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Dashed hopes and shattered dreams: On the psychology of disappointment

van Dijk, W.

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Citation for published version (APA):van Dijk, W. (1999). Dashed hopes and shattered dreams: On the psychology of disappointment. Amsterdam:UvA.

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W e began this dissertation by arguing that although disappointment is frequently experienced in everyday life, it has attracted only limited research attention. The research presented in this dissertation, in which both qualitative and quantitative methods were used, sheds further light on the emotion of disappointment. The dissertation was structured in the following way. First, we focused on the experience of disappointment. Second, we addressed the appraisal pattern associated with disappointment. Third, we considered determinants of the intensity of disappointment. And fourth, we investigated the strategies that people use in order to avoid the experience of disappointment or to reduce its intensity. Below we summarise and discuss the major findings in a thematic order.

T H E EXPERIENCE OF DISAPPOINTMENT

Chapter 2 presented research on the experience of disappointment. First, we carried out some descriptive research and examined several general aspects of the experience of disappointment, that is, its frequency, painfulness, and duration. Results indicate that disappointment is a fairly common experience, occuring as often as monthly, weekly, or even daily. On average, disappointment seems to be a moderately intense negative emotion and is experienced as being neither extremely painful nor as not at all painful. Our findings concerning the duration of disappointment conflict with the point of view of Weiner, Russell, and Lerman (1979), who suggested that disappointment is a very short-lived emotion. Our results show that disappointment is typically not a very short-lived emotion; indeed, it can last for extended periods of time. Future research could focus on how disappointment compares with other (negative) emotions in respect to frequency, duration, and intensity. This research could give insight in the relative impact of disappointment.

W e also examined three assumptions about the experience of disappointment that are implicitly or explicitly described in the literature. For example, disappointment theory (Bell, 1985; Loomes & Sugden, 1986) states that disappointment is an aversive emotion and that people try to avoid the experience of this emotion. Apart from these assumptions concerning the aversiveness and avoidance of disappointment, we examined the assumption that when people cannot avoid disappointment they will try to reduce the intensity of this emotion (Armor & Taylor, 1998). Although these three assumptions are present in the literature (and coincide at least partly with common sense), they have not until now been empirically tested. Our results provide support for all three assumptions. That is, disappointment is perceived as an aversive emotion, an emotion that people prefer to avoid or, if they do experience it, an emotion that they like to reduce in intensity.

Another issue examined in Chapter 2 concerned the experiential content or phenomenology of disappointment. W e examined the feelings, thoughts, action tendencies, behaviours, and goals associated with the experience of disappointment. Results indicate that feelings of powerlessness and of losing control are important characteristics of the experience of disappointment. These results can be related to those reported in Chapter 4, where we found that disappointment tends to be characterised by external attributions. Attributing a disappointing outcome to external agents implies that one has little influence on the occurrence of the outcome, and this can give rise to feelings of powerlessness and of losing control. The finding that thoughts about what one had missed out on and the opportunity that had been lost are part of the experience of disappointment suggest that disappointment can lead to rumination. Rumination can be described as unwanted thinking

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about a particular object for a long time (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). Rumination can instigate a repetitive, intrusive, and often aversive pattern of thought directed toward a desired state or object (cf. Martin & Tesser, 1989). In other words, when ruminating people may think repetitively about something they want but do not have. Whether disappointment leads to rumination is an important issue, because ruminating about what one has missed out on or about a lost opportunity may increase both the intensity and the duration of the experienced disappointment. Moreover, ruminative thoughts tend to be unpleasant and may even lead to disengagement from a (desired) goal (cf. Mcintosh, 1996).

Our results also indicate that disappointment is associated with a tendency to get away from the situation and suggests that the experience of disappointment may lead to reduced motivation to obtain a goal or outcome. However, results concerning the relevant emotivational goals of the experience of disappointment suggest that this is only part of the story. On the one hand our respondents indicate that they want to be far away from what happened. This suggests that people may want to disengage from their original goal. This is consistent with the findings reported in Chapter 8. Results of Study 8.1 show that when people are disappointed they often want to engage in other (more pleasant) activities. On the other hand our respondents also indicate that wanting to undo the event and wanting a second chance are relevant emotivational goals of disappointment. This suggests that people still want to pursue their original goal and that disappointment is also associated with behaviours or motivation to compensate for the experienced disappointment (cf. Higgins, 1989). In our view, disappointment can be associated with both motivation and demotivation.

One important mediator in this respect is the belief whether the original goal can or cannot be reinstated. This belief is closely related to an appraisal of control potential, which is one of the appraisals associated with disappointment. Results of Chapter 4 indicate that disappointment is associated with an appraisal of low control potential. In our view disappointment can lead to demotivation when people believe that they cannot reinstate their original goal. This could arise when a (disappointing) situation is appraised as low in control potential and when this appraisal of powerlessness is applied to future situations. That is, disappointment is demotivating when people not only think that the current (disappointing) situation is low in control potential, but when they also think that they are unable to control future situations. However, disappointment may lead to heightened motivation when people believe that it is possible to reinstate their original goal. This could be the case when in spite of being unable to control the current (disappointing) situation, people think that they will be able to control future situations. Future research could focus more closely on this issue of the motivating and demotivating properties of the experience of disappointment. For example, by investigating whether the belief in reinstating one's original goal and an appraisal of future control potential are both necessary in predicting the impact of disappointment on motivation. This could be done by manipulating both the possibility of reinstating one's original goal and future control potential and measuring the impact of these manipulations on motivation. Furthermore, future research could focus on how the experiential content of disappointment compares with those of other related negative emotions, such as sadness, anger, frustration, and regret.

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APPRAISAL PATTERN ASSOCIATED WITH DISAPPOINTMENT

Chapters 3 and 4 addressed the appraisal pattern associated with disappointment. In Chapter 3 we examined the relation between disappointment and type of negative outcome. We argued that negative emotions might result from two sorts of negative outcome: the absence of a positive outcome ("not having what you want") or the presence of a negative outcome ("having what you do not want"). We expected that disappointment, because of its close link with desire, hope, and promise, is caused more by the absence of a positive outcome than by the presence of a negative outcome. Results confirm this hypothesis and show that disappointment can be distinguished from sadness, anger, frustration, and regret on the basis of the type of negative outcome. That is, the absence of a positive outcome plays a larger causal role in disappointment than is the case for these other negative emotions. The finding that disappointment is primarily associated with the absence of positives outcomes, together with a tendency to avoid disappointment, provides more insight into the robust finding that people tend to be more cautious when dealing with positive outcomes than when dealing with possible negative outcomes (see e.g., Kahneman & Tversky, 1982). This cautiousness could partly be instigated by the desire to avoid disappointment. However, people could also be motivated to avoid the negative emotions associated with the presence of a negative outcome. The comparative strength of these motivations could be an intriguing question for future research.

Some authors argue that the experience of disappointment can lead to sadness or anger (Levine, 1996; Mowrer, I960). Sadness has been found to be associated with the belief that goals cannot be reinstated, with irrevocable loss, low control, and a sense of powerlessness (see for example, Roseman, 1991; Smith & Lazarus, 1993). This suggests that when disappointment is associated with a goal that cannot be reinstated and with low control potential, it may lead to the experience of sadness. These situations could then instigate or motivate behaviours such as plans to forfeit unobtainable goals and substitute more obtainable ones, withdrawal, and appeals for support (see for example, Ellsworth & Smith, 1988; Oatley & Johnson-Laird, 1987). In contrast, anger has been found to be associated with the belief that something can be done to reinstate one's goal, and with a sense of power or control (see for example, Roseman, 1991). This suggests that when disappointment is associated with a goal that can be reinstated and with high control potential, it may lead to the experience of anger. These situations could instigate or motivate plans to reinstate threatened goals or behave aggressively in order to remove an obstacle (see for example, Ellsworth & Smith, 1988; Oatley & Johnson-Laird, 1987).

The belief in the possibility of reinstating one's original goal and an appraisal of control potential are important in determining whether disappointment can give rise to sadness or anger. As noted earlier these factors are also important with respect to whether disappointment will be associated with decreased or increased motivation. Does this mean that situations in which people believe that they cannot reinstate their goal and think they have low control potential control will lead to both decreased motivation and sadness? And that situations in which people believe that they can reinstate their goal and think they have high control potential control will lead to both increased motivation and anger? We suggest that the answer is no. We think that in order for disappointment to be associated with or to transform into sadness or anger, a necessary first step is a re-appraisal of the dimension of type of negative outcome. As shown in Chapter 3, what distinguishes (outcome-related) disappointment from sadness and anger is the appraisal of the negative

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outcome. Disappointment is more strongly associated with the absence of a positive outcome than are sadness and anger. Thus, in order for disappointment to be associated with or to transform into sadness or anger, the situation should be appraised less in terms of the absence of a positive outcome and more in terms of the presence of a negative outcome. This can be accomplished by focusing less on what was missed out on. In other words, disappointment is likely to be the dominant emotion as long as the discrepancy between what was hoped for and what was obtained is salient in people's minds. In situations when this discrepancy is less salient, disappointment could become less dominant and emotions like sadness or anger may predominate. Whether sadness or anger may predominate could then be dependent upon the possibility of reinstating one's goal and an appraisal of control potential. Future research could investigate these issues by looking how experienced emotions, appraisals, and re-appraisals develop and change over time. This could be accomplished by manipulating appraisals, either by making different appraisals salient or by providing (extra) information that is likely to change people's appraisals.

In Chapter 4 we focused on two types of disappointment: outcome-related disappointment and person-related disappointment. Results show that when people are asked to report an episode of disappointment they generally report outcome-related disappointment, but a sizeable minority (33%) of participants report person-related disappointment. Results also provide support for the notion that outcome-related disappointment is primarily a function of disconfirmed expectations, whereas person-related disappointment is also a function of the violation of norms or standards (by oneself or others). Finally, in Chapter 4 we addressed the appraisal patterns associated with outcome-related disappointment and person-related disappointment, and compared these to the appraisal patterns of sadness, anger, frustration, and regret. Results show that control potential, unexpectedness, and motivational state are important appraisals in both types of disappointment. Both are appraised as being low in control potential (i.e., there is little that could or can be done about the event), unexpected, and relevant to events associated with appetitive motives (something you want to obtain). Furthermore, our results show that the two types of disappointment can be distinguished from each other in terms of the appraisal dimensions of legitimacy and agency. Person-related disappointment is strongly linked to an appraisal of legitimacy; it is more associated with being morally right than is outcome-related disappointment. Outcome-related disappointment is associated with attributing the cause of the disappointment to circumstances beyond anyone's control. By contrast, person-related disappointment is associated with attributing the cause of disappointment to oneself or to other persons.

These results indicate that disappointment refers to two different kinds of experience. Each has a distinctive appraisal profile and is likely to have different implications for behaviour. Outcome-related disappointment has implications for individualistic contexts, and will primarily affect motivation and goal setting. As described earlier, disappointment can lead to both motivation and demotivation to perform certain behaviours. By contrast, person-related disappointment has implications for interpersonal or social contexts. Being disappointed in a person is likely to have an impact on future interactions with this person, such as the termination of a social relationship. Future research could focus on the question of whether outcome-related and person-related disappointment (apart from being different kinds of experience) are different specific emotions. Obviously this depends on how one defines emotions and what the criteria are for categorising different kinds of experience as different specific emotions. But this withstanding, one could focus at least on

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the thoughts, action tendencies, behaviours, and emotivational goals associated with both types of disappointment.

VARIABLES AFFECTING THE INTENSITY OF DISAPPOINTMENT

Chapters 5, 6, and 7 addressed the impact of three variables that are assumed to affect the intensity of (outcome-related) disappointment. In Chapter 5 we examined the effect of the probability of obtaining a desired outcome on the intensity of disappointment (when the outcome was not obtained) and compared it to the impact of probability on the intensity of elation (when the outcome was obtained). Results show that disappointment after not obtaining a desired outcome is more intense when the (prior) probability of obtaining this outcome was high. Furthermore, results show that elation is less influenced by the probability of obtaining the outcome than is disappointment. Elation seems to be largely influenced by the magnitude of the obtained outcome, whereas disappointment is only slightly influenced by the magnitude of the (unobtained) outcome. These results are inconsistent with Bell's (1985) assertion that disappointment and elation are influenced to the same extent by the probability of an outcome. Thus disappointment and elation are not simply counterparts of each other. This is of interest for disappointment theory and other (decision) theories that incorporate these emotions (see for example, Meilers, Schwartz, Ho, & Ritov, 1997). These theories should take into account the possibility that disappointment and elation are affected by differing degrees by the same factors and may even be partly determined by other factors.

In Chapter 6 we investigated the impact of investing effort (in order to obtain a desired outcome) on the intensity of disappointment experienced if one failed to obtain the outcome, and compared this impact with the corresponding effect on the intensity of regret. W e distinguished two kinds of effort: instrumental effort and non-instrumental effort. The former refers to effort that increases the probability of obtaining a desired outcome (e.g., studying hard for an exam). The latter refers to effort expended in the belief that an outcome will be obtained (e.g., buying new clothes when going on a date), but which does not increase the probability of obtaining a desired outcome. Results show that investing more instrumental effort increases the intensity of disappointment, and decreases the intensity of regret. However, investing more non-instrumental effort increases the intensity of both disappointment and regret. These results qualify Wyer and Srull's (1989) view that negative affect is more intense after having invested effort in vain, by showing that this does not equally apply to all emotions.

In Chapter 7 we investigated the impact of the degree to which a desired outcome is realised on the intensity of disappointment. W e distinguished between two kinds of outcome: all-or-none outcomes and partially obtainable outcomes. All-or-none outcomes can either be obtained or not obtained (e.g., winning the first prize in a lottery, qualifying for a championship). Partially obtainable outcomes refer to outcomes that can be obtained to some degree (e.g., a tax refund, earning money in a summer holiday). Results show that having almost achieved a desired outcome intensifies disappointment in the case of all-or-none outcomes. However, for partially obtainable outcomes, a reduced degree of realisation intensifies disappointment. We also investigated the impact of three variables that may affect the intensity of disappointment (probability, effort, and realisation) in a more natural setting, namely track athletics. Results show that athletes are disappointed to

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the extent that they fail to realise the target they set prior to the race, and when they believe that obtaining this target was more probable. An additional interesting finding was that only those athletes who failed to obtain their target and evaluated their performance as failing experienced predominantly negative emotions. Athletes who failed but retrospectively did not perceive their performance as failing experienced both positive and negative emotions. These findings suggest that athletes who fail to achieve their target (set prior to a race) do not necessarily perceive this as a non-attainment of their target. One possible reason could be that athletes 'fool' themselves by ignoring the discrepancy between their target and their outcome. This could be instigated by a desire to reframe the negative outcome as a positive one, which in turn could have motivational benefits for future performance.

AVOIDANCE AND REDUCTION OF DISAPPOINTMENT

In Chapter 8 we investigated the avoidance of disappointment and the reduction of the intensity of disappointment. Results show that people tend report the use of several strategies in order to avoid or reduce disappointment. The most frequently used strategy for avoiding disappointment is lowering expectations. Another frequently mentioned strategy for avoiding disappointment is investing (extra) effort in obtaining the desired outcome. To reduce the intensity of disappointment people often report using a strategy consistent with finding a 'silver lining;' an example is to focus on the beneficial aspects of the (disappointing) situation. Other strategies for reducing disappointment are interpreting an event in such a way that it is not that bad, shifting one's standard of comparison, doing something different or doing something "nice" after a disappointing outcome, and talking about the disappointment with other people. This last finding is in line with recent research of Zeelenberg and Pieters (in press), who showed that disappointment in a service provider can result in talking with others about the disappointing experience. The finding that people do something different or do something nice in order to reduce the intensity of disappointment is consistent with the finding in Chapter 2 that people who feel disappointed have the tendency to get away from the situation.

Results of Chapter 8 also show that people lower their expectations concerning the attainment of a desired outcome when two specific conditions are met. First, self-relevant feedback about the attainment of the outcome is anticipated; and second, this feedback is anticipated in the near future. These results are in line with findings recently reported by Taylor and Shepperd (1998), who showed that although people are optimistic in their personal predictions, they brace themselves against negative feedback if they anticipate that their optimistic outlook may be challenged. More specifically, these authors investigated the effects of event severity, testing, and feedback timing on personal predictions. Their results showed that when people believe that they are being tested for a medical condition with severe consequences, and that they will learn the result of this testing in the near future, they become more pessimistic in their predictions. They argue that this bracing process might be driven by negative affect. That is, people may lower their expectations and make pessimistic predictions because they are worried that their expectations might exceed their outcomes. Although, their results did not provide conclusive evidence that negative affect was the psychological mechanism driving predictions, the predictions corresponded closely to negative affect reports. Future research should focus more closely on this issue in order

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to arrive at more definitive conclusions. One possibility would be to assess the extent to which people anticipate disappointment.

The strategy of lowering expectations about obtaining a desired outcome could be present in a variety of self-relevant situations. People could lower their expectations concerning getting a positive response from a potential date, getting their article accepted in a prestigious journal or getting a favourable verdict in a court case. Because most decisions are based upon expectations that certain courses of action lead to certain consequences, any changes in expectations are likely to influence preferences for different courses of action. For example, while awaiting the verdict in a court case people could lower their expectations about winning the court case. This could result in a situation where people maybe more willing to plea bargain instead of awaiting a (possible disappointing) verdict. If this is the case, the behavior is most likely to occur when the outcome resolution is close at hand. Another example would be individuals awaiting medical treatment: coming closer to an operation could diminish patients' expectations about a positive outcome, leading in turn to an effect on patients' willingness to undergo surgery.

The present research suggests that lowering expectations is one way to avoid disappointment. However, it important to realise that having low expectations is not always the preferred strategy. First, when people make decisions about which behavioural action to take they have to form expectations about the outcomes of these different actions. As Olson, Roese, and Zanna (1996, p. I 12) stated "expectancy forms the basis for virtually all behavior." We are therefore bound to have high expectations quite often, because we choose the behavioural action from which we expect the best outcome. Thus, although lowering expectations may be a good way of avoiding future disappointments, it goes against a general tendency to have high expectations. A possible way out of this dilemma has been suggested by Loewenstein and Linville (1986). They stated that people have to balance between conflicting motives for raising and lowering expectations. First, raising expectations may in itself be pleasurable. When people have positive expectations they may derive pleasure from a desired outcome before it occurs. However, positive expectations can be disconfirmed and thereby give rise to disappointment. So lowering expectations may be preferable in order to avoid possible disappointment. Thus, people have to strike a balance between the incentive value of positive outcomes and the desire to avoid disappointment. Savouring positive outcomes may be a preferable strategy when feedback about the (non-) attainment of the desired outcome is still relatively remote. Under these conditions people can feel good because they anticipate good things coming their way. Avoiding disappointment may be a preferable strategy when feedback about the (non-) attainment of the desired outcome is close at hand. In sum, people may prefer to be strategically optimistic, raising expectations when possible disconfirmation is unlikely, and lowering expectations when disconfirmation becomes a possibility. In this way they could have the best of both worlds, experiencing the pleasure derived from having positive expectations and avoiding the disappointment arising from disconfirmed expectations.

Apart from the issue of lowering expectations, both the anticipation of disappointment and the motivation to avoid disappointment can influence behaviour in several other ways. First, it can lead people to avoid situations or to avoid making decisions that could lead to disappointment. For example, feeling powerless may lead people to think that making any decision at all will not make a difference, and may therefore lead to decision aversion. The downside of this strategy is that avoiding decisions also prevents the occurrence of certain

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positive emotions (e.g., elation). Another consequence of anticipating disappointment may be risk aversion. For example, the anticipation of disappointment may instigate an avoidance of taking risks and a preference for safe alternatives. Opting for safe alternatives, leading to a certain outcome that is known in advance, does not carry the risk of disappointment. In these cases the outcome equals the expectation. By definition, risky options have a higher potential for disappointment than safer options. Outcomes of risky options may either exceed or fall short of the expectation level: the latter would give rise to disappointment (see also Chapter 5); the former would give rise to satisfaction and possibly elation.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

Despite the importance and prevalence of disappointment it has received little research attention. The research presented in this dissertation makes a first attempt to look more systematically at the emotion of disappointment and could serve as a basis for further research. Investigating disappointment in more depth could be of relevance for a variety of researchers, with interests in any one of the following areas: the causes of emotions (e.g., their cognitive determinants), the effects of particular emotions on cognitive processes (e.g., decision making), and behaviour (e.g., risk aversion, achievement motivation, and self-protection).

In closing, we would like to make a case for integrating research from different areas, such as decision making and emotions. Research on disappointment should especially benefit from such an integrated approach. Disappointment is studied within the fields of decision making and emotions. Each area makes its own particular contribution to knowledge of the interplay between emotions and behaviour. Emotion theories help us to understand the antecedents and phenomenology of disappointment, while decision making research provides more insight into (possible) specific behavioural consequences of anticipated and experienced disappointment. Increased collaboration between these research traditions would prove to be helpful in developing new ideas concerning the interplay between emotions and behaviour, and to improve our understanding of the relation between emotions and behaviour. Thus, we advocate combining the theories, paradigms, and findings from both decision making and emotion research, and we anticipate that many interesting research questions would emerge from such an integration.

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