urban adaptation
DESCRIPTION
The research and conceptualization of a micro-apartment for the Canadian context. Using modular prefabrication it is feasible to offer an affordable alternative for singles in the dense urban core. In this way we can foster social cohesion and construct a better urban form of diversity and character.TRANSCRIPT
urban adaption THE MICRO UNIT CONCEPT
ALEX HRYNKIEWICZ | 20330185 | PLAN 450 | MARKUS MOOS | APRIL 2013
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 01
1.0 introduction
2.0 general cotext
3.0 affordability in toronto
4.0 affordability in vancouver
5.0 necessity
6.0 framework
7.0 design
8.0 visuals
9.0 conclusion
10.0 works cited
1.0 introduction
02 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450
Lewis Mumford illustrated the city as the first true utopia
with regard to its ability in physically manifesting human society
(Mumford, 1965). As such when the social, economic and
environmental foundations of human society shift and change
so does the urban fabric that embodies it. Current Canadian
metropolitans are dominated by a framework for dense
communities in which proximity to amenities and the workplace
facilitates walk ability, social interaction and diversity (Quastrel et
al, 2012). These structural shifts are juxtaposed by major social
and economic deficiencies within downtown neighborhoods that
cause severe inequalities and offer major barriers to entry for
young professionals, students, and creative class employees all of
which tend to construct single earner households. This discourse
addresses the question of whether the provision of what have
been termed as micro-apartments could adequately offer low-cost
adaptive housing solutions to reduce barriers to entry for single
earner households and low-income individuals. The analysis will
include a review of affordability in Canadian metropolitans as well
as examples of implementation within a North American context.
Finally, the design of a micro-apartment unit will illustrate a physical
implementation in an appropriate context. The changing form of
metropolitan Canada necessitates remedies for the continued
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 03
gentrification and amplifying inequalities that currently characterize
the urban fabric in order to achieve not only environmental
sustainability but also economic and social sustainability.
Figure 1.1 - Micro Lofts by 5468796 Architects in Winnipeg
Figure 1.2 - Micro Lofts by Reliance Properties in Vancouver
Figure 1.3 - Micro Loft by Jakub Szczesny in Warsaw, Poland
Source: Reliance Properties (2012).
Source: 5468796 (2013).
Source: Jakub Szczesny (2010).
As a result of growing populations, increasing vehicular
miles travelled (VMT), sprawling development, fractured social
fabrics and environmental degradation planning has professed
the concept of sustainability-as-density in which a dense urban
fabric, integrated with alternative transit modes, prevents outward
growth and promotes urban livelihood (Quastrel et al, 2012).
Although these policies promote complete communities with
sustainable infrastructure, walkable amenities, mixed uses and
high urban design standards they inherently gentrify central city
neighborhoods as redevelopments are marketed toward urban
elites (2012). Meanwhile, the designation of greenbelts around the
urban boundary restrict physical outward growth concentrating
expansion in densification projects which place a premium on
inner-city land (Lafluer, 2011). Despite concrete evidence that
urban containment strategies promote increased density the
constricted land supply increases land values and housing costs
(Dawkins & Nelson, 2002). Although these zoning regulations
and planning policies can artificially increase land values and
indirectly impact housing costs, in the absence of these policies,
affordability is largely a function of income (CMHC, 2005). As
a result, to understand housing affordability a Shelter Cost-to-
Income Ratio (STIR) indicator is used to understand the ability for
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2.0 general context
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 05
households to afford shelter (CMHC, 2008). The benchmark ratio
of 30 per cent establishes the limit in defining affordable housing
and is analyzed on the basis of choice versus necessity based on
economic means (2008). The Canadian Mortgage and Housing
Corporation, in 2005, outlined a trend of housing affordability in
which the median annual STIR among renters was 25.3 per cent
while proportions of individuals living above the 30 per cent ratio
continued to rise (CMHC, 2005). The report illustrates renters as
the highest risk category, to be above affordability thresholds,
while the metropolitan behemoths of Toronto and Vancouver, where
density is most readily implemented, reflect significantly higher
living costs and persistent medians above thresholds (2005).
Beyond economic foundations general lifestyle changes
have made the concept of micro unit accommodations much
more appealing. Since 1981 there has been a heavy increase in
the number of one and two person households within Canada.
Specifically, the rise of single person households has been caused
by augmented values regarding marriage, family formation and the
delay of conjugal unions (Bunting, Filion & Walker, 2010). Between
1971 and 2001 the percentage of males and females married by
the age of 25 plummeted from 65 and 80 percent to 34 and 49
percent respectively (2010). The result is an influx of singles in
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the central city without the means of a dual income household.
Furthermore, the lifestyle of this demographic is unique as they
drive urban nightlife, goods purchases and services within dense
urban centers which house congregations of singles (2010). “Most
importantly, it is very much a spatial lifestyle [as] … such lifestyles
and living arrangements are also triggers of change in the social
complexity and social character of cities” (Bunting, Filion & Walker
p.144, 2010). These life course changes provide the proper market
for which the micro-unit typology is intended to satisfy. Because
of the severe affordability issues, composition of the social fabric,
and applicability of sustainability-as-density concepts within
metropolitan central cities the examples of Vancouver and Toronto
will function as the focus for social and economic discussion.
Figure 2.1 - Affordability Index: Any forced circumstance above this ratio is considered unaffordable
= 1 % income not spent on rent
= 1 % spent on rent
Within the City of Toronto, since 1970, the average incomes
of central city neighborhoods have experienced significant
and continued increases as they develop into high-income
neighborhoods generally found near the city’s subway lines and
within the dense urban form (Hulchanski, 2010). These changes
have paralleled a reversal of conditions to the 1970 City of Toronto
where poverty and low-income households have decentralized
to the urban fringes while inner city locales were gentrified
in the name of urban renewal and sustainable development
(2010). Furthermore, in a characterization of continued income
polarization the burgeoning suburban middle class of the 1970s
has all but disappeared and only remains as a limited segregation
between the urban elites and the exurban poverty (2010). These
income concerns are illustrated by an increase in the proportion
of low-income neighborhoods in Toronto from 19 percent in 1970
to 53 percent in 2005 while middle-income households decreased
from 66 percent in 1970 to 29 percent in 2005 (2010). As a result
of these trends three distinct ‘cities’ have been cemented in the
current City of Toronto with a high income centre.
The structural and demographic composition of the
central city illustrates an extremely important aspect to the
necessary provision of affordable solutions for gentrified urban
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 07
3.0 affordability in toronto
neighborhoods. The central city holds 17 percent of the population
and is composed of smaller households with a large proportion
of one-person households. It represents the largest gap between
renters and owners in which 41 percent of renters and 21 percent
of owners reside above the 30 percent affordability ratio (2010).
The demographic composition of the area includes an 82 percent
white population and 61 percent of resident over 25 that have a
university document. The residents are predominantly white-collar
employees (2010). This demographic composition is a result of
gentrification which did not replace renters with homeowners,
however introduced new occupants to a continually diversifying
rental stock (Skaburskis. 2012). This is an extremely important
distinction which emphasizes that there is still a thriving, albeit
expensive, rental market in central Toronto. Affordability for this
reason has become a major issue in the Toronto rental market with
private-sector rates increasing at twice the rate of inflation since the
mid 1990’s (Murdies, 2003). However, gentrification is primarily a
function of augmented demand and Skaburskis, in his 2012 article
on gentrification in Toronto, states that he, “[Expects] gentrification
to continue to transform the inner city to displace the remaining
lower-income household not living in social housing” (Skaburskis
p. 201, 2012). As a result, with trends lacking a forecast of change
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Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 09
there is increased need to offer a more affordable typology within
the dense urban metropolitan of Toronto.
Figure 3.1 - Average individual income Toronto Source: (Hulchanski, 2010).
The City of Vancouver has vigorously adopted and
applied densification policies while also experiencing a major
affordability crisis with increasing housing costs (Quastrel et al,
2012). Average rent for studio apartments and one-bedroom
units, in Vancouver, increased 28 percent from 2000 to 2008 with
an average downtown monthly rent of 1,096 dollars in October
2008 (City of Vancouver, 2009). These figures represent the third
highest monthly rental costs behind Calgary and Toronto (2009).
By the 1980’s gentrification in Vancouver had moved into the
downtown (Maaranen & Walks 2008). More recent instances of
gentrification within the downtown have been highly associated
with older architectural styles and have been highly concentrated.
An approximate proportion of 24 percent of housing stock is
contained within gentrifying neighborhoods causing urgency to
offer affordable alternative (2008). As a result average rents have
continued to increase steadily over the last eight years (City of
Vancouver, 2009).
Gentrification concerns stem from the continued loss of single-
room occupancy (SRO) buildings, within the downtown east side,
which consist of rooming houses and residential hotels containing
small single rooms, 10 by 10 feet in size, and represent the most
basic and lowest cost of housing provided by the private market
4.0 affordability in vancouver
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Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 11
(City of Vancouver, 2010). As a result of low revenue streams these
units are vulnerable to disinvestment and redevelopment while, in
many cases, the low-income residents occupying them generally
have no choice other than the streets if SRO accommodations are
not available (2010). 87 percent of open SRO stock is found within
the downtown east side while between January 2008 and the end
of 2009 SRO stock experienced a net reduction of 853 units which
accounted for 16 per cent of total stock (2010). However, close
to two-thirds of those losses were results of conversions of SRO
buildings to non-market housing (2010). It is vital to maintain SRO
stocks within the central city as affordable housing options.
In response, Reliance Properties has taken the Burns
Block development, on Hastings Street in downtown Vancouver,
and ‘pioneered’ the micro-loft concept within the city with 30 of
the smallest rental suites in the country ranging between 226
to 291 square feet (Hawthorne, 2011). Reliance Properties has
championed this heritage development as an ‘affordable’ market
value alternative, at 850 $ per month, in an otherwise expensive
city (Reliance Properties, 2012). However the development has
witnessed wide opposition with many of the view that it represents
a form of gentrification in itself (Hawthorne, 2011). The Burns Block
development represents a rare instance in which an older SRO 850 $per month
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building was converted into full market housing. Importantly, all
permanent changes to SRO rental stock, including redevelopment
and conversions, require Council approval in order to be completed
legally (City of Vancouver, 2010). Regardless it is important that
the micro-unit typology is not implemented in a manner which
eradicates low-income forms of housing. It is important to note
that residents of the development applaud the implementation
of micro-units with gratitude and a large willingness to sacrifice
similarly priced larger 400 square foot units, much further away,
for a 5-minute walk to work and proximity to amenities (Hawthorne,
2011). With the majority of tenants between the ages of 25 to
35 many have finally been able to afford their first apartment in
Vancouver as a result of the development and accept the price for
space allocation in the neighborhood (2011).
= 10 square feet
2.83 $ per square foot per month
850 $per month
Figure 2.2 - The cost of the Burns Barn Redevelopment
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 13
There is a clear affordability crisis in the central city of
dense metropolitan cities. The manifested inequalities have been
a product of planning policies, growing income polarization,
gentrification and a lack housing alternatives. It is imperative that
there is a remedy for dense central city living at a more affordable
cost. Mimi Hoang and Eric Bunge, the architect couple who won
New York’s adAPT micro-unit competition, made the important
distinction that, “This is not a return to tenement or SRO-style living
… [because] there are amenities and a very social dimension to the
design” (Finn p.1, 2013). Their winning submission consisted of a
modular prefabricated design including 55 units, 350 square feet
or less, which stacked together would create a 10 storey apartment
building complete with common terrace, laundry room and bike
storage (2013). The distinction illustrates the fact that the purpose
of the micro-unit is generally not to offer low-income housing for
the lowest social segments, however to primarily offer affordable
housing solutions to moderate income young professionals,
creative sector employees and students in the dense culture and
sustainable infrastructure which has become synonymous with
the urban elite (Quastrel et al, 2012). This does not mean that
a proportion of micro-units could not be offered at government
assisted rates for lower-income brackets, however that the design
5.0 necessity
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of micro-accommodations is to better integrate moderate social
classes and most importantly reduce barriers to entry for singles
which do not benefit from a dual earner household. Importantly,
the micro-unit concept provides a more affordable housing
alternative that can achieve great social mixing while continuing
to promote sustainability-as-density principles as a result of the
smaller unit sizes. However, even as micro-accommodations
are being introduced in dense metropolitans like San Francisco
and New York the primary criticism of the typology, within North
American metropolitans, remains their relatively cramped nature
in relation to average apartment sizes on the continent. This is in
strict contrast to European attitudes where the typology has been
far more popular.
The polish architect Jakub Szczesny unveiled his own
micro-apartment design in Warsaw, Poland consisting of a thin
structure, only 5 feet wide, which was implemented in 40 foot long
slender alley. Although this concept may not have the same intent
as that focused on in this discussion it illustrates that, “European
cities, owing to their long history, have specific spatial structures:
relatively small, but very dense, with a lot of contrasts in a limited
space” (Cassiers & Kesteloot p.1917, 2010). It is through this
urban structure that these locales facilitate social experiences and
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 15
confrontations in the urban space (2010). Cassier and Kestoloot,
in their article on social inequality and cohesion in European,
illustrate the loss of social cohesion as an element of urban policies
in favor of market oriented private investment enrichment (2010).
The argument follows that central cities risk a degradation of the
urban community to a facade for shopping, leisure and tourism.
The loss of diversity in both the physical and social environment
has major ramifications on the true cohesion and lifestyle which
can develop within the urban fabric. As a result it is imperative
to create innovative forms of urban structure to ensure social
inclusion and integration as, “…Civil society adheres to a form of
urban planning that is at the service of urban society as a whole,
aiming at a socially just city (Cassiers & Kesteloot p. 1919, 2010).
it was Kevin Lynch who stated the greatest of cities was the one
which offer its inhabitants choice and diversity (Lynch, 1980).
The micro-unit concept can effectively provide the diversity and
compactness of European urban spaces in sporadic and intricate
implementations within the dense urban core to promote social
cohesion and economic inclusion.Jakub Szczesny’s Micro Unit Form
Proposed Micro Unit Form
= 5 feet by 5 feet measurement
Despite the necessity for any dwelling typology the provision of
such spaces is dependent on building code regulations and zoning
legislation that provide the foundation of planning standards. The
Ontario building code states, under section 9.5.8.1, that, “Despite
Subsections 9.5.4. to 9.5.7., where living, dining, bedroom and
kitchen spaces are combined in a dwelling unit that contains sleeping
accommodation for not more than 2 persons, the area of the combined
spaces shall be not less than 13.5 m2”, which is equivalent to 142
square feet (Ontario, 2012). The National Building Code of Canada
further supports these standards and outlines similar parameters for
minimum combined unit sizes. Furthermore, the Toronto Official plan
ensures policies that support residential development that provide
a full range of housing opportunities concerning type, tenure, unit
size and affordability (City of Toronto, 2010). With regard to specific
zoning regulations the minimum floor area, height and density of a
given development is specific to the site on which the development
is being proposed (City of Toronto, 2013).
In areas and on sites which have specific zoning legislation
mandating high minimum unit size requirements the use of inclusionary
zoning could be applied in order to entice the development of
affordable housing through micro-unit accommodations. Inclusionary
zoning/housing is a policy tool requiring developers of projects to
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6.0 framework
produce an amount of affordable housing throughout market-rate
residential development as a condition of approval (Mah, 2009).
Both mandatory and voluntary forms offer certain incentives
like density bonuses, fast-tracked approval, reduced parking
requirements, flexible design standards, or tax increment financing
to offset the cost of providing affordable housing (2009). This
synthesis could be applied in two forms. To reduce minimum size
standards the inclusionary program could request affordable units
as collateral for the bonusing. However, in order to entice micro-
unit development the opposite could occur where incentives are
offered to developers in order to promote the construction of micro-
units as a market-rate affordable housing typology. Although the
two scenarios represent separate implementations the synthesis
of inclusionary housing and micro-unit accommodations can
effectively offer social and economic cohesion in a fabric of urban
elites. Furthermore, the provisions of such units as affordable
alternatives may make inclusionary housing more favorable
amongst developers as the market-rate of the smaller units won’t
impact developer profits like government subsidized affordable
units (2009). In the Canadian context there are generally policies
which permit and support the implementation of micro-apartments.
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 17
7.0 design
The physical implementation of a micro-apartment is vital
to ensuring the objectives necessary in providing a new typology
while avoiding the concerns of various stakeholders. The Burns
Barn development in Vancouver offers an optimal starting point to
offer this analysis. By ensuring that these concerns are negated
through specific design implementations it is possible to reduce
negative impacts, increase positive outcomes and hasten adoption
of the concept.
Criticism ensued the Burns Barn redevelopment as a
result of the SRO conversion. Furthermore, it can be assumed
that the renovation of a heritage building would have come at a
premium to developers causing higher than necessary end costs
to consumers in what was billed as an affordable alternative. It
is recommended that the implementation of micro-apartments
use a pre-fabricated modular construction to ensure affordability,
simplicity and focus largely on new construction that will not
negatively impact current housing. A pre-fabricated modular
method allows for faster material delivery, cost savings, greater
quality control and improved on site construction safety (Andjelic,
2012). Since the industrial revolution mass production has been
used as an effective cost reduction method (Halman et al, 2008).
High-end modular hotel construction in Europe has proven the
18 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450
capacity of prefabricated modular units to offer quality medium
density accommodations throughout the world (Andjelic, 2012).
This method ensures demand can be smoothly accommodated
with increased efficiency, optimized marketing effectiveness and
reduced complexity (Halman et al, 2008). A modular construction
would also offer flexibility in structure construction that would
allow the shell of a unit to be used with a secondary use, such as
a fitness room, communal patio or other shared facilities.
The small unit size combined with a modular construction
allows for the flexibility necessary to locate micro-apartments in
various urban voids and dense urban environments. An urban
void can be characterized as the absence of a construction
in a defined space (Akkerman, 2009). These spaces are often
feared, associated with danger and generally ignored within the
urban fabric as mere gaps in a continuum (2009). As a result it is
opportune that these accommodations be placed intricately within
the existing urban fabric where voids exist however a conventional
structure would be cramped. In this way the new typology stems
urban decay by eradicating unsightly gaps and propones Jane
Jacobs’ concept of a continuous vibrant street frontage to optimize
interaction and pedestrian experience (Jacobs, 1961). Using
proper design techniques these urban voids can be augmented
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 19
into useful appreciated spaces that bring diversity, character and
social cohesion into the dense urban fabric.
Beyond the exterior implementation the interior execution
remains equally as important to the success of micro-units in
their intended purpose. It is important to provide space efficient
furniture which can adapt to the needs of the occupant in order
to make the small space as useful and cost-effective as possible.
This can be achieved through the provision of foldable furniture,
efficient storage options, mattresses which convert vertically
into a cabinet housing, and linear counter design. Furthermore,
in order to ensure for psychological well being natural light
should be vital through the use of large windows. In this way
the space also feels larger than the available 250 square feet. A
small water closet near the entrance should use sliding doors in
order to prevent problems with door openings. The ability to offer
such miniature units necessitates communal resources such as
laundry, fitness and common space in other parts of the structure.
Through the proposed modular design these amenities can be
efficiently and easily provided. The following graphics represent
an original implementation of the micro unit concept, using the
above discussed methods, in Kitchener, Ontario within an urban
void directly opposite of Kitchener City Hall.
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Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 21
8.0 visuals
KING STREET
CHARLES STREET
WAT
ER S
TREE
T
KITCHENER
CITY
HALLSITE
Figure 4.0 - The site is located in downtown Kitchener on King Street.
Figure 4.1 - The site is currently an urban void between two buildings.
22 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450
Figure 4.2 - The design of a modular micro-apartment unit creates a single prefabricated self contained shell. The unit is purpose built and able to be manufactured through an assembly process. One side of the unit is completely glazed for optimal natural light and a spacious feel in a less than spacious enviornment.
The singular units will be added individually into a large x-frame framework. This offers optimal flexibility in the type, layout and purpose of each unit within the structure. If a unit is vacant a new module for a common space can be added while if a unit it damaged a new unit can be switched out. The exposed x-frame also adds to the architectural flare of new construction within a dense built environment.
Figure 4.3 - On the next page reside three separate configurations of the same unit which is facilitated through efficient furniture design. A cabinet houses the mattress vertically when not in use allowing space for either a dinette, work space or lounge area. The dinning table is stored in the vanity as a foldable piece of furniture. The desk fold out of the middle wall.
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 23
17'
15'
VANITY
FOYER
KITCHEN
DESK/CHAIR
17'
15'
BEDVANITY
FOYER
KITCHEN
17'
15'
VANITY
FOYER
KITCHEN
DINING TABLE
study
bedroom
dinette
24 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450
Figure 5.0 - This section elevation shows the foyer in the bottom right with five micro-units residing in the same structure. The x-ray of the vanity can be seen in the background.
Figure 5.1 - Together these units create a single stable structure which ass diversity in compact space facilitating social cohesion through the mix of income and social groups.
Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 25
Figure 6.0 - Final Conceptualization (Kitchener, Ontario)
During a period of increasing income polarization, growing
inequality and a push for sustainable development micro-unit
accommodations have many benefits as an affordable market
alternative. As a result the concept has taken hold in major
metropolitan cores such as Vancouver while being championed
as the next revolutionary typology of the Manhattan streetscape.
Although the policy and zoning generally allow for the units, the
acceptance of smaller living accommodations has not been
widely accepted in North America. Many citizen groups have
vocalized against the concept based on various quality of life and
gentrification concerns. Furthermore some developers believe the
developments do not have the revenue capacity to truly become
mainstream. Therefore it is extremely important that the micro-unit
concept is design and implemented in a way that is conducive
to achieving multiple stakeholder interests. Through proper
implementation this typology is able to provide the adequacy,
suitability and affordability, outlined by the CMHC’s Core Housing
Needs Model, for an entire demographic of young singles (Murdie,
2003). If approached carefully the micro-apartment concept holds
great potential for achieving Ebenezer Howard’s long standing
goal of health, harmony, dignity and happiness within the urban
structure (Ward, 1998).
9.0 conclusion
Figure 6.0 - Final Conceptualization (Kitchener, Ontario)
26 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450
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Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept 29
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