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United Nations Security Council Special Session: Rwanda Genocide, 1994

Delegates,

Welcome to the UGAMUNC XX and we are so excited to have you attending our conference. Among the many new options and choices in terms of committees, we have added our first-ever Historical Committee. We are quite excited to see it play out and are glad you have chosen to be a part of it.

To begin, my name is Matthew Yarbrough, and I will be serving as the Chair for the committee. I am a sophomore at the University originally from Etowah High School, where I served on their Model United Nations team for three years. Upon arriving to college, I joined UGA’s Model United Nations team right away and now serve as the Collegiate Director for the team. I am currently a triple major studying International Affairs, Political Science, and Middle Eastern/African History. I also am a part of the Wesley Methodist Student Ministry, Shop with a Bulldawg, and the Borgen Project@UGA. In my spare time, I am around campus in a hammock or working at one of the best Italian places around, Mirko Pasta.

Let me next introduce my co-chair, Connor Sweetnam. After graduating from Saint Pius X Catholic High School in 2010, Connor came to the University of Georgia. This is his first year working with Model UN. Connor is a senior studying cellular biology, and he will be attending medical school next fall. When not in class or lab, he serves as the co-president of the UGA Catholic Student Association, as well as enjoys playing rugby and golf.

I look forward to a very vivid debate and want to emphasize that I am always available for questions about the committee or the direction for the committee before the conference actually begins. To contact me, my email is [email protected]. I would also request the submission of Position Papers to me BEFORE the Conference by emailing them to my email above. This will allow us to read them beforehand and avoid taking time from watching your debate to edit the papers. Thanks and best of luck!

--

Matthew Yarbrough (Chair)

Connor Sweetnam (Co-Chair)

Structure of the Committee

mailto:[email protected]


For some background on the committee's structure, the council will possess representatives of the states within the United Nations Security Council in 1994 during the early day of the Rwandan Crisis. Specifically, the committee will pick up directly following the assassinations of the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi on the night of April 6th and the Prime Minister of Rwanda on the morning of April 7th.1 Essentially, no form of genocide or civil war has begun at the point in which you enter committee. For the remainder of our time in committee, I would like to point out that the committee will not directly follow the historical timeline of the crisis at all. Therefore, massive research into the exact dates and problems that occurred following the assassinations will not be useful to you, though you should have a general sense of how the crisis originally played out in history.

Second, this background guide is simply supplemental and a base to start your research with. Reading through the guide is not itself sufficient to tackle the problems we will face within this committee. At the bottom of this guide, we have attached “Questions to Focus On”, and it cannot be emphasized enough to use these as guidelines for your research and position papers. The ability to answer eloquently the questions from your own country’s position will be paramount to your own success. Keep in mind that you are representing the views of your administration in government, not that of your personal views or the assumed views of the people so accurate understanding the administration that existed in your respectable nations at the time will allow you to refine your focus. It is also important to note that as the Security Council, it will be your job to work closely with the Secretary General of the UN. While a Secretary General Representative is not amongst you all, he will be an important actor and requests made to the Secretary General throughout committee sessions are acceptable. With powers far different from the Security Council, using the Secretary General as a resource may be essential.

Finally, throughout the multiple session of our committee, time will progress forward throughout 1994 and 1995 as new information and ideas arise. While not technically a crisis committee, there will be no topics and will be press releases given periodically throughout the committee allowing for the progression of negotiations and solutions to new problems. For many of you, this committee will exist as a very new experience from the traditional high school Model United Nations conference and allow you great experiences especially if you are considering collegiate Model United Nations in your future. We look forward to extensive debates and are excited to see how history will play out in the conference!

History of Rwanda before 1994

The earliest inhabitants of the territory that is now Rwanda were hunter-gatherers. These people, commonly known as the Twa, were a pygmy group who lived in the mountains and plains surrounding Lake Kivu. Not long after the arrival of the Twa, a Bantu group, the Hutus, settled in Rwanda and neighboring Burundi between the 5th and 11th centuries.2 The Hutus

1 http://www.raceandhistory.com/historicalviews/2004/rwanda.html2 http://www.voanews.com/content/a-13-2006-05-25-voa13/325093.html


generally lived in small clan groups and farmed the surrounding land. Rulers called bahinza whom the Hutus believed to be capable of producing rain and protecting crops governed these clan groups. By the 14th century, a new group of people, namely the Tutsis, began a gradual migration from the North into Rwanda.3 This migration, rather than an invasion, was both a slow and peaceful process.

Though the initial Tutsi migrations may have been peaceful, they eventually achieved economic and political control over the Hutus especially by using their cattle ownership and combat skills. The Hutu-Tutsi relationship, then, developed into a client-patron relationship. Hutu workers indentured themselves to Tutsi lords giving them agricultural products and other services in exchange for the use of their land and cattle. This feudal-type system went by the name of ubuhake. Not unlike European feudalism, at the top of this Rwandan caste system was a Tutsi king known as the Mwami. Though several kingdoms existed at various times, by the 16th century Rwanda unified into a small nuclear kingdom. In the early 19th century, Mwami Kigeri IV established the Rwandan borders that existed when the Europeans arrived in 1894.4

The Conference of Berlin in 1885 assigned the territories of Rwanda and Burundi to German control and displacing the previous African kingdoms. The Germans chose not to rule directly, instead using the Mwami to control the territory, though they did conduct occasional military operations against the Hutu chiefs in the north. During World War I Rwanda and Burundi fell under Belgian control due to the German defeat. After the formation of the United Nations in 1945, the Belgians mandated Rwandan participation in the political process. In 1952, the Belgians instituted a Ten Year Development plan that sought to increase political progress and social stability.5 However, this program furthered Tutsi dominance over the Hutus.

In 1959, a peasant revolt by Hutus would grow into a much larger movement for Hutu emancipation led by Gregoire Kayibanda under the banner of the Party for Hutu Emancipation. With the Belgium government refusing large amounts of involvement, this revolt resulted in the exile of the last Tutsi Mwami and elections that would force Hutus into power in Rwanda. Though the UN General Assembly initially hoped that through their own decolonization organization, the Trusteeship Council, the Belgium government could encourage the formation of a unified stable government in Rwanda and Burundi, it became clear unification between that the two nations remained unrealistic. In 1961, Rwanda declared itself a republic, and in July 1962, the people gained formal independence.6 Not long after, in 1963, a group of Tutsis attempted to take back power. Their failed attempt led to a massacre of several thousand more Tutsi.

After the formation of the Rwandan state under Kayibanda, regional tensions grew. In 1973, a group of army officers led by Juvenal Habyarimana overthrew Kayibanda in a bloodless 3 http://www.africa.upenn.edu/NEH/rwhistory.htm4 http://continuityafrica.com/rwanda-burundi/101-belgian-rule/353-ubuhake-ubugabire.html5 http://www.gov.rw/History6 http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/514402/Rwanda/274461/Genocide-and-aftermath


coup. Habyarimana would go on to partially suspend the constitution and dissolve the National Assembly. In 1980, he would also survive a coup attempt by a northern faction known as the Bagoyi who were rivals of the Bashiru with whom he sided. Thereafter, Habyarimana formed Le Movement Revolutionaire National pour le Development.7 This would serve as the nation’s sole political party in the elections of 1983 and 1988.

In 1990, the Civil War would begin as thousands of Tutsis affiliated with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) invaded from Uganda. A ceasefire went into effect in 1991.8 This turn of events led to the negotiation of an agreement allowing for a multiparty system in Rwanda that would include significant Tutsi representation. These developments infuriated extremist Hutus thereby creating an environment that was on the brink of explosion by 1994.

History of Violence in Burundi

With the close proximity to the nation of Rwanda as well as its shared colonial history, Burundi presented itself within the international community as a nation also terribly divided by ethnic struggles. Originally part of a joint European colony with Rwanda by the name of Ruanda-Urundi, Burundi too was a state turned over to Belgium by Germany following the Second World War. Part of the Belgian League of Nations Mandate Territory, the colony remained in existence until 1962, though it only began seeking such independence in 1959 under then ruler Mwami Mwambutsa IV.9 On July 1, 1962, however, the state officially came into existence and separated from its former colonial counterpart Rwanda due to ethnic tensions. With Mwambutsa as the new constitutional monarch, the nation proceeded for the next four years to struggle with establishing a government that included the Tutsi minority while still representing the Hutu majority. In a form of separation of powers, the military and police existed under Tutsi command out of fear of killings like those seen in Rwanda in 1959. This stability would however not last long as Prince Ntare V deposed his father in 1966 only to then himself be removed by the Tutsi Prime Minister Captain Michel Micombero who established a military regime under the guise of a republic.10

For six years, tolerance seemed to catch on until in 1972, the Hutu organization known as the Burundi Workers’ Party declared its intent to systematically kill all Tutsis and began systematic attacks. Immediately, the Tutsi military regime responded with harsh reprisal against Hutus with some 100,000 casualties between the two groups in a matter of two years. Stability arrived in 1976 when another military coup occurred with Tutsi Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza taking power and the formation of a new constitution in 1981 under the mission of establishing peace and ethnic security. While the bearer of peace, Bagaza was a strict leader who removed any political or religious opposition until his overthrow by yet another Tutsi military man, Major

7 http://www.majalla.org/news/2005/summer05/ahmed-on-africa.htm8 Reed, Wm. "Exile, reform, and the rise of the Rwandan Patriotic Front." The Journal of Modern African Studies 34.03 (1996): 479-501.9 http://www.historyworld.net/wrldhis/PlainTextHistories.asp?historyid=ad2410 http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/burundi.htm


Pierre Buyoya, in 1987. 11Buyoya did not respect the former government structure, and he immediately disbanded the constitution as well as all political parties, thereby formally established military rule.

With the Hutu majority having still not held power in any of the previous administrations, revolts began in northern communities in August 1988 resulting in a death toll of at least 5,000 between the two sides. Buyoya decided, however, not to make the same mistakes as his predecessors and chose not to commit to harsh reprisals in an effort to calm the Hutu populations. He also formed a new government with equal numbers of Hutu and Tutsi representatives and a Hutu Prime Minister. By 1992, a new constitution established a multiparty system. In June of 1993, democratic elections created first pro-Hutu government since decolonization with the election of Melchior Ndadaye.12 Tutsi groups simply could not accept the loss of power and were able to assassinate the new President in October using a group of disgruntled soldiers.

At this point, following more than 30 years of tumultuous ethnic conflicts and massive numbers of regime changes, the foundations of a massive ethnic conflict were set. An ethnic conflict rose up that killed thousands of citizens each month, particularly Tutsi civilians accused of being a harsh former ruling class. Parliament in the nation attempted to stop the violence immediately with the appointment of Cyprien Ntaryamira, a Hutu, in the early spring of 1994, but he was a victim of the plane crash on April 6, 1994.13 As the point this committee begins, ethnic tensions are still occurring in the nation, and the Presidential assassinations occurred.

International Efforts and the Arusha Peace Accords on August 1993

After two years of Civil War that had begun in Rwanda in 1990, international pressures to end the conflict began directed toward both the government and RPF. Specifically, the United States, France, and the Organization for African Unity (the predecessor for the African Union), placed heavy emphasis on the need of mediation. Beginning in July 12th, 1992 in Arusha, Tanzania, both the rebels and government of Rwanda began mediation supervised by the international community. From the beginning, the goal of the peace talks was to establish a new transitional government that would spur the country forward into a new democratic system. The problem with this goal, however, was the unwillingness of the RPF, the President, and the opposition Hutu party MDR to concede governmental control to the other.14 After a full year of negotiations, compromises finally began to occur, and on August 4th, 1993, the signing of a formal agreement occurred.

Within this agreement were several key conditions to try to ensure all political parties a level of participation. Of the twenty-one total cabinet posts, the agreements granted President's

11 http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/Africa/Burundi-HISTORY.html12 Nyankanzi, Edward L. Genocide: Rwanda and Burundi. Schenkman Books, 1998.13 Reyntjens, Filip. Burundi: prospects for peace. Vol. 209. London: Minority Rights Group, 2000.14 Lemarchand, René (2009). The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4120-4.


ruling party five of those including the Defense minister. The accords granted the RPF five posts as well including the Interior Minister and the Vice-Prime Minister position. Deals granted the major opposition party, the MDR, four posts and the position of Prime Minister. Finally, the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Party, and the Christian Democratic Party split the other seven posts. The deal in general favored the RPF who was able to take advantage of disagreements between the President’s party and the MDR.15 Due to this, President Habyarimana and his party stalled many of the appointments many of the cabinet positions essentially crippling the agreement.

Establishments of peace settlements resounded with this effort in 1993, possessing many positive goals. Nevertheless, ethnic violence once again broke out resulting in many deaths and the negotiation of a new ceasefire in April of 1993. As part of negotiations in Arusha, foreign troops were to depart from Rwanda and see replacements by UN forces. In June of 1993, the UN Security Council resolved to establish the Uganda-Rwanda Observer Mission (UNOMUR) with Resolution 846. The main goal of this mission was to ensure that the RPF was not using the border area between Uganda and Rwanda for any military purposes. The resolution also supported the Secretary General’s decision to support the efforts of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) by offering two military experts to their Neutral Military Observer Group. By September of 1993 following the Arusha Peace Accords, the UN established their headquarters at Kabale, Uganda with a force of 81 military observers. 16

On October 5th, 1993, the Security Council further voted (Resolution 872, 1993) to establish a new force, the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) to help implement the Arusha agreements, and establish a lasting peace. UNAMOR then fell under the command of UNAMIR, but maintained their duties in the border region.17 At the point in time of the assassinations and the beginning of this UGA collegiate conference, these are the only two Security Council missions put forward.

Ethnic Breakdown in 1994

Since early colonial history, the ethnic breakdown of Rwanda has remained constant with three primary groups in the region. Smallest of the three was the Twa who are a Pgymy people who are the oldest native group to the area. By 1994, the Twa composed a small 1% of the native population and were fairly unrepresented within the political systems of the nation.18 As a population, most ignored them, but there is not a particular sympathy toward them often resulting in them experiencing population losses when fighting breaks out between the two other groups.

Of the other two groups previously introduced, both the Tutsi and Hutu peoples are decedents of the Bantu culture that occupies much of sub-Saharan Africa still today. By far, the Tutsi are the smaller of these two groups with a total of 16% of the population in Rwanda

15 Newbury, Catharine. "Background to genocide: Rwanda." Issue: A journal of opinion 23.2 (1995): 12-17.16 http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/unomurbackgr.html17 http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/unamir.htm18 http://projects.jou.ufl.edu/ktrammell/project2/ethnicity/rwanda1.htm


classified as Tutsi. Traditionally herders, the Tutsi people existed as the minority aristocratic elite and while there were certainly Hutu people possessing wealth, they never were available to achieve the elite status that the Tutsi’s hold. Comprising 83% of the population at the time of 1994, the Hutu rarely held power after colonial leaders dismissed them as barbaric and uneducated compared to their Tutsi counterparts. On the reverse, the Hutu existed as the farming majority for much of history continuing through 1994.

Events of April 6th and April 7th 1994- The Assassinations

On April 6th, 1994 at the height of negotiations between Habyarimana and the RPF, a plane carrying Habyarimana and the president of Burundi, who were returning from peace talks in Dar El-Salam, died when rockets struck their plane over the capital of Rwanda, Kigali. Though responsibility is unknown, the attacks are widely attributed to Hutu extremists who were angry at the possible implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords within Rwanda.19

Shortly after the crash, concerns over the exchange of power to the new head of state, Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana began. As a moderate Hutu prime minister of Rwanda, extremists feared her influence. On the morning of the 7th, ten Belgian UN peacekeepers and five Ghanaian UN peacekeepers as well as the Presidential Guards were guarding the Prime Ministers house. The Presidential Guard, however, turned on the UN peacekeepers and demanded the turnover of their weapons. After seeing this, the Prime Minister and her family hid, but out of fear for the lives of her children, she emerged alongside her husband. The Presidential Guard subsequently shot and killed them both. The children did survive and fled to Switzerland. The Presidential Guard subsequently castrated, gagged with their genitalia, and then shot to death the UN troops.20 These actions were consistent with the apparent extremist Hutu goal of eliminating moderate Hutu leaders.

Political Actors in 1994

With the assassinations of both of the Presidents of Burundi and Rwanda as well as the Prime Minister of Rwanda, the question of legitimate rule certainly arises. With three political factions rivaling for power, certain precedents had to be set. The Arusha Peace Accords guaranteed Democratic Republican Movement the position of Prime Minister, but the Presidency is not as clear. It is therefore important to understand all of the major political actors of the time. Note, however, that while these actors described in terms of the positions they received after the assassinations, there is no guarantee that they will receive these positions in the context of our conference and simulation. Their historical positions and titles have been included in the charts below however in order to allow you, the delegate, to gauge the relative power they possessed in the power vacuum following the assassinations. 21

19 http://rwandansrights.org/19-years-on-un-should-investigate-assassinations-of-former-rwandan-and-burundian-presidents/20 http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB119/index.htm21 http://worldwithoutgenocide.org/genocides-and-conflicts/rwandan-genocide


In terms of the information from our two charts below, understanding and recollection of these actors is going to be vital to success within the conference. With the infeasibility of simple memorization with the range of native names possessed by many of these actors, we would encourage that delegates should put a larger focus on the political parties and their leaders and simply become acquainted with others in positions of power. Positions highlighted in red represent titles gained following the deaths of the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi as well as the Prime Minister of Rwanda. In this case, there is no guarantee that these positions coincide exactly with our conference committee due to the fact the exact historical timeline of events is not being followed.


23 24

22 http://www.gov.rw/THE-RWANDESE-PATRIOTIC-FRONT-RPF23 http://www.unictr.org/Cases/StatusofDetainees/tabid/202/Default.aspx24 http://www.rwandahope.com/RPFhistory.pdf


Current Events in the World:

In a time in which former colonies were trying to establish effective and fair governments in war torn and ethnic boundaries, a series of major developments in the 1990’s has left the international community with a wide array of problems to attempt to handle. Great instability also existed in the former USSR states and particularly within former Yugoslavia states. On April 7th, 1994, the following were peacekeeping missions passed by the United Nations Security Council in effect or having just finished. Included are the direct mandates directly from the UN Security Council website.

United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission (UNIKOM) - “UNIKOM was established in April 1991 following the forced withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Its task was to monitor the demilitarized zone along the Iraq-Kuwait border, deter border violations and report on any hostile action. The mandate of the Mission was completed on 6 October 2003.”

United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) - “UNOMIG was established in August 1993 to verify compliance with the ceasefire agreement between the Government of Georgia and the Abkhaz authorities in Georgia. UNOMIG's mandate expanded following the signing by the parties of the 1994 Agreement on a Ceasefire and Separation of Forces. UNOMIG came to an end on June 2009 due to a lack of consensus among Security Council members on mandate extension.”

United Nations Transnational Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) - “UNTAC was established to ensure implementation of the Agreements on the Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, signed in Paris on 23 October 1991. The mandate included aspects relating to human rights, the organization and conduct of elections, military arrangements, civil administration, maintenance of law and order, repatriation and resettlement of refugees and displaced persons and rehabilitation of Cambodian infrastructure”

United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) - “ONUSAL was established in July 1991 to verify implementation of all agreements between the Government of El Salvador and the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional, including a ceasefire and related measures, reform and reduction of the armed forces, creation of a new police force, reform of the judicial and electoral systems, human rights, land tenure and other economic and social issues.”

United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH) - “UNMIH was established in September 1993 to help implement provisions of the Governors Island Agreement of 3 July 1993. The mandate was later revised to enable the Mission to assist the democratic Government to sustain a stable environment, professionalize the armed forces and create a separate police force, and establish an environment conducive to free and fair elections”

United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II) - “UNOSOM II was established in March 1993 to take appropriate action, including enforcement measures, to establish throughout Somalia a secure environment for humanitarian assistance. To that end, UNOSOM II was to complete, through disarmament and reconciliation, the task begun by the Unified Task Force for the restoration of peace, stability, law and order. UNOSOM II was withdrawn in early March 1995”

United Nations Operation in Mozambique (UNUMOZ) - “ONUMOZ was established to help implement the General Peace Agreement, signed by the President of the Republic of Mozambique and the President of the Resistência Nacional Moçambicana. The mandate included facilitating the implementation of the Agreement; monitoring the ceasefire; monitoring the withdrawal of foreign forces and providing security in the transport corridors; providing technical assistance and monitoring the entire electoral process”

United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL) - “UNOMIL was established in September 1993 until September 1997 to exercise good offices in support of the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States and the Liberian National Transitional Government to implement peace agreements; investigate alleged ceasefire violations; assist in maintenance of assembly sites and demobilization of combatants; support humanitarian assistance; investigate human rights violations and assist local human rights groups; observe and verify elections”25

25 http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/operations/past.shtml


Questions to Focus On:

What is the current administration of your individual nation? Specifically, which policies does your individual leader support?

What powers does the UN Charter grant the Security Council in responding to internal civil wars and genocides? What current missions are ongoing? Know the UN capabilities!

How can increased violence in Burundi affect the people of Rwanda? Are there any other neighboring states with heavy Hutu or Tutsi populations that could be of assistance?

Who is the new legitimate authority in both Rwanda and Burundi? Do new elections need to occur, and if so, is it the United Nation’s job to monitor them?

What resources going forward can your nation dedicate toward efforts in the region? Has your nation previously completed any other assistance programs within the African continent before 1994? If so, with what success?

Is Rwanda and Burundi an example of a need for state building? Are previously drawn national boundaries in need of amendments, or is there a political system that would allow all groups to coexist? Is there a need for separate Hutu and Tutsi states and is that even a feasible option?

What enforcement provisions can leaders add to Arusha Peace Accords? Is there a way to place penalties on any divergence from its tenants?

What other ramifications are there on surrounding states in the case of a civil war in either Burundi or Rwanda?

How should your nation proceed if conflict arises in regards to national rather than international efforts? Keep in mind you each have foreign nationals and embassies in the nation that deserve attention.

What powers does the Secretary General have that the Security Council can utilize in times of crisis?

Suggested Reading:

Stedman, Stephen John. "Spoiler problems in peace processes." International security 22.2 (1997): 5-53.

Website: http://207.97.238.133/democratiya/article_pdfs/d6Turner.pdfParis, Roland. At war's end: building peace after civil conflict. Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Website: http://202.117.122.45:85/dmtzy/yy/7/wwdzs/IS/28.pdf#page=193Stedman, Stephen John, Donald S. Rothchild, and Elizabeth M. Cousens, eds.Ending civil wars: The implementation of peace agreements. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002.

Maps:

http://202.117.122.45:85/dmtzy/yy/7/wwdzs/IS/28.pdf#page=193


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26 http://www.ezilon.com/maps/africa/rwanda-maps.html


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27 http://businessafrica.net/africabiz/countries/rwanda.php

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