what is vienna convention on diplomatic
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vianna-conventionTRANSCRIPT
What is Vienna Convention on Diplomatic
Relations ?
The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961 is an
international treaty, accepted by 189 states till date, that defines a
guideline for diplomatic relations between numerous independent
countries. It specifies the privileges of a diplomatic mission that enable the
diplomats to perform their diplomatic functions without the fear of any
legal trouble or harassment from the host country. This forms the legal
basis for the diplomatic immunity. The articles of the Vienna Convention
are considered as a cornerstone for modern international relations.
According to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961
(VCDR), diplomatic immunity is granted to only certain individuals
depending on their rank and the amount of immunity they require to
carry out their official duties without legal harassment from the host
nation. Diplomatic immunity allows foreign representatives to work in
host countries without fully understanding the customs of that country.
However, diplomats are expected to respect and follow the laws and
regulations of their host countries.
Article 31 of the Convention exempts diplomatic agents from the civil and
criminal jurisdictions of host states, except for cases in which a diplomatic
agent
(1) is involved in a dispute over personal real property, .
(2) has an action involving private estate matters or
(3) is in a dispute arising from commercial or professional business
outside the scope of official functions.
What is Vienna Convention on Consular
Relations ?
The Vienna Convention on Consular Relations of 1963 (VCCR) is an
international treaty that defines the guidelines for consular relations
between the independent countries. A consul normally operates out of an
embassy in a different country, and performs two functions:
(1) protecting the interests of the country and the countrymen of the
consul, and
(2) furthering the commercial and economic relations between the two
countries.
While a consul is not a diplomat, they work out of the same premises,
and under this treaty they are afforded most of the same privileges,
including a variation of diplomatic immunity called consular immunity.
This treaty has been accepted by 176 countries.
Consular immunity offers protections similar to the diplomatic immunity,
but these protections are not as extensive, given the functional differences
between consular and diplomatic officers. For example, consular officers
are not given absolute immunity from a host country’s criminal
jurisdiction (they may be tried for certain local crimes upon action by a
local court) and are immune from local jurisdiction only in cases directly
relating to their consular functions.
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Some terms related to Diplomacy !!!
Asylum
Used in diplomacy to mean the giving of refuge in two senses: first,
within the extraterritorial grounds of an embassy (not generally done in
American embassies); and second, when one states allows someone to live
within its borders, out of reach of the authority of a second state from
which the person seeks protection.
Ambassador-Designate
An official who has been named to be an ambassador, but who has not
yet taken his oath of office.
Ambassadress
A term often used to denote the wife of an ambassador, and misused to
denote a woman chief of mission. The latter is an ambassador, not an
ambassadress.
Accords
International agreements originally thought to be for lesser subjects than
covered by treaties , but now really treaties by a different name.
Bout de Papier
A very informal means of conveying written information; more informal
than an aide mémoire or a memorandum.
Consulate
An office established by one state in an important city of another state for
the purpose of supporting and protecting its citizens traveling or residing
there. In addition, these offices are charges with performing other
important administrative duties such as issuing visas (where this is
required) to host country nationals wishing to travel to the country the
consulate represents. All consulates, whether located in the capital city or
in other communities, are administratively under the ambassador and the
embassy. In addition to carrying out their consular duties, they often serve
as branch offices for the embassy, supporting, for example, the latter’s
political and economic responsibilities. Consulates are expected to play a
particularly significant role in connection with the promotion of their own
country’s exports and other commercial activities. Officers performing
consular duties are known as consuls or, if more junior, vice consuls. The
chief of the consulate is known as the consul.
Consular Agent
An official doing consular work for a nation in a locality where it does not
maintain a regular consulate. This official is usually a national of his host
state, and his work is usually part-time.
Concordat
A treaty to which the Pope is a party.
Diplomatic Illness
The practice of feigning illness to avoid participation in a diplomatic event
of one kind or another and at the same time to avoid giving formal
offense. "Diplomatic deafness" is a somewhat related concept whereby
older diplomats allegedly turn this infirmity to advantage by not hearing
what they prefer not to hear.
Embassy
The residence of an ambassador. In recent years, also inaccurately used to
denote the building which contains the offices of the ambassador and
other key members of his staff. The proper term for the latter, as noted
above, is the "chancery". As also noted above, confusion is nowadays
avoided through the practice of using the two terms "embassy residence"
and "embassy office".
Envoy
Nowadays used to refer to any senior diplomat. Earlier it had a specific
hierarchical connotation, being used to designate diplomatic agents of less
than the highest rank.
Ex Gracia
Something which is done as a gesture of good will and not on the basis of
an accepted legal obligation.
Good Offices
An effort by a third state, or by an individual or an international body,
designed to stimulate the processes of settlement in a dispute between two
other states.
High Commission
A diplomatic mission of one Commonwealth country in another. For
example, Canada has a High Commission in Canberra, Australia.
High Commissioner
The chief of a high commission. Similar to what an ambassador is to an
embassy.
Letters of Recall
Also presented by a new ambassador, along with his letter of credence, to
the chief of state of his host country during his credentials-presentation
ceremony. It is the official document which formally recalls his
predecessor.
Mission
A generic term for embassy. Mission also describes the entirety of official
representation in a given foreign country which functions under the
supervision of the Ambassador, including civilian and military personnel.
Rapprochment
The establishment of improved relations.
Vice Consul
A junior ranking consular officer.
Visa
Written authority to enter a country for either temporary or permanent
residence, depending on its wording.
Defining "Civil Society"
The term civil society has a range of meanings in contemporary usage. It
is sometimes considered to include the family and the private sphere, and
referred to as the "third sector" of society, distinct from government and
business.
The term civil society was used by writers such as Locke and Rousseau to
describe civil government as differentiated from natural society or the
state of nature.
The Marxist concept derives from Hegel. In Hegel civil or bourgeoise
society as the realm of individuals who have left the unity of the family to
enter into economic competition is contrasted with the state or political
society. Marx uses the concept of civil society in his critique of Hegel. It is
used as a yardstick of the change from feudal to bourgeoisie society. Civil
society arose, Marx insists from the destruction of medieval society.
Previously individuals were part of many different societies such as guilds
or estates each of which had a political role so that there was no separate
civil realm. As these partial societies broke down, civil society arose in
which the individual became all important. The old bonds of privilege
were replaced by the selfish needs of atomistic individuals separated from
each other and from the community.
Contemplorary Civil societies: A pluralistic
Civil society is not a colourless or odourless gas. Civil society is not an
abstract academic concept anymore. Civil societies have colours and
cultures, contexts and contours, gender and grounds, and politics and
passion.
Civil society is plural. The theory and practice of civil society is plural in
concept, genealogy, history, form, locations, content and politics. Its
validity is partly due to this plurality at its conceptual core and the sheer
diversity in its praxis. There is no single theory of civil society. And no
single politics of civil society. This fluidity and fuzziness of the term is,
paradoxically, what makes it significant.
Civil society signifies diverse arenas and spaces of contested power
relations. So the contradictions and contestations of power, culture and
economy are reflected in the civil society discourse of a particular country
or political context. Civil society has now become an arena of praxis
wherein theory is continually negotiated and re-negotiated based on the
evolving practice in multiple social, economic and cultural contexts.
The idea of civil society is used for political subversion, political reform as
well as political transformation. Proponents of various ideological streams
from conservatism to neo-liberalism and from liberal reformists to
radical socialists have been using the idea and practice of civil society to
legitimise their respective political projects and programmes.
This dynamism, pluralism and diversity to a large extent shape the
emerging civil society discourse across the world. In South Asia, civil
society may reflect the feudal and post-colonial tendencies within its own
power spaces. In many countries of Africa, community differentiations
based on tribal identities may influence and shape civil society discourse
as well.
How civil society has changed the world
If we consider civil society discourse as a pluralist network of citizens and
associational spaces for social and political action, then one can begin to
appreciate the contribution of such discourse in shaping and influencing
the politics and policy processes in many countries and the world.
There are five specific areas where civil society discourse and initiatives
have made very important political and social contributions.
These are:
a) women’s rights
b) ecological justice and environment protection
c) human rights of ethnic,religious, race, and sexual minorities
d) movements for citizens’ participation and accountable governance
and e) resistance and protest against unjust economic globalisation and
unilateral militarisation.
In fact, even in these specific areas there is a multiplicity of civil society
discourse.
However, over the last 30 years, if women’s rights and green politics are
at the centre of all political and policy discourse, it is indeed due to the
consistent mobilisation and advocacy by thousands of organisations and
millions of people across the world. On February 15, 2003, more than
11 million people across the world marched against the war in Iraq and
unilateral militarisation. In fact, the unprecedented, coordinated global
mobilisation happened on the same day largely due to digital
mobilisation and partly due to the rather spontaneous coordination
among social movements and civil society actors who met during the
World Social Forum in Porto Alegre in January 2003.
In India too, in the last 25 years, most of the innovative policy framework
and legislation happened due to consistent campaigning and advocacy by
civil society organisations. It is the people-centred advocacy, campaigning
and mobilisation by hundreds of civil society organisations in India that
prompted the Indian government to enact the Right to Information
(RTI) Act, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, Right to
Education, the new Act to stop domestic violence, and the one aimed at
protecting the land rights of tribal communities. It is due to the efforts of
women’s rights organisations and civil society initiatives that women’s
political participation and 33% reservation for women in Parliament are
at the centre of political discourse in India.
In many countries of Asia and Africa, civil society activism has become a
countervailing political force against authoritarian governments. It has
also sought to challenge unjust economic globalisation. This was evident
in the citizens’ and civil society struggle against monarchy in Nepal and
authoritarian regimes in many parts of the world. In many countries of
Latin America, civil society became the common ground for diverse
interest groups and political formations to act together to challenge
authoritarian regimes. In fact, civil society played a key role in shaping the
political process in Brazil, where social movements, progressive NGOs,
progressive factions of the church, trade unions and public intellectuals
came together for political and policy transformation. The World Social
Forum process originated in Brazil partly due to these historical and
political conditions, and it helped the transformation of state power in
Brazil.
With the advent of the Internet, digital mobilisation and relatively cheap
air travel there is an increasing interconnectedness between civil society
initiatives and movements across the world. The unprecedented
mobilisation and campaigns against the unjust WTO regime and for
trade justice and fair trade demonstrated the power of citizens’ action
and mobilisation beyond the state and market. The diverse range of
mobilisation against the World Trade Organisation in Seattle, Cancun,
and Hong Kong influenced the political and policy choices of many
countries and the G20 process. The Jubilee campaign for cancelling the
unjust debt of poor countries attracted the support of millions of people
both in rich and poor countries and in remote villages and megacities.
The successful campaign against landmines proved to be another
example of civil society mobilisation and action across the world. The
World Social Forum emerged as an open space and platform for the
exchange of ideas, coordination of action, and collective envisioning
beyond narrow ideological and political divides. The emergence of a
global justice solidarity movement influenced the political process in
many countries in many ways.
A time for change: Civil society and
international relations
In the last 15 years, there has been a resurgence of political
consciousness in civil society. A whole range of new associations,
citizens’ formations, new social movements, knowledge-action networks
and policy advocacy groups have emerged at the national and
international level.
This was partly due to the shift in international politics in the aftermath of
the Cold War and a consequent shift in the aid-architecture, with a stress
on local ownership in the development process. The new stress on
human rights in the aftermath of the Vienna Human Rights Summit, in
1993, gave new spaces and international legitimacy to new human rights
movements, integrating civil, political, economic, social and cultural
rights. A series of United Nations conferences, starting with the Rio
Summit in 1992, created an enabling global space for civil society
processes and organisations. The Beijing Summit in 1995 on women’s
rights, the Copenhagen Summit on social development in 1996, and the
Durban Summit on racism provided a global platform for civil society
movements to advance a new discourse on politics and public policy.
The exchange of knowledge, linkages and resources began to create a
new synergy between countries and communities in the South as well as
in the North. In fact, the United Nations became a key mediating
ground between civil society and various governments.
Such a mediating role between civil society and state provided a new
legitimacy and role for the United Nations. The new stress on human
development, human rights and global poverty created a legitimate space
for global action and campaigns for civil society. New technological and
financial resources helped international networking and a new trend of
globalisation from below. As the new hegemony of power politics driven
by unilateral militarism, conservative politics and a neoliberal policy
paradigm began to dominate the world, the new social movements and
consequent civil society process became the arena for a new politics of
protest and resistance against unjust globalisation. Such a new civil
society process was driven by communities, communications and
creativity. New modes of communication, networking, campaigning and
mobilisation made civil society discourse one of the most influential
political and policy discourses in the 21st century.
There is a significant difference between the civil society discourse of the
1980s, 1990s and that of the last 10 years. Unless we understand and
appreciate the multiple political shifts at the national and international
levels, it might be difficult to understand the consequent shifts in the
practice and theory of civil society. In the 1980s, civil society was more
of a conceptual tool tolegitimise and organise the protest movement
against authoritarian governments in Latin America and Central Europe.
In the 1990s, the term ‘civil society’ became an instrument of policy and
politics at the international level, supported by both aid and trade. And
in the last 10 years, the idea of civil society has been increasingly
contextualised to become a plural arena of political praxis for
transformative politics in multiple contexts. The old civil society
discourse was submerged in new movements for radical democratisation,
feminist politics, and ecological, social and economic justice. It is the
new emerging discourse on civil society that seeks to address the issue of
democratic deficit, and crisis of governance.
So it is important to reclaim civil societies -->> as plural and diverse
spaces for collective human action -- as an arena for transformative
politics. The reclaiming of civil societies would mean a reassertion of the
dignity, sovereignty and human rights of all peoples.
The ethics and politics of the idea of civil society need to be
reclaimed to humanise the state, market and the political process.
There is the need to reclaim a new political consciousness driven
by freedom -- freedom from fear and freedom from want; freedom
of association and freedom of beliefs.
The idea of civil society needs to be reinforced by new civil values
and virtues: the values of equality and justice; values that would help
us fight all kinds of injustice and discrimination -- based on gender,
race, caste or creed.
Civil society can be transformative when it combines the politics of
protest and the politics of proposal. Civil society will become an
arena that can help combine the politics of people and the politics
of knowledge.
Civil society becomes a transformative space when it can help to
create the politics of dissent, politics of association and citizens’
action against monopoly of power and spaces for counter-discourse
and counter-hegemony.
State of Civil Society in India
Civil society in India seems defined by exclusion. It is crowded with
human rights lawyers and activists, NGO leaders, academics and
intellectuals, high-profile journalists, celebrities and think tank-hirelings.
Mass media debates never see landless labourers, displaced people,
nurses, trade union workers, bus conductors being asked to speak for
‘civil society.' Though, indeed they should.
After three rounds of talks in less than two months, Iran and six world
powers have reached a preliminary agreement in Geneva on curbing
Tehran’s nuclear programme in exchange for some sanctions relief. The
breakthrough came amid a history of failed negotiations, and could be the
first step towards a detente between Western powers and Iran after 35
years of hostility. Noticeably, the agreement came less than three months
after Iran’s new President Hassan Rouhani committed to changing Iran’s
relationship with the world.
The deal will have immediate regional and international ramifications,
and once a long term deal is reached, possibly within a few months,
rapprochement between Washington and Tehran is likely to pave the way
towards major realignment in the greater Middle East region.
It’s also expected to open the way towards the recognition of Iran’s
regional role starting with Syria, Iraq, the Gulf region, and eventually in
Afghanistan.
As the US downsizes its overall military presence, it expects the Iranian
leadership to be less of a nuisance and more cooperative towards crisis
management in the greater Middle East.
And it seems, many in Tehran, and among its supporters, are pleased to
see Iran replace Saudi Arabia or Israel as a reliable intermediary for the
United States in the region.
Some argue that this is all wishful thinking and will prove short-lived
considering the decades’ long antagonism and ideological differences.
Others argue that in the long term, Iran (and Turkey) could prove more
useful as US clients/partners than Israel and Saudi Arabia, considering
their regional weight and historic importance.
The new deal will have serious ramifications on
at least seven regional fronts:
Iran
The Islamic Republic is at the heart of any future regional shifts of
power. US failures in Afghanistan, and more importantly in Iraq and
Syria, have already strengthened Iran’s hand. And the newly gained
confidence in Tehran will be further enhanced by the removal of
economic sanctions, and buttressed by a bigger role in a weakened region.
Question: How will Iran’s rehabilitation and opening to the
West affect the balance of power within the country and the future of the
mullahs’ rule?
Syria
Iran’s expected participation in the Geneva-2 negotiation over Syria’s
future is its first reward for “good behaviour”. A staunch supporter of
Bashar al-Assad, with its special forces fighting alongside his regime,
Tehran is likely to ensure Assad’s survival, and along with Russia, assist in
his rehabilitation as an acceptable regional leader. Tehran and Moscow
are eager to end the war and shift the emphasis from ousting Assad to
“fighting terrorism” in Syria.
Question: What does a greater Iranian role in Syria mean to the struggle of
Syrians for freedom from dictatorship, and the outcome of the
horrific civil war there?
Iraq
The country is in a quagmire 10 years after the military invasion. It’s
terribly polarised between Sunni and Shia forces and hundreds – even
thousands – of people are killed every month by suicide bombings.
Tehran exercises major influence in the country, over Nouri al-Maliki’s
government, and among the Shia majority. And as of late, the
authoritarian Maliki has emerged as an indispensable link between
Tehran and Washington as he spearheads the fight against “extremist
Sunni groups”.
Question: Considering its new vigour, will Iran’s support for Maliki lead
him to an even greater monopoly of power and deeper divisions in the
country?
Saudi Arabia
The wars in Iraq, Syria and the conflict in Lebanon – in addition to the
upheaval of the predominantly Shia majority in Bahrain – have deepened
the rift between Riyadh and Tehran. Judging from criticism made recently
by Saudi intelligence chief Bandar bin Sultan, who is Washington’s ally in
the Kingdom, the Saudi leadership is the most alarmed with the potential
US-Iran detente and the rise of an unrestrained Iran on the Middle East
stage. Further, Saudi-Iranian antagonism will lead to major sectarian
escalation with incalculable price for the region.
Question: Will the hardening theological triangle - Saudi, Iran and Israel
– take the region to new historic lows as the danger of sectarian conflict
looms large in the region?
Afghanistan
As the US withdraws/redeploys outside the country in 2014 – after a 13
year war – leaving behind only residual forces through 2024, Washington
can use all the help it can get to maintain control. With a certain influence
over Afghanistan’s northern regions, Tehran could be of assistance if it
chooses to help stabilise Afghanistan and deter the return of the Taliban.
Question: Having briefly helped US forces fight against the Taliban after
2001, will Tehran cooperate once again with the US?
Palestine/Lebanon
Palestine is a domestic redline for both Washington and Tehran and,
therefore, expect little or no change to the occupation of Palestine where
they’ve agreed to disagree. Tehran has already lost much influence among
the Islamist Palestinian factions due to its support of the Assad regime; its
only influence remains with Hezbollah.
Question: Will Iran’s Lebanese ally emerge stronger or weaker from the
Syrian civil war, and will it become a Lebanese, and not an Israeli
menace?
Israel
For the foreseeable future, Israel will continue to be the only nuclear
power in the region. But Israel is no less annoyed by a resurgent Iran than
it is by its nuclear development, especially the fact that Tehran has already
acquired the nuclear know-how. Some suggest that this could lead to new
unspoken Israeli alliance with the so-called moderate Sunni regimes, ie,
Saudi Arabia, UAE, Jordan, Egypt, against their common nemesis, Iran.
Question: Since Israel is particularly eager for such an arrangement, will
such alliances finally see the light of day and what repercussion will that
have on the region?
India’s stand
India has welcomed the deal that Iran and six world powers clinched on
Sundaycurbing the Iranian nuclear programme in exchange for initial
sanctions relief.
“As the agreement between Iran and the P5 plus 1 has been agreed to just
a while ago we are in the process of obtaining details from our
interlocutors, however, based on initial information available at this stage I
can say that India welcomes the prospect of resolving questions related to
Iran’s nuclear program,through dialogue and diplomacy,” India’s ministry
of external affairs spokesperson Syed Akbaruddin told
Susruta Samhita
The portion in Susruta Samhita, which explains the preparation and
use of alkalies, occupies a prominent place in Indian medical chemistry. It
is said that alkalies were used to clean surgical instruments, which were
used to cut the diseased parts of human body. (the term СksaraТitself
means Сthat which removes away the affected parts of the bodyТ).Plates
of iron, silver and gold were dipped in alkaline liquids before mixing with
medicines.
Susruta classifies alkalies into mrdu, tiksna and madhyama. He gives
the preparation of each category. Some of them are used for external
application and some for internal administration. They are used
externally for skin diseases like kusta, tumors, piles etc. and internally for
abdominal tumors, indigestion, urinary deposits, intestinal worms etc.
devices to store them are also advised. According to him, the sharp,
saline taste of alkali when mixed with acid becomes very mild and gives up
its sharpness. That is why acid neutralises alkaly.
Different metals like bronze, iron, gold, silver, lead, copper, tin and
different salts like rock salt, sea salt etc are enumerated in the
Samhita. Roasting of iron and other metals so as to render them fit for
internal administration has been described. The thin leaves of metals
were plastered with a paste of the salts and afterwards subjected to roasting
and were converted into their respective oxides, chlorides or oxichlorides.
This can be considered a crude process for the preparation of the metallic
salts.
Brhatsamhita (6th Century AD)
Varahamihira, in his Brhatsamhita, refers to mordants like alum and
sulphate or iron for the fixing of dyes on textile fabrics. It also alludes to
cosmetics, scented hair dyes, perfumes etc. It also contains information
on various cement preparations, which may be classified under two heads:
rock cement (vajralepa) and metal cement (vajra samghata). These
varieties of cement were applied to the walls and roofs of temples and
other buildings.
Alchemy in Tantric Period (800 AD to 1600 AD)
The flourishing of chemistry in India, especially alchemy, has an
interesting phase during the period of tantra. The tantric cult in India was
an admixture of alchemical processes on the one hand and grotesque rites
on the other, centred on the worship of Siva and Parvati. We also have a
class of tantras, which is an admixture of Buddhist and Saiva
cults.Rasaratnakara ascribed to Nagarjuna belongs ato this category.
According to tantric cult, a man should preserve his body by means of
mercury and medicaments. According to tantrics, mercury was produced
by the creative conjunction of Siva and Parvati and mica was produced
from Parvati. The combination of mercury and mica was believed to be
destructive of death and poverty.
Sarvadarsana Samgraha of Madhavacarya which elaborates the sixteen
philosophical systems current in 14th Cent AD, includes raseswara darsana or mercurial system as one among them. According to this
darsana, different preparations of mercury can enable a man to be free
from old age and death, ie to obtain jivan mukti. Rasa is
called parada because, it enables one to overcome the worldly affairs.
Rasarnava (asked in UPSC GS MAINS 2012) of unknown authorship,
Rasaratnakara of Nagarjuna and Rasaratna samuchaya of Vagbhata are
some of the important works of Indian alchemy written during the tantric
period.Rasaratnakara and Rasarnava are tantras pure in which alchemy is
incidentally dealt with. Rasaratnasamuchaya is a systematic treatise on
pharmacy and medicine. Rasaratnakara of Nagarjuna contains
descriptions of alchemical processes and preparations of mercurial
compounds. Extraction of zinc, mercury and copper are described by
him. He also elaborates on the preparation of crystalline red sulphide of
mercury (swarnasindura or makaradhwaja) which is used as medicine for
many ailments.
There are also works written in regional languages like Tamil, Telugu,
Kannada, Malayalam, Bengali, Marathi, Oriya and Gujarati on alchemy.
Here, Tamil works on siddha vaidya, about two hundred in number,
deserves mention. Works of Agastya, Nandiswara, Romarshi and
Kailasamuni are important among them. A comparative study of the
alchemical ideas of these Tamil and Sanskrit works has not yet been
initiated.
According to tantric cult, siddhis are of two types - dehasiddhi
(development of the body) and loha siddhi (development of metals).
The first pertains to making mercury capable of changing the
molecules of lower metals into molecules of higher metals.
Mercury, which is capable of this, can certainly transform human
molecules also. This is dehasiddhi.
Lohasiddhi is called alchemy or dhatuvada. Dehasiddhi is obtained
through lohasiddhi. Gradually, devices to refine metals led to the
making of their powders, which were used as medicines.
As part of these alchemical processes, there are certain methods to
purify mercury. Indian alchemists had adopted 18 methods for this
purpose. They also make classification of chemical substances into
maharasa, uparasa, datu, ratna and visa. Certain refining processes of
metals and mine products, mixtures of mercury also deserve special
mention.
An important feature of Indian alchemy is the description of certain
plants used in alchemical processes. About two hundred plants are
referred to in this connection. We get an elaborate description of the
laboratories and the instruments from these alchemical works.