women and armed conflict in north east...

43

CHAPTER-III

WOMEN AND ARMED CONFLICT IN NORTH EAST INDIA

Evolving trajectory of Armed Conflicts in the North Eastern region

Forces of globalization have increasingly changed the socio-political landscape in the

world today. The swell in trade and commerce across boundaries has resulted in the

exchange of not only commodities but also ideas and migration of people.

Subsequently, the interactions have brought about a consciousness and an awareness

of one’s identity and the need to re-assert it, in the face of the changes wrought by

globalization.

In many multi-ethnic societies, the impetus for pushing through social integration and

creating a nation-state comes from the state apparatus itself, using methods like

material incentives (financial, economic, public service employment etc), cultural

means (language policy, education system, policy on religion) or compulsion. 1

Jochen Hippler opines that if the sense of belongingness to the nation is determined

by language, ethnic origin or religion rather than on the basis of civil equality, it can

have two problematic consequences—

First, there is a danger that ethnicizing the political discourse in the context of latent

conflicts and social mobilization will lower the threshold for violence and trigger

violent conflicts which are ethnically structured. Secondly, such a context transforms

the nation-building process: instead of striving for or achieving the integration of

society as a whole, the alternative then arises to conduct nation-building either as a

repressive project of hegemony by one ethnic group over others or bring about a

1 Hippler, J Violent Conflicts, Conflict Prevention and Nation Building—Terminology and Political

Concepts Accessed on July 15, 2009 from the website http://www.Jochen-hippler.de/Aufsatze/Nation-

Building_Concepts/nation-building_concepts.html

44

situation of competition between different nation-building projects conducted by the

various ethnic groups. 2 With the exception of Sikkim, all the states in the North

Eastern region have been experiencing varying forms of insurgent activities.

Providing a brief overview of the armed struggles waged in the region, Sanjoy

Hazarika states,

The first to rise against independent India were the Naga…The Mizo and

Manipuri revolts followed in quick succession. Whereas the Naga and Mizo

rebels were Christian hillfolk, the Manipuri troubles were led by young

militants of the plain dwelling Hindu Meitei. ..The Tripura insurgency was

against the arrival of Hindu Bengalis from Bangladesh. Assam, which had

long been untouched by violent rebellion and was always regarded as part of

the Indian ‘national mainstream,’ also saw insurgency with the rise of the

United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), which pledged armed struggle

for independence. 3

Each of the conflicts plaguing the states in the North Eastern region emerged as a

result of the discontentments of the people against the State. Initially these grievances

were channelized through non-violent, peaceful means. But, over the years, when the

people sensed that their complaints were falling on deaf ears, they took up arms to

gain more visibility and address their demands in a more proactive manner.

The following is a brief description of the genesis and evolution of the armed

struggles in the region:

Assam: The Assam movement began in the year 1979 with an allegation that a large

number of foreigners, more particularly the immigrant Muslims, and also the Bengali

Hindus (from neighbouring Bangladesh), got themselves enrolled in the voters’ list of

Mangaldoi Lok Sabha Constituency in the state of Assam. The All Assam Students’

Union (AASU) initiated an agitation demanding the deletion of the immigrants’ name

2 Ibid 3 Hazarika, Sanjay ‘Insurgency in North East India’ in B.Pakem (Ed) Insurgency in North East India,

Omsons Publication, New Delhi, 1997, p. 118

45

from the voters’ list and their deportation from the country. A newly constituted body

named the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP) joined the agitation

transforming it into a massive movement.4 While the student led movement ended

with the conclusion of the Assam Accord in New Delhi between the Union

Government of India and the leaders of the movement on the midnight of August 15,

1985, the anti-foreigners movement gradually took a violent form and attained

secessionist tendencies. A militant organisation, the United Liberation Front of

Assam (ULFA) was established on April 7, 1979, under the leadership of Paresh

Barua. It launched an armed struggle against the Indian State to ‘liberate Assam from

Indian colonial rule’ and to form a ‘sovereign, socialist Assam’.5 In recent years,

fractures have appeared within the organizational set up of ULFA with respect to

their approach to the question of autonomy. While one faction of the ULFA led by

Arabinda Rajkhowa is holding peace-talks with the Central Government authorities in

New Delhi, the anti-talk faction led by Paresh Barua is continuing with its armed

struggle. Besides the struggle for secessionism waged by the ULFA, Assam has also

been plagued by various other struggles for autonomy. Noted among them is the

Bodo movement for greater autonomy. The Bodos, a major tribe of plainsmen, have

been demanding better social, political and economic conditions. A militant

organisation, the Bodo Security Force (BSF) came into being in 1989 under the

leadership of Ranjan Daimari. The BSF, later renamed the National Democratic Front

of Bodoland (NDFB), resorted to violence in order to secure an ‘independent Bodo

nation’ north of the river Brahmaputra. An accord was signed on February 20, 1993,

between the Government of India, the Government of Assam and Bodo leaders,

creating the Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) within Assam. However, since

Bodo villages are not contiguous, the demarcation of the jurisdiction of the BAC has

remained a problem. The NDFB too has been divided in its views on the peace

process, with an anti-talk faction emerging, over the years.6 Apart from the Bodos,

armed struggles have also emerged amongst the Dimasas (Dima Hasao Daogah -

DHD pro and anti-talk factions), Karbis (Karbi Longri National Liberation Front-

4 Ahmed, A.N.S., (Ed) Nationality Question in Assam, The EPW 1980-81 Debate Published by

OKDISCD and Akansha Publishing House, Guwhati and New Delhi, 2006, p.1 5 Accessed on Nov 19, 2011 from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/assam/backgrounder/index.html 6 Ibid

46

KLNLF), United People’s Democratic Solidarity (UPDS), Hmars (Hmar People

Conference-Democratic HPC-D), Adivasis etc.

Insurgency related killings in Assam 1992-20117

Civilians Security

Force

Personnel

Terrorists Total

1992 80 34 19 133

1993 74 24 33 131

1994 173 35 63 271

1995 170 73 27 270

1996 302 87 62 451

1997 285 85 167 537

1998 531 72 180 783

1999 214 77 212 503

2000 366 65 327 758

2001 264 59 283 606

2002 138 32 275 445

2003 212 12 281 505

7 Accessed on November 29, 2011 from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/assam/data_sheets/insurgency_related_killings.htm

47

2004 194 24 136 354

2005 149 10 83 242

2006 96 35 43 174

2007 269 19 149 437

2008 221 16 133 370

2009 174 21 196 391

2010 48 12 98 158

2011 31 14 45 90

Total* 3991 806 2812 7609

* Data till November 27, 2011

Nagaland: When the Simon Commission visited Kohima in 1929, the Nagas pressed

a demand for independence. Thereafter, according to the Government of India Act of

1935, the Naga Hills was allowed to remain an “Excluded Area”. On the 20th

of

February 1947, the Nagas demanded an Interim Government for a period of 10 years,

to be effective prior to the departure of the British. A day before the India gained

independence from the British colonial rule, the Naga Nationalist Council (NNC)

under the leadership of A.Z.Phizo, declared Independence. On May 16 1951, the

NNC arranged for a voluntary plebiscite to determine the unity of the Nagas. The

Naga Constitution was approved of on January 14th 1956 and the Naga Federal

Government was inaugurated on March 22 of the same year. xxv

The NNC, by

successfully mobilizing the people of Nagaland, enforced a complete boycott of the

8 Lasuh, Wetshokhrolo and V.K Nuh (Ed.) The Naga Chronicl), Regency Publications, New Delhi.

2002 p. 147

48

1952 General Elections in India. In December 1963, Nagaland was conferred status of

statehood within the Indian Union. In 1972, the Government of India outlawed the

NNC, Naga Federal Government (NFG) and the Naga Army. The Shillong Accord

between the Government of India and representatives of the underground

organizations was signed in 1975, which resulted in the laying down of arms by a

section of NNC. The Accord was repudiated by both A.Z. Phizo and Muivah. Soon,

Muivah parted ways with the NNC and formed the National Socialist Council of

Nagaland (NSCN). In 1988, there was a further split of the NSCN into the Isak-

Muivah and Khaplang factions. The Konyak tribes formed the NSCN-K (Khaplang)

under the leadership of Khole Konyak and S.S. Khaplang. The Tangkhul faction, the

NSCN-IM was led by Isak Swu and T. Muivah. The rivalry between the two factions

continues till date, creating fissures in the peace process in the region. On May 19th

1997, the United Front Government at the centre negotiated a ceasefire with the

NSCN-IM camp, which later was also extended to the NSCN-K faction. The five-

year-old process of negotiations with the NSCN-IM reached a high point in January

2003 when the leadership of the outfit collectively came to New Delhi for a round of

talks. The ceasefire agreement with the Government of India has been renewed for

the last couple of years. In recent years, the NSCN-IM agreed to scale down their

demand for a sovereign Nagaland to a demand for Nagalim, an integration of the

various Naga inhabited areas of India’s North Eastern region. The latest development

in the recent round of negotiations has been the notion of a supra state for Nagaland.

A widely circulated daily of Assam recently carried a report on the issue. The report

mentioned the following,

Highly placed sources in the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) said the

Governments of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh opposed

intrusion into their territories while going for a settlement with the

NSCN-IM and the Centre has also ruled out the possibility of creation of

a greater Nagalim with inclusion of Naga-inhabited areas of other States.

But the Centre has agreed to the formation of Naga councils in the Naga

inhabited areas of the States of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur

for economic development of the areas as well protection of Naga culture

and customs. Sources revealed that the NSCN demanded formation of

such councils incorporating parts of Dima Hasao and Karbi Anglong

districts of Assam, Tirap, Changlang and parts of Lohit districts of

49

Arunachal Pradesh and the hills of Manipur inhabited by the Naga

people. However, the geographical boundaries of the states would not be

affected and the State Governments would have the responsibility of

maintaining law and order. …Sources said that Nagaland will be given

the status of a special category state with its own flag and Naga

nomenclature would be given to the administrative posts in Nagaland.

..The Restricted Area Permit system will also be introduced in Nagaland.

8

This report stirred a hornet’s nest and proved to be quite controversial. Officials from

the Central Government and the Ministry of Home Affairs were quick to issue a

denial and stated that there was no truth in such an allegation.

Whether these developments will usher in a new era of peace in Nagaland is subject

to much debate, but definitely, the people of Nagaland have a promising future to

look forward to.

Insurgency related killings in Nagaland9

Annual Fatalities in Terrorist Violence in Nagaland, 1992-2011

Civilians Security Force

Personnel

Terrorists Total

1992 34 33 29 96

1993 62 43 68 173

1994 110 26 56 192

1995 80 25 108 213

1996 144 48 112 304

1997 104 38 218 360

8 Choudury, R.D. N.E. States ignored over NSCN(IM) peace pact, Assam Tribune, November 17, 2011,

p.1 9 Accessed on November 29, 2011 from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/nagaland/data_sheets/insurgency_related_killings.

htm

50

1998 26 14 72 112

1999 26 4 118 148

2000 13 4 84 101

2001 25 2 76 103

2002 5 2 29 36

2003 3 3 31 37

2004 35 1 22 58

2005 9 0 31 40

2006 10 1 81 92

2007 20 0 88 108

2008 42 2 101 145

2009 7 0 11 18

2010 0 0 3 3

2011 7 0 3 10

Total* 762 246 1341 2349


Manipur: Manipur is home to diverse ethnic group and tribes. Besides the Meiteis

who are Hindus and mostly reside in the Imphal valley, Manipur also has around

thirty different tribes (including Nagas, Kukis, Paites, Thadous, Simtes, Vaipheis,

Raltes, Gangtes and Hmars etc) inhabiting the surrounding hill areas. After the king of

Manipur had signed the agreement for accession with the Government of India in

1949, the local political leadership refused to accept the accession to India and rose in

revolt. It was in 1962, that Manipur was granted independent statehood The beginning

of the insurgency movement can be traced to the foundation of the United National

Liberation Front (UNLF) in 1964, under the leadership of Samarendra Singh. In 1978,

radicalism went one step ahead with the emergence of the People’s Liberation Army

51

(PLA) an organization with a Leftist ideology trained in guerilla warfare. The period

around 1980 witnessed an escalation of insurgent activities & the entire Imphal valley

was declared a disturbed area. Apart from the formation of the PLA, Manipur

witnessed the growth of a number of Meitei underground organizations with similar

objectives in the late seventies and early eighties such as People’s Revolutionary

Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) in 1977 and Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) in

1980. Meitei insurgent groups have sought to project a pan-Mongoloid identity and in

doing so, have rejected the Bengali script, which they believe suppressed their

language and culture. To assert their separate identity, they revived the practices of

the ancient Meitei religion - Senamahi. They also began to raise their voice against

the ‘outsiders’ settled in Manipur, who they perceived as being responsible for their

economic and social backwardness.10

The ethnic conflict with the Nagas

compounded the already complex scenario in the 1990s. In 1992, a bitter struggle to

control drug trafficking & contraband smuggling through the border town of Moreh

led to a bloodbath between the Kukis and the Nagas. In 1997-98 again, violent clashes

between the Kukis and the Paiteis took place. These ethnic clashes soon grew into

large scale movements of ethnic cleansing leading to a massive loss of lives, causing

irreparable damage to the community spirit and tearing apart the cultural fabric of the

Manipuri society. Manipur, today, has achieved the dubious distinction of having the

largest number of active insurgent groups in the North Eastern region.

10

Accessed html on November 19, 2011 from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/manipur/backgrounder/index.

52

Insurgency related killings in Manipur 11

Annual Fatalities in Terrorist Violence in Manipur, 1992-2011

Civilians Security

Force

Personnel

Terrorists Total

1992 84 30 51 165

1993 266 91 66 423

1994 189 98 63 350

1995 183 64 74 321

1996 117 65 93 275

1997 233 111 151 495

1998 87 62 95 244

1999 89 64 78 231

2000 93 51 102 246

2001 70 25 161 256

2002 36 53 101 190

2003 27 23 148 198

2004 40 41 127 208

2005 138 50 143 331


http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/manipur/data_sheets/insurgency_related_killings.h

tm

53

2006 107 37 141 285

2007 150 40 218 408

2008 131 13 341 485

2009 77 18 321 416

2010 26 8 104 138

2011 21 10 26 57

Total* 2164 954 2604 5722


Meghalaya: Carved out of Assam, Meghalaya, was declared a State of the Indian

Union on January 1, 1972. Meghalaya has a diverse ethnic population comprising of

the Garos, Jaintias and the Khasis, amongst others. Insurgency has plagued the State

since the later half of the 1980s. There are predominantly three insurgent

organizations operating in Meghalaya, namely, the Hynniewtrep National Liberation

Council (HNLC), the Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) and the People’s

Liberation Front of Meghalaya (PLF-M). The main bone of contention for these

groups has been the divide between the tribals and the non-tribals and the need for the

reaffirmation of the tribal identity. Apart from these issues, growing corruption and

perceived injustice in the Garo hills are also considered to be reasons for the violence

in Meghalaya.12

Several initiatives for peace have been taken by the State

Government as well as the civil society groups, over the years, with these rebel outfits

to bring about a semblance of peace in Meghalaya.

12

Accessed on November 19, 2011 from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/Meghalaya/backgrounder/index.html

54

Insurgency related killings in Meghalaya13

Annual Fatalities in Terrorist Violence in Meghalaya, 1992-2011

Year Civilians Security Force

Personnel

Terrorists Total

1992 0 0 0 0

1993 0 0 0 0

1994 4 0 0 4

1995 7 0 0 7

1996 3 4 0 7

1997 3 0 1 4

1998 5 14 1 20

1999 5 17 0 22

2000 12 7 17 36

2001 24 8 8 40

2002 29 18 17 64

2003 26 5 27 58

2004 7 5 23 35


http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/meghalaya/data_sheets/insurgency_related_killing

s.htm

55

2005 2 1 26 29

2006 7 0 17 24

2007 4 1 13 18

2008 0 1 12 13

2009 1 0 4 5

2010 3 0 17 20

2011 10 10 6 26

Total* 152 91 189 432


Tripura: Tripura, a princely state, acceded to the Indian Union in 1949 and it attained

statehood within the Indian Constitution in 1972. According to the South Asian

Terrorism Portal, “The genesis of insurgency in Tripura can be traced to the massive

influx of Bengali refugees from East Pakistan following partition. The indigenous

people, who accounted for 95 per cent of the population of Tripura in the 1931

census, had been reduced to just 31 per cent at the time of the 1991 census. This has

led to serious discontent among the tribals, who have become a minority in their own

land.”14

The year 1967 saw the emergence of the Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS)

based on dangerous ethnic politics. The TUJS raised the demand of Autonomous

district councils for tribals, the introduction of the local language (Kok Borok) as the

medium of instruction for tribal students and the restoration of alienated tribal lands.

By 1970, the Tripura Sena (Tripura Army) was created and, in 1978, the Tripura

National Volunteers (TNV) was formed under the leadership of Bijoy Hrangkhal to

14

Accessed on November 29, 2011from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/tripura/backgrounder/index.html on November 19,

2011

56

fight for an independent tribal Tripura state. To alleviate tribal feelings, the State

government passed the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council Act in

1979. The Autonomous Council did not end the woes and over the years, several new

organizations have sprung up. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs website,

“The National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) with a strong Christian

fundamentalist orientation and the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF), a radical group

controlled by leader from the Debbarma tribe are responsible for many of the militant

activities in the state.” 15

Insurgency related killings in Tripura16

Annual Fatalities in Terrorist Violence in Tripura, 1992-2011

Civilians Security Force

Personnel

Terrorists Total

1992 59 18 21 98

1993 148 28 7 183

1994 206 22 10 238

1995 178 34 45 257

1996 140 31 18 189

1997 205 50 19 274

1998 214 25 26 265

1999 240 41 22 303

15

Accessed on November 6, 2003 from the website www.mha.nic.in 16 Accessed on November 29, 2011 from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/tripura/data_sheets/insurgency_related_killings.ht

m

57

2000 453 16 45 514

2001 239 31 42 312

2002 94 43 38 175

2003 195 39 61 295

2004 66 38 63 167

2005 34 8 31 73

2006 11 19 30 60

2007 10 5 21 36

2008 7 4 17 28

2009 9 1 1 11

2010 0 2 1 3

2011 1 0 0 1

Total* 2509 455 518 3482


Mizoram: In 1959, Mizoram experienced a devastating famine due to the flowering

of the bamboo groves that attracted rats in large numbers. Appeals to the Union

Government for relief were made by the Mizo leaders, but not much was done. A

forum called the Mizo National Famine Front (MNFF) was set up by local leaders to

handle the crisis. With the passage of time, MNFF gradually transformed into the

Mizo National Front (MNF). The organization’s proclaimed objective was the

58

attainment of a 'sovereign independent greater Mizoram'. 17

The MNF perpetrated a

reign of terror in Mizoram till 1986 when an Accord was signed with the Government

of India. Subsequently, MNF transformed into a regional party and its leader Pu

Laldenga was made the Chief Minister of Mizoram (during Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure as

the Prime Minister of India). Mizoram also became a full-fledged State on February

20, 1987, thus ending the MNF-led two decades of insurgency. Over the years

although, Mizoram has remained relatively peaceful, there are incidents of violence

and simmering discontentments amongst the people, stoked by the presence of rebel

outfits such as the DHD, Hmar People’s Conference (HPC), Bru National Liberation

Front (BNLF) etc., whose primary areas of operation are outside the state of Mizoram.

Arunachal Pradesh: The state of Arunachal Pradesh has come under the radar of

insurgent activities of late, due to the presence of several rebel outfits (such as the

ULFA. NSCN-IM etc) that have made use of its soil not only as a transit route for

their nefarious activities but also set up camps to expand their operations, in the

region. The geo-strategic proximity of Arunachal Pradesh to China is also a

significant contributing factor in arousing the interest of the rebel outfits in the state.

Armed Conflict and its Impact

The nature of armed conflicts has undergone a dramatic transformation in the last

couple of decades. Contemporary conflicts are fast adopting alternative methods of

warfare, penetrating into towns, villages and homes of the common people. Armed

conflicts denote not only wars but the entire gamut of resistance movements and

struggles for self-determination. In many parts of the world, the use of systematic

force through insurgency, reduction of democratic space, violations of human rights

etc. have resulted in perpetuating fear and insecurity and thereby, fragmenting the

emotional fabric of the community.

17

Accessed on November 19, 2011 from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/mizoram/backgrounder/index.html

59

A continuous exposure to an environment of armed conflict can lead to deep seated

psychological effects on individuals, thereby moulding their sense of identity,

influencing their relations with others as well as shaping their approach towards life.

A study carried out on individuals growing up in an armed conflict area (in India) has

shed some light on this phenomenon18

. Some of these effects are described below:

Normalization of Violence -- Living in a region of conflict has its own fallouts.

Violence becomes a part and parcel of everyday existence and one almost becomes

immune to it. It ceases to hurt or affect, unless one is personally involved in some

way. Violent attacks do not occur in a social vacuum – their consequences affect the

society at large, disrupting community life processes. People do not exist fixed in a

single location – they have to negotiate several spaces as they go about carrying out

their daily activities. In doing so, people have to face various spatial realities of

violence. It becomes so much a part of life, that it is seldom questioned

Impermanency of Life -- The exposure to daily violence also brings one close to the

phenomenon of death. The fragility of life becomes much more apparent – death,

becomes an unquestioned part of life and it ceases to affect the person in any way.

Trust, Fear and Sense of Self -- The public arena of security and trust permeate

within the walls of the private space of the individual. One constantly lives in fear,

cautious about the surroundings. The violence that is experienced is not just on the

outside but psychic spaces also get violated. Trust becomes a contentions issue in the

lives of the individuals living in an armed conflict situation. Growing up in such areas

can be very emotionally taxing. Living in great fear and uncertainty, very often,

compels the individuals to evaluate the sense of trust in their web of interpersonal

relationships. Life in an armed conflict environment also makes one more aware of

the presence of uniformed men in one’s life. They are literally everywhere- an

overwhelming existence- permeating the entire fabric of society. One often becomes

accustomed to the assaults and intrusions into one’s space- both physical and

psychical. Movement gets curtailed and one’s sense of freedom gets inhibited under

18

Goswami, T Fragmented Lives – An Experiential Journey into the Lives of Individuals who have

grown up in an Armed Conflict Area, MA Dissertation, Unpublished report, University of Delhi, 2004

60

the constant gaze of the uniformed presence. Guardedness permeates through every

detail of an individual’s life and threads of insecurity and fear weave the tapestry of

societal relations.

Sense of Alienation and Questions of Identity --An upbringing in an armed conflict

situation makes one more intuitively aware of one’s ethnic identity. The fear and

anxiety aroused by the political consciousness in the environment outside, gets

enmeshed within the self. Group consciousness impacts upon individual

consciousness and the divide between the personal and the political gets blurred. A

growing sense of alienation from the mainstream, coupled with a desire to assert one’s

own identity drives one to question and focus on ‘Ingroup- Outgroup’ issues.

Sense of Loss – Individuals living in an armed conflict area, experience losses of

varying forms and degree, including but not limited to, the loss of childhood

innocence (becoming aware early on in life of the political turmoil infringing

individual spaces and violence becoming a part of daily existence), loss of freedom

(the all pervading presence of the security personnel restricting the movement and

intruding upon the physical and psychical spaces of individuals) and loss of

opportunities (frequent shut down of educational institutions wreaking havoc on the

lives of students).

Besides these psychological effects, the armed conflict has also led to some physical

manifestations, in the region--

Stagnation in the region’s economy

The policy of the Central government of India has been to pump in vast amounts of

financial resources into the Northeastern region, ostensibly for the economic

development of the region. The states in this region have been declared Special

Category States, thereby entitling them to receive 90% of the Central Assistance as

Grants and just 10% as loan. In 2001, the Ministry of Development of North Eastern

Region (DONER) was set up to act as the nodal Department of the Central

Government to deal with matters pertaining to socio-economic development of the

eight States of North East. In addition to this, several schemes for the infrastructural

development of the region have been formulated—the North East Council (NEC), Hill

Area Development Projects and Sub-plans, Tribal Area Sub-plan and Tribal

Development Agency Projects. However these strategies have not produced the

61

desired results. A popular cry that resonates in the North East is that of financial

neglect/ ‘step-motherly treatment’ at the hands of the Central Government.

Negligence is an oft repeated term. The reality is however different. There is in fact

an overwhelmingly large fiscal investment in the region yet due to the interplay of

multiple factors (such as widespread corruption and non-transparency in the

devolution of finances, gaps in the planning process etc), it has not translated into

development at the grassroots. The availability of a large amount of finances has in

turn created pockets of elites within the communities who tend to reap the benefits,

depriving the majority of the people from what is rightfully theirs. A major fallout of

this has been the creation of a ‘dole culture’ which has taken a toll on the work ethic

of the local population due to their increased dependency on assistance from the

Central Government. In addition to this, a huge amount of money is also pumped into

the region in the name of Counter-Insurgency operations which goes unaccounted for.

This has created its own legacy of corruption.

Immense fortification of the region and the Armed Forces Special Power Act

(AFSPA).

The North Eastern region is one of the most fortified regions of the country with not

only a large presence of the army and paramilitary forces but also a high police to

population ratio. For example, Nagaland, with a population of 1.988 million (2001

Census) has more than 200,000 security force personnel deployed in the state.19

Other than the Indian Army and the Nagaland Armed Police (NAP), the state also has

an enormous presence of the paramilitary forces namely, the Assam Rifles (AR),

Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Indo-Tibetan Border Patrol (ITBP), India

Reserve Battalion (IRB), Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) and Border Security Force

(BSF). According to the Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPR&D), the

sanctioned and actual total police per one lakh population (police-population ratio) at

an all-India level are 145.25 and 117.09, respectively, as on 1.1.2007.20

In

19

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Assessment for Nagas in India, Minorities at Risk

Project (2000). Accessed from the website http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/469f3a9246.html

paragraph 7 on July 31, 2009 20 South Asian Terrorism Portal. Police-Population Ratio (2009, July). Accessed from the website

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/document/papers/Police_Population_Ratio.htm on

August 20, 2009

62

comparison to the national average, Nagaland boasts a very high ratio at 558

policemen per 1 lakh21

population. Even police density (policemen per square

kilometer area) is 72.1 for Nagaland, significantly higher than the national average of

44.4). 22

The AFSPA of 1958 symbolized a transformation whereby civil power to deal with a

political change was replaced by the army and paramilitary forces. Over a period of

time, the jurisdiction of the AFSPA was expanded to cover besides the Naga Hills

District in Assam and three subdivisions of what was then the Union Territory of

Manipur, to later include the states of Mizoram, Tripura and Assam. 23

The presence of large numbers of armed forces coupled with the impunity enjoyed by

them under the draconian law of the AFSPA has wreaked havoc in the lives of the

people in the region. There is evidence of numerous human rights violations,

disappearances, forced detentions, sexual assaults etc. Yet, till date, no sanction has

been given by the Central Government to take action against a soldier under AFSPA.

Although a committee of experts (the Reddy Committee) reviewed the clauses of the

AFSPA and submitted a report on it in 2005 recommending that the Act be repealed,

not much has come of it. The Act, with its oppressive provisions, continues to thrive

within the social fabric creating multiple layers of distrust, dissent and further

alienation.

Life in an armed conflict situation can be fraught with uncertainty. Violations of

human rights are a common occurrence. Continued violence can also lead to large

scale displacements of populations (as is evident in Kokrajhar, Karbi Anglong,

Haflong etc., after ethnic clashes between hostile communities), disappearances and

extra-judicial executions, deaths and injuries, loss of livelihood and the subsequent

loss of income for families, and an increase in incidences of violence against women.

Armed conflicts, thus, include a wide gamut of violence—physical, psychical, social

and cultural. It affects the lives of people at both the individual as well as the

collective levels, pushing them to their limits and compelling them to re-frame their

approach to life.

21

1 lakh is 100,000 22

Routray, B.P. (2008) ‘Nagaland: Epitome of Police Ineptitude’, South Asia Intelligence Review,

Weekly Assessments and Briefings, Volume 7, No.19. November 17. Accessed from the website from

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/sair/Archives7_19.htm on July 31, 2009 23

Ibid.p.12

63

Women’s rights as human rights— Evolution of the human rights perspective

For long, women all over the world have led a struggle for visibility, human rights

and justice. Worldwide struggles led by women’s activists successfully established

the linkage between women’s rights and human rights. Their efforts led to, among

others, the establishment of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) and the

inclusion of the ‘equal rights of men and women clause’ in the UN Charter.

The evolution of the Human Rights perspective shows how the sustained and

concerted efforts of the women’s activists worldwide eventually led to the

incorporation of women’s rights as human rights. Their struggle resulted in

concretizing their expectations and formally articulating them in the form of a

Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women

(CEDAW) in the United Nations in 1979.

The issue of Violence Against Women (VAW) finally brought the focus on women’s

rights as human rights in the international arena. Over the years, the Convention on

the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) adopted

various initiatives to incorporate the issues of VAW, within its fold. According to

Fraser,

At its 1992 session, CEDAW expanded on this in General Recommendation

No. 19, which stated that gender-based violence is discrimination; that such

discrimination violates women’s human rights; that the convention covers

both public and private acts; and that governments should take legal and other

measures to prevent such violence and, in reporting under the convention,

indicate the measures taken. 24

According to Marjorie Agosin, gender-based abuses cutting across class, caste, race

and social hierarchies discriminate against the status as equal partners and citizens,

24 Fraser, Arvonne S. ‘Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Women’s Human Rights’

in Agosin, M Women, Gender and Human Rights—A Global Perspective, Rawat Publications, Delhi,

India, 2003, Indian Reprint, pp. 56-57

64

thereby emerging as human rights violations.25

Therefore any form of violence against

women is considered to be tantamount to human rights violation.

Debates on women’s rights go a long way back in history. According to Arvonne S.

Fraser,

The original contributors to women’s human rights were those who first

taught women to read and thus to explore the world outside the home and

immediate community. The idea of women’s human rights is often cited as

beginning in 1792 with Mary Wollstonecraft’s book, Vindication of the

Rights of Women, published in response to the promulgation of the natural-

rights-of-man theory. Historical research, however has revealed a much

longer gestation period, beginning at least in the early fifteenth century with

the 1405 publication of Le livre de la cite’ des dames (The Book of the City

of Ladies) by Christine de Pizan.26

A sense of freedom, greater mobility, education, developments in health etc. are

significant contributing factors to experiences in empowerment as well as to an

exposure to a wider knowledge base, for women.

According to the feminist thinker, Charlotte Bunch,

The central debate on human rights seems to concern the body itself: a body

that is coerced into obedience and veiled, that is raped as a trophy of war, that

is mutilated and systematically violated, and, ultimately, a body that

disappears from the public sphere of life. 27

The idea of a Virtuous Woman is often propagated during times of conflict and more

often than not, it is the woman who is solely responsible for being virtuous and un-

contaminated by the spoils of the conflict. Viewed through the lens of morality, the

popular discourse on shame is entwined with the issues of modesty and worthiness,

25

Agosin, M Women, Gender and Human Rights—A Global Perspective, Rawat Publications, Delhi,

India, 2003, Indian Reprint), p. 2 26

Fraser, Arvonne S. Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Women’s Human Rights in

Agosin, M Women, Gender and Human Rights—A Global Perspective, Rawat Publications, Delhi,

India, 2003, Indian Reprint, p.16 27

Cited in Agosin, M Women, Gender and Human Rights—A Global Perspective, Rawat Publications,

Delhi, India, 2003, Indian Reprint, p. 2

65

thus shaping not only the identity but also the expectations of who a woman is.

Questions of honour and integrity are tied to their identities and whenever the conflict

in the society gets entangled in the questions of identity and ethnicity, the women

become subjected to an enormous amount of societal control—their mobility becomes

restricted, their privacy is infringed upon and their voices are often silenced.

The construction of gender stereotypes that reflects the expectations of the society as

to how a man and woman should behave helps in re-enforcing patriarchal control.

Women frequently find themselves worse off as victims in a conflict, lying as they

are, at the bottom of the ladder of social hierarchy, in a societal framework steeped in

patriarchal values.

Whenever any form of upheaval occurs within a patriarchal framework, it has a spill

over effect and more often than not, women become the first targets of victimization.

In an effort to protect the society, the symbols of womanhood and their space are

besieged. Restrictions are clamped on them even as their bodies are used as tools of

suppression. Perpetuation of male dominance thus becomes endemic. In situations of

societal conflicts, this dichotomy becomes more glaring.

Wars and armed conflicts are cherished symbols of manhood in the social memories

of a community. Women are deprived of a rightful place in these narratives by being

relegated to the background as mere objects of support, as peripherals rather than as

active agents of change. In the prevalent patriarchal mindset, women are accepted as

cultural symbols and expected to preserve and maintain their cultural traditions.

The Position of Women within the Armed Conflict—victim

/perpetrator/peacemaker with special reference to Northeast India

The nature of armed conflicts has changed dramatically during the latter half of the

twentieth century, with casualties among civilians increasingly outnumbering those of

military personnel.28

Armed Conflicts affect both men and women, but it is

responsible in perpetrating gender-specific violence against women, rendering them

vulnerable to the ongoing onslaught of hostilities and its consequences thereof.

28

The Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Girls--A Consultative Meeting on Mainstreaming

Gender in Areas of Conflict and Reconstruction, Bratislava, Slovakia, 13–15 November 2001, United

Nations Population Fund, pg.iii

66

According to a study on the impact of armed conflict by a noted non-governmental

organization based in the North Eastern region, women in armed conflict situations

can be found to play different roles—as women relatives of armed activists, as women

militants or combatants, as shelter providers, as victims of sexual and physical abuse

as well as peace negotiators.29

Thus, an armed conflict can have a plethora of

widespread repercussions for women who are engaged in diverse roles within the

family as well as the community.

Women as Victims of Armed Conflict

Throwing light on the issue of women as victims in an armed conflict, a report by the

United Nations Population Fund in 2001, states,

Their psychological, reproductive and overall well-being is often severely

compromised in times of conflict. Conflicts tend to increase the incidence of

sexual violence; rape; sexually transmitted infections (STIs), including

HIV/AIDS; and unwanted pregnancies. In addition, essential social services,

such as medical facilities, on which women heavily depend for their well-being,

are greatly disrupted by armed conflicts.30

Women become victims of disrupted social networks within the community. They are

often compelled to shoulder the financial responsibilities of their families in the

absence of the men, who are either active participants of the conflict as combatants or

have been killed or gone missing. Furthermore, in a situation of armed conflict, when

families are subjected to forced displacement—having to leave their hearth and home,

and move to a completely new environ, for survival—women, often times, find

themselves worse off. According to El Jack, “Displacement disproportionately

disadvantages women, because it results in reduced access to resources to cope with

household responsibility and increased physical and emotional violence.”31

The women in the North Eastern region are no different. Being exposed to conflict of

varying forms and degree for several decades has made the women of this region

29

Facilitating the Fulfillment of Government Obligation to Women’s Equality, Second Draft, North

East Network, 1999, pg. 14 30

The Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Girls--A Consultative Meeting on Mainstreaming

Gender in Areas of Conflict and Reconstruction, Bratislava, Slovakia, 13–15 November 2001, United

Nations Population Fund, pg.iii 31

El Jack, Amani Gender and Armed Conflict, Overview Report, ,Bridge (Development-Gender),

Institute of Development Studies, pg.15

67

prone to multiple forms of violence—both physical and psychological. The armed

conflicts as well as the porous international borders have led to an increase in the

incidence of drug trafficking, drug abuse, HIV/AIDS, commercial sex workers and

other associated repercussions such as broken homes, single mothers, domestic

violence etc.

According to a report in a national daily, “Every year on an average, 250 women and

200 girl children go missing in Assam who, the Assam Police fear, are being

trafficked for sexual and labour exploitation to different parts of the country.” 32

Target areas for trafficking include refugee camps of internally displaced persons due

to the ethnic conflict between Bodos and the Adivasis, Char or riverine areas, people

affected by flood, tribal and non-tribal girls from poor families, girls from broken

homes and widows. Trafficking is of two types—Internal (for domestic work and

prostitution) and International (for bars, drug trafficking, labour and prostitution). 33

Women have also been subjected to varying forms of gender based violence—

including sexual assaults, coercion, bodily harm and injuries. Rape as a weapon of

armed conflict is visible in many towns and villages in the region. Most of these

atrocities have been carried out by security personnel who have been deployed in the

region ostensibly with the responsibility of “protecting” its population from the

excesses of the non-state armed actors.

Women as Perpetrators

The notion of women as aggressors in a conflict is often overlooked. Although, there

are ample examples from all over the world, throughout history, that lend credibility

to the fact that women have not only been avid supporters but have also been active

participants in various movements of resistance. Mention maybe made of Salvadoran

Zapatista Revolutionary Army of Mexico, Shining Path of Peru, Euzkadita Azkatsuna

(ETA) of Spain, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka, People’s

32

Talukdar, Sushanta Trafficking of women from Assam on the rise, The Hindu, October 26, 2006.

Accessed on November 19, 2011from the website

http://www.hindu.com/2006/10/26/stories/2006102601150900.htm 33

Trafficking and HIV/AIDS, North East Report, NEDAN Foundation, Assam Accessed on November

19, 2011 from the website

http://www.childtrafficking.com/Docs/nedan_trafnaids_north_east_070402.pdf

68

War Group of Nepal, National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) and United

Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA).

Researchers working in this field have observed that very often, female

members in these movements have been relegated to an auxiliary role. A study carried

out by Russel and Miller revealed that,

…with a few exceptions, the role of these women was confined to

intelligence collection, operations as couriers, duties as nurses and medical

personnel, and in the maintenance of safe houses for terrorists sought by

police and for the storage of weapons, propaganda, false documentation,

funds and other supplies. 34

Several reactionary movements have created separate women’s wings to not only

mobilize and recruit women in the struggle but also to streamline women’s issues in

their political agenda. But despite such moves, women’s concerns are often

subjugated to the larger cause of the movement. In such a situation, women are caught

in a vortex wherein they have to not only fight for the larger cause of the struggle but

also strive for basic rights within the patriarchal structure of the organization.

In the North Eastern region, several rebel organizations have women’s wings, but

very little literature is available on them. One such organization is the National

Socialist Women’s Organization of Nagalim (NSWON)—the women’s wing of

NSCN-IM that was formed on 15 March 1981. A magazine commemorating twenty-

five years of its existence highlights the participation of the women rebels within the

organizational framework of NSCN, clearly outlining their position within the

organization and the nature of the roles carried out by them. The magazine states how

the women rebels have not only been actively involved in military operations against

the Union of India, but have also engaged in several ancillary activities, such as

mobilizing the common people for the movement; preaching Christianity; serving as

teachers and pastors in the villages; nurses in the department of medicine; wireless

operators; military instructors etc. In 2005, for the first time, two women

representatives of the NSWON were sent as member delegates for the 15 December

2005 Peace Talks held with the Government of India at Bangkok, Thailand.35

34 Talbot, R ‘Myths In The Representation of Women Terrorists’, Eire-Ireland, Fall 2001. p.5 35

A Brief Historical Account of the NSWON in 25 Years, National Socialist Women Organization of

Nagalim (NSWON), 1981-2006. (A magazine celebrating the Silver Jubilee of the NSWON)

69

A study carried out on the NSWON of Nagaland and People’s Liberation Army of

Nepal over two years (2007-2008) reveals several interesting facets about the life of a

woman rebel36

. The woman rebel was found to be caught within the patriarchal folds

of the organization—the very structure that she wanted to break away from, in the

society. Interactions carried out with several women rebels, activists and intellectuals

in Nagaland revealed that although women may have been included in the armed

wing of the rebel outfit, by and large, they have been delegated softer tasks such as

nurturing the wounded, engaging in agricultural activities and other auxiliary

activities, such as organizing supplies, looking after the fighters and taking care of the

logistics.37

The interactions also revealed that women have been denied their rightful

space within the organizational set up. Although they have been delegated certain

duties within the organizational structure, very few women have been able to break

through the inevitable ‘glass ceiling’ that seems to exist. More often than not, women

rebels are almost invisible in the top leadership. Even if they are, they belong to an

elite class or their spouses are themselves in the top leadership.38

Thus, it is important to try and understand whether women are part of the armed rebel

groups merely as token representatives or whether their presence enhances the worth

of these organizations.

Women as Peacemakers

Peace does not merely imply the absence of war. Instead, it involves the creation of a

secure environment by fostering fundamental societal changes focusing on safety and

protection, particularly of the most vulnerable segments of a population. In such a

scenario, women have been found to play to play a prominent role in rebuilding

conflict- ridden societies and social resources.

In recent years women are claiming a new voice in civil society by spearheading both

reactionary movements and egalitarian movements for social change. Women

community leaders in many parts of the world have shown exemplary courage in

facilitating mediation and reconciliation amongst warring factions, thus laying the

foundations of a peace process. In Northern Ireland, for example, women’s groups

spent a decade building the trust between Protestant and Roman Catholics that served

36

Dutta, Anuradha and Vernal, Triveni Goswami Women Rebels: Stories from Nepal and Nagaland,

Akansha Publishing House, New Delhi, 2009 37

Ibid 38

Ibid

70

as the foundation for the final agreement. The experience of being marginalized

within the societal framework allows the women to work for an inclusive and just

society.

Women and Peace building down the ages in North East India

Peace- building refers to a complex web of processes - incorporating within it,

different strategies, roles and interventions employed by individuals at different stages

post- conflict. The difficulty in making women’s peace activism visible is that women

themselves see their activity as non-political and an extension of their domestic

concerns as ‘stretched roles’. Their activism is dubbed ‘accidental activism’ so to

speak.39

Women often seek out informal spaces within the societal framework in

times of conflict, to give vent to the anger and frustration festering within. In doing

so, they surpass the private-public divide, that is, they transcend the private space and

participate in the struggle, as social actors.

Much of the activism is at the local, grassroots level. Women’s activism is most

visible when politics are less hierarchically structured. Rita Manchanda has rightly

stated that, “because women’s peace activism is grounded in the informal space of

politics, it gets undervalued and as post conflict politics moves into formal space, it

gets marginalized.” 40

This raises the issue of their access to power; how politically

empowered they are really and how seriously their opinions are taken. Are women

relegated to being mere props in any movement of change or are their voices also

heard?

In the North Eastern region of India, women have often been used as an instrument

for asserting authority by the opposing forces and are acknowledged as a strong

pressure group in the society. Their role is confined to carrying out processions; sit–in

demonstrations and other similar modes of protest. Yet, when it comes to formal,

decision-making settings, women are excluded and marginalized.

According to M.B. Kuumba, symbols and meaning systems that involve gender are

often incorporated into the logic of the resistance movements and utilized strategically

39

Manchanda , Rita Gendering Peace Processes : Women Building Peace, Paper written for

WISCOMP Summer Symposium on Human Security in the New Millenium ,New Delhi 2000 p.1

40

Ibid. p.10

71

during the course of a movement. 41

Symbols of mourning and motherhood, for

example, are often used by women as strategies of protest. In the Northeast, women’s

organizations have played an important role in an effort to build peace in the region.

Mention may be made of Matri Manch, an organization set up to protest against the

rape of minors in North Lakhimpur in 1991.

Historically, in Assam, Mahila Samitis were formed as collectives with a Gandhian

welfarist approach in the early part of the twentieth century. According to Behal, “the

first Mahila Samiti was established at Dibrugarh in 1915 followed by another at

Nagaon in 1917 and the next at Tezpur in 1919.”42

The Samitis provided women to

be actively involved in the freedom struggle and provided them with a platform to

network and create a synergy with other women in the community. During the

Chinese Aggression in 1962, Re.1 was collected from each household by the Tezpur

District Mahila Samiti and a princely sum of Rs.24, 000/- was given to the National

Defense Fund43

. According to octogenarian Kalyani Phukan, who was a member of

the Assam Pradeshik Mahila Samiti in the early 1970s, the activities of the Mahila

Samitis were focused on improving the economic well being of the women belonging

to the rural communities, issues of rural development such as questions of health,

hygiene and sanitation and to empower women and bring them to the forefront.44

According to her, the members of the Mahila Samitis opened their hearth and home to

welcome weary refugees from Tibet and also worked towards rehabilitating them.

Efforts were also made to stitch the Tibetan traditional dress ‘baku’ for the refugees.

Traditionally, Naga women are known to have played a pivotal role in stopping inter

factional violence through the institution of the Pukhreila.45

The woman who got

married with a man of another village was known as a Pukhreila. During the era of

headhunting as well as wars, the Pukhreila were entrusted with the responsibility of

removing the wounded and the dead from the battlefield. They were the only persons

who could move freely in times of conflict and disagreement, acting as the conciliator

41

Kuumba, M.Bahati Gender and Social Movement Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 2003, p.18 42

Behal, M Women's Collectives in Assam: A Short History of their Status and Present Day Realities,

National Conference on Changing Women's Status with Focus on the North East, organized by the

North East Social Research Centre, Guwahati, Assam. October 11 - 13, 2001 43

Personal Interview with Monisha Behal in Guwahati on May 15,2012 44 Personal Interview with Kalyani Phukan in Guwahati on October 5, 2012 45

Ruivah, Khashim Social Changes Among The Nagas (Tangkhul) , Cosmo Publications, New Delhi,

1993, pp. 193-194

72

between warring factions. They were ensured complete protection while performing

their duties and severe punishment would be meted out to anyone who tried to harm

them. The Pukhreila were held in high esteem and accorded the same respect and

privileges during conflicts as well as during peace-times. From time immemorial, they

have been accorded the socially sanctioned status of a peacemaker. Carrying on with

this tradition, women’s associations in Nagaland like the Naga Mothers’ Association,

Dimapur Naga Women’s Ho Ho and others are actively engaged in the peace process.

The Naga Mothers Association (NMA) was established in 1984, and their peace

initiative represents the use of the notion of motherhood for the political mobilization

of women. In 1994-95, when army atrocities and violence due to inter-factionalism

reached a peak, the NMA launched its campaign ‘shed no blood’. They called for a

halt to all killings and initiated a dialogue with the state and the underground leaders

for a ceasefire.

The Meira Paibies (Torch Bearers) have created a legend of sorts by spearheading

large scale protest movements in Manipur. Initially set up to combat social evils like

narcotics and alcohol, they were soon in the forefront of struggles against human

rights violations by the security forces. These are just a few examples, but it amply

reveals that women in Northeast India have been playing a prominent role in peace

building efforts.

Within the context of the armed conflict, women have been found to play innumerable

roles of significance—of knitting the fissures of a broken community, mediating

between various armed factions and the State, providing shelter to armed rebels as

well as actively participating in the struggles of resistance.

Women perhaps have a better understanding of pain and conflict because they

experience it so closely in their lives. They view conflict differently and can thus

enrich the entire process of negotiations and peace-building, by contributing new

perspectives from their day to day experiences. Thus, including women in formal

discussions can lead to a more integrated and gendered perspective of what constitutes

peace, conflict and human security.

women and armed conflict in north east...

Documents