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Citation for published version: Clift, B 2019, 'Governing Homelessness Through Running', Body and Society, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 88-118. https://doi.org/10.1177/1357034X19838617 DOI: 10.1177/1357034X19838617 Publication date: 2019 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication Clift, B. C. (2019). Governing Homelessness through Running. Body & Society, 25(2), 88–118. Copyright © 2019 The Author(s). Reprinted by permission of SAGE Publications. University of Bath General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 19. Jan. 2020

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Page 1: University of Bath · 1 Governing Homelessness Through Running Contact Information Bryan C. Clift, b.c.clift@bath.ac.uk University of Bath Department for Health Bath BA2 7AY, UK

Citation for published version:Clift, B 2019, 'Governing Homelessness Through Running', Body and Society, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 88-118.https://doi.org/10.1177/1357034X19838617

DOI:10.1177/1357034X19838617

Publication date:2019

Document VersionPeer reviewed version

Link to publication

Clift, B. C. (2019). Governing Homelessness through Running. Body & Society, 25(2), 88–118. Copyright ©2019 The Author(s). Reprinted by permission of SAGE Publications.

University of Bath

General rightsCopyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright ownersand it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights.

Take down policyIf you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediatelyand investigate your claim.

Download date: 19. Jan. 2020

Page 2: University of Bath · 1 Governing Homelessness Through Running Contact Information Bryan C. Clift, b.c.clift@bath.ac.uk University of Bath Department for Health Bath BA2 7AY, UK

1

GoverningHomelessnessThroughRunning

ContactInformation

BryanC.Clift,[email protected]

UniversityofBath

DepartmentforHealth

BathBA27AY,UK

Abstract

Inthecontextofsocialwelfareausterityandnon-stateactors’interventionsintosocial

life,anurbannot-for-profitorganizationintheUnitedStates,BackonMyFeet,usesthe

practiceofrunningtoengagethoserecoveringfromhomelessness.Promotingmessages

ofself-sufficiency,theorganizationcentralizesthebodyasasiteofinvestmentand

transformation.Doingsocallsforwardthesocialconstructionof‘thehomelessbody’

and‘therunningbody.’Withinthisethnographicinquiry,participantsinrecoverywho

ranwiththeorganizationconstructedmoralizedsensesofselfinrelationtovolunteers,

organizers,andthosewhodonotrunwhilstinrecovery.Theirexperiencescompel

considerationofhowbodilyconstructionsandpracticesreproducemorally

underpinned,self-orientedassociationswithhomelessandneoliberaldiscoursesthat

obfuscatesystemiccausesofhomelessness,posechallengesforwell-intentioned

voluntaryordevelopmentorganizations,andservicethereliefoftheStatefromsocial

responsibility.

Keywords

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homelessness

governance

embodiment

neoliberalism

sportandexerciseinterventions

ethnography

Introduction

BackonMyFeet‘promotestheself-sufficiencyofhomelesspopulationsbyengaging

theminrunningasameanstobuildconfidence,strengthandself-esteem’(2010)1.The

organizationexemplifiestheriseofnon-stateactors’interventionsintosociallifewithin

acontextofsocialwelfareausterity.Intheprogram,volunteersmeetatrecovery

facilitiestorunwiththoseinvariousstagesofrecoveryfromhomelessness,addiction,

poverty,lackofemployment,orlegalissues.Runningvolunteersandthoseinthe

processofrecoveryareherejuxtaposed,asaretheirbodies.Centralizingthebodyasa

siteofinvestmentandtransformationcallsforwarddiscoursesabout‘thehomeless

body’and‘therunningbody.’Theirconsiderationlocatesthebodyasasiteofpower

andpowerrelationswithintheorganization,itspractices,andthecontextthrough

whichtheytakeshape.Thelived,embodiedexperiencesoftheorganization’s

participantsofferinsightintotheworkingsofpower,self-care,andmoralized

regulation.Examinationoftheorganizationanditspracticesinthiswaycontributesto

literaturesonthesociologyofthebody,sociologyofsportandphysicalactivity,

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homelessbodiesanddiscourses,andsportandexerciseinterventionsanddevelopment

initiatives.

Sportandexercisehavelongbeenrecognizedasmechanismsoforganizationand

regulation.18thcenturyBritainsawsportstructuredintotheshiftingdemandsofthe

modern,urbanizedindustrialworkforce(Holt,1989).EuropeanandNorthAmerican

reformersduringthe19thcenturymobilizedsportandexercisetopropagateChristian

valuesintheformofaMuscularChristianitythatadheredtoprinciplesofphysical

fitnessandhealth,Christianmorality,manliness,anddiscipline(e.g.,Baker,1994;

Haley,1978;Kidd,2006).InFrance,Hébertdevelopeda‘NaturalMethod’ofintense

physicaltrainingtonurturecourage,energy,willpower,andcoolnessthatcouldquell

physicalormentalobstacles,theprecursortoparcours/parkour(Atkinson,2009).Asa

socialinstitution,sportandexerciseareuniquelyendowedinrelationtothebodyand

itsdeploymenttorepresentand(re)producesocialrelationships(Andrews,1993;

Hargreaves,1987).

Morerecently,sportandexercisehavebeenappropriatedaspsychosocialvehiclesfor

addressingmarginalized,vulnerable,or‘at-risk’populationsinurbancontexts(e.g.:

Bustad&Andrews,2017;Clift,2014;Holt&Jones,2008;Holt,Scherer,&Koch,2013;

Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016;Spaaij,2009;2013).Acatalystforsuchinitiativeswas

MidnightBasketballintheUnitedStates,whichemployedlate-nightbasketballgames

asameansforaddressingcrime,drugs,andgang-relatedactivity(Hartmann,2001;

2003).WesternSportDevelopmentinitiativeshavebeenlinkedtoneoliberalurban

contextswhereinsportfillsavoidinsocialwelfare(Bustad&Andrews,2017;Clift,

2014;Holt,Scherer,&Koch,2013;Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016).Suchinitiativesare

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oftentoutedasinexpensivemeansforaddressingsocialissueswithinpoliticaland

economiccontextsofausterity(Coakley,2011;Gruneau,2015;Hartmann&Depro,

2006;Kidd,2008;Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016).However,theyhavebeencriticizedfor

theirpaternalisticvalues,associationwithneoliberalideologiesthatpromote

individual,behavioral,andself-responsiblesolutionstopublicproblemswhile

sidesteppingbroaderstructuralissues,andeffectivelypositioningpeopleasproblems

tobesolved(Coakley,2011;Darnell,2012;Darnell&Hayhurst,2011;Donnelly&

Coakley,2002;Kidd,2008;Rossi&Jeanes,2016).

BackonMyFeetrepresentsanemergentsportandexerciseinitiativethatfocuseson

long-standingstandingissuesofhomelessness.Withrunningatitscore,the

organizationgivesprominencetodiscoursesof‘thehomelessbody’and‘therunning

body.’ThesocialconstructionsofthesecorporealformsandthebodiesofBackonMy

Feetparticipantstakeshapewithinacontextofneoliberalgovernance.

‘TheHomelessBody’and‘TheRunningBody’AmidstNeoliberalGovernance

Thebodiesofthehomelessposeaproblemtonormalizedunderstandingsurbanspace.

‘Thehomelessbody,’Kawash(1998)asserted,mustbeseenasaspecificmodeof

embodimentgivingweighttotheideologicalanddiscursiveforceofthespectreof

homelessness.Itsconstructionbringsintosharperfocusthecircuitofthebody,its

meaning,anditsrelationshiptoplace.Asamodeofembodiment,‘thehomelessbody’is

notidenticaltothehomelessperson,thatwhichsomeoneexperiencinghomelessness

inhabits,andnorisitanattributeofhomelesspeople.Rather,withinthepublic

imagination,‘thehomelessbody’isaneventmarkingtheexclusionofthehomeless

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fromthepublic’(ibid.,p.323-4).Thismarkingincludespejorativeascriptionssuchas

dirtiness,disheveledappearance,decay,foulodor,ordisease(Amster,2003;DelCasino

&Jocoy,2008;Gerrard&Farrugia,2015;Kawash,1998;Kusmer,2002),whichcreate

socialdistancebetweenhousedandunhousedpersons’(Wright,1997,p.69).

Pejorativeattributesmarking‘thehomelessbody’emergedinoppositiontothespaces

createdthroughurbanrenewalstrategiesfromthe1970sto1990s.Themacroscale

shiftingofurbancenterscarriedequallyimportantmicroscaleconcentrationsonthe

homelessbody(Kawash,1998).Forthoseeconomicallyandsociallymarginalized,

urbanrenewalhasfrequentlymeantthegentrificationofresidentialareasand

privatizationofpublicspace(Davis,1992;Harvey,2001;Smith,1996;Wacquant,2008;

Zukin,1991).Ascityofficialssoughttomakeurbancentersmoreattractivefor

businesses,tourism,andthemiddleclasses,marginalizedgroupsweredisplacedto

otherpartsofthecityandrenderedoutofplaceinpublicspaces.Policy,legal,and

spatialchangesimpactednotonlythematerialinequalitieswithinurbanenvironments

butalsothediscursiveforceonthehomelessbody:Totheprogressandprosperity

meanttoimbuerenewedurbanspaces,thehomelessbodyrepresentedasymptomand

symbolofthreat(Kawash,1998,p.320).Inthepresenceofthosewithinpublicurban

space,ahomelesspresenceinhibitedtheenjoyment,comfort,andaestheticallypleasing

aspectsofthosewhoarebetteroff(Wright,1997),a‘lamentablesight’(Gerrard&

Farrugia,2015).Suchistheextentofthisdenigrationthatthoseexperiencing

homelessnessareeffectivelydeprivedofanyalternativeidentity(Kawash,1998);they

areconstructedasanurbanOther,lackingessentialhumansensibilities,perceivedas

un-governable,andoccupyasymbolicpositionbetweenthehumanorsub-human

(Seidman,2013).

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Responsestohomelessnessillustratehowrepressive,disciplinary,andbiopolitical

formsofgovernanceoperatesimultaneously.Asstatesshiftedfromsovereigntytoward

capitalistdemocracies,Foucaultsuggestedthatthebasicbiologicalfeaturesofthe

humanspeciesbecameobjectsofpoliticalstrategyacrosstwopolesinaformationof

biopower,biopoliticsanddiscipline(1977;1978).Withinthisshift,biopower

complementedrepressiveformsofpower.Morerepressiveformsofactionagainstthe

homeless—suchasencampmentclearing,removalofrecoveryfacilitiestocityoutskirts,

orvagrancylaws—areaimedatpacifyingpublicspaces,whereasbio-political

interventionsseektolinktheindividualbodytoabroadersetofpoliticsorientated

aroundsustaininglifeatthelevelofthepopulation(Foucault&Burchell,2008).Ina

biopoliticalframing,homelessnesscanbeexamined,explained,andrationalized

throughstatisticalmarkersacrossapopulaceinassociationwiththecharacteristicsof

life,suchashealthindicators,hygiene,birthrate,lifeexpectancy,andidentity(Dean,

2010;Foucault&Burchell,2008;Willse,2010).Attheleveloftheindividual,discipline

inextricablyinscribesthebodyasasiteofandforpowerandknowledge.Adisciplinary

apparatuscontrolsactivity,organizesaprogressionbuiltonaseriesofrepetition,and

monitorsbehaviorsinordertomakethemmoreusefultoandforspecificdiscourses

(Foucault,1977).Constructedasun-governable,un-disciplined,unruly,orathreatto

thepublic,constructionofthehomelessandtheirbodiesvalidatedisciplinaryregimes

aimedatamelioratingbehavior,suchasimprisonment,psychotherapy,clinical

intervention,recoveryprograms,personalhealthregimes,andindeedexercise.

Resonantwithothersportandexerciseinitiatives,thehomelessbodyrepresentsa

problemtobesolved.Likeat-risk,oftenblackurbanyouth(Cole,1996;Hartmann,

2001),homelessyoungmen(Scherer,Koch,&Holt,2016),andotherunderserved

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groups(Pitter&Andrews,1997),BackonMyFeet’sexercise-basedapproachto

addressinghomelessnessisanemergentinterventioninformedbyconstructsof‘the

homelessbody’and‘therunningbody.’

Theconstructionof‘therunningbody’offersastarkcontrastto‘thehomelessbody.’

Abbas(2004)assertedthattheideal-typerunningbodyisinformedandproducedbya

nexusofobjectivizingknowledgesderivedfrom:Westernbiomedicine,whichinfluenced

theestablishmentofidealslenderandtonedbodytypes,thuscreatingassociationswith

healthandfitness(Hargreaves,1994);sportsciences,whichnormalizedthehuman

bodytosuggestthatexercisecouldshapeallbodiesdespitetheirdifferences;and

holistichealthapproaches,whichpromotedagrowingindividualtranscendentalism

(Berking&Neckel,1993;Coward,1990).Earlyadvocatesofrunningsuggestedthat

runningcouldevencurevariousphysical,mental,emotional,spiritual,andsocialills

(Plymire,2004).Severalhaveobservedthattheachievementofthisbodytypeoccurs

throughitsdisciplinization(Abbas,2004;Bridel&Rail,2007;Chase,2008).This

idealizedformhasconferreduponitpositivesocietalvaluesandjudgments:Thethin

andfitrunningbodycreatessymbolicvalueorientedarounddedication,control,

discipline,andaculturalandeconomicinvestmentinhealthandself-responsibility

(Atkinson,2008;Shipway&Holloway,2010).Whereastherunningbodysymbolizes

commitment,control,discipline,productivity,andself-responsibility,thehomeless

bodysymbolizesfailure,threat,unruliness,andun-governability.Juxtaposed,running

impressesasawayofconditioningthebody,workingitintoatestamenttosymbolic

positivevaluejudgments,fabricatingitintonormativesocialorder,andrenderingthe

un-governablegovernable.

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Foucaultunderstoodthatmodesofpowertookshapeinspecificandhistorically

constitutedcontexts.Heproposedtheconceptofgovernmentalityas,‘thewholerange

ofpracticesthatconstitute,define,organizeandinstrumentalizethestrategiesthat

individualsintheirfreedomcanuseindealingwitheachother’(1994a:p.300).In

seekingtounderstandgovernmentalizedsociallife,Ong(2006)suggestedthat

neoliberalismwasafeaturelinkingmacrosocialformationwitheverydaypractices.

Ratherthananideologyoreconomicrationality,neoliberalismisatechnologyof

governance,awayofgoverningwithoutgoverningthatforms‘anewrelationship

betweengovernmentandknowledgethroughwhichgoverningactivitiesarerecast’(p.

3).Itstressesresponsibilityatcommunalandindividuallevels.NikolasRose(1999)

markedthisshiftingovernanceas:

adoublemovementofautonomizationandreponsibilitization.Populationsonce

underthetutelageofthesocialstatearetobemaderesponsiblefortheirdestiny

andforthatofsocietyasawhole.Politicsistobereturnedtosocietyitself,but

nolongerinasocialform:intheformofindividualmorality,organizational

responsibility,andethicalcommunity.(p.1400)

Emerginginthe1980s,neoliberalismbroughtgovernancetoinnumerablesitesthrough

anarrayoftechniquesandprogramsdefinedascultural(Bratichet.al,2003).

Individualandcommunalpracticesofdailylife,knowledges,languagesspoken,and

decisionsmadeareallplacedintotherealmofgovernanceasprocessesof

subjectificationandsubject-making(Ong,2006).Societyinthiswayisunderstoodtobe

organizedlessaroundobedienceandmoresoautonomy,initiative,personal

responsibility,andindividuallyorientedfreedoms.BackonMyFeetoperatesasa

disciplinarytechnologyofgovernance,asiteofcorporealtransformationthatseeksto

fostercitizen-subjectsaccordingtoautonomyandself-responsibility.

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BackonMyFeetparticipants,however,aremorethandiscursiveconstructs.Thebody

islivedinwaysthatconform,exceed,andchallengesocialconstruction.Abiopolitical

framingrisksreducingthebodytotextwithoutconsiderationoftheeverydaynessof

socialpractices(Lemke,2011).Theexperienceofembodimentcanonlybegraspedby

understandingthebodyasalivedexperience(Turner,2008).Yet,ethnographyneedsto

belinkedtothe‘broadersystemofmaterialandsymbolicrelationsthatgiveitmeaning

andsignificance’(Wacquant,2002,p.1523).Theimmersivefieldworkof‘performing

thephenomenon’advocatedbyWacquant(2015),or‘enactiveethnography,’isoneway

ofgivingweighttothewaysinwhichrunningparticipantsunderstandandexperience

theirbodieswithinwiderrelationshipsanddiscourses.

Method:RunningWithBackonMyFeetAtTheHouseInBaltimore

BackonMyFeetbeganinBaltimorein2009.Ibeganparticipatingin2010afteran

introductoryvolunteersessionwhereIdiscussedmyinterestswithAmie,aDirectorin

Baltimore.Shesupportedmeasbothavolunteerandresearcher,andsuggestedthatI

joinTheHouseteam(apseudonym).

Ethnographictechniquesofferwaysofinquiringintoparticipants’experiencesandself-

narrativizations2.Participantobservation,semi-structuredinterviews,andcollectionof

artifactsoftheorganizationwereemployed(Wolcott,2008).Iparticipatedinrunning

activitiesmorethan60times,conducted37semi-structuredinterviewswith27people,

anddrewfromorganizationalmaterialsandhistoricaldocumentationonhomelessness

inBaltimore.Sharingintheexperienceofcollectiverunningwithparticipantsfostereda

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familiarityandtrustbetweenmeandthegroup.Interviewswereconducted

individually,withtheexceptionoftwosmall-groupinterviews.Includedwereninemen

inrecovery,seventeenvolunteers,andtheheadcounselorofTheHouse.Aguideformed

thebasisofdevelopingconversations,whichfocusedon,forexample:participants’

runningexperiences,notablyinrelationtothebody;relationshipsandinteractions;

organizationalevents;urbanspace;andthesupportiveopportunitiesoffered.

Interviewsrangedfrom35minutestomorethanthreehours.Itranscribedall

interviewsverbatim.

Datawereanalyzedviathematicanalysis(Braun&Clarke,2006)3.Representationally,

whilststrivingtomaintaindataaccuracy,herepassageshavebeeneditedforclarity

(e.g.,removalofhesitations,pauses,orrepeatedwords).Verbatimspokendialogueis

identifiedwith‘singlequotations’orblockquotes.Pseudonymsareusedforeach

participant.ThisprojectreceivedethicalapprovalfromtheInstitutionalReviewBoard

atUniversityofMaryland.

LacingThemUp

BackonMyFeetislocatedwithintheraciallydiverseInnerHarbourofBaltimore.The

racialcompositionofBaltimoreCityaroundthistimewas63%BlackorAfrican

American,29%White,4.2%HispanicorLatino,and4%otherwithanaverage

householdincomeof$39,386(U.S.Census,2012).TheracialcompositionofMaryland

was58%White,29%BlackorAfricanAmerican,5%Asian,and8%otherwithan

averageincomeof$70,647(U.S.Census,2012).Yet,thenumberofpeoplebelowthe

povertylinewas21%inBaltimorecomparedto8%acrosstheState.Theshelteredand

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unshelteredhomelesspopulationinBaltimorewasover-representedbyAfrican-

Americansat85%(Olubi&Akers,2011).

InBaltimore,fiveaddictionandhomelessnessrecoveryfacilitiespartneredwiththe

organizationtoformrunningteams.TheHouse,whereIran,isa90-bed,all-male

residentialtreatmentfacilityforveteransandotherstransitioningthroughthecycleof

poverty,addiction,andhomelessness.Therunningorganizationiscomprisedoftwo

primarygroupsofpeople:‘Residents’and‘Non-Residents.’Residentsarethosein

recoveryandhousedatafacility.Approximately45-55Residentsparticipatedacross

thecitywithinfiveteamsatagiventime.Theracialcompositionofparticipantswas

50/50BlackorAfrican-AmericanandWhite.FiveofthemenIinterviewedwere

African-AmericanandfourwereWhite.EachResidentwasrecoveringfromdrugor

alcoholaddiction,lackofemploymentandincome,lackofsustainablehousing,and

varyingdegreesoflegalmatters.Residentsrangedintheirlevelofengagement,from

thecommittedtothecasualtothosethatquicklydroppedout.Non-Residentsarethose

volunteeringwiththeorganization,whichincludedanestimated200-300peopleacross

thecity.Demographicinformationonvolunteerswasnotkept.Amieestimatedthis

grouptobeoverwhelminglyWhite.TheNon-ResidentsIinterviewedincluded10white

womenand8whitemen,1Blackwoman,and1Asian-Americanwoman.

AtypicalrunningdayatTheHouseincluded6to9Residentsand10to20Non-

Residents.Weranthreedaysaweekat5:30AMwithanoptional7AMSaturdayrun.

MeetinginthestreetinfrontofTheHouseat5:30AM,eachpersonchosea2,3,or4-

mile‘loop.’Iparticipatedoverthecourseoftwoandahalfyears,tenmonthsofwhichI

wasinvolvedday-to-day.Forthreemonths,IrentedanapartmentinBaltimoreenabled

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byadepartmentalresearchawardinordertotrainforamarathonwiththe

organization.A‘run’mosttypicallyincludedthegroupgathering,introductions,arun

throughthecity,post-runstretches,andbriefannouncementstoconclude.Weekday

runslastedapproximatelyonehour.

ReshapingtheBody:LearningtoRun

Intakingupthepracticeofrunning,Residentsdiscussedlearningtoruninrelatedbut

distinctways.Theyexpressedhowtheypreparedviaattireanddiet.Theyalso

discussedthatlearningtorunrequiredenduringitsphysicaldimensions,both

physicallychallengingthebodyandrunningthroughpain.Inlearningtorun,they

modeledandmoldedtheirbodiesinrelationtothenormativeidealsoftherunning

body.

RunningPreparations

TwocentralaspectsfeaturedinResidents’preparationsforrunning,theirclothingand

food.Theclothesrunnerswearshapetheconstructionofnormativerunningbodies

(Chase,2008).Eachparticipantdiscussedprevioussportandexerciseendeavorsasa

youthoryoungadult,suchasbasketball,weightlifting,andbaseball.Noonediscussed

runningorpossessedattireconsideredrunningspecific.Severalhadapairofnon-

runningsneakersorbasketballshoes,andbasketballshortsorsweatpants.Donning

runningattire,whichwasaccruedinitiallyfromtheorganization,wasanewexperience,

whichWarrendepicted:

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Atonetimetheyusedtogiveusthesetrainingsocks.Thesocksevengotshock

absorbers,rightatwherethebig-toeat!It’sanorange…thesesocksislike$30!I

ain’tneverseenno$30sock,andtheygaveustwopairwhenwefirststarted.

Andtheygottheballhere,onefortheleftfoot,onefortherightfoot,andthey

gottheshockontheheel,thewholeheelispadded.Theyfeelnicetorunin,Istill

got‘em.Theyupstairs.(9August2011,interview)

Aftertwotofourweeksofparticipation,BackonMyFeetprovidedapairofrunning

shoes,socks,shorts,andt-shirts.

Overtime,Residentsaccruedshirtsfromparticipationinraces.Forthosethatranfor

morethanafewmonths,therewaslittledistinctionbetweenthemandNon-Residents.

Dressingpurposefullywasakeystrategyfordealingwiththephysicalandaesthetic

aspectsofrunning.Malcolmdiscussedwearingclotheslighterincolor:‘Myclothes,Itry

tomakethemlightbecausewerunatnight.Thesunyettobeup,soItrytomakeit

visibleforthedriver’(13August2012,interview).Inthewinter,longsleevesand

sweatswereworn.Dressingasarunneralsobecameawayoffeelingmorelikeateam,

asRobertconveyed:

WhenIstartedIwasn’tintoafashionthingwithrunning.Ijustworeawhitet-

shirt.NowI’mstartingtobuyshirts.TheUnderArmourshirts,shirtsfromallthe

races,Ilikethem.Ifeelgoodforrunningtherace,plusit’sagoodshirt.AnUnder

ArmorShirtoraBrookesshirtthat’saerated,thatletsyoubreathe.I’mnot

obsessedwiththatbutthere’sapartthatitseemslikebeingpartoftheteam.It’s

likeauniform.Idolikewearingauniform,likethearmyIlikedwearingthe

uniform.Itmademefeelmoreproud.(24July2012,interview)

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Bymodulatinghowtheyadornedtheirbodies,Residentsinvokedboththeidentification

ofarunningorathleticidentityandanassociationwiththegroup.

Initially,Residentslackedtheclothingassociatedwithrunning.Astheycontinuedthey

drapedtheirbodiesaswouldrunners.Ratherthanpurchaseclothing,theyinitiallyand

predominantlyearnedattirethroughracesandaccruedmileage.Partofthe

constructionoftherunningbodyalsoincludestheidentificationofassociationthrough

attirebetweengroupmembersinrunningcultures,whichaugmentsasenseofathletic

orsocialidentity(Abbas,2004;AllenCollinson&Hockey,2007;Howe,2004;Shipway&

Jones,2007).Bodilyappearanceandadornmentinthesewaysbecameritualized

aspectsofparticipation.

Unlikeclothing,foodwasaformofsupportthatBackonMyFeetlargelydidnot

provide—theonenotableexceptionwasapreparatorygroupdinnertheeveningbefore

amajorrace.Residentsexpressedarangeoffoodchoices.TheHousepredominantly

fulfilledday-to-daydietaryconsumption,typicallyincludingthefollowing:Breakfast

includedFrenchtoast,bacon,eggs,sausage,waffles,orgrits;lunchcompriseda

sandwich,chips,andsomefruit;anddinnerfrequentlyconsistedofpastaandrice

dishes.MostparticipantsateatTheHousebecausefoodwasprovided.Thisoffered

starkcontrasttoNon-Residentdescriptionsofdietaryhabits,whichwere

overwhelminglyhealthyinorientation.Foodpreparation,naturalfoods,freshfruitsand

vegetables,andotheritemsthatwouldsupportanactivelifestyle,likesupplementsor

sportsdrinks,featuredinNon-Residentdiets.Residentsoftenlackedthemeanstobe

abletoeatfreshfood.NorwereResidentsallowedtocookforthemselves:AtThe

House,allfoodwaskeptinthekitchenandResidentswerenotallowedtokeeppersonal

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foodwhatsoever.UnlessoncookingdetailforTheHouse,Residentswerenotpermitted

tocook.

JeffandMatthewdemonstratedtwocontrastingaccountstothechallengesofdiet.Jeff

hadsomediscretionaryincomebecausehewasworkinganhourly-paidjob,buthe

regardedeatinghabitsasirrelevant:

There’ssomerunnersthatputalotofthoughtintotheirdiet.Personally,Idon’t

mindgoingtoFiveGuysandeatingadoublegreaseburgertwo,threetimesa

week.Idon’treallyworrytoomuchaboutit.Mycholesterolandsugarareunder

control.Nowthatmightchangeinanotherfiveyears.I’lladdressthatinanother

fiveyears.(4August2010,interview)

Incontrast,Matthew,whowasalsoworkingandhadsomediscretionaryincome,was

consciousabouttherelationshipbetweendietandhealth:

Ihaveestablishedarelationshipwithsomeonefrommychurchthatisway

conscious.Idon’teatatTheHouseanymore.NowthatI’mworkingIhave

discretionaryincomewhereIcansetmyowndiet.Heavyonfreshveggies,I’m

pushing250andhavealreadyhadtwocolonoscopies.Youknow,thoselittle

polypsonthecolon,youdon’twantthose.I’mnotfaultingthestationbecause

theygottafeed90guysthreetimesadaysoit’snotgonnabeMarthaStewartand

we’renotgonnabehavingfreshleafygreenseveryday.It’snotgonnabe

roughage,it’sgonnabesawdustsoakedinmilk.Feedthecow,youknow.No

complaints!There’syogurtandcereal.But,three-fourtimesaweekit’spastaor

rice;it’sjusttooheavyonthecarbsandithasn’tbeenhelpingmewithmyquest

todropafewpounds.(8May2010,interview)

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Residents’abilitiestoeatfoodmoreconducivetorunningwascomplicatedby

preference,financialability,andlackofbothabalanceddietprovidedbyTheHouseand

themeanstostoreandpreparefood.

Ahealthyandtraining-focuseddietrequireswillpoweranddiscipline(AllenCollinson&

Hockey,2001;Atkinson,2008;Bridel&Rail,2007).Achievingthistypeofdietalso

requirestheresourcesandpreferencestodoso.Forthoselackingthemeanstoprepare

orpurchasefoodoutsideofTheHouse,the‘sawdustsoakedinmilk’mealsofferedsome

nutritionalvaluebutwerefarlesshealthythanNon-Residents,whosefoodchoices

morecloselyalignedtothoseoftheself-surveillingrunner(Bridel&Rail,2007).Those

fewwhoatebeyondtheconfinesofTheHouseexpressedthecontradictionsofdietary

preferences(e.g.,doublegreaseburger)weighedagainsthealthierchoices.Necessary

foreatinghealthierwerefinancialcapacity,socialnetworks,andknowledgetoaccess

necessaryfacilitiestopreparefood.Matthewexemplifiedthesenecessities,whichare

minimallyavailabletothoseinTheHouse,whereasJeffillustratedthemorecommon

tendencyofeatingunhealthymealsonceabletoaffordit.InJeff’scase,andforthose

eatingatTheHouse,theywereunableorunwillingtoself-regulateorself-surveilas

wouldtheidealrunner.Whilepreferencefeaturedinfoodchoices,Residents

predominantlylackedthetimeandresourcesnecessaryforhealthier,physicallyactive

diets.PursuingahealthydietmakescleartherelativesimplicitywithwhichResidents

clothedtheirbodies.Discipliningthebodyaccordingtonormativehealthyidealswas

successfultovaryingdegrees,andevenrefuted.Outsideofdirectsurveillance,

Residents’livedexperiencesillustratethelimitsofeffortstoreshapethebody.

Nevertheless,runningservestocentralizethebodyasasiteofpoweranddiscipline.

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DisciplineandtheNormalizationofPainandInjury

Thephysicalityofrunningrequiresstrenuousbodilyinvestmentthroughtheendurance

ofpainandsuffering(Atkinson,2008).Onecentralfeatureofparticipants’experiences

includedtheconsciousdecisiontoexposethebodytophysicalchallenges.WhenImet

Stephen,hehadonlyjustbeguntorun.AblackBaltimorean,hehadpreviouslyabused

alcoholandhadbeenconvictedofdrugtrafficking.Hewasfacedwithingoingtojailor

TheHouse.Becauseofhisasthma,hewasunabletomaintainthesteadypaceforwhich

runnersstrive.Whilerunningwithhim,hisbodyseizedupandhewasimmobilized

whilststrugglingtocatchhisbreathduringanattack(24July2012,fieldnotes).Several

timeshebentoveratthewaistwithhishandsonhishipswhilstwheezingand

coughing.Everyday,hisrunningpaceebbedandflowedwiththefunctioningofhis

respiratorysystem,whichIaskedhimabout:

Stephen:Runningishardonthebones.Theydon’trushyoutorunthroughhurt

buttherunningfeelsgood.Sometimesafteryourunforawhileachesand

painsfeelsgood.

Bryan:Doesit?

Stephen:Yeah,itdoes.ItreallyfeelsgoodtomeafterIrunforaperiodtime.Isay

I’llworkforthepain,Ideservethat.Thatisagoodfeelingthatyou’veearned.

SometimeswhenIrunIgotanasthmaproblem.IbehuffingandpuffingbutI

goboy,Icango…Deep,deepdowninsideyoufeellikeyou’rerunninginthe

Olympics.Icango-go-go,everybodyclappingattheend,that’swhat’sgood

aboutBackonMyFeet.(24July2012,interview)

Althoughhisasthmapushedthephysicallimitsofhisbody,herannonethelessand

understoodrunningassomethingthatwas‘verygoodforyou.’

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Relatedly,allparticipantsunderstoodpainandinjuryaspart-and-parcelofrunning,to

whichWarrenspokedirectly.AnAfrican-Americanmaninhisearly60s,hehadalready

runforseveralmonthsbeforewemet.HistimeinthemilitaryduringVietnamexposed

himtoseveralsubstancesthatmadehim‘messedup.’Heservedtimeinprisonfor

sellingdrugsandburglary.Returningfromjailaftermultiplestints,VeteransAffairs

assistedhimwithgoingtoTheHouseforrecovery.Heshared:

Warren:WhathappenedwhenIranthefirst10-miler?Thethingis,Iwasn’t20

butIstillthinkI’masgoodasIusedtobe.Ipulledamuscleearlierandthe

knotwasthatbig!Helaughedinfectiouslywithabroadsmilewhileheheldup

hisfistshakingit.BackonMyFeetalreadyenteredmeintothe10-milersoI

hadtorunhurt.Youknow,Ididn’twanttowastethemoney.Itookacoupleof

Motrinandrantherace.Thatwasapainfulexperience.

Bryan:Yeah,10milesisnotaneasytask.

Warren:Ididthatin2hoursand51minutes.ButthisyearwhenIdidthe10-

milerIdiditin1hourand51minutes.Iwasrunningwithoutthepain.Iwas

niceandhealthyandIthinkIranprettywell.(10August2011,interview)

Inchallengingthebodyatthelimitofitscapacities,pushingthroughpain,andworking

throughhowthebodymovedwhilstrunninginordertoreducepainandinjury,

Residentsnormalizedpainandinjury.Thisisconsistentwiththeliteratureonthe

runningbody(AllenCollinson&Hockey,2001;Bridel&Rail,2007;Major,2001;

Shipway&Holloway,2010;Yair,1990).WhatisdistinctiveamongstResidentsisthat

theywouldnotreadilyidentifyasrunnersandtheirbodiespresentphysicallimitations

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tointroductoryrunninglevels.Thenormalizationofpainandinjurywithinrunning

discoursecallsforwardpracticesofself-regulation.

Tulle(2007)submittedthatrunningrequiresakindofbodywork,whichnecessitates

subjectingthebodytocarefulandrigorousregulation.Foreliterunners,thisoccurs

throughheavytrainingloads,gymsessions,andseveralothermethodsof(self-

)monitoring.Forthosejustlearningtorunwhosebodiesdonotfunctionatideallevels,

thisbodyworkoccursinadifferentway.ForsomeResidents,thatworkfocusedon

distancesfromtwotoseveralmiles,whereasforothersthismonitoringoccurredovera

fewblocks.Bodilyailments,fromweighttochronicinjurytoillness,featuredResidents’

bodywork.Ratherthanmaximizethebody’scapacityoveradistanceinpursuitofa

specifictime,participantsdemonstratedtheimportanceofparticipationinand

completionofaruninthepursuitofavarietyformsofperceivedbenefits.These

included:health,suchascardiovascularhealth,reducedbodyfat,amelioratedheart

diseaseordiabetes,loweredcholesterolorbloodpressure;psychological,suchasa

senseofachievement,improvedself-esteem,andpositiveoutlook;andsocial,suchas

socialinteractionandrelationships,andasenseofcommunity.Pursuingtheserequired

participantstoendurethebodymodificationandself-regulationassociatedwith

running(Gillick,1984;Major,2001;Shipway&Holloway,2010).Inthisway,Residents

engagedinrunningtorecover,orsubjectingthemselvestothedisciplinaryregimesof

runninginpursuitofphysical,social,andpsychologicalbenefits.Participants’

preparationsandbodyworktakeongreatermeaningwhencontextualizedwithin

homelessdiscourses.

TheSignificanceofthe(Running)BodywithinHomelessDiscourses

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Thebodyisinstrumentalforillustratingtherelationshipbetweensocialstructuresand

subjectiveexperience(Crossley,1995;Wacquant,2004;2015).Participants’subjective

accountsevokeddiscoursesoftherunningbodyinpursuitofaforementionedbenefits.

Infabricatingtheirbodieswhilstlearningtorunparticipantsdidsoalsoinrelationto

behavioralchange,homelessdiscourses,andneoliberalrationalities.

A‘FeelGoodPill’:RunningwithNon-Residents

Bryan:Whatdoyoumeanbyrunningstartsthedayoffright?

Ben:Youknow,it’salotoftimestheguysbedown.Theybedownandit’skindof

contagious.Andthenwhenyou’rearoundsomeonethat’supbeat,fullofenergy,it

givesyouthatboost,thatmoralsupport.

Bryan:Whenyousaykindadownallthetime,guysaredownandit’scontagious,how

doesthathappen?Whatdoesthatmean?

Ben:Youseesomeguysthataredown,notfeelinguptoitmaybe.Kindahavetheblue

period,sufferingfromthebluesorsomethinglikethat.Itkindarubsoffonyoua

bit.

Bryan:Canyouexpandon‘they’renotuptoit’?

Ben:Someoftheguys[inTheHouse]theyarealwaysdown,itdrainsyou.It’sgoodto

bearoundpeoplethathavesomeenergy.Wellit’sapositiveenergy.Verypositive

energy.Youcanactuallyfeelitwhenyougetnearthem.It’scontagious.It’slikea

feelgoodpillearlyinthemorning.AtleastwhenI’mdoneitprovidesmeenergy.

I’mkindacrankyalittlebituntilIgetwarmedup.(14July2010,interview)

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Benisawhitemaninhismid-to-late40swhoselifechangeddramaticallywhenhewas

convictedforsecond-degreemurder.Uponreleasefromprison,hisfurther

rehabilitationwascourt-mandatedatTheHouse.Heaptlycharacterizedthepositive

sentimentthatResidentscarriedaboutNon-Residents.Moreover,Benalsocompared

socialinteractionsbetweenNon-ResidentsandResidentsinTheHousewhodidanddid

notrun:

Bryan:CanyoutellmeabouttheResidentsthatruninBackonMyFeet?

Ben:They’reprettygoodguys.They’realittlemoreupbeatthantheotherguysin

here.BackonMyFeethelpsenough.Yougetthatadrenalinefixinthemorning

anditlastsallday.Ithelpsboostyourattitude,yourmood,andyour

metabolism.ItseemsliketheguysinBackonMyFeetworkharderthanthe

otherguys.

Bryan:Sowhydoyouthinksomepeoplecometojoinandwhysomedonot?

Ben:Basically,it’stheydon’twanttogetinvolved.Laziness,theonesthatdon’t

joinareprettylazy.Aboutalltheydoisgodownstairsandeatbreakfast,sit

aroundallday.Someofthemaren’tcapableofit,theymayhaveaphysical

handicap,theymaynotbeabletorun.Butsomeit’sjustlaziness.

Bryan:Yeah?

Ben:Yeah,theguysonBackonMyFeetaretheoneswhohaveabetterattitude

andhowtohandlethingsaroundhere.

Benconveyedatleastfournotablesentiments.First,hisdescriptionofrunningwith

Non-Residentsandtheenergytheybringasa‘feelgoodpill’communicatedhow

runningwasnotexclusivelyaboutphysiologicaldimensionsbutalsosocialand

behavioral.Asbehavioralexemplars,ResidentsregardedNon-Residentsas‘positive,’

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‘happy,’‘good,‘encouraging,’or‘inspirational’peoplewhowere‘doingtherightthings’

intheirlives.’Residents’understandingsofNon-Residentsdisclosedbothstrategiesof

powerandtechniquesoftheself.Thestrategyofpowerinthisnon-coerciveformisless

aboutbeingdominatedandmoreabouthowpowermanifeststhroughpractices

regularlyundertaken(Foucault,1977;1978),waysofgoverningtheself.Benillustrated

howthemonitoringandmaintenanceofthebodyforgeditasaproject(Shilling,2003),

onethatcouldbereshapedwithindividualidentity.Runningwasawayoftrainingthe

selfwithandthroughthebody,thusembodyingthedisciplinaryregimesofthe

organization.

Second,oneofthechallengesfacingResidentswastheenvironmentofTheHouse.In

the90-bedfacility,spacebetweenpeoplewastightandopportunitiesforprivacywere

rare.Matthewexpressedhisexperience:‘Thehouseain’talwayspeachesandcream,ya

know.There’speoplethathavedemons.Wearesotightlypackedsothatifoneguyis

reallyoffthehookitaffectsusallmentally’(8May2010,interview).Residents

understoodTheHouseasaspaceoftransitionandrecoverythatrequirednegotiating

manypeopleandconditionswithlittletonopersonalspace.WhereasNon-Residents

featuredasbehavioralguidesinsomeways,theconditionsinTheHousewere

understoodasaplacethatcouldcultivatepsychologicallyandsociallyundesirable

behaviors.

Third,Benarticulatedthosephysicallyunabletorunasunabletoparticipate.The

opportunityforpursuingbenefitsthroughrunningcleavesapartthoseinvariousforms

ofrecoveryaccordingtobodilyability.Thisseparationhighlightsthedebilitatingand

vulnerablestatusof‘homeless’andtheimportanceandvalueofbodilyabilitywithin

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sociallife.Fourth,andrelatedly,Bendescriedthosethatrunas‘workingharder’than

thosethatdonot,andthosethatdonotrun,yetareableto,as‘lazy.’Dominantand

stereotypicalcontemporaryrepresentationsarticulatehomelessnesstomeaningsof

dependency,laziness,orincapability(Amster,2003;DelCasino&Jocoy,2008;Kusmer,

2002;Wright,1997).Benelicitedthedominantdiscursiveframingofhomelessness

basedpartlyonwhetherothersinTheHousecould,couldnot,did,ordidnotrun.In

conjunctionwiththewaysinwhichResidentsmonitoredtheirbodies,theyarticulated

theirrunningwithbehavioralchange,oneusedtodistinguishrunnersfromother

recoveringmenatTheHouse.

TheMoralWorthofSweatandThePoliticsof(In)Visibility

BackonMyFeetofferedacomplimentaryprogramtorunningcalled‘Next-Steps.’The

programprovidesopportunitiesforeducationalandjobtraining,financialliteracy,job

partnerships,housingprograms,andupto$1,250infinancialassistancefor‘moving

livesforward’inwaysthatare‘self-sustainable’(BackonMyFeet,2012).Toaccessthis,

Residentswererequiredtomaintain90%monthlyattendanceandapositiveattitude.

Additionally,Residents’mileagewasrecordedtotrackprogression,whichresultedin

additionalprizesforaccrual,suchashats,t-shirts,orwatches,atmileagemarkersof50,

100,250,and500miles.Enduranceintheprogramwasthusstitchedtothepotential

foraccessingbenefits.

Inadditiontopreparinganddiscipliningtheirbodies,Residentsspokeofthewaysin

whichtheyconstructednotionsofresponsibility.Reed,anAfrican-Americanmaninhis

late50srecoveringfromcocaineandheroinuse,capturedthissuccinctly.Hediscussed

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therelationshipbetweenthephysicalityofrunning,itsrequisiteregulation,andasense

ofself:

BackonMyFeethasletmeknowthatthroughphysicalendurement,through

mentaldiscipline,thatitdoesn’treallymatterhowyouare,youcangetsome

thingsdone.CausesinceI’vebeenrunningIdofeelalotbetteraboutmyselfand

myoutlook.(21July2010,interview)

AmongsttheservicesandopportunitiespresentedthroughTheHouseandBackonMy

Feet,Residentsreiteratedasenseofself-responsibilitynecessaryforrecovery.

Stephen’sattitudeportrayedthis:

It’suptome.Thisisuptome.Thisprogramisnotgoingtosavemylife,it’sjust

givingmeachancetostartfresh,togetoutthere.Ain’tnobodycansavemyself

butmyself.It’smyresponsibilitytomyself,toourselves.Howmanychancesyou

get,itdependsonyou.Youmightnothaveachancetocomebackhereagain,you

mightnot.(24July2012,interview)

Theirwordsconnectthephysicaldimensionsofrunningtothenotionofself-

responsibility.Evidently,theNon-ResidentwithwhomIfirstranwascorrectinher

positionaboutResidentsandthevaluesinstilledthroughrunning:‘we’regivingthema

newaddiction’(10March2010,fieldnotes).

TheunderstandingthatResidentsdevelopedinrelationtoresponsibilityareofcritical

importinrelationtohomelessdiscourses.Residentsarticulatedawayofrunningfor

recovery:Theyraninordertoaccessthemeansofrecovery,suchasinformation,

housingassistance,education,orfinancialincentive.FollowingFoucault(1977),a

disciplinaryapparatuscontrolsactivity,organizesaprogressionbuiltonaseriesof

repetition,andmonitorsbehaviors.Organizationally,BackonMyFeetexhibitshow

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thesemechanismsinformwhobecomeseligibleforreceivingassistanceandwhodoes

not.Thephysicalabilitytorun,attendancerequirements,andmileagetrackingallspeak

tothewaysinwhichtheorganizationformsadisciplinarystructurefocusedonthe

(in)activebody.Participationforthoseunderservedisfrequentlytiedtocodesof

conductormandatoryattendance(Hartmann,2001;Pitter&Andrews,1997)in

contrasttoparticipant-drivendemandsaccessibleinthemarketplace.Inadditionto

physicalandbehavioralmodification,BackonMyFeetsuturestorunningthemeansof

recovery.

Runningforrecoverycomplimentsandoverlapswithrunningtorecover;Runningwas

bothatechniqueofself-careanddiscipline(Markula&Pringle,2006).Ashomelessness

becamerootedinpovertyduringthe1980s,itbegantorevolvearoundframeworksof

innocence/guiltandworthiness/unworthiness(Borchard,2010;Kusmer,2002;Rossi,

1989;Shlay,1994).Thoseadoptingpersonalcharacteristicsorlifestylesdeemedto

contributetotheirplight,suchastheaddictorcriminal,weredeemedunworthy.

Whereasthoseconsidered‘victims’andforcedintopovertywereworthyofassistance.

Residentsdemonstratedthroughrunningtheirworthforassistance,whichcanassistin

theirrecovery.AsBenexhibitedpreviously,Residentsdidsoinwaysthatdistinguished

themselvesamongsttheirpeersinTheHouse.Astheyaccumulatedrewardsand

benefits,thosewhoranforseveralmonthsormorebegantoarticulatetheir

involvementdirectlytoideasofself-responsibility.

Residents’understandingsofselfinrelationtorunningdemonstratedclearaffinities

withneoliberalrationalities—acknowledgingtheimpossibilityofdefinitivelyasserting

thatResidentsadoptedself-responsibilityandself-sufficiencyentirely.Edwin,whowas

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recoveringfromheroinaddictionandwascourtappointedatTheHouse,illustrated

thesesensibilities.Duringourformaldiscussion(18July2012,interview),wespoke

aboutwhatshouldbeprovidedforpeoplewithinsociety.Hisresponsewastelling:‘Air.

Otherthanthat,nothing’sfree.’‘Shouldtherebe?,’Ireplied.Hecontinued:

Nah.Everythingcomesatapricetosomebody,soifit’sfreeformethen

somebodypaidforit.Food,housing,everything.Imean1-12educationisfreefor

themostpart.Afterthatshouldcollegebefree?Hmmm…itwouldhelp.Idon’t

know.…Ahouse,forfree?Who’sgonnabuildit?…Somebody’sgottafootthebill

forallthatstuff.Government?Government’sbroke.Sowhofootsthatbill?

Residentscommunicatedthatsupportiveopportunitieswerefewandtheyadheredto

theethosofpullingthemselvesupbytheshoelaces.Theirexperiencedrawsattentionto

thepreoccupationwiththehumanbodyasasitetobemobilizedinresponsetostate

welfareretrenchment(Fusco,2006;Howell&Ingham,2001;Ingham,1985;White,

Young,&Gillett,1995).Publicandsocialissuesincompetitive,capitalistcontextsare

framedthroughpersonal,moralresponsibilitieswhereinthebodybecomesaprimary

locusforworkingthroughissuessuchashealthandwellness.Sportandexercise

initiativesembeddedinpoliticaldiscoursesofat-riskurbanyouthinrelationtocrime,

delinquency,andpublicsafety,likeMidnightBasketball(Hartmann,2001),tendto

orientaroundprevention.BackonMyFeetmaypartiallyfunctionasamechanismof

prevention,yetinitsemphasisontheproductionofappropriatehumanbehaviorwithin

aneoliberalcontext,ofproducingtheself-governingindividual,itismorefittingly

consideredadisciplinarytechnology.Withinliberal,capitalistdemocracies,individuals

aremorallyresponsibleformakingthemselvescompetitiveinthemarketplace.Onthe

fringesofemployment,Residentsdrewonrunningasaformofphysicallabortorender

themselvesmoreproductiveandcompetitive.Withanaimtowardsself-sufficiencyand

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self-care,BackonMyFeetencouragesthoseonthemarginsfromthinkingabout,

needing,orrequiringinstitutional,state,ornon-statecare.

Suchexpressionsofself-responsibilityfromthoseatthemarginsofsociallifeare

disconcertingforissuesof(in)visibility,whichShipler(2004)assertedarevitalfor

understandingthereproductionofinequalityamongsttheworkingpoor.Miller(1991)

suggestedthat‘thehomelessbody’isbothvisibleandinvisible.Thepoliciesand

practicesofsweepingaway,clearingout,orprohibitingthoseexperiencing

homelessnessrenderstheminvisible,whatMitchell(1997)referredtoas‘annihilation

byspace.’Yet,thoseonthemarginsofurbanlifearemadevisiblethroughtheir

juxtapositionagainstwhatisconsideredacceptablewithinspectacularizedurbanspace

(Kawash,1998;Amster,2003;GerrardandFarrugia,2015).Indemonstratingpractices

ofself-regulation,self-care,andthusworthinessofassistance,Residents’bodiesand

selves,weremadevisiblethroughnormativeproprietaryunderstandings.Anideal

instanceofthishappenedtoEdwinduringacourthearing:

IwasatcourtandmyprobationofficerknowsthatIrun.Iguessshehadwritten

somethinginmyfilesandthejudgemadereferencetoit.IletthemknowwhoI

wasrunningwithandthelawyerwhohandledallthedrugcourtpeople—Iknow

herfacethoughbecauseIseehereveryfiveorsixweekswhenI’mincourt,and

she’srepresentingmeforlackofabetterterm—sheandoneofthecourtclerks,

whichisanotherfemale,theyclappedandwaslike‘BackOnMyFeet!’(18July,

interview)

Throughapieceofdocumentationinhislegalrecord,runningcontributedtothe

narrativethatEdwinwasworkinginarespected,positive,andcivilwaytowards

recovery.Here,‘therunningbody’eclipses‘thehomelessbody.’Edwinwasrepresented

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inconjunctionlesswiththespectreofhomelessnessandmorewithcompetitiveness

andproductivity.SincecompletingamarathonwithEdwin—afirstforbothofus—I

learnedthroughcontinuedcorrespondencethathesuccessfullymovedonfromThe

House,ranirregularlyandindependently,completedtrainingforandacceptedajobata

Veteran’smedicalfacility,andstayedcleanformorethanfiveyears.Likeothersonthe

margin,Residentsengagedinrational,irrational,orimaginarypursuitsoutsideofthe

dominantinstitutionsfromwhichtheyhavebeenexcluded(Scherer,Koch,&Holt,

2016),whichareindicatorsofstruggle,resistance,orsurvival.

Yet,inasmuchasEdwinrepresentsthearchetypalimpactthatBackonMyFeetcan

produce,otherstorieschallengethatnarrative.AcaseinpointwasJeff,arecovering

alcoholicwhowassoberformorethanayearwhenImethimandcaptainofthe

Residents—aroleresponsibleforcommunicatingbetweenorganizersandResident

members.Uponthedeathofhisfather,herelapsedwithalcoholandwasforcedtoleave

TheHouseandthustherunningteam(fieldnotes,2March2011;email

correspondence,7March2011).Wheninitiallyaskedhowhewasdoing,Amiesaidthey

hadnowaytoreachhimbuttheyheardhewasseekingentryintoanotherrecovery

facility(fieldnotes,2March,2011).Later,welearnedthathewassuccessfulindoingso

(emailcorrespondence,7March2011).Thattheengagementwiththeorganization,its

people,anditsopportunitiesarereactivelywithdrawnspeakstothepoliticizedand

moralizedconstructionofhomelessness.Havingbrokenamoralcodeandpollutedhis

body,Jeff’sabilitytoaccessresourcesforrecovery,orevenrunforthem,were

withdrawnbyhisexpulsionfromTheHouseandBackonMyFeet.Thelatteris

compellingbecausetheorganizationisnottiedtoalocation,place,orformal

institutionalapparatusandcanthusoperatebeyondtheregulatoryconfinesofa

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recoveryfacility.Yet,itelectsnottodoso.Arguably,whensomeoneinrecoverywas

mostinneedresponsibilityshiftedheavilybackontotheindividual.

Conclusion:Runningon…

Residents’livedexperienceswithBackonMyFeetdemonstratedwaysinwhichthe

bodybecameasiteoftheworkingofpower.Inoneform,thepracticeofrunningcreated

opportunitiesforself-care.Improvinghealth,developingrelationships,thepleasureof

running,oraccessingvitalentrypointsforinvaluableresourcesintheprocessof

recoveringfromhomelessness(Scherer,Holt,&Koch,2016)validatetheprogram’s

intentions.Yet,thedisciplinaryapparatusorchestratedbytheorganizationalsofosters

theproductionofbehaviorsandsubjectsconducivetothecontextofhomelessness

withinneoliberalism.

BackonMyFeetexemplifiestheexpandingwaysinwhichresponsibilityforsocialcare

sincethe1980scontinuestoshiftresponsibilityforpublicgoodawayfromthestateto

thenon-governmental,local,communal,andindividual(Brenner&Theodore,2002;

Wacquant,2008;Wolch,1990);thisshiftisfrequentlyfacilitatedbynot-for-profitsport

andphysicalactivityorganizationsinurbanareasthattargetthoseontheextreme

marginswhoareoftenpeopleofcolor(Hartmann,2016).Targetingspecificgroups

invokesspecificassociativediscourses.InthecaseofBackonMyFeet,discoursesof‘the

homelessbody’and‘therunningbody’servedto:moralizethepracticeofrunningasa

meansofrenderingthoseontheextrememarginvisiblein‘productive’capacitiesand

thusdeservingofassistance;cleaveapartthosewhorunfromthosewhodonot,thus

delineatingwhocanreceivecare;reproducediscoursespositioningthehomelessas

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30

lazy,dependent,orincapableevenamongstthoseinrecovery;andultimatelyproduce

subjectswhoevincetheself-sufficientandself-responsibleethosofneoliberalism.

Runningforrecoveryreconfiguresrunningasacontrolling,regulating,anddisciplining

activepractice(Markula&Pringle,2006;Spaaij,2009).

Initiativesthatemphasizeandfocusupontheindividualareproblematicforjustthis

reason:Theyengenderlargelysymbolicandbehavioralsolutionstowhatarepowerful

andsystemicforcesandcausesofinequalities.BackonMyFeetreifiestheideathat

issuesrelatedtothecausesofhomelessness—suchascrime,unemployment,substance

abuse,racism,deindustrialization,disability,mentalillness,poverty,orphysical

abuse—arenotpublicsocialissuessharedamongstapopulacebutratherissuesofself-

care(Lemke,2001),whichresonatewithneoliberaltechniquesofgovernance.This

reaffirmshowsportandexerciseinitiatives,SportDevelopmentprograms,orPositive

YouthDevelopmentendeavorsintargeting‘at-risk’groupsrisk(re)producing

paternalisticvaluesandmoralizeddiscoursesthatpositionpeopleasproblemstobe

solved.Foranythatstudy,volunteerwith,organize,orparticipateinsomecapacitywith

suchinitiatives,attentionmustbepaidtomotivationsthatappearpositive,

compassionate,andprogressivebutalsomayberootedinbias,fear,orpejorative

ascriptionsandthedesiretodominateorcontrol(Hartman,2012).Locatingand

articulatingthewaysinwhichthebodymoves,participates,isexperienced,andis

discursivelyconstitutedwithinspecificcontextscanbehelpfulinthisvitaltask.

Acknowledgements

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31

Thankyoutothefourreviewersandeditorialboardfortheirtime,energy,and

feedback.Thankyoualsoto:DavidL.Andrews,JacobJ.Bustad,ShannonJette,Psyche

Williams-Forson,CassandraPhoenix,andTessLegg.Supportforthisresearchwas

partiallyprovidedthroughanawardmadebytheUniversityofMarylandKinesiology

GraduateResearchInitiativeFund.

1Asof2016,BackonMyFeetreformeditsmissionstatementtwice.In2012,thestatementchangedtothefollowing:‘BackOnMyFeetisanationalfor-purpose501(c)3organizationthatusesrunningtohelpthoseexperiencinghomelessnesstransformtheirownlivesandachieveemploymentandindependentliving.’Asof2016,themissionstatementread:‘BackonMyFeet,anationalorganizationoperatingin11majorcitiescoasttocoast,combatshomelessnessthroughthepowerofrunning,communitysupportandessentialemploymentandhousingresources.’2Ethnography’sclaimstothe‘real,’likeallqualitativeinquiries,arealwaysnegotiatedthroughthevoiceoftheauthor.Ireflectedonmypositionintheresearchprocessthroughmyrelationtothebodyandidentity(Giardina&Newman,2011;Clift&Bustad,2018),myrelationshiptoparticipants,ourexperientialdifferences,andmyuneasewithcharityandvoluntarism(Clift,2014).Aswithanyethnographicaccount,lookingatorseeingsomethingcomesattheexpenseoflookingatorseeingsomethingelse(Wolcott,2008).Myapproachwascontouredinseveralwaysby,forexample:theephemeralnatureoftheorganizationandthuslimitedtimeinthefield;thecityandsiteinwhichIworked;andmyknowledge,experience,andtheoreticalinclinations.The‘ethnographicI’isbroughttobearhere—adeviationfromethnography’sobjectivist,traditionalroots(Ellis,2004;Emerson,2001;VanMaanen,2011;Wolcott,2008)—andembracesinterpretivistapproaches(Denzin,1997).3ThematicAnalysis(TA)wasusedbecauseitisarobustprocessforidentifyingpatternsacrossadatasetandallowsfortheoreticalandparadigmaticflexibility(Braun&Clarke,2006).TAfacilitatedtheempiricalandconceptuallinkageofparticipants’experiencestothehistoricalandculturalcontextoutofwhichtheytakeshape.Codesweredevelopedfrommultiplereadings,acknowledgingthatcodesandthemesdonotsimply‘emerge’fromnowherewithindata.Dataextractsrepresentthethemesaroundwhichanalyticalnarrativeswerewritten.Acrosstheanalyticaldiscussion,themeswerefurtherinterpretedandbraidedtogetherwithliterature.

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BryanC.CliftisaLecturer(AssistantProfessor)intheDepartmentforHealthatthe

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popularculturalpractices,issuesofcontemporaryurbanism,andqualitativeinquiry.