weaving imperial ideas. iconography and ideology of the inca coca bag

nperiaIconography andofthe Inca Coca

Abstract . .

W ithout a system of writing,the Incas (ca. 1476-1534 CE.)

presided over an empire of oralityand performance that stretchedalong the Andes Mountains fromsouthern Ecuador to northernChile. The Incas relied heavily onvisual signals to impart informationand organize their civilization.Textiles, among other craftedobjects, were made to perform asvisual emblems displaying ideasabout imperial ideology and theauthority embodied by individuals.This article explores the capacity oftextiles to carry embedded meaningthrough the study of several

specimens of Inca coca bags in thecollections of the Dallas Museumof Art and the Museum of Fine Arts,Boston. Widespread throughoutthe Inca Empire and now housedin museum collections around theworld, members of the Inca elitewore these elaborately woven bagsto carry the leaves of the coca plant,a significant medicinal herb andsacrificial item. This article offersan iconographie analysis of thecoca bag's surface embellishmentand will establish the function ofthe coca bag both as a quotidiancontainer and as a symbolicemblem.

Keywords: Inca, coca, Andes, Peru, weaving, communication, emblems,llama

LAUREN FINLEY HUGHESLauren Finley Hughes specializes in the art of

ancient Peru and has lectured and written widely

on ancient Andean textiles, Inca iconography,

and Colonial Andean imagery. As the McDermott

Curatorial Fellow in the Department of the Arts of

Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific at the Dallas

Museum of Art, she worked closely with the Nora

and John Wise collection of Andean Textiles.

Lauren received her M.A. in Art History from

Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas.

Iaurenfhughesí9gmail.com

Textiie, Volume 8, Issue 2, pp. 148-179

DOI: 10.2752/175183510x12791896965538

Reprints available directly from the Publishers.

Photocopying permitted by licence only.

© 2010 Berg. Printed in the United Kingdom.

Weaving Imperial Ideas:Iconography and Ideology ofthe Inca Coca Bag

From the extreme altitudes ofmountain peaks to Amazonianlowlands and dry desert coastlines,the Incas dominated an enormousand highly diverse empire. A feataccomplished in only about onehundred years, 1476 C.E. untilthe arrival of the Spanish in 1532(D'Altroy 2002: 2), the Inca empirewas the largest of pre-ColumbianSouth America; one that extended5,500 kilometers (Stone-Miller1995:181) along the AndesMountains from southern Ecuadorto northern Chile. The Incas'expansive state relied on a highdegree of organization that largelydepended on the manufacture andregulation of textiles. The primacyof textiles in the Inca Empire meantthat they were much more thanjust a means of covering the bodyor keeping warm. Fiber art wasa critical aspect of economics,religious and ceremonial life, socialorganization, imperial ideology,and, above all, fiber was a means ofcommunication (Murra 1962: 722).Although textiles certainly cannotbe treated as texts, fiber objectsfunctioned as communicativedevices through their iconographyond structure.

Traditional studies of Incatextiles tend to emphasize thestandardization of tunic patternsor the economic function of textileswithin the Inca state; however,this study looks at how a certain

type of textile bag, one woven tohold the leaves of the coca plant,communicated ideas about Incaideology, social practice, andthe embodied physicality of Incarulership. With no written language,the Incas experienced their worldin a way which gave power to thesense of sight (Classen 1990: 725).Visual symbols had the powerto express much more than themundane, and political authoritywas often vested through visualmeans. For the Incas, textiles werethe medium which supportedthese visual manifestations ofsymbolic power (Hogue 2006:114,Salazar and Roussakis 1999: 273).Figures associated with the Incastate demonstrated their imperialrelationship through the colors,textures, and patterns of theirclothing; their authority recognizedthrough the sense of sight. Theprimary figurative function of thecoca bag was as a visual symbolof authority. As such a symbol,the coca bag incorporated specificiconographie forms to visuallyexpress Imperial power.

Coca bags were employedthroughout the vast Inca Empireand most extant examples werecollected along the south coastof Peru. Woven coca bags wereproduced and used in Peru fromancient times through the ColonialPeriod. It is difficult to datethese extant examples precisely;

Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 151

however, most were probably madebetween 1450 CE. and 1600. Cocabags take on a variety of forms.Some are very simple incorporatingonly a small rectangular pouch offabric and a strap (Figure 1), othersare much more complex consistingof several separate wovencomponents, some non-functional,sewn together (Figure 2). The

complex and multipart coca bags,sometimes called "pendant bags,"are the subject of this study, astheir structure and iconographyillustrate Inca approaches to thefiguring and dissemination ofimperial authority. Pendant cocabags are now housed in museumcollections around the world. Finespecimens of these elaborately

woven containers are found in thecollections of the Museum of FineArts Boston, the Dallas Museum ofArt, the Harvard Peabody Museumof Archaeology and Ethnology,and the National Museum ofArchaeology, Anthropology andHistory of Peru, among otherinstitutions. The examples fromthe Museum of Fine Arts Boston:

Figure 1Coca bag with shoulder strap. Southcoast, Peru. Late Horizon; Inca,U76-1534 C.E. Nora and John WiseCollection, gift of Mr. and Mrs. Jake L.Hamon, the Eugene McDermottFamily, Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. Meadowsand the Meadows Foundation, and Mr.and Mrs. John D. Murchison. DallasMuseum of Art, B1359, T41299.46.Photo courtesy Dallas Museum of Art.

152 Lauren Finley iHughes

Figure 2Bag with corner tassels and pendant.South coast, Peru. Lafe Horizon; Inca,1476-1534 C.E. Nora and John WiseCoUection, gift of Mr. and Mrs. Jake L.Hamon, the Eugene McDermottFamily, Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. Meadowsand the Meadows Foundation, andMr. and Mrs. John D. Murchison. DallasMuseum of Art, B1104, 1991.380. Photocourtesy Dallas Museum of Art.

number 51.2542 (Figure 3) andthe Dallas Museum of Art: B1103(Figure 4), B1104 (Figure 2) andB1105 (Figure 5) comprise a group offour similar pendant coca bags thatwill be the focus of this article.'

Weaving Techniqueand ConstructionThe pendant coca bags examinedfor this study each measurebetween 41 and 59 centimeters long

and between 15 and 21 centimeterswide.= As a group they exhibitintricate multipart constructionand elaborate woven designs,some figurai and some purelygeometric. These bags are madeup of at least four separate textilecomponents and are constructedfrom seven different loom and handweaving techniques. The fibersused to construct the coca bagsare predominantly camelid fiberand cotton; however, a portion of

Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 153

Figure 3Coca bag with butterflies and llamas.Inca, UOO-1600 C.E. Elizabeth DayMcCormick Collection. Museum of FineArts Boston, 51.2^52. Photograph ©2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

the MFA example was woven witha fiber that has been provisionallyidentified as human hair.

The anatomy of each coca bagconsists of four separate parts: thebag proper, a decorative pendant,either a single tassel or two cornertassels, and long red fringe. The

mouth, or opening, ofthe cocabag is made of a network ofcotton fibers edged with thickhair-like fiber, probably unspuncamelid fiber. The bag proper, thatis the area that actually containedthe coca leaves, of each examplewas woven on cotton warps.

first in weft-faced plain weave toform a panel of white above thedecorative section of interlockedtapestry. Each bag displays camelidmotifs in the tapestry section ofthe bag proper. The rigid pendantsection of each example presentshorizontal rows of camelids that

154 Lauren Finley Hughes

FiguredPendant bag witii black and goldcheckerboard llamas. South coast,Peru. Late Horizon; Inca, U76-153Í CE.Nora and John Wise Collection, giftof Mr. and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon,the Eugene McDermott Family,Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. Meadows andthe Meadows Foundation, andMr. and Mrs. John D. Murchison. DallasMuseum of Art, B1103, T41299.43.Photo courtesy Dallas Museum of Art.

reverse direction and alternatecolor from one face to the other.Tassels, constructed from thesame technique as the pendant orin other cases stem-stitch, havebeen attached just beneath the bagproper so that the tassel is in linewith the camelids of the pendantsection of the bag. The final sectionof pendant coca bags consists of

hand-plied red camelid fiber fringe.Each strand of fringe consists ofseveral (between six and twelve)single S-spun yarns that have beenZ-plied together.

Cultural ContextCoca leaves come from a smallshrub-like plant which grows in

Weaving imperial Ideas: iconography and ideology of the inca Coca Bag 155

rigure 5Pendant bag with green and goldllamas and crosses. South coast, Peru.Late Horizon; Inca, 1476-1534 CE. Noraand John Wise Collection, gift of Mr.and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon, the EugeneMcDermott Family, Mr. and Mrs.Algur H. Meadows and the MeadowsFoundation, and Mr. and Mrs. JohnD. Murchison. Dallas Museum of Art,B1105, T41299.44. Photo courtesyDallas Museum of Art.

the near tropical conditions ofthe Andean mountain valleys(Mortimer 1901: i5i).3 Coca leaveswere harvested every fourteenmonths and packed in bundlesweighing eighteen pounds andtransported to the highlands by

llama pack trains (Rowe 1946: 242).Prior to chewing, the coca leavesand ttipta, lime from the ash ofburnt cactus, bone, seashells, orlimestone (Mortimer 1901: 9,155),were combined probably within thecoca bag itself." Lime is an essential

ingredient needed to activate thealkaloid in coca which produces itsphysical effects. The alkaloid fromcoca leaves is the very same that isused to produce cocaine. The amountof this alkaloid present in one cocaleaf is minute, thus the chewing


of coca leaves is much less potentor dangerous than cocaine use(Mortimer 1901: 433).̂ Any touristto the Andes region will attest thatthe effects of chewing coca aremuch like that of drinking a singleespresso. The Incas were awareof the energizing effects of cocaand during the colonial period, asPedro Cieza de León notes, alwayscarried "small leaves of some sort"in their mouths which they chewedfrom morning until night to assuagehunger and to give them strength(Cieza 1959: 259).*

Spanish chronicler Garcilaso dela Vega points out that coca wasalso a precious commodity thatfigured largely in the ceremoniallife of the Inca. Coca leaveswere present in nearly all ritualceremonies and sacrifices. Oftenpaired in sacrifice with cloth, chicha(maize beer), gold, and silver, cocawas highly valued and had muchsocio-religious significance (Cobo1990:137).' Coca was an importantgift as well. Gift-giving for theIncas was ceremonial in nature andwas often used as a way to showpolitical power and its reciprocal,submission, social favor, or familialconnections (D'Altroy 2002: 200-1,264-5).^ Juan de Betanzos, in his1557 chronicle of the Inca conquest,describes the significance ofcoca as a gift. Betanzos explainsthat following a ritual in whichparticipants honored the Sapa Inca(Inca king) as the son of the Sun,lords of Cusco and other caciqueswho had gathered in the centralplaza of Cusco were given chichato drink and large amounts of coca(Betanzos 1996: 56). The gifts ofchicha and coca were certainlymeant as celebratory aspects ofan imperial feast, but these gifts

were also meant to solidify anddemonstrate ideas about rulership.Access to a sumptuary good suchas coca given in such an importantand visible context demonstratesthe power bestowed upon theseindividuals by the Sapa. The cocaleaves are a symbolic meansof expressing the authority ofthe Sapa that has been given tothese elites. On the other hand,by receiving the coca leaves thevarious elites acquiesce to the Sapaand accept the authority given tothem.

The ethnohistoric documentsare clear that coca was a prizedcommodity as a gift and as areligious offering, but it is perhapsmost important for the purposesof this study to recognize theconnection between cocaconsumption and elite status.It should be noted that in theaforementioned descriptions ofthe socio-religious use of cocaby Guaman Poma, Father BernabéCobo, Garcilaso de la Vega, Ciezade León, and Juan de Betanzos itis Inca nobles who have access tococa. Indeed, Coca consumptionis associated with elite status. Asa commodity grown in the Andeanlowlands far away from thehighlands of Cusco, coca leavesrequired long-distance travel toobtain (D'Altroy 2002: 200-1).Those who could command long-distance trade to access a goodobtained from such a distancewere most certainly elites.Guaman Poma's drawing of MancoCapac, the first Inca king, includesa coca bag attached to his rightwrist (Figure 6), suggesting thatcoca was an item associatedwith the Inca elite from the verybeginning of the empire

Weaving innperial ideas: iconography and ideology of the inca Coca Bag 157

Figure 6The First Inca, franco Capac Inca.Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala.El primer nueva coránica y buengobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl. KgLs.2232,4°.Det Kongelige bibliotek,Köbenhavn [Copenhagen].

DE IMÖAS

(Stone-Miller 1994:178). Cieza deLeón found that coca was regardedas a symbol of divinity and was atfirst only available to Incas of royalstatus (Cieza 1959: 260). It is widelybelieved that in Pre-conquest Perucoca use was limited to the nobilityand religious rites. It was only afterthe conquest when the Spanishexpanded the production of cocathat its use spread to all classesofthe Inca (Rowe 1946: 292).'The association between coca

and elite individuals is reinforcedby documentary evidence whichdescribes Inca dress. Throughthese descriptions it becomesapparent that wearing a coca bagas an element of costume waslikewise limited to Inca nobles.Guaman Poma's chronicle providesa clear image of Inca dress throughits many illustrations. Although wemay not take these illustrationsto be exact representations ofthe tunics and other garments

worn by the Inca, they do allowthe general costume of the Incato be established. According tothese drawings and Cobo's writtendescriptions Inca men wore tunics,called unkus, which generally fellto the knee. Over the tunic, a cloakor mantle was often worn aroundthe shoulders (Cobo 1990:186-7).Men, especially higher-rankingofficials, usually carried a chuspa,or bag—presumably to carry coca—in their hand or wore the bag across


their chest (Cobo 1990:187). Cobowrites.

Underneath this mantle andover the tunic they carry a smallbag called a chuspa whichhangs around the necii. it ismore or less one span in lengthand about the same in width.This bag hangs down by theirwaist under their right arm,the strap from which it hangspasses over the left shoulder.(Cobo 1990:187)

Likely a model for Guaman Poma'sillustrations, the brief commentaryprovided by Guaman Malque inthe Prado-Tello Dossier, a Colonial-Era document pertaining to landrights in the Chupas Valley, offersa descriptive illustration of an Incamale, Juan Tingo, dressed in hisuni<u, mantle, and chuspa (Figure 7)(Phipps2oo4:142).'°

The regularity of Inca dressas illustrated by Guaman Pomasuggests that Inca costume wasstandardized or regimented by

Figure 7Juan Tinge with chuspa. Folio 51 recto.Prado-Tello Dossier, c.^\560-^6i0.Det Kongelige bibliotek, Köbenhavn[Copenhagen].


the Inca government. It is truethat the fineness of the cloth, thepattern of the cloth, and the styleof garments were restricted andmandated according to the statusand profession of the individual(Murra 1962: 720-1). Throughtheir color, pattern, and degree offineness Inca tunics could visuallydescribe their wearer's familialassociation, geographic location, orpolitical status (Pillsbury 2006:126).Betanzos describes lords of Cuscoand caciques, local officials, aswearing garments that were given tothem by the Inca (Betanzos 1996: 56).Betanzos also relates that IncaYupanqui ordained that caciquescould not wear fine clothing or otheraccoutrements unless they had beengiven to the cacique by the Sapahimself. Violation of this rule wouldresult in death (ibid.: 105). Themandated clothing worn by caciquesallowed their power to be highlyvisible and easily recognizable.This rule also kept people who werenot approved by state from tryingto gain statusequalto thatof thecaciques (ibid.)."

Coca bags were certainly oneof the types of textile accessoriesthat were under the jurisdictionof the Sapa Inca. As stated above,Guaman Poma's drawing of MancoCapac, the first Inca king, includes acoca bag attached to this right wrist(Figure 6) which demonstrates thatthe coca bag was a component ofroyal Inca dress (Stone-Miller 1994:178). Guaman Poma's chroniclepersuasively establishes the cocabag as an imperial accoutrementindicative of elite status andcontact with the Sapa. His chronicledescribes the coca bag as part ofthe official garb of Inca constables.He writes that the Inca constables.

"as a symbol of office carried abag or pouch of the type used forholding coca leaves... in thisway their warrant was recognizedand respected in the whole of ourcountry" (Guaman Poma 1978: 98).The word warrant in this statementimplies personal contact betweenthe Inca constables and the SapaInca. It implies that there has beenan official transfer of power fromthe body of the Sapa Inca to theseofficials. The coca bag might bephysically invested with the powerthat came from the presence ofthe Sapa Inca. Moreover, GuamanPoma's statement, "in the wholeof our country," suggests that theconstables were acting on behalf ofthe Sapa Inca in provincial regionsof the empire. Throughout GuamanPoma's thousand-page letter to theKing of Spain he illustrates Incaadministrators and officials wearingthe coca bag (Figures 8-13) whichasserts that the coca bag was indeeda signifier of imperial authority.Guaman Poma's evidence supportsthat the coca bag was worn byofficials associated with the serviceof the Sapa Inca, but who were notmembers of the royal family.

The Inca domain, calledTawantinsuyu meaning the fourparts together, was divided into fourregions based on geographic andethnic boundaries that convergedat Cusco, the capital of the realm(D'Altroy 2002: 88-9). The Incasbuilt roads, provincial centers, andway stations to connect the quartersof the empire and to strengthenthe control of the state (D'Altroy2002: 231). Within this expansiveand diverse kingdom provincialelites played an important role inmaintaining Inca rule. The Incasworked through local lords of

conquered territories to maintaincontrol over the infrastructure ofthe empire (D'Altroy 2002: 232).Local elites governed on behalfof theSí7po Inca (the Inca King)and at the same time retainedtheir resident elite status andright to rule. A governor, whowas an ethnic Inca and who alsospent time in Cusco, managedthe affairs of each province, butemployed intermediate elites,usually hereditary local elites, calledcuracas, to act as administratorson behalf of the Sopo Inca at thehousehold level." The structureof Inca administrative rule isparticularly important in regard tothe coca bag because coca bagshave been found in the provincesof the Inca Empire. Most of theofficials who wear the coca bagin Guaman Poma's chronicle arelords of regional Inca provincesgoverning on behalf of the Incain places other than the highlandcapital of Cusco. Moreover, GuamanPoma specifically describes personswearing the coca bag as lords of"native tributaries," as curacas,or as "provincial administrators."His drawing of a provincial"administrator of ten nativetributaries," who is presumably acuraca, depicts a colonial-era lordwith a coca bag across his chest(Figure 9). It can be deduced that thecoca bag, a component of costumefor official Inca administrators,served as an emblem of powerwithin Cusco and throughout theprovinces of the Empire.Material evidence is alsopersuasive in suggesting that thecoca bag functioned as an imperialemblem outside the capital.Although the collection of manycoca bags has been imprecise.


Figure 8Poma, of the Pueblo Chipao, ofAllaucaHuanaco lineage mitmaq descendantof Inca-Era immigrants, pisqakamachikuq administrator of fivenative tributaries. Felipe GuamanPoma de Ayala. El primer nuevacoránica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.Kgl.s.2232,4°. Det Kongelige bibliotek,Köbenhavn [Copenhagen].

dating from the period of theSecond World War when sanctionsconcerning looting and protectingitems of national patrimony werenot in place, it is believed thatmost coca bags have come fromthe south coast of Peru near thelea and Nasca Valleys. As the driestdesert in the world, the climateof this region has allowed for thepreservation of the textiles. Thependant coca bags examined in

this study, because of their state ofpreservation, most likely came fromthis dry south-coast region of Peru;however, this is not to suggest thatcoca bags like these did not existin other places in the Inca Empire.Because of its more temperateclimate, highland textiles have notenjoyed the same protection assouth-coast textiles. Textile bagssuch as the examples presentedhere probably were used in the


Figure 9Chiara of the Pueblo of Muchuca,chunka kamachikuq, administrator often native tributaries. Felipe GuamanPoma de Ayala. El primer nuevacoránica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. GLKgl.s.2232,4°. Det Kongelige bibliotek,Köbenhavn [Copenhagen].

highlands, but unfortunately theclimatic conditions of the highlandshas prevented the materialevidence from being conserved.Most likely the coca bag was wornin many parts of Tawantinsuyuincluding Cusco, evidenced byGuaman Poma's depiction of Hurinand Hanan Cusco administratorswearing the coca bags as part oftheir official garb (Figures lo and l i ) .

More recently, coca bags havebeen documented in high-altitudesacrificial burials. The so-called"Ice Maiden" discovered byjohanReinhard, was probably rituallykilled and then buried with preciousobjects as offerings. Accompanyingthe Ice Maiden was a feather bagcontaining coca leaves (Reinhard2005: 97) similar to an example atthe DMA, number B499 (Figure 14).

Although this coca bag is muchdifferent than pendant coca bags,as a feather object, at the top ofthe hierarchy of fiber arts, thebundle type coca bag found withthe Ice Maiden is a sumptuarygood indicative of the prestige andimportance of human sacrifices.Other high-altitude humansacrifices at Llullaillaco were alsofound with coca bags (Reinhard


FigúreloChief Law Enforcement Officialof Hurin Cuzco, chanay kamayuq,torturer. Felipe Guaman Poma deAyala. Et primer nueva coránica y buengobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl. Kgl.s.2232,4°.Det Kongelige bibliotek, Köbenhavn[Copenhagen].

2005: 326-7; Ceruti 2003:124).The burial of this high-status itemwith a human sacrifice supports thenotion that coca bags, as a categoryof object, were items reserved forelite contexts.

Although different in stylefrom the complex type of cocabags that are the subject ofthisstudy, a fiber bag stuffed with cocaleaves from the Dallas Museumof Art, number B217 (Figure 15),

demonstrates the sacred nature ofcoca and its container. Assumingthat this bag was recovered froma tomb, as is likely the case witheach ofthe coca bags discussedhere, it illustrates the sacred roleof coca and its container, the cocabag. Guaman Poma illustrates aburial in Cuntisuyu, the easternquarter ofthe empire, in which afigure appears to place a coca bagwith the body ofthe deceased. His


FigurenThe Incas Council, Hanan Cuzco Inca,principal lord Quapaq Apu Wataq,Court magistrate who apprehendsrebellious lords. Felipe GuamanPoma de Ayala. El primernuevacoránica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.Kgl.s.2232,4°. Det Kongelige bibliotek,Köbenhavn [Copenhagen].

illustration suggests that coca bagswere included in burials. It can besurmised that coca bags existingin collections today were foundin tombs, although no Spanishchronicler directly states that cocabags, specifically, were placed intombs.'3

While coca bags were emblemsof imperial authority in life, theywere also indicators of elite statusin death. Elite Inca burials are

identified by the wealth goods thatare present within the tombs. FrayCristóbal de Castro and Diego deOrtega Morejón provide an accountdedicated to the Chincha Valley,on the central coast of Peru, anddescribe the practices of elitestherein. Their 1558 account offerssome important information on Incaburial customs (Castro and OrtegaMorejón 1936: 227). The authorswrite that elites were buried with

wives, servants, and goods such ascloth (Castro and Ortega Morejón1936: 231, 242-3). Guaman Pomaalso offers information on elite Incaburials. For example, he explainsthe burial customs of Kollasuyuwhere the nobles were buried intheir finest clothes accompanied bytheir most precious possessions.In addition to cloth. Cobo mentionsthat the bodies are found with"implements of their occupation"

164 Lauren Fintey Hughes

Figure 12Provincial Administrator, T'uqriykuq,royal official. Felipe Guaman Poma deAyala. El primer nueva coránica ybuen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.KgLs.2232,^°. Det Kongetige bibliotek,Köbenhavn [Copenhagen].

(Cobo 1990:19). The fineness ofthe pendant coca bags indicatesthat they were wealth itemsand their function as imperialemblems is indicative of theirowner's profession.

The chronicles make it clear thatan object such as the coca bag, anobject representative of status andprofession, would be the kind ofwealth good placed inside a tomb(Castro and Ortega Morejón1936: 227). Archaeologicalexplorations of the Chincha, lea.

and Ancon Valleys corroboratethe chronicles' descriptions ofInca tombs of the central andsouth coasts. Cieza de Leóndescribes burials at lea thatcontained "great treasures," andthat the Spaniards found richtombs in the Nasca Valley (Cieza1959: 348-9). It should be notedthat Cieza de Leon's chronicle alsorelates that Nasca was an Incaadministration center on the southcoast with "great buildings andmany storehouses" (ibid.: 349).

Weaving Imperial ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 165

Figure 13Old Man, one often native magistrates,town criers, or executioners of thisKingdom. Felipe Guaman Poma deAyala. El primer nueva coránica y buengobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl. Kgl.s.2232,4°.Det Kongelige bibliotek, Köbenhavn[Copenhagen].

The provincial elites who lived atthe Inca administrative center ofNasca would surely have beenburied with wealth items indicativeof their status. Max Uhle foundwealth goods such as gold andsilver implements and Inca-styleceramics in tombs within each ofthese valleys (Uhle 1924; Kroeberand Strong 1924a, 1924b; Strong1925). Indeed, Uhle found that the

Inca-style ceramics allowed for thedistinction between elite burialsand those of commoners. Goodswith Inca iconography were presentin the elite status burials, whereascommoner tombs contained localstyles of ceramics (Kroeber andStrong 1924a: 127-8). The MFAcoca bag, and other pendantcoca bags like it, with its Incaiconography, probably functioned

in a mortuary context like the Inca-style objects that Uhle describes.Their iconographie and technicalconnection to Cusco indicated theirowner's high status.

Spanish chroniclers of the latefifteenth and sixteenth centurieswriting about life in Peru reveal that itwas the noble class of Inca who worecoca bags as emblems of their office,but they also show that these officials


Figure HCoca bundle with feathers. LateHorizon; Inca, 1476-1534 CE. Noraand John Wise Collection, gift of Mr.and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon, the EugeneMcDermott Family, Mr. and Mrs.Algur H. Meadows and the MeadowsFoundation, and Mr. and Mrs. JohnD. Murchison. Dallas Museum of Art,B499, T41299.45. Photo courtesy DallasMuseum of Art.

were curacas, or Inca administrators

working in the provinces on

behalf of the Sopo Inca. Similarly,

archaeological evidence indicates

that the coca bag was the possession

of not only individuals of royal status,

but also of those who attained elite

status in the provinces of the Inca

Empire. The finely crafted pendant

coca bags, found in the south-coast

region of Peru, probably near lea or

Nasca, are indicative of the type of

wealth object that would have been

found in the tomb of a provincial Inca

administrator. As the possession

of a local elite, the pendant coca

bag served as an insignia of the

relationship between its wearer

and Cusco. However, as a portable

accessory the wearer had control

over precisely when and where this

relationship was manifested. In life

as in death, the Inca coca bag, as a

textile object which was regulated by

the state, established its owner as a

privileged member of the Inca elite.

Weaving Imperial ideas: Iconography and ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 167

Figure 15Square coca bag stuffed with leaves.Late Horizon; Inca, U76-1534C.E. Noraand John Wise CoUection, gift of Mr.and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon, the EugeneMcDermott Family, Mr. and Mrs.Algur H. Meadows and the MeadowsFoundation, and Mr. and Mrs. JohnD. Murchison. Dallas Museum of Art,B217, T41299.47. Photo courtesy DallasMuseum of Art.

The Coca Bag and the Inca BodyTattoos, earplugs, and lip platesare among the most widely studiedbody ornaments of indigenouscultures.*'' These ornaments changethe appearance ofthe individualand act as a means of symboliccommunication to express certaincultural ideas. For example. Incaofficials often wore large goldearspools as emblems of theiroffice; called orejones, or big ears,the large reflective surfaces ofthegold earspools made an importantideological representation oftheSun; they represented the laborcommanded by the orejones

to have them made; they weresignificant of age—as older menhad larger earspools; and they wereindicative of ethnicity (Vega 1966:55-6).'5 Although the Inca coca bagdecorated the body in a differentand less permanent fashionthan tattooing or piercing, cocabags may be considered as bodyornaments, works that patternedthe body and conveyed ideasabout Inca ideology, cosmology,and cultural self-image. Just asthe earspools demonstrated theposition of orejones as membersofthe Inca nobility in a variety ofways. Inca textiles had the ability

to communicate informationabout their wearer. The coca bagand other Andean textile apparel,like body ornaments, acted as ameans of embellishing the bodyitself and carried messages ofsymbolic content in order toconvey certain concepts. AnthonySeeger, a social anthropologistand ethnomusicologist, writes that"Body ornaments above all makeintangible concepts tangible andvisible" (Seeger 1975: 221).'' Thecoca bag does just this; it had thecapacity to convey informationabout the imperial ideology of theInca and how its wearer functioned


within this system. However, itis important to consider that, asbodily accessories, coca bagsfunctioned more plastically thanpermanent body modification.Their meaning was easily shaped,transferred, or changed by thecontext in which they were enacted.

The Incas presided over anempire of orality and performance.In this world, the visual immediacyand thematic richness of visualobjects assumed important rolesin conveying social identity andimperial legitimacy (Bray 2000:169). Two elements, red fringeand llama motifs, are perhaps themost important message-bearersapparent in the coca bag and theirinterpretation in relation to thebody will demonstrate how thecoca bag carried meaning andimparted information. In additionto understanding how the Incasexpressed ideas through cloth,this discussion will hinge on ideasabout the royal body and therelationship between the Inca bodyand the cosmos, understandingthe performative culture in whichthe Incas established their imperialideology and how the Incas figuredauthority will also be essentialto the analysis of the coca bag'sfunction as a body ornament.

In Inca cosmology the bodyserved as a symbol and mediatorofthe cosmos (Classen 1993: 3).It was through the body that theprocesses ofthe earth and skycould be understood and, to adegree, controlled. As the son ofthe Sun, /nf/, the Sapa Inca wasthe corporeal embodiment of acosmological feature and as suchserved as an intermediary betweenthe sacred aspects ofthe cosmosand the terrestrial world. The Sapa

Inca was the center at which theearth and sky met. In the Andeannative Pachacuti Yamqui's diagram(Figure 16) ofthe main altar oftheCoricancha the human figures inthe center ofthe diagram representmediators between the earth andthe sky through which power canflow (Classen 1993: 22). FromPachakuti Yamqui's diagram it isclear that the Inca body was notseparate from the cosmos, ratherit was an essential part oftheuniverse through which the naturalphenomenon could be interpretedand explained. Moreover, the Incabody was the temporal center ofInca power which embodied thesacred in order to organize and rulethe earthly empire.

Central to the ideology of theInca body. Inca cosmology, and howauthority was figured in the IncaEmpire is the understanding oftheword cuzco. The capital ofthe IncaEmpire was the city of Cusco in thecentral highlands of Peru; however,the word cuzco might not have beenthe Inca designation for the nameofthe city. Rather, the term cuzcoreferred to a person who was thecenter of the Inca world. Evidently,it was customary for the Incapeople to refrain from using theEmperor's given name, hence theyused the term cuzco to refer tothe imperial individual (Ramirez2005:19). Following this traditionthe first Spanish chroniclers in theearly 1530s used the word cuzcoto describe a person, not a place.El Cuzco referred to a living center,the Inca Emperor, rather than aspecific location. Cuzco translates tomean center, or navel, and the IncaEmperor was literally the navel ofthe universe connecting the peopleof his empire to the Sun and Moon

Weaving Imperiat Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 169

Figure 16Drawing of the Main Altar of theCoricancha. Juan de SantacruzPachacuti Yamqui. c.1613.

(Ramfrez 2005: 7). The center ofthe Inca Empire, geographically,was wherever the Inca emperorhappened to be (Houston andCummins 1998: 364).

As the Inca emperor was theembodied center of Tawantinsuyusome tunics may have centeredhis body within an abstractrepresentation of the empire(Houston and Cummins 1998:374). The tunic of the Sapa Incacharacterized him as an individualat the center of the empirecontaining tocapu motifs that wouldhave communicated his divine andimperial status (Stone 2007: 38).Tocapu are individual square unitsfilled with various highly geometricmotifs that were used to createstandardized patterns. Tocapudesigns on textiles were part of a

"system of graphic communication"and their patterns, combinations,and bodily relationships made theexpression of certain informationpossible (Zuidema 1991:151). ElenaPhipps conjectures that the IncaRoyal Tunic at Dumbarton Oaks,a tunic covered entirely in tocapumotifs, was itself an abstractrepresentation of the empire,its individual tocapu referencingsubordinate Inca officials andethnic groups contained withinTawantinsuyu (Phipps 2004: 8).The Sapa Inca, by appropriatingsymbols of conquered peoples'clothing, demonstrated his placeat the head of the empire (Hogue2006:111-12). The tunic expressesits meaning through its relationshipwith the body. The abstractpatterns represent the people of his

empire, and placed on his body, theSapa's authority over these peoplebecomes an obvious point.

Apart from patterns that mightsignify different ethnic groups thathad come under the hegemony ofthe Inca, patterns that occur in theRoyal Tunic are also those of Incaofficials. Tocapu tunic patterns ofthe so-called military tunicand the Inca key pattern appearwithin this abstract representationof the empire. A miniature versionof the black and white checkerboardmilitary tunic with a red yoke(Figure 17) is repeated several timesover the Royal Tunic, probably toillustrate the Sapa's control over hisarmy and his position at the headof the army. The Inca key pattern, adiagonal bar with small squares oneither side, is a motif that regularly


Figure 17Tunic with checkerboard pattern andstepped yoke. Late Horizon; Inca,1476-1534 C.E. The Eugene andMargaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc.in honor ot Carol Robbins. DallasMuseum of Art, 1995.32.MCD. Photocourtesy Dallas Museum of Art.

appears on tunics. Rebecca Stonesuggests that the wearers ofkey-patterned tunics were Incaadministrators, probably enjoyinga status higher than that of soldiers(Stone 2007: 28-31). The abstractpatterns of the checkerboard andthe Inca key act as emblems thatreference the Sapa Inca. As insigniabestowed upon individuals by theSapa they visually represent theconnection between the wearer ofthe emblem and the authority ofthe Sapa. Thus, just as the SapaInca's tunic graphically expressedhis domination over the empire, soby wearing these patterned tunicsthe Inca soldiers or administratorscould illustrate their relationship

with the center of the Inca Empire,their authority emblazoned ontheir tunics for others to recognize.Wearing these culturally codedtunics the Inca administrators actedas cuzcos, as centers allowingthe divine power of the Inca to beinvoked when the Sapa Inca himselfwas not present.

The foremost emblem of theSapa Inca, emphasizing hisuniqueness and his place at thecenter of Tawantinsuyu, was theroyal fringe headdress calledthe mascapaycha (Dean 1999:130). Guaman Poma's depictionof Manco Capac (Figure 6) clearlydisplays all of the elements ofthe imperial headdress, most


notably the mascapaycha whichis unmistakably visible just aboveManco Capac's eyes. The scarletfringe of the mascapaycha hungover the forehead just above theeyes of the Inca. The red fringeheaddress was unique to the SapaInca. Others might wear fringe ontheir head, but it would not be redin color. For instance, yellow fringewas worn by the crown prince.''Placing the mascapaycha on hishead the Sapa Inca took possessionof the empire (Zuidema 1991;100-1). Asserting this phenomenonGuaman Poma writes, "The onewho was designated miraculouslyby the Sun, even if he were theyoungest of the brothers, put on theimperial fringe and became fromthat moment the supreme ruler"(Guaman Poma 1978: 81). Perhaps,above anything else, this bodyornament designated the SapaInca as a center of imperial power.Attached to the body the fringe wasenacted as a visual symbol vestingthe Inca with the power of the Sunand connecting him to the cosmos.The red fringe placed his bodyat the center of the empire andestablished him as a conqueror ofother peoples.

The mascapaycha, separatedfrom the other components of theimperial headdress, appears onthe Second Coat of Arms of theInca during the Colonial Period(Larea i960:114). This use of themascapaycha displays the powerfulsingularity of the symbol, butalso, although conceived duringthe colonial period, exemplifieshow the mascapaycha could beunderstood as a piece of the SapaInca that could be approximatedelsewhere. Guaman Pomadescribes how "Mayors of the

Palace" appropriated the fringe asa body ornament. He writes, "Astheir badge of rank these officials[Mayors of the Palace] wore afringe similar to the Inca's so as toimpress powerful offenders withthe absolute nature of the authoritydelegated to them" (GuamanPoma 1978: 97). In this way theInca mayors were performing anauthoritative role like the Sapa Incahimself by donning the Imperialfringe. Thus, there could be manyplaces in the empire activatednot only through the presence ofthe Sapa Inca, but also throughsomething associated with hisimperial status (Houston andCummins 1998: 374).

The attachment of red fringeto pendant coca bags was aconscious choice, an effort to investimperial power into the object. Theappropriation of this iconographyshifts imperial power toward thewearer of the coca bag, and morespecifically to his center. Ratherthan adorning the head like themascapaycha, the red fringe ofthe coca bag decorates the body,perhaps indicative of the wearer'ssatellite relationship to the headof the Inca state. As an ornamentthat decorates the body, the cocabag emphasizes the provincialquality of its wearer. The redfringe on the coca bag functionedsimilarly to the tunics that employtocapu motifs. Just as these tunicpatterns designated their wearers'bodies as satellite centers of IncaImperial authority, so the red fringeof the coca bag approximated anitem belonging to the Sapa Incaand allowed its wearer to act onbehalf of the Sapa Inca. It has beenestablished that coca use wasreserved for Inca nobility and that

the coca bag was part of a standardcostume for Inca officials: curacas,administrators, and messengers.Likewise, the addition of red fringeto pendant coca bags asserts thattheir owners were higher-rankingofficials, the red fringe indicatingtheir closeness to the Sapa Incahimself. The red fringe of the cocabag mimics the mascapaycha, theforemost component of imperialgarb, and incorporates its form sothat the relationship between thewearer of the coca bag and theSapa Inca could be communicatedto others. Thus, the textile baghas become a vehicle for graphiccommunication in which design,color, and iconography functiontogether to express culturalinformation.

The red fringe establishes theconnection between a provincialelite and the Inca King, but thellama imagery of pendant cocabags illustrates how the wearer'sbody can be understood to invokethe temporal center of Inca power.I believe that the multicoloredllamas contained on the bag propersymbolize the ritual significanceof the llama and the coca bag-wearer's participation in theseceremonies, whether through giftor in person. The polychromy ofthese llamas, and indeed the cocabag as a whole, demonstrate thewearer's access to fine cloth andhis elevated status that allowedhim this privilege.'^

Llama and alpaca were ascentral to the economy of theInca Empire as cloth. Llamas werethe principal pack animal of theAndean Highlands and an importantsacrificial animal (Murra 1965:185).They supplied wool for clothing andleather for sandals, and were the


main source of animal protein forthe Incas (Murra 1956: 85). Llamaswere also the means by whichtribute goods from the provinceswere transported to Cusco. As theInca realm expanded, conqueredlands, rivers, mountains, and llamasbecame property ofthe Inca state.Ownership of llamas was, then, astatement of power itself. Thus,the llama was a symbol ofthe Incacrown. Indeed, the llama played acentral role in the ceremonial lifeofthe Sapa Inca. Miniature llamasof gold and silver were carried bynoble lineages during processionscelebrating Inca monarchs. Herdingand llama-chasing were reenactedduring royal initiations, and royalburial was accompanied by asacrifice of countless llamas (Murra1956: 59,108).

Each ofthe MFA and DMA cocabags incorporate quite abstractrepresentations of llamas withinthe tapestry-weave bag proper.Here, camelid figures have beenreduced to mere signs which evokethe essence of a llama—a snout,upright ears, legs, body, andtail. These llamas have also beendivided into colored quadrantswhich resemble a checkerboardpattern. Either black and white,gold and tan, or green and gold,each llama has four correspondingparts. The quarters of the animalsmight represent the four quartersof Tawantinsuyu, or their presencemight be religiously symbolic(Stone 2007: 37). Their four-partdesign might refer to a ceremonythat took place during the Capac/?oym; festival, the principal festivaldedicated to the Sun and hencethe Sapa, in which llamas wereled in circles four times aroundthe plaza of Cusco, ritually killed,and their bodies quartered (Stone

2007: 37). Inca festivals in additionto Capac Raymi often called for thesacrifice of llamas, and llamas ofspecific colors were required foreach event.'9 Tom Zuidema, in hisanalysis of sacrifices performedin Cusco, relates that 100 llamaswere sacrificed at the beginningof each month and a differentcolor of llama was selected foreach season.^" The colors of thecheckerboard llamas' bodiesmight reflect the particular colorsof llamas associated with certainevents. During the harvest seasonllamas with two colors of hair,either black and white or brownand white, were sacrificed—theirbinary color opposition associatedwith and dedicated to Thunder(Zuidema 1992: 65). In intermediateseasons when there was no rain,wild llamas with multicoloredhair and llamas with brown hairwere sacrificed as dedications toViracocha, the creator god. Therewas also a correlation betweenblack llamas and the rainy seasonand white llamas and the dryseason. A ceremony involving eachof these animals announced theappearance and disappearance ofthe black cloud constellation ofthellama (Zuidema 1992: 66-7). Whitellamas were also associated withthe Inca king. They were regardedas representations of the king andwere never killed; rather, they wereallowed to live long lives and upontheir death were buried in a specialceremony (Zuidema 1992: 68).^'The festival activities associatedwith multi-colored llamas and thesacrifice of these animals are alsoindicative ofthe coca bag's purposeas an item reserved for specialoccasions—the llama iconographyof the bag relating directly to aceremony in which it was enacted.


Figure 18Feast of the Incas. Felipe GuamanPoma de Ayala. El primer nuevacoránica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.Kgl.s.2232,il°. Det Kongelige bibliotek,Köbenhavn [Copenhagen].

FIESTA

The owner ofthe coca bag couldhave been a participant in thefestival or merely made an offeringofthe coca bag."

The iconographie formspresent in the tapestry weavesection of the bags contribute tothe visual manifestation of power,but more specific to my concernhere are the llama motifs ofthependant section ofthe bag. Thetextile component to which thesymbolic red fringe is attachedpresents a visual allegory. Theseimages on the pendant's surface

illustrate an important facet ofthecoca bag's symbolic function withinstate ideology. In each specimenofthe pendant sections, the llamasprocess like a pack train, a single-file line of animals progressingup the switchbacks of the Andes.Arranged in a caravan, the llamamotifs refer to the transport of cocafrom the lowland growing regionsofthe eastern Andean slopes to thehighlands in llama pack trains.^^Llama caravans would consist ofhundreds of animals and the leadllama would be decorated with

ear tassels.^" The llamas wouldprogress across the landscapein a long single-file processioncarrying the coca leaves on theirbacks in cloth bags. The coca bag,like the llama, is a transportationdevice for coca and this narrativeconcerning the transport of coca isreplicated in the pattern ofthe bag.Just as the pack llamas deliveredcoca to Cusco, so the llama motifsofthe coca bag, led by the animaldepicted on the tassel, carry theburden of coca leaves for its wearer.The pendant llamas are oriented


toward the wearer of the cocabag. Worn as a body ornament thellamas on the coca bag interactwith their wearer's body. Whenworn across the chest as GuamanPoma describes, the llamas woveninto the coca bag would touch thetorso, the center of the body.̂ ^ Thependant section each of the cocabags was constructed so that thellamas appear in alternating rowson both sides. The alternationfrom row to row and from sideto side ensures that the llamasalways process toward the wearerno matter which side of the bagwas positioned outward. Thellamas on the tassel of the MFAcoca bag change direction as well,always leading the caravan towardthe body of the wearer. Visuallythe llama would seem to walktoward the wearer's center andsymbolically the llamas processtoward Cusco. This intersectionbetween physical representationand symbolic narrative culminatesin the body of the wearer bypositioning his body as Cusco, thecenter of the Inca Empire. Thus,metaphorically, his body hasbecome a center of imperial power.

The Sapa Inca also performedas a llama. During the WhiteLlama Ceremony in late Augustthe emperor would literally singlike a llama in an effort to summonrains (Figure 18).^' During thisdramatization the emperor, ratherthan interacting with a symbolof the llama, acted directly withanimal, performing as the beastto harness its power. This scene,I believe, is effectively enactedby pendant coca bags. The cocabag does not merely symbolizethe power of llamas and the Incanobility, but allowed them to stage

the relationship as a performance.The coca bag is a llama, it is thecaravan. The provincial lord with hiscoca bag was like the ruler graspingat the reins of the lead llama in animperial caravan always making itsway toward the center—his person.

Llamas, emblems of the stateand sacred religious offerings, werechosen as decorative elements tointeract directly with the body ofthe wearer and attest to the culturalsignificance of the coca bag as aconveyor of an imperial statementof power. Through the decorationof the coca bag and its functionas a container and as an insigniathis information about the Incastate could be communicated. Thetextile bag has become a vehiclefor graphic communication in whichdesign, color, and iconographyfunction together to expresscultural information. Analysis ofthe pendant coca bag as a bodyornament has allowed the objectto speak; to describe conceptsof Inca cosmology of the humanbody, the royal body, and culturalperformance. The fringe andthe symbolic caravan of llamaswoven into the bag interact withthe wearer's body to illustrate ametaphor about imperial ideologyand the ritualism of the Inca statethat established the wearer as acuzco, a corporeal center of powerin Tawantinsuyu.

Notes1. The pendant coca bags

examined from the DallasMuseum of Art wereacquired by the Museumin 1976 as part of the Noraand John Wise Collection,a pre-Columbian collection


composed of about 2,700 artobjects, many textiles. Thecollection includes items fromancient Mesoamerica, butpredominantly representsthe art of the Andes. In theearly part of the twentiethcentury as ]ohn Wise amassedhis collection, Andeanarchaeologists such as )uniusBird, Alfred Tozzer, andWendell Bennett lauded it asthe most important collectionof Andean art ever assembledin the United States or Europe.Mrs. Eugene McDermott, Mr.and Mrs. Algur H. Meadows,Mr. and Mrs. John D.Murchison, and Mr. and Mrs.]ake L. Hamon secured thecollection for Dallas.

2. The estimated length includesthe fringe.

3. W.G. Mortimer was a physicianinterested in the history andmedicinal properties of coca.His lengthy tome concerningcoca, first published in 1901,is still considered the mostdefinitive work on the cocaplant and its narcotic effects.

4. Father Joseph Acosta is quotedby Mortimer (1901:155). Rowe(1946: 292) gives furtherdetails about the productionof lime, stating that it couldbe made from limestone andseashells.

5. Large doses of coca canproduce hallucinations;however, it does not appearthat this aspect of the plantwas exploited by the Incas. Thehallucinogenic quality of cocais not documented as a featurein any of the many ceremonialand religious rites in whichcoca was a part.

6. For his description of cocaconsumption among theIncas, Garcilaso de la Vegahas transcribed a passagefrom Padre BlasValera. Hefurther quotes Valera, writingthat coca, "makes the Indiansstronger and fitter to work andso satisfied they can work allday without eating" (Vega: 509).

7. Coca and C/7/C/70 were alsolinked in rituals that did notinvolve sacrifice. The two 10.goods frequently appearedtogether in ceremonialcontexts.

8. Betanzos indicates that the 11.lords of Cusco were dressedin their finest garments whilethe caciques, provincial elitesaccording to Betanzos, weredressed in clothing thathad been given to them bythe Sapa. The clothes thatwere gifted to the caciques 12.were, most likely, also theirfinest. This information aboutgifted garments harkens thesignificance of the gift andspecifically the function ofcoca as a gift. This clothingworn by provincial elites butgiven to them by the Sapaestablishes their submissionto Inca imperial rule anddisplays their connection tohis authority. Like costume,thegiftingof coca was meant 13.to strengthen political bonds.

9. Cieza describes theproliferation of coca use duringthe Colonial Period and notesthat this widespread useof the leaf lessened its value.He writes, "So now this coca 14.is not worth anything likewhat it used to be, but it isstill valuable" (Cieza 1959:

260). The enlargement of cocaplantations that took placeduring the Colonial periodlessened the value of the cocaleaf because it made the leafmore readily available. Alongwith the cultural changesthat occurred under Spanishrule, people from all classesgained access to coca, therebydiminishing its status as awealth good.The Prado-Tello Dossier,

ca.1560-1640, is now in thepossession of the Danish RoyalLibrary in Copenhagen.According to Betanzos,standardized costume was,"To ensure that there wouldnot be equality and the vassalscould be identified and so theywould not try to be equal tothe lords of Cusco" (Betanzos1996:105).

Another major responsibilityof the provincial governor wasto organize and superviselabor tribute. Covey (2006:170) explains that Inca eliteswere placed at the top oflocal hierarchies, but thatlocal elites were often leftin positions of authority.Thus, curacas reported totheir hierarchical superiors,provincial governors who wereethnic Incas.The coca leaf is often cited bySpanish Chroniclers as havingbeen part of burials; however,in these documents it wasnot indicated whether or notthe leaves were contained intextile bags.In his study of Suya bodyornaments (Seeger 1975:211) explains why cultures,particularly the Suya, choose


certain items as symbols. 17.Seeger introduces his studyby providing examples of bodyornaments of modern cultureswhich have been researched. 18.These ornaments include: lipplates, scarification, earplugs,ear discs, and hair styles.Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatofi'hasstudied the body ornamentationoftheTukano Indians,especially their traditions ofbody painting. Ancient studiesof body ornaments are morelimited. Earspools, commonornaments of ancient Andeancultures, have been given some 19.attention, especially those ofthe Moche culture found intombs at Sipan.

15. Orejones is the Spanishnickname given to Incaofficials whose ears appearedunusually large due to the 20.wearing of sizeable earspools.Garcilaso de la Vega (1966)explains that the hierarchy ofearspool size was dependenton age, profession, and 21.ethnicity. Betanzos (1996:63-4) describes the ear-piercing ceremony and howyoung men were inducted tobecome orejones.

16. Seeger (1975) quotes Terence 22.Turner on how body ornamentscan act as a symbolic languageexpressing information, "Lip 23.plugs, ear plugs, penis sheath,hair style, cotton leg and armbands, and body paintingmake up a symbolic languagethat expresses a wide rangeof information about socialstatus, age, and sex." I believe 24.the coca bag to be a bodyornament from which similarinformation can be gleaned.

Zuidema (1991:179) citesGarcilaso de la Vega for hisinformation on the fringecolors of the mascapaycha.Stone (2007: 36) cites Cobo,who writes, "the clothingwhich was worn by the lordsin ancient times was veryelegant and of many veryfine colors." Stone believesthat the "powerful andinclusive multiplicity of theruler was represented by hispolychromy, others' loyalsubjugation by their limitedmonochromy."Zuidema (1992: 63) writesthat, "Llamas were selectedaccording to breed, color,sex, hierarchy or purpose,and distinctions likefertility/sterility and wild/domesticated."Zuidema (1992: 64) cites Polode Ondegardo, Cabello deBalboa, Martín de Murua,Guaman Poma, Cobo, andCristobal de Molina.Neither black nor white llamaswere killed during ceremoniesto announce the rainy or dryseason, but these llamas werefeatured in ceremonies in theplaza of Cusco.Stone (2007: 37) posits theidea that the top of the bagmay represent Cusco.Rowe (1946: 210-11) notes thatcoca and cotton were grownin the same lowland valleyson the Eastern slope of theAndes. Llamas would havetransported both coca andcotton to the highlands.The appropriation of tassels,representative of thest/nfurpaucuar, an element of theimperial headdress which

Weaving imperial Ideas: iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 177

included a tassel that fell

on either side ofthe head,

to the lead llama in caravan

exemplifies the authority

vested within the lead animal.

The llama probably wears the

tassels the same way an Inca

administrator wears his fringe

to signify his power and to

associate him with the Sapa

Inca. It is interesting to note

that symbolic appropriation of

imperial emblems may have

extended to animals (ibid.: 239).

25. To place the coca bag at the

wearer's center the strap

would have to be rather short.

The MFA coca bag and others

like it do not have existing

straps. The straps could have

been lost or their absence

might suggest a different

method of wear. If the coca

bag's owner grasped the coca

in his hand or if he wore the

bag on the wrist, I still believe

the connections between the

body and the center can be

made. The coca bag would be

near the body in any of these

situations, the llamas would

still walk toward the owner of

the bag.

26. Guaman Poma (1978 [1615]:

folio 321) records the song

ofthe Sapa Inca and notes

that he sings, "Y, y, y al tono

del carnero." Zuidema (1992)

interprets this ceremony

and suggests that it was an

invocation ofthe rainy season.

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