Social hyperlink analysis, webometrics, and digital networks

in South KoreaDr. Han Woo PARK

Visiting Research Fellow Oxford Internet Institute, UK

Assistant ProfessorDepartment of Media & CommunicationYeungNam University214-1 Dae-dong, Gyeongsan-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do 712-749Republic of Koreaparkhanwoo@hotmail.comhttp://www.hanpark.net

Brown Bag Seminar, Tue. 27 January 2009, Oxford Internet Institute

Virtual Knowledge Studio (VKS)

ContentsLink analysis and webometrics as social science research methodsA link analysis of a South Korean political webosphere

- Networking, mobilization- Normalization, equalization - Sunstein’s balkanization

Hyperlinks as a mirror of information flow and knowledge structure-I will not talk about this today

This is a combined finding from a series of studies

Social link analysis: Brief background

http://participatorysociety.org/wiki/index.php?title=Online_Research

Social link analysis: Brief background

Social webometrics Social webometrics (also cybermetrics) include not only hyperlink data but also communication content and usage patterns to measure social actions on the World Wide Web.

According to Björneborn and Ingwersen (2004), the definition of webometrics is "the study of the quantitative aspects of the construction and use of information resources, structures and technologies on the Web drawing on bibliometricand informetric approaches (I don’t agree with this direction)."

How social are hyperlinks?Social roles of hyperlinks in Internet-mediated political communication (Foot & Schneider, 2006, Web campaigning)

InformingInvolvingConnectingMobilizing

Link to central government (66 out of 77 links to Blue-House came from ruling party members)

Connecting: Endorsement Connecting: Endorsement

Connecting: Endorsement Connecting: Endorsement

Mobilizing: Send a link to local friends who can voteMobilizing: Send a link to local friends who can vote

Mobilizing: Send a link telling that this is a good homepageMobilizing: Send a link telling that this is a good homepage

Mobilizing: Send a link sharing emotional supportMobilizing: Send a link sharing emotional support

Hyperlink Theories

Hyperlinks might not provide for information flow, but they do provide for traffic flow.Hyperlinks tend to reveal both existing and emerging socio-communicational network, but are these strong or weak ties?Hyperlinks also can be strategic actions to fulfill various goals

Enhance one’s credibilityDraw traffic

Further discussion issues

hyperlinks have come to serve as a new type of social marker in (Korean) politics

mark group identity, raise one’s prestige, demonstrate affinity.

To what extent do hyperlinks reflect intentionality of purpose.How to determine the meaning which audiences attribute to hyperlinks.

Part 2A hyperlink network analysis

among a South Korean politician blogs

&Some webometrics results from

Korea-Japan comparison

Highest proportion of broadband users in the world

Unique evolution of online culture in Korean cyberspaceThe country’s impressive level of technological uptake

Vibrant online communication environmentNaver > Google, YahooNateOn > MSN messengerCyworld > MySpace, FacebookPandora, Africa > YouTube

Korea’s Cyworld was arguably the world’s first general purpose mass social networking site

South Korea – Internet background

E-relationships among politicians: comparing online and offline networks

Highly “informatized” political activityKorean political culture (and efficacy) is based upon personal and organizational ties

regionschoolpartygender

HierarchicalEmphasis on homogeneityPrevious studies show continuity between “official” political websites and traditional political practices

Reflect political affiliationsIndicate ideological orientations

Indicators

Hyperlink Network CentralityDensitySimilarity of link structures

Social Networkage, gender, hometown, electoral constituency, party affiliation, Assembly experience, and committee assignments

N = 38Density = 0.026Link Sum = 36

N = 63Density = 0.187Link Sum = 731

N = 5Density = 0.2Link Sum = 4

Network diagram in 2005

Findings

Conservative GNP (oppositional party) members maintained far more extensive use of blogs(52%) than ruling party (26%).Hyperlinks follow the expectations established by centuries of Korean political tradition.

Linkages still determined primarily by traditional bases of affiliation hyperlinks reify the political values and habits that are inherited from earlier generations of political expectations

N = 38Density = 0.026Link Sum = 36

N = 63Density = 0.187Link Sum = 731

N = 5Density = 0.2Link Sum = 4

Network diagram in 2005

N = 49Density = 0.018Link Sum = 42

N = 5Density = 0.2Link Sum = 4

N = 69Density =0.128Link Sum=599

Network diagram in 2006

In relation to the deepening divide, there is only one cross-connection between Uri and GNP in 2005In 2006, the number of connections from Uri to GNP had increased to 10 and the frequency of reverse linking (GNP -> Uri) had gone to 3 in 2006The number of cross-links has slightly increased over time

Block modeling over time

we set the 2005 density as a reference value using a null model and found that density difference (-0.0275) was statistically significant (p = .0008)Second, when we examine network structure in 2006 using only the nodes available in 2005 (99), we find that density still declines, from 0.0672 to 0.0607. The difference in density is 0.0065. A T-test showed that the difference was statistically significant (p < .05)

Why? - Blogs are no longer popular among lay-

persons? Moving to Web 2.0 applications?

Statistical tests about annual changes

To what degree do Korean National Assembly members update a blog?

Measurement item Answer Frequency Percent

Rarely 5 11.4Occasionally 6 13.6About half 16 36.4Frequently 5 11.4

Content-creating Activities

Very Frequently 12 27.3

Rarely 2 4.5Occasionally 4 9.1About half 13 29.5Frequently 7 15.9

Very Frequently 18 40.9

Hyperlinkingactivities

No answer 3 6.

South Korean and Japanese political cultures: Same? Different?Relationships South Korea Japan

Party-politician WeakLeader has strong influence on party

Weak/strong (major/ minor parties)Mediated leader role

Political parties-public

Ideologically oriented (recently)Two-party system

Ruling-oppositionEmerging two-party system

Politicians-public Increasingly transparentStrong civil society

Increasingly transparentWeak civil societyLocal support

Election regulations Strict (media, donations, and F2F)

Strict (media, timing, and distribution)

Results (1): Political information

* = sig. p<0.01

Information-provision feature present on site

South Korean politicians (N=100)

Japanesepoliticians (N=100)

Background information 100

86

87*

98*

75

16*

67*

82*

32*

89*

21

93*

32*

Portrait/image/photograph of politician

93

87

33*

40*

75

0*

15*

12*

0*

24*

27

69*

Party logo

Photo collection or album

General position on issues

Issue comparison with other politicians

Endorsements

Calendar/List of eventsPolicy documents issued within the past month

Newspaper clippings about the politicianInformation about publications such as books

Activity reports

Privacy or terms of use policies 13*

Results (2): Communications

* = sig. p<0.01

Communications-oriented features South Korean politicians (N=100)

Japanese politicians (N=100)

Join politician’s organization 20* 34*Join politician’s political party 5 8Donate 93* 11*Get e-mail from the site 75* 23*Participate in an online forum/communications space

99* 17*

Distribute political materials offline 59* 2*Send links 9 0Obtain e-paraphernalia 7 0Volunteer or internship opportunities 14 20

Results (3a): Linking

* = sig. p<0.01

Linking strategies South Korean politicians (N=100)

Japanese politicians (N=100)

Own political party 89* 70*

Other political parties 4 4

Other politicians in the same party (national level)

3* 18*

Other politicians in the same party (local level)

0* 12*

Other politicians in a different party (national level)

0 0

Other politicians in a different party (national level)

0 0

Central government 52 38

Local governments 60 44

Local assemblies 8 3

Election-related government bodies 11 3

National assemblies 67* 37*

Parliamentary committees 11 4

Results (3b): Linking

* = sig. p<0.01

Linking strategies South Korean politicians (N=100)

Japanese politicians (N=100)

Broadcasters 3 6

Internet broadcasters 0* 27*

Newspapers 9 7

Internet newspapers 9 1

Civic & advocacy groups

37 23

Wireless sites 2* 15*

Blogs 57* 20*

International bodies 4 7

General public 3* 20*

Other 43 28

Findings from Korea-Japan studySouth Korean politician websites show more involvement between politicians and the public with regard to information and communications featuresJapanese politicians have more inter-linkage with other politicians and channel online interest to formalized offline support organizationsFuture of permanent e-campaign?

Offline Explorer DownloadOffline Explorer Download

Part 3A link analysis of a South

Korean A-list blogs- Blogging, citizenship,

democracy and Sunstein

Networking, Blogging and citizenshipFree, easy online networking (e.g. blogging) allows Internet-connected citizens to become journalists

Breaks the monopoly of the capital-intensive media? OhMyNews!!Allows the creation of Habermas’s free discussion Public Sphere?

A liberal underdog Roh Moo-Hyun won the 2002 presidential election by a small margin of 2.3%, largely due to the Internet

38

Changing trends of ideological landscape

Despite the fact that he was the nominee of the ruling Party, he is an unconventional politician in terms of a poor family background and he did not get much support from mainstream media and old elite class in the Korean societyThe Internet has been credited with winning the 2002 elections for the Uri party and the progressive camp but seems to have waned in strengthWe intend to explore the changing trends of ideological landscape on cyberspace

Koreans More Conservative Since (Internet President) Roh Administration

Sunstein’s Republic.com 2.0Argues (from a U.S. perspective) that

the Internet supports diversity, butindividuals choose to cocoon themselves in areas of agreement, sothe net result is protection from exposure from differing opinions =the death of democracy

Does this occur in broadband and social network-leading South Korea?

Inter-linked network of politically active A-list citizen blogs (April 2004)

Bi-linked network of politically active A-list citizen blogs (July 2005)

URI=CentreDLP=LeftGNP=Right

Just A-list blogs exchanging links with politicians

Findings from A-list citizen blogsClear ideological trends are visible, with the central blog “asraee” connecting mainly to other progressive blogs in 2004In 2005, progressive Uri party has the biggest A-list blog supportHowever, A-list blogs of different “affiliations” frequently interconnectParty clusterings of blogs exist but are not strong

Little evidence of Sunstein’s republic.com 2.0

South Koreans fearing 'mad cow disease' fight US beef imports in 2008

Reactions from government and conservative mass media

Portals Should Bear Responsibility for Cyber Violence as well as Offline Rallies?Internet portal Daum had led the candlelight vigils in cyberspace since the mad cow fears began spreading by posting on its main news corner articles about the dangers of U.S. beef and writings by bloggers and setting this issue as the main theme on its Agora web board for days on end.

Selection of research site

The frequently-read entries(FRE) written by Daum Agora blog-reporters during May and June of 2008

- collected with search queries: mad cow disease, US beef, candle light protest

- entries more than 10,000 views

External entries trackbacked to FRE

FRE analysis shows that polarization about US beef import become weaker with a significant increase in neutral position (10 -> 55, p=0.000)

N=152N=152JuneJune

N=111N=111MayMay

Neutral

Neutral

36.18%

Structural change over time:Disappearing long-tail participation

An over-time result shows that the agenda-setting function of head bloggers (A-list), whose entries were included more than two times in the FRE, become stronger than that of tail bloggersin terms of writings, views, replies, and trackbacks

May

(115 entries by 75 bloggers)

June

(152 entries by 83 bloggers)Items

>= 2

entries1 entries 1-2

>= 2

entries1 entries 1 – 2

No. of

bloggers

16

(21.3%)59 (78.6%) 57.3%

21

(25.3%)62 (74.7%) 49.4%

No. of

entries56(48.7%) 59(51.3%) 2.6%

90

(59.2%)62 (40.8%) -18.4%

Views 1,960,069 2,686,944 726,875 5,141,674 2,336,210 -2,805,464

Replies 6,612 10,345 3,733 14,254 10,404 -3,850

Trackbacks 347 476 129 443 341 -102

Part 4A hyperlink network analysis of webosphere in a 2007 South Korean presidential election

The 2007 presidential race within the opposition Grand National Party

Political identity of the GNP. Homonym of “One Nation Party”.Strong affiliation with traditional conservatives in Korea.Ideological legacies from military regimes continue.

The 2007 presidential race within the opposition Grand National Party

A mixed composition ranging from extreme anti-communists to the centre-right.Roughly corresponding to the Republican party in the US.Defeated in the 1997 and 2002 presidential elections.

The 2007 presidential race within the opposition Grand National Party

Profiles of the GNP candidatesTwo major candidates: Myung-Bak Lee and Geun-HyePark

MB Lee is ex-mayor of Seoul and ex-CEO of HyundaiGH Park is a daughter of ex-president Jeong-Hee Park

Two minor candidates: Hee-Ryong Won and Jun-PyoHongThe two major candidates and Won were selected for this research as Won is known to be very active on cyberspace.

Affiliation network diagram using pages linked to Lee’s and Park’s sites

N = 901 (Lee: 215, Park: 692, Shared: 6)

Affiliation network diagram using sites linked to Lee’s and Park’s sites

N = 109 (Lee: 58, Park: 63, Shared: 12)

Findings & Discussions

Candidate Lee focused on the informing function of the campaign website. The site was incorporated into his traditional top-down campaign.

The outstanding number of the webpages (i.e. content offered from the candidate’s side). The number in decrease towards the end of the campaign: an electronic version of the campaign pamphlet?Relatively fewer incoming links.

Findings & Discussions

Candidate Park focused on the networking (i.e. connecting & mobilizing) function of the campaign website.

Lesser materials (than Lee’s), infrequent increase.The considerable number of incoming links.Many of the inlinking sites having content of explicit support for the candidate.The candidate known to be active through more personalized cyber channels: Cyworld mini-hompy, Parksamo, etc.

Findings & Discussions

An emerging literature suggests that networking does not necessarily result in earning more votes (Hesse, 2007).However, there is insufficient evidence to determine the correlation between the result of this particular election and each candidate’s focused Web practice.

Possible comparison between Nosamo in 2002 and Parksamo in 2007.

Findings & Discussions

Cyber-balkanization was observed.Only a few webpages/sites are shared between the two campaign sites. The campaign sites tend to attract links from like-minded sites.

Questions remain about whether, how and to what extent online engagement can build political consensus in a deeply divided political context.

Changes of co-link networks during 2007 presidential campaign period

Web-mentions of candidate & party names, website sizes, visitor traffics, inlink counts, and co-links were collected in seven times3-day interval, 29 Nov - 17 Dec in 2008Particular usefulness of webometrics survey during Korean presidential campaign period

- Public survey can be reported only 3-day before the election

- In 2003 presidential election, it used to be 22-day before

2 Dec 2007

Changes of co-link networks during presidential campaign period

11 Dec 2007

17 Dec 2007D-1 day

Summary of findingsOnline attention focused on major parties/candidates cf. Moon GH, Huh KYFrequency counts, Web traffic: the (conservative) GNP > the liberals Incoming links, size of the site: the liberals & labor candidates > the GNPCo-link maps

= indicative of the relative level of public awareness and the ideological orientation of candidates

= a third-person perspective

DiscussionsDiscussionsShould web data collection be always conducted Should web data collection be always conducted using (commercial) using (commercial) search enginessearch engines??

How do we know the extent to which a search How do we know the extent to which a search engine engine influences/distorts influences/distorts research results? research results? Is search engine Is search engine valuevalue--freefree research tool?research tool?

The end

Thank you for listening, and thank you to myassistants (Ae-Jin Bae) and collaborators (Mike Thelwall, Randy Kluver, Nick Jankowski, Leslie Tkach-Kawasaki, Yeon-ok Lee, Woo-young Chang)

Han-Woo Park, Ph.D.Email: hanpark2020@gmail.comWebsite: www.hanpark.net

Partially supported by a Korea Research Foundation Grant