Banda is one of the many instances of domestic violence and prevalence of conservative practices such as dowry and desire for son, which obstruct women empowerment in the region. Despite spending a hefty amount of money on marriage as dowry by her parents, Jyoti could not satisfy the desires of her husband and in-laws. For about two years, she continuously suffered at their hands in terms of daily taunts, torture and abuse. It was not that her in-laws didn’t have money. They had in fact, a lot of money with them. But then greed knows no limits. They started demanding more and more from Jyoti’s parents. When parents were unable to meet with their growing demands, Jyoti was stopped to call or meet them. She was forcibly confined in her in-law’s house. As she was unable to conceive even after two years of her marriage, she was also abused as ‘baanjh’ (a lady who can’t bear any child) and ‘dayan’ (witch). When atrocities became unbearable, Jyoti decided to end her life by shooting herself with her father-in-law’s revolver. Fortunately, despite having three shots at her life, the revolver didn’t fire and her life was saved. Knowing the travails of her daughter, Jyoti’s mother called for the help of a local organisation which stepped in and Jyoti was rescued away from her in-laws’s clutches. With the help of the local organisation Jyoti soon started to piece together her miserably broken life. She began studying, did a computer course, and also finished her B.Ed. course. Currently, she is perusing her Ph.D. degree and simultaneously working at the Social Welfare Office, Vikas Bhawan at Banda.

4.4.5.1 Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables

Table 4.26: Correlation between Overall Blocks and Block-related Variables

Caste Blocks

Patriarchy Blocks

Socio-Eco Blocks

Proxy Blocks

Overall Blocks

Caste Blocks 1

Patriarchy Blocks .306** 1

Socio-Eco Blocks .248** .411** 1

Proxy Blocks .431** .431** .375** 1

Overall Blocks .601** .794** .658** .792** 1 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

Table 4.26 brings out the correlation between overall blocks to WRs and block-

related variables. Four block-related variables, namely, caste blocks, patriarchy

blocks, socio-economic blocks, and proxy blocks have been identified and studied.

Overall blocks to WRs is the combined variable resulting from the interplay of these

variables.

88

As expected, all the four block-related variables have high positive correlation with

blocks to WRs in Gram Panchayats. In all the cases, the value of correction coefficient

is more than 0.6, which is high enough. This is mainly because – these are the very

factors which add up to the overall blocks to WRs. Among the four variables,

patriarchy blocks has the highest correlation with overall blocks (r=0.794), followed

by proxy blocks (r=0.792), socio-economic blocks (r=0.658) and caste blocks (r=0.601),

and these are all statistically significant at the 0.01 level.

The emergence of patriarchy-related factors as the most important blocks or

constraint to WRs and the overall cause of women empowerment in the context of

low economic development is not surprising. Patriarchy, including gender

inequality is an endemic problem in Bundelkhand and calls for institutional

overhauling at all levels to deal with. These are directly affecting women’s abilities

to generate gender responsive development outcomes or to introduce changes into

the power structures in the Panchayats. The orientation of Panchayat development

activities towards male priorities and lack of capacity-building training programmes

for WRs also make this more difficult. The process of political inclusion has opened

up new spaces for discrimination and subordination of women which remain

inadequately addressed.

It is only by addressing the patriarchy and gender issues that women can be enabled

to utilise the benefits of representation and participation in Gram Panchayats to

generate greater development and social change impact. Serious efforts are required

to change the traditional gender patterns in most parts of India, more so in

Bundelkhand, with lower sex-ratio of born girls, patrilocal marriages, patrilineal

inheritance, and denial of access to the public sphere to women. We must

understand that it would be difficult for WRs, elected or otherwise, to be able to

effectively participate and perform in Gram Panchayats, otherwise.

The phenomenon of proxy or surrogate representation is again an all-pervasive

problem in Bundelkhand, as also in the rest of Uttar Pradesh. Women are nominated by

their husbands, fathers and father-in law to take advantage of the quota, which

89

made it difficult for the man to contest the election himself. In some cases, election

materials – banners, posters, etc. are also made in the name of the man rather than

the woman who is the official candidate.

The dynamics of proxy or surrogate politics plays out like this: The first helping

hand to women representatives in Panchayat elections is almost always their family

members or husbands. They are at the same time a stumbling block to them, for if

women are uneducated or less educated, they make use of them to earn money. The

exception is only when the women have the capacity to act independently. The

relatives of WRs are the next stumbling block to them. The third group is the

dominant castes. If Dalit WRs are able to dance to their tunes, they use them

indirectly for their own benefit and needs. If they act freely and independently, they

will directly confront and go against them.

90

4.5. ROLE OF CAPACITY BUILDING TRAINING AND ENABLING

STRUCTURES

Capacity building training programmes and value addition by enabling structures

such as membership of and participation in parallel village bodies (Village

Education Committee, Village Health Committee, Village Water and Sanitation

Committee, etc.) and community based organizations like Self Help Groups, Mahila

Mandals, Joint Management Committee, etc. have all along been considered helpful

in improving the performance of EWRs in office and their ability to contribute

meaningfully to village development flow with better knowledge of laws and rules

and improved social capital. Therefore, an attempt has been made in this chapter to

evaluate the role of capacity building training and enabling structures on

empowerment of women and EWRs. It brings forth answers to questions like: do

WRs in Bundelkhand receive training, what are they being trained on, what is the

extent of their participation in such trainings, how do they perceive usefulness of

trainings, and do they need more training to hone up their skills and knowledge

base? It also analyses the functioning of parallel village bodies and CBOs as

enabling structures for WRs.

4.5.1 Capacity Building Training

The preceding chapters have analysed how women, despite their representation

through quotas, are finding it difficult to effectively participate and perform in Gram

Panchayats. Women still face a number of blocks to their engagement in political

spaces such as inadequate education, lack of financial independence, burden of

productive and reproductive roles and opposition stemming from entrenched

patriarchal views. Training, therefore, has emerged as a critical concern to prepare

women to discharge multiple roles, facilitating their effective participation and role

performance in Panchayats, and enabling them to link local priorities to the planning

process.

91

4.5.1.1 Training Received

Nearly half (49.4%) of the WRs

interviewed said they had

received training or orientation

after being elected. Ward

Members are, on the whole, more

likely to have undergone training

(51.2%) than Pradhans (43.6%).

On the other hand, the proportion

of Dalit WRs received training was higher (62.7%) than that of Non-Dalit WRs

(36.5%). Perhaps this indicates that Dalit WRs, with marked socio-economic

deprivation, are more inclined to receive training than Non-Dalit counterparts.

Of those who received training, 92.8 percent viewed that training was useful in one

way or the other. This was viewed more often in the case of Ward Members than

Pradhans and more by Dalit than Non-Dalit WRs. All those who said they did not

receive training were further asked the reason for their not receiving any training or

orientation. Nearly 73.2 percent of such respondent WRs gave ‘training not held’ as

the main reason for their non-attendance. Among Ward Members, 11.9 percent, and

among women Pradhans, 14.3 percent, cited their ‘not called for training’ as the

other important reason. Only a small proportion of WRs cited their personal

preoccupations and priorities as the reason for not attending the training

programme (Table 4.28).

Table 4.28: Reasons for Training Not Received (%)

Training not held

Not called for training

Busy with other priorities

Trainings don’t prove useful

Was not allowed

to attend

N

Ward Members 76.2 11.9 4.8 2.4 4.8 42

Dalit 75.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 12

Non-Dalit 76.7 6.7 6.7 3.3 6.7 30 Pradhans 64.3 14.3 21.4 0.0 0.0 14

Dalit 42.9 28.6 28.6 0.0 0.0 7

Non-Dalit 85.7 0.0 14.3 0.0 0.0 7

Total WRs 73.2 12.5 8.9 1.8% 3.6 56

Dalit 63.2 26.3 10.5 0.0% 0.0 19

Non-Dalit 78.4 5.4 8.1 2.7% 5.4 37

Table 4.27: Training Received by Women Representatives (%)

No Don't know Yes N

Ward Members 32.6 16.3 51.2 129

Dalit 18.5 13.8 67.7 65

Non-Dalit 46.9 18.8 34.4 64

Pradhans 35.9 20.5 43.6 39

Dalit 38.9 16.7 44.4 18

Non-Dalit 33.3 23.8 42.9 21

Total WRs 33.3 17.3 49.4 168

Dalit 22.9 14.5 62.7 83

Non-Dalit 43.5 20.0 36.5 85

92

4.5.1.2 Content of Training Received

The study also attempted to analyse the perception of WRs on the content of training

received. These questions were asked only to those who had said they received some

form of training.

Table 4.29: Content of Training Received (%)

Rules & regulations

of Panchayat

Roles & responsibilities

of Panchayat representatives

Preparation of village

action plans

Preparation of Panchayat

budget

Information on Govt. schemes/

programmes

Other N

Ward Members 50.0 40.9 24.2 18.2 33.3 12.1 66

Dalit 47.7 38.6 25.0 36.4 31.8 11.4 44

Non-Dalit 54.5 45.5 22.7 24.2 36.4 13.6 22

Pradhans 76.5 58.8 52.9 25.0 41.2 23.5 17

Dalit 62.5 62.5 37.5 44.4 25.0 12.5 8

Non-Dalit 88.9 55.6 66.7 35.3 55.6 33.3 9

Total WRs 55.4 44.6 30.1 19.2 34.9 14.5 83

Dalit 50.0 42.3 26.9 38.7 30.8 11.5 52

Non-Dalit 64.5 48.4 35.5 26.5 41.9 19.4 31

Training on rules and regulations of Panchayat as also the responsibilities of ERs are

the most fundamental requirements that WRs need to assert themselves as efficient

elected Panchayat representatives. The proportion of Pradhans reported to have

learnt about these from the training programmes was higher (76.5% and 58.8%) than

Ward Members (50% and 40.9%). Perhaps this is indicative of the fact that Pradhans

are more likely to attend training programmes than Ward Members. Training on

preparation of village action plans and Panchayat budget are also directly related to

the functioning of ERs. But such training was available to a very small proportion

(19.2 – 30.1%) of WRs who received any form of training. However, training related

to information on Government schemes/ programmes was attended by 34.9 percent

of WRs, with noticeable difference by social category (Table 4.29).

4.5.1.3 Need for Training/ Further Training

In view of the low awareness level and dissatisfactory participation & performance

of WRs, all elected respondents, whether they received training or not, were also

asked if there was need for training or further training to WRs or not. To this, an

overwhelming majority (212 out of 231 respondents, i.e., 91.8%) replied in

93

affirmative. This only shows the importance of capacity building of the current lot of

WRs to enable them for effective participation and performance in Gram Panchayats.

4.5.1.4 Agenda for Training/ Further Training

More than four-fifths of the respondent Pradhans feel the need for training in the

rules and regulations pertaining to Panchayati Raj (89.1%) and roles &

responsibilities of Panchayat representatives (81.8%). This proportion is slightly

higher in the case of Dalit members (Table 4.30). Preparation of village action plans

and Panchayat budget, two other important functions of ERs, were also

recommended by 63.6 and 52.7 percent of the Pradhans as agenda for training/

further training to WRs.

Table 4.30: Agenda for Training/ Further Training (%)

Rules & regulations of

Panchayat

Roles & responsibilities of

Panchayat representatives

Preparation of village

action plans

Preparation of Panchayat

budget

Information on Govt. schemes/

programmes

N

Ward Members 91.1 83.4 66.9 59.9 84.7 157

Dalit 88.8 82.5 67.5 63.8 83.8 80

Non-Dalit 93.5 84.4 66.2 55.8 85.7 77

Pradhans 89.1 81.8 63.6 52.7 83.6 55

Dalit 96.3 85.2 70.4 59.3 88.9 27

Non-Dalit 82.1 78.6 57.1 46.4 78.6 28

Total ERs 90.6 83.0 66.0 58.0 84.4 212

Dalit 90.7 83.2 68.2 62.6 85.0 107

Non-Dalit 90.5 82.9 63.8 53.3 83.8 105

Getting elected as Pradhans or a Ward Member brings with it the responsibility for

taking significant initiatives for ensuring the development of the village community.

A supportive mechanism in the form of capacity building training programmes is

therefore a must for Panchayat representatives, especially uneducated WRs within a

feudal and rural patriarchal set up. It would also enable them to remain committed

to their cause over a longer period of time. Unfortunately, however, as the above

analysis shows, WRs in Bundelkhand have not yet been provided adequate training

and orientation in handling their roles and responsibilities. The high proportion of

WRs not to have received any sort of training after being elected is a testimony to

this fact.

94

4.5.2 Parallel Village Bodies and Community Based Organisations

PRIs are only one among the various bodies existing at the local level. The other

forms of institutional set ups are Parallel Village Bodies (PVBs) and Community

Based Organisations (CBOs). PVBs such as the Village Education Committee (VEC),

Village Health Committees (VHC), Village Water and Sanitation Committees

(VWSC) and Women Empowerment Committee (WEC) and CBOs like Self Help

Groups, Mahila Mandals, etc could also have positive implications on the

functioning of WRs. The study therefore sought to examine the membership and

participation of WRs in these institutions.

4.5.2.1 Membership of and Participation in Parallel Village Bodies

There are mandatory provisions for involvement of Panchayat members, especially

the Pradhan and the woman, in parallel village bodies like VEC, VHC, VWSC and

WEC. In Uttar Pradesh also, these bodies have to have a Panchayat member,

preferably a woman. No wonder, compared to Ward Members (26.2%) Pradhans

reported more involvement of WRs in parallel bodies (45.8%). However, Dalit WRs

reported lesser involvement than their Non-Dalit counterparts. Perhaps this has to

do more with the greater ignorance and non-familiarity of Ward Members, and Dalit

ERs about the existence of parallel village bodies.

VEC was reported as the

most common parallel body

in the region. About 64.1

percent of Pradhans and

43.4 percent of Ward

Members said WRs were its

members. However, this

was said more often by

Non-Dalit WRs than Dalit WRs. The VHC and VWSC were the next two most

common parallel bodies (Table 4.31).

Table 4.31: Membership in Various Parallel Bodies (%)

VEC VHC VWSC WEC N

Ward Members 43.4 28.7 16.3 16.3 129

Dalit 30.8 26.2 10.8 12.3 65

Non-Dalit 56.3 31.3 21.9 20.3 64

Pradhans 64.1 43.6 38.5 35.9 39

Dalit 44.4 44.4 27.8 33.3 18

Non-Dalit 81.0 42.9 47.6 38.1 21

Total WRs 48.2 32.1 21.4 20.8 168

Dalit 33.7 30.1 14.5 16.9 83

Non-Dalit 62.4 34.1 28.2 24.7 85

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The compulsory formation of VEC under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and the

provision of having at least one Panchayat member in these, seem to have been

instrumental in bringing a substantial number of WRs into the VECs. Similarly, the

National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), Integrated Child Development Scheme

(ICDS) and Total Sanitation Campaigns (TSC) envisage the formation of committees

with the involvement of women Panchayat representatives. This perhaps explains

their robust membership of such bodies.

4.5.2.2 Association with Community Based Organisations

The respondents were asked about the association or membership of WRs in CBOs

in their villages. The instances of CBOs are: Self Help Groups (SHG), Women’s

Groups or Mahila Mandals, Joint Forest Management Committees, Cooperative

Societies, etc. Of the total respondents who reported the association of WRs in

CBOs, 31 percent were Ward Members, 35.9 percent Pradhans. Compared to Non-

Dalit WRs, the proportion was again higher among Dalit WRs.

Table 4.32 shows that there

were instances of WRs’

association with one or more

types of CBOs, with SHGs

emerging as the most

popular among them,

followed by Mahila Mandals

and Cooperative Societies.

Respondents were asked about the type of CBOs WRs were involved with, before

being elected. About 55 percent of Ward Members and 53.8 percent of Pradhans

before being elected were associated with SHGs. This underlines the role of CBOs as

enabling institutions to the functioning of WRs in Gram Panchayats in Bundelkhand

as well.

Table 4.32: Association with CBOs (%) SHG

Mahila

Mandal JMC

Cooperative

Society N

Ward Members 55.0 32.6 10.1 26.4 129

Dalit 63.1 38.5 16.9 29.2 65

Non-Dalit 46.9 26.6 3.1 23.4 64

Pradhans 53.8 41.0 17.9 30.8 39

Dalit 44.4 38.9 16.7 27.8 18

Non-Dalit 61.9 42.9 19.0 33.3 21

Total WRs 54.8 34.5 11.9 27.4 168

Dalit 59.0 38.6 16.9 28.9 83

Non-Dalit 50.6 30.6 7.1 25.9 85

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Chapter-5

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The study analysed various issues related to women empowerment through

representation of women in PRIs in the context of low economic development. It

investigated socio-economic characteristics of WRs; looked into their participation,

awareness and role performance in Gram Panchayats; measured the nature and

extent of women empowerment; and investigated blocks to WRs, role of capacity

building trainings, and interaction of WRs with the parallel village bodies and

community based organizations as enabling structures. The study examined the

correlation of women empowerment with awareness, participation and performance

(of WRs) variables; association of social category with women empowerment; and

correlation between women empowerment and block variables in Bundelkhand

region of Uttar Pradesh.

5.1. CONCLUSIONS

Socio-Economic Profile of WRs

Data on age showed that the majority of the WRs were in the reproductive age

group between 21-40 years. Ward Members were generally younger than

Pradhans. However, Dalit WRs tended to be older than their OBC and General

Category counterparts.

There was widespread illiteracy (52.7%) among the WRs in the region. As

expected, illiteracy among the Ward Members was higher than among the

Pradhans. Dalit WRs had substantially lower levels of educational attainment

than the Non-Dalit WRs.

WRs spent their time primarily in performing household works (41.4%), followed

by farming (27.7) and labour works (27.7%). The time spent on Panchayat

activities was negligible. A sizable proportion of Dalit WRs, however reported

their primary occupation as labour works (38.9%), followed by farming activities

(30.1%) and household works (27.4).

97

The economic status of more than half of the WRs was above the poverty line

(APL) as per the Village List. The proportion of APL individuals was higher

among Pradhans than Ward Members, and among Non-Dalit WRs than Dalit

WRs, neither of which is a surprising finding.

Participation, Awareness and Role Performance of WRs

Participation, awareness and role performance of WRs in Gram Panchayats

assessed across various dimensions have so far not been impressive and effective

in Uttar Pradesh region of Bundelkhand. Nevertheless, nearly one third (33%)

WRs were reported to be participating in Gram Sabha meetings in one way or the

other. This was stated more often in the case of Pradhans than Ward Members

and by Non-Dalit representatives than Dalit representatives.

Compared to low attendance, non-punctuality, and lack of eloquence, poor prior

preparedness and non-exercise of voting rights by WRs emerged as main reasons

for moderate participation level of WRs. Thus participation of WRs in Gram

Sabha appeared to be more symbolic and less substantive in nature.

Participation of WRs in the development agenda of Panchayats was rather low,

reflecting the multiple disabilities of gender, caste and poverty in the region, and

perhaps much of India. Only 8.5 percent were reported as active participants in

the development agenda of Panchayats.

Basic awareness of WRs about Panchayat provisions assessed in terms of five

basic awareness-related questions is quite low and so is their knowledge of key

Panchayat provisions, also assessed in terms of assessed in terms of five (5) key

awareness-related information. Only 24.2 percent and 7 percent of the WRs were

reported aware of basic Panchayat provisions and having knowledge of key

Panchayat provisions, respectively.

Nearly half (50%) of the WRs was reported to have discussed development issues

in Panchayat meetings upon participation. The main development issues

discussed included drinking water supply/repair & maintenance of handpumps,

construction/ repair of drainage, roads and school buildings; welfare schemes

98

such as MNREGA, old age pension, PDS; and social issues like domestic violence,

closure of liquor shops, etc.

Except for their role in implementation of Panchayati Raj development agenda

(make development plans, prepare budget proposals, reviewing existing schemes

and identify beneficiaries) which remain low, the role performance of WRs in

community development programmes and interface with the Government

turned out to be reasonably good.

Nearly a quarter (25%) of the WRs reported to have played a ‘good’ role in

implementing community development programmes (undertaking health-related

campaigns, waging drive against diseases, implementing family planning

campaigns, and improving the enrolment of girls in schools) in their region,

which is quite an impressive proportion, considering their low participation level

in Panchayat activities.

Interaction of WRs with Government functionaries, such as, ANMs, Anganwadi

Workers, block officials, police and the local leaders (MLA, MP, etc), was fairly

good (49 percent for Ward Members, and 46.7 percent for Pradhans).

Significantly, both at the Pradhan and Ward Member level, Dalit WRs reported a

higher interaction than their Non-Dalit counterparts.

A higher proportion of Dalit WRs approaching Govt. functionaries indicates they

are gradually establishing networks to increase their information on Panchayat

schemes and administration, obtain advice and help on issues, and negotiate for

schemes and funds to implement development schemes for their constituencies.

Nature and Extent of Women Empowerment

Despite the reservation of women in Panchayati Raj over the years, the majority

of the respondents (63.1%) reported low women empowerment level, while the

rest, 36.6 and 0.3 percent, reported medium and high women empowerment

level, respectively. The proportion of male respondents who perceived low

women empowerment level was 60 percent, in comparison to 64.5 percent for

women respondents.

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There was high association between social category and women empowerment in

the region. The proportion of Dalit respondents (75%) reporting low level of

women empowerment was higher than that of OBC (53%) and General Category

respondents (46%). On the other hand, the proportion of Dalits who reported

women empowerment level as moderate was substantially lower than that of

their OBC and General Category counterparts. This means that the sense of

disempowerment among Dalit women is more pronounced.

Blocks to Women Representatives

Of all the blocks, caste-related blocks was reported as the most constricting factors (97.9%) to WRs

and the cause of women empowerment in the region, closely followed by patriarchy (95.5%),

socio-economic (91.5%) and proxy blocks (87.7%). Statistics however showed that among

the four block variables, proxy blocks had the highest correlation with women

empowerment (r=-0.783), followed by caste blocks (r=-0.692) and patriarchy

blocks (r=-0.632). Socio-economic blocks had the lowest correlation (r=-0.515),

and these were all statistically significant at the 0.01 level.

Caste prejudices have become a stumbling block for Dalit women to emerge

effectively as Panchayat representatives. Caste offensive language, prohibition on

drinking water from the same vessel, prohibition on sitting of the same chair and

physical violence all emerged as important constituents of such prejudices

against Dalit WRs. There were also instances of not allowing Dalit WRs to

discharge their legitimate functions.

The socio-structural parameters of the ideology of patriarchy also continue to

serve to block and control the thoughts, movements, and live of WRs.

Interestingly; this was reported more by Ward Members (96.1%) than Pradhans

(93.8%) and Non-Dalit representatives (97%) than Dalit representatives (93.9%).

The requirement of WRs to be accompanied in meetings by their husbands or

family members was reported as the most important patriarchy-related block,

followed by the dual responsibility for child/family/home care and Panchayat

work.

100

Role of Capacity Building Training and Enabling Structures

Nearly half (49.4%) of the WRs interviewed said they had received training or

orientation after being elected. Ward Members were, on the whole, more likely to

have undergone training (51.2%) than Pradhans (43.6%). On the other hand, the

proportion of Dalit WRs receiving training was higher (62.7%) than that of Non-

Dalit WRs (36.5%). Perhaps this indicates that Dalit WRs are more inclined to

receive training than their Non-Dalit counterparts.

The main reason for not receiving any training or orientation was simple –

‘training not held’ (73.2%), followed by ‘not called for training’ (12.5%).

Training in ‘Rules and Regulations of Panchayats’ and ‘Roles and

Responsibilities’ are very critical for better performance, but these were attended

only by 55.4 percent of and 44.6 percent of the WRs, respectively. Irrespective of

position and social category, more than four-fifths apparently felt the need for

further training on the ‘Rules and Regulations of Panchayats’.

The findings also indicate that WERs functioned more or less within an enabling

environment, both at the level of the parallel village bodies and community

based organizations.

Compared to Ward Members, Pradhans reported more involvement of WRs in

parallel bodies and CBOs. However, compared to Dalit WRs, Non-Dalit WRs

reported lesser involvement with CBOs. Perhaps this has to do more with the

greater ignorance and non-familiarity of Ward Members, and Dalit ERs about the

existence of parallel village bodies.

5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS

Sustained systematic change requires multiple government and non-government

actors, both at the state and national levels working together to influence formal

and non-formal local institutions of power and to strengthen women’s sense of

power with, power to and power within. Creative ways must be explored to,

with women as well as men, to capitalize on the success stories of women’s

101

leadership in PRIs, and cultivate their growth. Efforts must lead to women’s

access to and control over key resources and benefits in society as well as

emerging societal culture of human rights that itself demands accountable

governance and equality for all.

The level of educational attainment plays an important role in determining the

awareness level and the subsequent role performance of EWRs. Those educated

showed a significant positive correlation with the overall awareness around

Panchchayat rules and regulations. Therefore, efforts are required to educate or

literate EWRs by reviving adult education centres and making them

knowledgeable through information sharing process in such a way that they

could perform their duties confidently and efficiently.

In view of the low educational attainment level and limited exposure of EWRs to

public affairs, there is need to enhance training facilities and capacity building

programmes to enable them to discharge their duties efficiently. A separate and

exclusive training programme based on the principle of continuous and

comprehensive training for WRs should be devised. The Government needs to

impress upon the State Government to make it compulsory for EWRs to attend

all such training programmes. It is also desired that the infrastructure for training

programmes is considerably improved and resource centres for capacity building

be established at every district, block and if required for each cluster of village

Panchayats. Exchange programmes and study tours must also form an important

component of capacity building.

In addition to regular Panchayat trainings for all Panchayat trainings, special

trainings need to be devised and conducted for WRs, especially Dalit WRs, as

closely as possible to the start of their term of office, in order to specifically

capacitate them on rules & regulations of Panchayats, roles & responsibilities of

Panchayat representatives, government schemes and procedures involved to

access them, management and local development planning, budget planning,

and how to overcome blocks to their participation and role performance.

All trainings should include a gender and caste perspective, as well as legal

sanctions which apply to those who block women’s participation in PRIs. These

102

trainings should further specifically focus on promoting a culture of inclusive

development, accountability and transparency in the Panchayat administration.

Trainings should be conducted in close proximity to women’s residences so as to

facilitate their participation.

Civil society groups need to complement government training programmes with

regular, periodic need-based trainings, which equip separately WERs and those

aspiring to become ERs with technical knowledge of the Panchayat

administration, knowledge of their roles and responsibilities, etc. Specific

training methods should also be created to teach illiterate women, especially

Dalit women. Specific trainings for women could be initiated on gender and caste

social norms and practices, and their legal rights. Efforts are also desired to

strengthen child and adult literacy programmes for women with adequate follow

up, including establishing village literacy committees.

Addressing the female burden of lack of household support, economic insecurity,

inequality in family life, burden of dual responsibility between Panchayats and

households through greater education and economic programmes targeting

women, as well as lobbying the government to implement or directly providing

support mechanism such as child care facilities are also important for civil society

groups, and so is to initiate gender sensitization programmes specifically aimed

at men, to encourage them to extend greater freedom to women in their families

and to support WERs both within and outside the Panchayats.

All officials concerned with Panchayati Raj, including election officers, rural

extension officers and particularly lower government officers (Panchayat

Secretary, Lekhpal, etc.) dealing with the Panchayats should also be capacitated

to understand and respond to issues of caste and gender discrimination,

encourage greater information sharing and less bureaucratic control over

Panchayat development schemes, so that these officials are able to better monitor

and support WERs in the Panchayats to ensure others do not coerce them into

relinquishing their powers.

The answer to proxy participation of male members related to EWRs in

Panchayat meetings perhaps lies in changing the mindsets, particularly of men

103

through counseling and promoting the confidence of women in negotiating the

space and independence they need in their official tasks. At the same time, the

officials of the Panchayats may be made responsible for preventing proxy

participation and strict action may be initiated against them for violations in this

regard.

Reservation of seats alone cannot ensure the effective participation of women in

PRIs and their empowerment. To help them overcome the caste-patriarchy-

socioeconomic-proxy-related blocks, including illiteracy, inexperience, dual

responsibilities, lack of access and control over income and other resources,

restrictions to public spaces, etc, and carry the concept of empowerment forward,

the Government needs to make necessary amendments in the law to provide for

special quorum for women in the Panchayat meetings, especially Gram Sabhas.

Such acts of positive discrimination will help women to change their perceptions

about themselves and to gain a sense of empowerment.

A major constraint of women from Dalit/ poor families in devoting time to

Panchayat activities is lack of time as they have to work for long hours as wage

earners. It may not be fair to expect them to devote time to the Panchayat

activities sacrificing their income earning opportunities. To encourage active

participation of women in Panchayat activities, WRs needs be given special

additional honorarium equal to minimum daily wages.

There should be regular dialogue between women’s movements, women’s

groups such as SHGs and Mahila Mandals, and WERs, to foster understanding

and support for WERs to independently function in the Panchayats. This could

greater formal linkages between Panchayat institutions and SHGs, in order to

facilitate women’s greater role in the Panchayat administration.

104

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