© Kamla-Raj 2011 Anthropologist, 13(1): 47-59 (2011)

Views on the Origins, Structure and Hierarchy of Some NigerDelta Mud Sculpture Styles of Southern Nigeria

Ese Odokuma

Department of Fine / Applied Arts, Faculty of Arts, Delta State University,Abraka, P.M.B 1 Nigeria

Telephone: + 234 – 8026 340780, + 234 – 8060 385695, E-mail: eseodokuma2@yahoo.com

KEYWORDS Custodian. Montage. Furrow. Veneration. Propagation .Reverence. Rich Metropolis. Custom. Ritual

ABSTRACT Mud sculptures are common artistic idioms erected and constructed in some Niger Delta communities ofsouthern Nigeria. Various sizes and structures ranging from naturalistic to abstracted types exist. Consequently, theneed to determine the initial ancestry location became necessary, particularly as regards the concentration of this artform as well as its’ characteristic spread in the region. Evidence of hierarchical traits and certain formal similaritiesinitially point at Benin but further investigations show more western Igbo influences than those of Benin. That theorigins of the medium and concept, particularly those representing Olokun, most likely stemmed from the westernIgbo area and later spread to other neighbouring areas through the river Ethiope, is probable.

INTRODUCTION

This paper examines the origins, structuresand hierarchy in some Niger Delta mud sculpturesof southern Nigeria.

Located in the southern part of Nigeria, is theNiger Delta, which comprises: Delta, Bayelsa,Rivers, Edo, Imo, Cross River, Akwa Ibom andOndo States. It is a region which consists of abun-dant natural supplies of crude oil, diverse mineralresources and fertile lands. Other substancessuch as clay (Pearsal 1991) and mud (Peek 1976)also exist in large quantities across the Niger DeltaStates.

Quite a few mud sculpture tableaus are locatedin several communities across the Niger Delta.Most are built near the river, whilst others areerected at the edge or within forest grooves ofthe town. Some of these tableaus show diversestyles of naturalism, stylization and abstractedforms. There are even traces of interaction aswell as multiplicity of forms in the works. Thisstudy however aims at ascertaining the originsof mud sculptures in the Niger Delta region,particularly works affiliated with Olokun worship.In other to examine this work appropriately, cert-ain methods such as the classificatory, analytical,descriptive and interpretational forms of deduc-tion were employed. Selected areas includingsome western Igbo, Urhobo, Isoko, Ijo and Benintowns were chosen for the purpose.

Having provided a background to this study,an attempt is therefore made to first discuss the

source of the Olokun concept as well as the Beninorigins of some of these cultures, since most ofthem trace their origins to this ancient kingdom.The structure, hierarchical elements as well asthe iconography of their mud sculpture wouldalso be examined.

Origin of the Worship of the Olokun RiverGoddess

“Olokun” is a river goddess associated withwealth and the provision of children. It is atraditional cult common to most parts of southernNigeria. Cultures like the Yoruba, Edo, Urhobo,western Igbo, Ijo and other areas in the south,practice this tradition. But it is more prevalentamong the Benin and her immediate western Igboneighbours. In Benin culture, Olokun can belooked upon as a god or goddess of the sea. TheBenin shrine dedicated to Olokun is located intwo major areas namely: Urhionigbe and Evboisein Edo State, although of course many more sitesexist. The Urhionigbe Site is sandwiched betweentwo Delta areas of Umutu (Ndokwa) and Abavo(Ika south), all in Delta State. These areas alsohave large representations of Onoku(Olokun)figures (Fig. 1).

Olokun in Evboise was said to have originatedfrom Ethiope river in Delta State. Oral traditionsuggests that before Oba Adolor became king,his mother sought protection against pre-maturedeath, so that he could rule when the time came.The only solution at that time was to go to the

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Fig. 1. Map showing areas, towns and peoples mentioned in this study

goddess of the river. The request was grantedand subsequently a shrine was erected in honourof Olokun in Evboise.

The Urhionigbe version comes in two forms.The first version reveals that a woman comingfrom the farm with yams on her head wassuddenly possessed by Olokun which in turnled to her confusion and eventual death. Afterthree years, according to Beier (1963), shesuddenly reappeared not carrying yams but ascarrying a stool which was believed to have comefrom heaven. Beier (1963) describes the stool ashaving a pattern that nobody had seen beforeand which nobody could repeat. She was repor-ted to have danced around the town hummingan accompaniment. This dance is still beingperformed annually at Urhonigbe as the “Ekabo”dance. It was she who instructed that the Olokunshrine be built in Urhonigbe.

The second version attributes its origin toone “Okuase”,a hunter from a neighbouring townof “Ulu,” who wandered into the bush with hisdog. According to the tradition, it was prohibitedto go hunting with a dog. As a result, he wasthen possessed by the river Ethiope whichoverwhelmed him and sucked him to the bottomof the river. In the river, he was introduced to thedeity Olokun and was made to stay in it for threeyears. During his stay, he learnt many spiritual

sciences and practices associated with Olokun.Although he was assumed dead by his comm-unity, after three years he returned, with a pot onhis head, dancing in the middle of the town. It isthis dance, that later metamorphosized into the14-day dance ritual to Olokun and re-enacted duringtheir annual festival which is called the “Ekabo”dance.

Beier (1963) confirms that all Olokun wor-shippers in Benin seem to agree that the cult stemsfrom a small Benin village called Urhonigbe. Beier(1963) quoting Okaivbo, stresses that the spiritof Olokun is said to be derived two miles fromUrhonigbe in a little river which is the source ofthe river Ethiope. However, these stories seem topoint at the same area of origin in the Niger Deltaor the Ethiope river. It is this evidence thatmotivated the initial intention to study the preciseorigin of this concept.

A number of scholars including, Foss, Peek,Egonwa, Dark, Ben-Amos, Mack, Jones, Bradburyand a few others have given their views as re-garding the origins, significance and classifica-tions of these mud sculptures.

Foss (1976) believes that these images are re-working of clay – modeling traditions developedby both the Benin people to the north and certainIgbo groups to the east Peek (1976) goes on toascribe Igbo overlays to the mud sculptures of

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VIEWS ON THE ORIGINS, STRUCTURE AND HIERARCHY

the Isoko people. Egonwa (1994) links someNiger Delta mud sculpture styles to those of Ijoor Benin descent. Dark (1973) tells us aboutthe two discernable styles of Benin mud sculp-ture, which reflects the distinctions William Faggmade. They are the court and plebeian styles.Ben-Amos (1973) made a remark on the rela-tionship between court and plebeian styles. Ac-cording to her, imagery and the spatial compo-sition possessed by these sculptures are closelyrelated to the Benin court art. Cited by Peek (1976)in his sacred “Mud sculptures”, Ben-Amos alsosuggests that Olokun at least by name may beYoruba in Origin.

Jones and Bradbury (1975) see Owerri as thestimulus, resulting in the Edo and western Igboelaborate mud sculptures. In the same document,Bradbury (1975) also points out that the conceptof mud sculptures were relatively recent intro-ductions in Benin City.

Benin Historical Origins of Some of theMentioned Cultures

Most cultures in the Niger Delta, particularlythose located in Delta State, trace their origins toBenin. These cultures include Urhobo, Isoko,Ukwuani, Western Igbo and some Ijo groups.Some of these claims date as far back as betweenthe fourteen to the sixteenth century A. D. Thereasons for these similar dates are diverse.Perhaps, that was the period when the Benin Obas(kings) exerted their authority and sovereigntyover their neighbours.

Egharevba (1968) in his book “A ShortHistory of Benin” confirms the Benin lordshipover these cultures. He claims that

…the early peoples of Ishan and AfenmaiDivisions, the Eka and Ibo – speaking peoplesof the west bank of the Niger, Aboh, the Urhobo,Isoko and the people of Onitsha are allemigrants from Benin.

Speaking on the Urhobo, Otite (2003)however believes that at the end of the Ogiso(rulers) dynasty, many Urhobo and other Edogroups left Udo in different directions. Ikimi(1984) attests to the Benin origin of some Urhobosettlements such as Ughelli, Ogor, Agbon,Agbarho, Agbarha, Abraka, Oghara, Okpe, Olomu,Uvwie, Effuruntor and Uwhenru. This view isalso supported by Adjara and Omokri (1997). Ekeh(2006) went ahead to classify into three stagesthe likely periods of Urhobo history. They inc-

lude: Ancient Times, Middle Ages and ModernTimes.

The origins of the western Igbo clans are notviewed differently. Henderson (1972) recalls thatthe founders of Onitsha and Agbor were fromBenin. Beier (1963) even attaches the historicalconnections between Agbor and Benin toEzechima who was said to be one of the sons ofthe Oba of Benin. Isichei (1977) quoting Osu,points at some western Igbo communities asoriginating from Benin. They include: Onitsha –Olona, Onitsha Ugbo, Issele-Ukwu and Agbor.

Onwuejeogwu (1981) however supports theclaim of Benin origin of some major western Igbocommunities of Ossissa, Onitsha, Aboh andAgbor.

As regards the Ukwuani group, Okolugbo(1978) submits the following view:

…many of the Ukwuani clans trace theirorigins to Benin. The first wave of migrations isrepresented by Umukashiade, Ebedei andAkarai clans and their offshoots, the second wasbrought Abara, Uto-Oku, Umu-barauchi, Ndoni,Onya and Adai and the third which led to therise of Aboh Kingdom, came from Benin.

Writing on the Ijo group, Leonard (1968)suggests a break away of the group from Beninas follows;

…In a way, it is tolerably evident the first ofall originated from the latter and then afterbreaking away from them, remained under thesovereignty of their king… and as time went onand synchronously with the dwindling power ofthe present monarchy this connection loosenedand lessened…

Alagoa and Kiebel (1989) comment on theclaims of Benin origin amongst some Ijo clans ofthe Delta and Ondo States. Their claims werebased on some reports written in the 1930s whichindicate that five clans of western Ijo, Benin,Tarakiri, Kabowei, Kumbowei and Mein men-tioned Benin as their origin.

Likely Hierarchical Conceptual OriginsAmongst the Mentioned Cultures

Most Benin brass plaques classified by Faggin the sixteenth century show traces of hierarchy.The concept of hierarchy in African art, howeverpre-dates the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries.Dates associated with the hierarchical trait goesbeyond three thousand years ago. Historically, itis evident that ancient Egyptian and Sudanese

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cultures portrayed traits of hierarchy(Dorling1994). The Egyptian artist for instance, aimed atreflecting social and religious hierarchies in theircompositions and assigned proportions to figureswhose relationship to one another were constant(Mack 2000).

Traces of the hierarchical structures display-ed in some Niger Delta mud sculptures seems totranscend beyond the horizons of Benin influ-ence. Since Benin oral tradition supports its(Benin’s) migration from Egypt and later fromSudan (Egharveba 1968), could it then be argued,that the hierarchical elements in her works werederived from Egyptian and Sudanese influences?

Most of the figures in some Niger delta mudshrines have in the central position an Oba-likedepiction of a king. It is indeed apparent thatsome cultural mixtures can be seen in theseconcepts. However, hierarchy seems to be anAfrican concept that is in most cases, spon-taneously developed, not derived from othercultures but shared by them. The hierarchicalconcept in Benin tradition can also be reflectedin the story of Olokun’s battle .

Oral tradition tells us that Olokun and the Obawere engaged in a battle were Olokun’s posse-ssions was stripped. This act alone shows a formof hierarchy between the Oba and Olokun; asOlokun is now depicted as an Oba. Since the Obadefeated Olokun, the latter takes the physicalform of the Oba. In other words, Olokun beforethen had a visual representation of its own butthat had changed as result of the conquest. Thisbattle could also portray the subjugation of areaswhere Olokun was discovered by the Beninempire.

Mack (2000) confirms the Benin tradition ofthe battle between the Oba and Olokun but,symbolically relates it to Benin and Europeancontact. Here, he claims that the Europeans wereassociated with the white faced god, Olokun wholived beyond the sea and sends children andwealth. Legend had it that, after Benin’s defeatof Olokun, the Oba stripped him of his proper-ties. This act represents the monopoly of foreigntrade in Benin where eventually the Europeanmanufactures were melted down and recast inthe Oba’s court as a sign of conquest. Or it mayrepresent the conflict between Benin and othersmaller communities around it. Whatever the casemay be, the trait of hierarchy seems to be depictedin this legend.

As regards the origin of the Olokun cult,

evidence of western Igbo invasion had beenchronicled in some Benin plaques and oraltraditions. Facial markings not identified as Benintypes had been recorded and analysed. Thus,the likelihood of Olokun as a king of the WesternIgbo origin or some other riverine area in the NigerDelta is probable, considering the story of itsorigin in Benin tradition. The white faces on thedeities may not signify Europeans or spirits. Theymay simply stand for purity and reverence.

There is also the probability that the conceptof Olokun consists of two or more variables: theinitial foundations of the Olokun ideology, theEuropean contact, and the Western Igbo incur-sions. Thus, although the Olokun is depicted“white” “he has more black qualities and origins.”

To buttress this view, is the fact that, theEuropeans were not the only ones who travelledby sea, some Niger delta neighbours had alsomigrated to the Benin kingdom through the sea.Cultures like the Urhobo, Isoko, Ijo, Itsekiri andWestern Igbo groups had migrated through thewater ways before the advent of the Europeansin the Niger Delta. Possibly, the concept wascarried from one location by sea to other areas,particularly through the Ethiope River.

Classification, Analysis, Description andInterpretation of Some Niger Delta MudSculpture Styles

The styles of some of these mud sculpturesvary in form and style. While some are naturalistic,others are stylized and a few others are abstract-ed. Despite the fact that the individual hand ofthe artist is often considered, a classification ofthe distribution of some mud sculptures showthat the Western Igbo group consisting of theUkwuani and Abavo areas, seem to possess themost naturalistic and numerous representationsof mud sculptures. For that reason, we shall firstattempt an analysis of this study area.

The four most important mud sculpturetableaus used in this study derive from the west-ern Igbo areas of Ozanogogo, Abavo, Ukwuaniand Umuaja They all stretched along the pathfrom Obiaruku to the Asaba areas.

However, certain persons seem to disasso-ciate the Ukwuani group as being members of thewestern Igbo classification. Considering thelinguistic and cultural as well as historic attributesof this study, the Western Igbo and Ukwuani willbe lumped together as one.

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VIEWS ON THE ORIGINS, STRUCTURE AND HIERARCHY

Mud sculptures in the Western Igbo areaseem to revere the spirits of Olokun or Onoku,the water god. However, the issue of hierarchy isevidently obvious in all the works displayed.

In 2004, five figures of Onoku were housed ina small building at Ozanogogo. These works werepartially semi-naturalistic. Amongst the fivedepicted figures was a seated central figure whichwas flanked by one female and male statue. Onthe left was a maternite figure with child. Thematernite figure seemed to be the wife of thecentral figure. With certain paraphernalia on thehead, it wore a particular form of coiffure. Theeyes, nose, mouth and ears seem to be very ex-pressive of thought and naturalistically depicted.There is a form of alertness in the statue. Aroundthe figure’s neck are beads as it clings tight to it’sbaby.

Certain bottles of bleach, wine, cream, mayhave been to be used to appease the goddess inrequest for children. In order words, this figurerepresents fertility. Next to the central figure onthe right is a male figure carrying similar structureon its head.

The face is just like the female maternite ex-cept that it has a strand of beard under its chin.It also seems to be pointing a cutlass at the centralfigure, possibly suggesting its (central figures’)superiority over the others. Displayed in itsfront are also containers, bottles, charms, jars

ammunitions as well as sticks of varied forms.There are also candles, cowries and pieces ofnative chalk dotted in front of this figurative.Other objects including a moulded basin – likestructure and some metal rods are evident. Theseobjects are probably used to appease the gods.Mirrors are also common with in this cult as inother Olokun shrines. Dots of red, yellow andblack form the surrounding designs of the mirror(See Fig. 2). These colourful shapes may be codedwhich embody some of the mysteries of the shrine– assemblage.

Next to this figure on the right is a smallerfigure with similar features, only it seems to beless dramatic than the others (Fig.2).

The soldier who acts as a security agentstands with divine dignity, as he protects intrudersfrom penetrating the shrine. It is certainly dressedin black and seems to be carrying a sword-likeimplement. To its right is a plaque representingthe cult of the shrine. It seems to be placed on analtar were libations are being poured. All thematerials enumerated are used to appease andworship these gods. Requests are also made tothem, by highly placed individuals, includingpoliticians, religious leaders and business menand women in the society.

The central figure is of course the centre ofattraction. It is the most adored statue in thisassemblage. On it’s head is a tortoise–like creature

Fig. 2. The Ozanogogo tableau shrine with all five figures. Omomoh Osagie 2004

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which is painted brown. The coiffure worn by thefigure is bushy so is the beard under it’s chin.The eyes and mouth are highly expressive as itseems to be wearing a smile. Which of coursecan be termed the “traditional mud smile” (Fig. 3).On it’s chest are beads connected to a round blackstructure. It’s arms rest on the legs. Over it’shead is a chain which seems to be attached tosome metals. There are also sticks, rods and somecoded paintings on the wall. By it’s side is aceremonial Benin like sword while in it’s front aretusks, horns, bottles and gongs of various sizes.On the floor of the shrine are certain circular lineswhich seem to suggest coded linguistic forms.The hierarchical element is obviously depicted inthis tableau.

Another tableau found in the western Igbotown of Abavo is the Omodu shrine. In the wordsof the shrine custodian… “these works inquestion represent the Olokun god and aids”….The Omodu tableau which may have beenexecuted in 1930s epitomizes his royal majestyand his subjects (Akpasubi 2007). It consists ofmore than thirteen effigies which are dressed inred and white strings and robes.

The main figure which represents the Oba(king) is shown on a different hierarchical levelfrom others. This trait is common amongst mostcultures in the Niger Delta. Here, the Oba isdepicted with a hair style which is synonymous

to some Benin types. The hair style is called“Okpekpe”. There are also geometric facialfeatures displayed on its round face. On the chestare beads which may signify wealth, dignity andpower (Akpasubi 2007). This statue is shownseated with arms placed at it’s sides, like the royalBenin chiefs.

Apart from the central figure of the Omodushrine, other attendants are shown. They includethe figures of Iyase, Isogban and Odede. Allthese statues are semi-naturalistic in form. Thefirst figure on the right (Fig. 4) (from the viewer)represents “Iyase” the prime minister. Iyase isconsidered the king maker or forerunner of theObi of Abavo land (Akpasubi 2007). Isogban,which is next to Iyase in rank is described as theoldest man in Idumu-Isogban quarters. The onlyfemale figure amongst this group is Odede. Odedesupports the king significantly.

Structurally, all these figures seem to wear theBenin – type of coiffure called “Okpekpe” inAbavo. Stylized facial depictions as well as the“Oba” configurations are consistent in theirworks. The hierarchical elements evident in mostNiger Delta mud sculptures are highly displayedthere. Apparently, they all seem to wear red robesand have their hands placed on their laps. Someof the figures are seated while others are standing.The red-white colourization evident in most Beninworks is fully displayed here. On the wall, behindthese statues (Fig. 4) are black and blue markswhich may represent certain codes associatedwith the cult.

There is also the figure of “Orodu”, the chiefsurrounded by earthen pots. These pots rep-resent concoctions and solutions of differenttraditional medicine (Akpasubi 2007). In otherwords, Orodu is the medicine man or herbalistin this assemblage.

Akpasubi describes the content of the pot as… containing some congealed cow blood,

slaughtered during the Ikaba festival…Similar paraphernalia like bells, beads, cow-

ries, native chalk, mirrors, red and white clothsare depicted in this shrine. The mirror is for wor-shippers to know the direction of Olokun in thesea.

In the Omodu shrine, there is another shr-ine dedicated to the Olokun worship proper. Itis the actual representative of the Olokun andattendants.

Abavo has yet another Olokun shrine calledthe “Ekeri shrine”. It shows a male figure flankedFig. 3. The Oba figure in Onodu shrine, Abavo

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VIEWS ON THE ORIGINS, STRUCTURE AND HIERARCHY

by two other female figures represented as wives.These figures according to the custodian of theshrine symbolize unity and harmony within thecommunity (Akpasubi 2007). Structurally, thesestatues are more stylized as compared to theOmodu assemblage (Fig. 5).

These works are completely immersed in whitekaolin with a few shades of blue dotted in specificareas of the head, ears, chest, breast and naval.This tableau is very similar to the Omodu assemb-lages, except in the hierarchical positioning offorms, a difference is evident. In the Omodushrine, the Obi is in a different position ascompared to the “ekeri” assemblage, where themale figure is in the centre, flanked by two otherfemale. Though the history of Abavo suggestsorigins from Benin, there are also traces of Igboelements, in their works.

Another remarkable tableau depicting mudsculptures of high proportions is the group fromOwah-Abbi in Ukwuani area of Delta State. Whatis unique is first in the origins of the people, whichcan be traced to Benin, Aboh, Urhobo, Ijo andIsoko areas. The other important factor is in theage of these works which has not beenascertained. These works can also be termed semi-naturalistic, as regards all aspects of the body

depictions. These works show a king-like figurewith two nude attendants flanked on both sides.There is also a figure at the right corner of amaternite with child as well as a pair of policeofficer depictions said to be protectors of theshrine.

The central figure wears a peculiar type ofcoiffure which springs up like a crown. It’s facialfeatures are semi-naturalistically drawn on theface. On it’s neck is a bead-like structure which ispainted black. It’s attire is kingly, resembling theBenin-types. The half sitting and half standingcharacteristics of the Urhobo wood figures seemsto be reflected here. The concept of hierarchy isevidently obvious in this tableau. However, ascompared to the other related areas, the femalefigures appear standing except for the maternitestatue.

One of the soldier statues is standing whilethe other seems to emerge from the floor. Thetwo nude figures which flank the Onoku figure(Fig. 6) wear similar coiffures. They all seem tostand in a dignified way showing also thetraditional African family set-up of husband andwives.

Formally, the Onoku figure seems to havecontact with it’s attendants unlike the other areas

Fig. 4. Figures of Iyase, Isogban and Odede

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Fig. 5. The Ekeri shrine at AbavoPhotograph by Akpasubi Useful 2007

Fig. 6. Onoku assemblage from Owah-Abbi at ObiarukuPhotograph by Esimike Uche 2006

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of Ozanogogo and Abavo where contact is limitedto the lower limb region. These works are highlysemi-naturalistic. Besides their naturalism, is theuse of stripes of red cloth as well as white andblack colours which have symbolic and spiritualsignificance in the Niger Delta.

Chalk is also placed below the foot of all thesix figures as a sign of obeisance and peace orpurity. Still, in the western Igbo axis, mudsculptures are evident in Umuaja Ukwuani area(Fig. 7).

Interpretation Iconography

These figures are connected to the deity ofthe source of the River Ethiope. Four statuesrepresenting this cult are displayed. The mainfigure is wrapped with white cloth wearingfeathers which are tied together with a red cloth.All these figures are painted white as they housethe powerful spirits of the water. These workstend to be more stylized than naturalistic.

Amongst the Urhobo as well as Isoko ethnicgroups of the Niger Delta, mud sculpture shrinesare also common. This assemblage in Figure 8is a representation of Onoku and his attendantsfrom Agbarha-otor. This tableau is made up ofabout seven figures. All seven figures are paintedwhite, while the female statues are clothed with

red robes and appear brown in colour. The malefigures are seen with white robes. They all seemto be in a sitting position except the figure on theleft end of the picture.

The main figure though stylized, wears a hatas well as a pair of eye glasses. There are beadsaround it’s neck. Wearing red and white robes, amirror is placed in between it’s legs. At the feetare two smaller figurines. Flanking Onoku on it’sright and left are two female statues which mayrepresent it’s wives. Plates, cups, maracases, andbuckets are placed by the figures which may beused to appease the deity.

A few stylized mud sculptures still exist inIsoko land. It appears from recent investigationthat most of the mud sculpture traditions whichused to adorn the shrines in Isoko land in the 70shave become extinct as a result of Christianity.Perhaps, if not for the efforts of Philip Peek, mustof Isoko cultures may not have been documented.In 2007, at Uzere, mud figures representing “Orere”and “Osako”, were photographed.

Osako was shown seated with arms on itslegs. The head is inclined to an angle. Orere onthe other hand, referred to as a powerful giant ismore abstracted than the stylized form of Osako.

The Ijo of Delta and Bayelsa states alsoproduce mud sculptures. Although naturalistictypes exist, more of their works seem to be

Fig. 7. Mud sculpture from Umuaja associated with the cult of Onoku in Ukwuani areaEihnographic team report 2004.

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abstracted like the figures representing Odenowa,Atabruta and Oku. Odenowa is a god fromBayelsa State depicting the god of harvest(Eniemokumo 2006). Structurally it reminds oneof an ant-hill riddled with holes (Fig. 9). Theseholes may not be accidental but might representvital organs of the body.

The other work called Atabruta is depicted asa phallic-like structure representing the god of“peace”. It is designed like a male reproductiveorgan. While the work from Otuokpoti town inOgbaia Local Government Area in Bayelsa Staterepresents Oku god of adverting famine(Eniemokumo 2006). This object resembles a headspringing from the grass.

Benin Mud Sculptures

The Urhonigbe shrine lies between twowestern Igbo communities of Umutu and Abavo.It is associated with the ancestral worship of theOlokun deity.

The Olokun figures are highly stylized withtinges of semi-naturalism stamped on a few ofthem. So there is perhaps, a mixture of two stylesin the Urhonigbe tableaus. Amongst the statuesdepicted are various postures of security men,flutists, armour bearers, chiefs, palace guards,wives, attendants and the Olokun figure. Someof the statues are modelled with pieces of mirrors

inserted in their eye–region, thus, signifying theposition of Olokun in the sea. There are alsomulti-coloured depictions of figures within thecorpus. These features are common in mostNiger Delta cultures and they conjure religioussignificance. Such colour values include redsymbolizing the strength of the deity and whitepurity. Some of the Olokun figures seem to emerge

Fig. 8. Agbarha-Otor Onoku tableau 2007

Fig. 9. The figure of Odenona

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from the shrine-floor, particularly as regardsthe figure of the armour bearer and Flutist. Simi-lar traits can be seen amongst the Abavo, Owah-Abbi and Ijo figure.

The facial features displayed on theseUrhonigbe assemblages are rather geometric.They also seem to be influenced by the stylizedinfluences of Delta Niger, particularly works ofwestern Igbo origins. The Olokun tableau,however, shows an Oba-like figure which isflanked by wives, attendants and subjects. Thehierarchical trait which is common in most worksfrom Niger Delta is clearly evident here. Anothertableau associated to Olokun worship is theOlokun Lodugbo-melu shrine (Fig. 10). Theseworks are more stylized and abstracted ascompared to the main shrine type. These figuresre-echo the Abavo assemblage which depicts oversix figures revering over the Olokun spirit. TheseUrhonigbe statues, numbering about six, appearcylindrical in shape with certain stylized bodyfeatures. The hierarchical positioning is evident.The attendants, subjects and maternite figuresare all fully displayed. And on the body of mostof the figures, are some blue-black colouration ofstrings which represent beads.

DISCUSSION

Based on the analysis of the work, evidenceshows that in respect of the origin of the Olokun

concept in Benin, it can be traced to the source ofthe river Ethiope which is located in a WesternIgbo community of Umuaja. The goddessworshipped there is referred to as Onoku.Although, Beier (1963) stressed that the cult ofOlokun extends beyond Benin but none is knownas Olokun. However, evidence shows that figureslocated in Umuaja and Abavo, all possess Onokutableaus and are called Olokun or Onoku as thecase may be. Perhaps, it is even the Umuajamontage that produced the first Onokuassemblage.

The findings reveal that even thoughhistorically, the peoples of the Niger delta tracetheir origins to Benin, most of cultural conceptslike Olokun and the Ikenga worship can be tracedto other areas. It can be deduced that Benin beingwhat it was from the 15th-19th century, was strongenough to possess any cult or art technique theydesired. That, large numbers of figures exist inBenin and that it has a story attached to it doesnot signify origin. What happened in Urhionigbeis a cultural amalgam of ideas, a mixture of theoriginal concept with their beliefs showing anunderlying feature of Osanobua, Olokun and theirOba-ship.

The Urhonigbe assemblage seems to reflectthe supremacy of Osanobua as well as the secondin command which happens to be Olokun whodressed in the form of the Oba. It appears that theOba of Benin is juxtaposed on the powers of

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Fig. 10. The Olokun Lodugbomelu shrine in Urhonigbe. Meant to grant farmers their wish© Ethnographic team report 2007

ESE ODOKUMA

Olokun making him an all powerful god. As regardhierarchy, the concept is an African one. No areacan take full responsibility of possessing atraditional trait alone.

Another observation is stories concerningOlokun origins. They seem to represent a changein history. For example, the 1963 rendition saysthat a woman was involved in its establishmentand origin. Whereas, the sources derived from2007 link it with a male descent. There, however,seems to be a distortion in history.

CONCLUSION

It seems clear to say that considering thevarious Olokun sculptural depictions, those ofwestern Igbo origins tend to show similarhierarchical arrangement, styles and concept withthose of the Urhonigbe assemblages. The Urhoboand Isoko tableaus on the other hand, seem to bemore stylized and abstracted as compared to thoseof western Igbo, except that the hierarchicalelement present in both the Urhonigbe andwestern Igbo corpuses are evident in the Urhoboand Isoko tableau. The Ijo types are of two styles,those of semi-naturalistic proportions and ofabstracted forms. These types, particularly theabstracted one’s are different in shape and form,but its riverine elements seem to suggestconceptual relationships with western Igbo types.It may have been as a result of these traits thatled Egonwa (1994) to suggest that the concept ofOlokun mud sculptures may have spread fromBenin or Ijo areas or it may have been a re-surgence of a once shared cultural value.

The possibility that the concept of mudsculptures stemming from the western Igbo area,particularly the Ukwuani axis is probable. Thesource of the River Ethiope is agreed to be locatedin Umuaja, in Ukwuani area. Within the confinesof the river exists an elaborately decorated mudshrine, representing the deity of the waters. Thepossibility of the neighbouring areas such asBenin Urhonigbe, Abavo, Ozanogogo, Agbarha-otor, Uzere and other communities in Delta andBayelsa States to have been influenced by thissource is likely.

Thus, the concept of Olokun or Onoku as it iscalled in some areas, may have spread from thewestern Igbo riverine areas to Urhonigbe and otherareas. To buttress this claim, is the study which isconnected to the Urhonigbe shrine, that, as a resultof the distance, the Oba of Benin, for easy

accessibility had to establish a similar Urhonigbetype of shrine in Benin. This factor seems to bethe major impetus in the numerous representationsof Olokun mud shrines, that instead of travelingso far towards the Ukwuani area, let us build ourswithin the confines of our area.

The Benin hierarchical factor also pushes usback to Benin. But as I had earlier establishedthat hierarchy is not common only to the culturesnear Benin, other Nigerian cultures had thisfeature. Hierarchy can be seen in Sudanese andEgyptian as well as other African artistic societieslike, Kuba, Ijo, Ife, Isoede, Tada just to mention afew.

Traditional accounts of the origins of somewestern Igbo groups such as Agbor, Abavo,Ozanogogo and Ukwuani are often traced toBenin. But not the entire clans acknowledge theseclaims. Amongst the Ukwuani for instance,particularly as regards the origin of Olokun,Urhobo, Isoko and Ijo areas are sited as origin.

Finally, concepts, styles and techniques wereand still are exchanged within many traditionalNiger Delta communities. No culture in the pastlived in isolation. That Benin was overlord overmany communities from between the fifteenth–nineteenth centuries did not mean that all creativeidioms within its kingdom, originated from it. Otherconcepts may have been brought into thekingdom by force or through migratory paths byneighbouring peoples.

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