NEW YORK

14thPlENARY MEETING

Friday: 1 October 1982,at 3.50 p.m.

A/37/PV.14

of Human Rights, or with violations of sovereignty,that affect the territorial integrity of nations anddisregard the right of peoples to self-determinationand independence. Confidence also excludes thetendency ofcertain States to impose onothercountries,through the threat or use of force, a certain behaviouror ideological submission, contrary to the deep-rootedfeelings of their peoples.

7. The absence of this climate of confidence wasevident during the second special session of theGeneral Assembly on disarmament, undoubtedly oneof the most ambitious efforts of the Organization.Disarmament, understood as a balanced and controlledreduction of nuclear and conventional weapons, doesnot stand as an autonomous category within theframework of the relations a~ong States. However,the increasing tensions in international relations mustneither be an excuse nor ajustification for the modestresults attained. Both the security and the future ofhumankind require that immediate action be taken oncertain aspects of the arms race, in order to deflectit from its present course.

8. Accordingly, the initiation of negotiations atGeneva, between the United States and the USSR,to control and reduce nuclear weapons of intermediaterange as well as strategic nuclear weapons, is anencouraging step and responds to many concerns, Wehope that important and substantial reductions willfollow, mainly with respect to the ground systemswhich, being the most vulnerable, are the mostdestabilizing.

9. We also follow with great interest the ViennaTalks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments andAssociated Measures in Central Europe. The newproposals recently presented by the West offer a pos­sibility to break the present impasse. We believethey provide a good basis for progress.

10. The implementation of the provisions of theHelsinki Final Act would be a decisive element tow!udsinternational detente. Such detente must be global andindivisible, based on criteria of reciprocity, and mustgovern relations among countries with different socialand political systems as well as' among Governmentswith identical ideological structures. However, thedebates 'at the Madrid meeting of the Conference onSecurity and Co-operation in Europe, in which myGovernment is so deeply engaged, shows that there,too, the effects of the present crisis of confidence arefelt, thus impairing the attainment of positive resultswhenever a solution for basic problems is at stake.

11. Past and }lIesent events in Poland fully illustratethis state o~' affairs. This is the reason why the Por­tuguese Government has from the outset openly con­demned such events, drawing therefrom the necessaryconclusions.

221

* Resumed from the 1st meeting.* Mr. Pinto Balsemao spoke in Portuguese. The English text ofhis

statement was supplied by the delegation.

AGENDA ITEM 9

AGENDA ITEM 110

President: Mr. Ilnre HOLLAI (Hungary).

I. The PRESIDENT: I should like to draw theAssembly's attention to document A/37/46l/Add.l,which contains a letter dated I October 1982 from theSecretary-General informing me that the CentralAfrican Republic has made the necessary paymentto reduce its arrears below the amount specified inArticle 19 of the Charter.

General debate (continued)

2. The PRESIDENT: The Assembly will now hear astatement by the Prime Minister of Portugal. I havegreat pleasure in welcoming Mr. Francisco Pinto Balse­mao and inviting him to address the General Assembly.3. Mr. PINTO BALSEMAO (Portugal):* Sir, mayI start by congratulating you on your election asPresident of this thirty-seventh session of the GeneralAssembly. At the same time, I would like to conveyto you our satisfaction at seeing such an experiencedpolitician occupy this high post. Your merits will mostcertainly help us to achieve positive results in ourendeavours.4. I would also like to pay a tribute to your prede­cessor, who carried out the duties of the presidency ofthe thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly withsuch competence and authority. His contributiondeserves our admiration and gratitude.5. I wish to addre~s a special salute to Mr. Perez deCuellar and express my satisfaction at seeing in thiseminent position such an influential personality, whosehuman and diplomatic qualities have already beenwidely demonstrated.6. The importance and complexity of the questionsincluded in the agenda clearly show that dialogueamong peoples is essential to international relations.However, a fruitful dialogue depends on the exist­ence of a climate of international confidence. Con­fidence is not compatible with persistent acts of dis­respect for the provisions enshrined in the Charter ofthe United Nations and in the Universal Declaration

Scale of assessments for the apportionment of theexpenses of the United Nations: report of theCommittee on Contributions (continued)*

THIRTY-SEVENTH SESSION

Official Records

United Nations

GENERAL. ASSEMBLY

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General Assembly-Thlrty.seventh ~ion-Plenary Meetings

12. The position of Portugal is that the obligati; ,lS

undertaken in this field must be executed in good fb-lth.It is necessary to strive for the fulrJlme~t of theobjectives we ourselves have proposed, thus con­tributing to the full realization of the principles of theCharter and the Universal Declaration of HumanRights. It is not a question of drastically changinginternational reality. That would be unthinkable.Rather, it is a question of trying to ease tensions andincrease confidence in relations among nations andpeoples-since these are also mentioned in the FinalAct. Such an attitude cannot function in one directiononly. It concerns all parties involved and it precludesproclamation of an official doctrine which, dependingon the areas concerned and according to one's con­venience, interprets coexistence either as co-operationor as intolerant confrontation. Only in this way candetente become a reality, translated into positive acts,and not merely a dialogue of the deaf.

13. The general considerations I have just formulateddo not diminish-rather, they emphasize-the im­portance of regional tensions susceptible of jeopar­dizing world stability. I shall mention only a fewexamples. I would like to refer first to the situation inNamibia, where the exercise of the right to self­determination continues to be delayed giving rise toserious risks of conflict in southern Africa. Portugalconsiders that the independence of Namibia, inaccordance w~th Security Council resolution 435(l9?8) is essential to the stabilization process in theregion.

14. The repeated attacks against the territories ofAngola and Mozambique, which Portugal has con­demned in a timely and vigorous manner, cannot failto be seen in this context, hence rendering moreurgent a stable solution to the problem. Given the veryspecial ties my country has with Angola and Mozam­bique Portuguese public opinion follows with ~eep

interest the efforts made towards achieving peace,and the subsequent developments in southern Africa.The int~rrelationship between these two elements ismade clear by the economic pressures to which thosetwo countries and Zimbabwe have been subjected.In this context, we think that the goals being pursuedby the Southern African Development Co-ordinationsConference may constitute a very positive contributionto a balanced development of the area.

15. I would like to make it clear that we do notwish any specific role for Portugal and that we put ourtrust in the efforts of the Secretary-General, and inthe diplomatic initiatives and responsible role playedby the contact group offive Western States and by thefront-line States. However, the evolution of eventsshows that flexibility and rapid action are essential.Whenever necessary Portugal will be ready to co­operate, if requested. This my Government has alreadyearnestly done. ,

16. The search for a solution to the Palestinianproblem which would result in a global, lasting andjust peace in the Middle East iF today an essentialelement of international security. The most recentaspects of the problem emphasize even more stronglythe need to respect the principle of self-determinationand to consider the just claims of the Palestinianpeople, who long to create a new independent State.

17. But in the Middle East crisis it is equally neces­sary to state clearly the need for respect for thesovereignty, territorial integrity and political inde­pendence of all nations in the area, in particular

. Lebanon and Israel, as well as the right of theirrespective peoples to live in peace within duly recog­nized and guaranteed international boundaries.18. The Portuguese Government welcomes the mostrecent initiatives taken by the international com­munity, nameiy. President Reagan's peace plan andthe plan agreed by consensus at the Twelfth ArabSummit Conference at Fez. Neither of these plansshould be ce-nsidered separately. Both constitute asignificant step towards the achievement of peace inthe area. The complexity of the Middle East situa­tion is now viewed on a more realistic basis whichmay lead to the compromise solutions long awaitedand much desired by the international community,thus relegating to the realm of the unthinkable suchhorrifying massacres as those recently inflicted onthe defenceless Palestinian refugees.19. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, which soclearly infringes the juridical rules upon which theUnited Nations is based, has been repeatedly con­demned in the Assembly and still gives rise to harshcriticism against the hegemonic purposes which werebehind it.20. The Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea is yetanother source of tension. My Government supportsthe diplomatic efforts either recommended or alreadyaccomplished aimed at finding a peaceful solution tothese conflicts.21. From wh~,:t has been said it is evident that theconsequences of the exercise of the right of peoplesto self-deter.nination are ofgreat importance within theframework of international relations; therefore it isthe duty of the United ~ations to enforce the respectfor that principle so uncompromisingly proclaimed byMember States and to which the great majority of thecountries here represented owe allegiance.

22. It is in this context that the problem of Eas:.Timor should be seen. In the light of the plinciplesconcerning the rights of peoples, which the Organi­zation is bound to defend, the problem of East Timorand the need for the international community to ensurethe exercise of the rights of that Territory's popula­tion are for my country matters of high priority andundeniable importance. Portugal, which seven yearsago ceased to be able to carry out its responsibilitiesas administering Power, has repeatedly declared thatit makes no claim to the Territory of East Timor, towhich my country is linked historically and by bondsof human solidarity that exist to this day. Thesebonds are reflected in the deep sensitivity with whichthe Portuguese nation as a whole follows this problem,while it hopes for a solution consistent with interna­tional ethics and justice.

23. The Portuguese State has often said that its onlygoal is the fulfilment of a national and moral duty.Aware of the justice of our cause and certain that weare interpreting the unanimous feeling of the Portu­guese State and the Portuguese people, I wish toreaffirm clearly our desire to co-operate actively withthe United Nations, using all the mechanismsenvisaged in the Charter, so that through an open

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dialogue we may all find a solution that truly respectsthe interests and cultural identity of the people of EastTimor and enables them to define their collectivedestiny.24. We are going through particularly difficult times,in which the weight of economic problems has agrowing influence and obvious repercussions in thepolitical field. The present state of the world economycontinues to cause serious concern as we face a sombrereality, marked by persistent inflationary pressures,monetary fluctuations, high interest rates, unemploy­ment and social tensions. The outlook for the nearfuture cannot but be disquieting. The gradual dete­rioration of the economic situation has affected allcountries, regardless of their political, economic orsocial system, but it is the poorest among us thathave been most severely harmed.25. The experience of the last few years has shownthat global interdependence is an inescapable factand as such requires greater solidarity among nations.This immense task is vital and demands the realistic,co-ordinated and untiring effo.rts of all members of theinternational community, without exception.26. My Government believes in the importance andusefulness ofa realistic, productive and action-orientedNorth-South dialogue. We are facing global problemswhich demand a global approach and global solutions.We trust therefore that it will be possible to reachagreement on the conditions which would make pos­sible the launching of global negotiations in a spiritguided by common interest and respect for existingorganizations. North-South relations are usuallyreduced to a formal and strict distinction betweendeveloped and developing countries, but such adichotomy is far from the present reality.27. Portugal, south of the North, is at an intermediatestage of economic and technological development: adonor country within the limits of its capacity, it issimultaneously a recipient of assistance essential tothe process of national development in which it isengaged.

28. Being an Atlantic country, an active member ofthe North Athintic Treaty Organization [NATO], aEuropean country and a candidate for membershipof the European Economic Community, Portugal isin a position in which it can understand not only theneeds of the developing countries but also the dif­ficulties facing the more advanced economies.Portugal's membership in the European Community,one of the priorities of our foreign policy, wiil, we arecertain, enable 3S to reinforc~ our capacity to under­stand both sides of the problem and at the same timecollaborate actively towards its soJution. On the onehand we shall pursue more resolutely Portugal'sdevelopment process and on the other wider perspec­tives will be opened for the privileged relations wemaintain with many areas of the world other than thePortuguese..speaking African countries and the Africancontinent.

29. My Government is engaged in increasing anddiversifying its bilateral aid, but it is equally intere5tedin developing co-operation ~rojects, with the assist­ance of specialized agencies of the United Nationsand with the co-operation of other countries. Awareof our limitations and possibilities, but conscious also

that, besides quantitative aspects, there are also thequalitativr ones, we shall strive to achieve these goals.30. If the role played by small and medium enter­prises has become increasingly important within oureconomy, in the international political system, too,the role of small and medium countries must beacknowledged as increasingly relevant.31. Indeed, the perception and impact of questionssuch as the energy crisis, problems of investment andtechnology and protectionist policies are common tothis group of countries and constitute, in their par­ticular case, conditioning factors of a qualitative andnot merely quantitative nature. This reality drawsa distinction between us and the larger countries.We believe that, with a view to creating a realisticand useful basis for dialogue, it is of the utmo~t

interest that we undel Lake a common considerationof this issue.32. Like the others, my country is particularlysensitive to tJte energy problems that affect our balanceof payments in a very negative way, reducing ourpossibilities of carrying out the measures necessary topun;ue our· development process. A sustained eco­nomic growth depends to a great extent on intensi­sification of productive investments, increasedproductivity and the maintenance of an open tradesystem.

33. Although one must admit that the seriousnessof the world economic situation has not caused aradical increase of protectionism, I should like tostress the concern of the Portugue~e Governmentregarding some protectionist measures which affectexports from developing countries and from countriesin an intermediate stage ofdevelopment, like Portugal.We hope that during the next ministerial meetingof GATI' important decisions will be taken con­tributing, in a decisive way, to fostering free interna­tional trade between' all countries and groups ofcountries.

34. I should also like to refer to the United NationsConvention on the Law of the Sea. 1 Last April Portugalvoted in favour of the Convention. This decision wastaken in the light of (lur own interests as a coastalState. It also took into account the interests of theinternational community, which may be greatlyafiected should an adequate regulation of thesematters not be established. This does not mean tbatmy country is satisfied with all the provisions con­tained in the Convention, namely, those regarding thecomposition of the International Sea-Bed Authority;"\.In fact the interests of semi-industrialized countriesare not taken duly into account, especially in tbe ca~e

of those countries that, like Portugal, ha~~i: t9 faceserious emigration problems. These considerations donot, however, impair our intention to sign and ratifythe Convention, thus contributing towards avoidingchaos in international maritime relations. Accordingly,Portugal calls upon every country to make an addi­tional effort to find a compromise fonnula which wouldrender the Convention universally acceptable.

35. If, on the one hand, economic matters areintimately linked to political problems, it is also truethat from them arise very serious consequences con­cerning human rights. Thus, when discussing herethe best way to achieve the objectives we have pro-

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49. Buildin!tenance of ;been the twisince our indancient pastmodem Indiiof adventurereceptive tosense our tnhas enabled I

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posed for ourselves-namely, the creation of a more peop~-:. In this context as well, of great significance.equitable international order-we cannot overlook a in the sphere of international morals and law, I wishbasic fundamental principle: that the United Nations is, to reiterate the Portuguese will to co-operate in theabove all, a body at the service of humankind. Beyond settlement within the wide framework of humanitarianthe diversity of traditions, cultures and systems, man questions, of several problems brought about by theattains universal value as a subject of rights and funda- situation in East Timor. I wish to reaffirm here thatmental freedoms, through intrinsic dignity. Conse- the Portuguese position as to principles and bumanquently, in addition to those factors, there is yet rights is clear and that it constitutes the purs~it ofanother concern: we continue to be faced with the an ethical and political duty which cannot be over-persistence of policies that ignore the essence of looked if we do not want to put in jeopardy thehuman rights and lead to serious violations of such values that govern us. Likewise, I reiterate Portugal'srights, as a result of local conflicts or of situations firm determination to reach a global solution to thisof instability or intolerance. problem within the framework of the Organization,36. Of such situations, the system of apartheid is a through an open and frank dialogue.paradigm. This system is condemned by us, as it is 41. The history of the United Nations stands as anour belief that any form of discrimination, besides example of endeavours to give mankind its full dimen-being ;Joacceptable on an ethical and human plane, sion, free from the yoke ofpolitical domination, urgentis a denial of progress and culture. material needs and deadly wars. Many are the dif-37. As I have already stated, there are many areas ficulties that have been encountered when pursuingin the world where the rights to self-determination, these aims. Some achievements have even broughtfree choice of regime, independence and se-eurity of about new and complex problems.States are not respected. When it comes to human 42. To admit that reforms must be introduced inrights stricto sensu-meaning relations between the certain structures and habits does not mean that weGovernment and individuws-the situations in which should question the provisions of the Charter. On thehuman beings are denied their basic rights are regret- contrary, within the limitations imposed by the frame-tably multiplying. I am referring to polK~l;al repres- work of international relations, those provisions stillsion, racism, foreign domination and poverty. The otTer the best means of overcoming institutionalinternational community acknowledges the fact that impediments, and are at the same time an irrepl9.ceablehuman rights are inseparable from the rights ofpeoples frame of reference when it comes to settling certainand of nations and that both are closely related to types of conflicts. The Portuguese Governmentpeace, security and prosperity in the world. In order sincerely believes that the Organization can handlethat international stability may be attained, States confrontations and pave the way to their settlement bymust respect the rights of other nations and those of means of dialogue, at the same time and provide thetheir own citizens. In this context, the United Nations necessary impartiality as.a forum for negotiatit?n.has a dual responsibility: the definition of principles 43. If the Organization is affected by some short-through the enunciation of a code of conduct and comings, that is not its fault. Those shortcomings-sosupervision of their effectiy-e ~f!!p!e.men~ti~_n. sharply described in the report of the Secretary-38. The Portuguese Government attributes the General on the work of the Organization [A/37//]--aregreatest importance to the achievement of that aim. caused by ti~!)se who find them very convenient. ThatAccordingly, Portugal has adhered to the main interna- is why, waen there is a common will, the UnitedHonal instruments concerning human rights, the latest Nations offers the appropriate institutional means forone being the International Convention on the the search for multilateral solutions. It is for theElimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination reaffirmation of such goals that all of us gathered[resolution 2/06 A (XX)], to which we acceded Dn here must strive, without any weakening or preconcep-23 September. tions, without any demagoguery or procrastination;

the: moral force of those who are in the right will39. The United Nations has created' a system and always triumph in the end.institu.tions to promote and protect respect for humanrights the world over. However, the number of cases 44. The PRESIDENT: On behalf of the Generalthat are violations of the moral conscience of nations Assembly I thank the Prime Minister of the Portugueseis regrettably increasing. Republic for the important statement he has just made.

40. In this context, we are deeply concerned with the 45. Mr. RAO (India): Mr. President, allow me todifficult living conditions sutTered by the "Cimorese congratulate you on your unanimous election to thepeople as well as with the violations of its cultural presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the Generalidentity and its rights, caused by the present situation Assembly. We are gratified that a representative ofin the Territory of East Timor. Convergent reports Hungary, with which we enjoy close and cordial rela-and information reaching us from 'East Timor leav~ tions, has been chosen to preside over our deJib-no doubt about the moral and physical sutTerings erations.endured by the people of Timor. The problem of East 46._ would like to take this opportunity to expressTimor was only recently discussed at Geneva when our appreciation of the resolute and efficient leader-the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination ship provided to the Assembly during its thirty-sixthand Protection of. Minorities adopted resolution . b M K'1982/2:02 on this question, in which it acknowledged sessIon y your prede,~ssor, r. Ismat JUani.the diplomatic efforts made by Portugal to redress the 47. I would also like to pay a tribute to the secretary­dtuation in the Territory and ,~aUed for interoational General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who has won ourI co-operation to defend the rights of the Timorese admiration and acclaim for his efficient stewardship

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14th meetlng-l October 1982

of the United Nations this year and for his skilfulhandling of several crisis situations. We wish himpreater successes in the future.

. . .....- ..4~. India approaches the present session of theGeneral Assembly with renewed commitment to theprinciples and purposes of the United Nations. Theefforts of the United Nations to bring these prin~

ciples into the realm of reality deserve the supportof each one of us, for mankind has a great stake in itssuccess. Our endeavour to contribute to its' success,therefore, is dictated by our own will to survive and topursue our ttath towards progress in a congenialinternational climate, free from domination andexploitation.

49. Building up self-reliance internally and main­tenance of an independent policy externa~ty havebeen the twin objectiveg of the Government ')f Indiasince our independence. Traditions inherited from ourancient past still remain with us, but the leaders ofmodern India have succeeded in inculcating a spiritof adventure and inquiry in our people, making themreceptive to evolving contemporary ideas. In thissense our tradition itself has not remained static; ithas enabled change to come about, with stability andcontinuity being retained all the time. Side by sidewith the development of a rural et:onomy, whichprovides sustenance for the majority of the people ofIndia, we have built a modern industrial infrastructurewhich enables us to keep pace witn the spectacularscientific and technological advances taking place inthe world. Our mixed economy, in which the publicsectoroccupies the commanding heights but the privatesector provi~es the majority of the means of produc­tion, has proved its resilience and strength. Foreigncollaboration and technical co-operation have pro­vided an impetus to our development, but both haveoperated within the framework of our own national.priorities, determined by an integrated pjanningprocess. The stability that we have acquired throughour democratic institutions, which give our peoplea sense of deep involvement, has proved propitiousfor our progress.

50. In his thought-provoking report on the work ofthe Organization, the Secretary-General has painteda grim picture of the world that we live in today.Things have come \0 such a sorry pass that unlessthey are checked, we will, he feels, approach Hanew international anarchy". These are sombre words,coming as they do from the Secretary-General. In hisvery first address to the General Assembly, PrimeMinister lawaharlal Nehru had warned us that it wasbecoming increasingly apparent that if we did notproceed speedily enough towards a world order, wewould be left with no order in the world. If after37 years of its existence, the Organization is unable tooffer anything more than mere palliatives, the timehas indeed come for a reassessment, some soul­searching and, above all, concrete remedial action.The Secretary-General's hands need to be strengthenedso that he can advise9 and if necessary, even pro(.~

the Security Council into action, to prevent outbreaksof fresh conflicts. For it is painfully obvious that theSecurity Council, the discharge ef whose responsi­bilities is predicated on the principle of concurrenceamong as permanent members, stands paralysed andimmobilized because of the inability of the permanent

members to rise above their narrow national objectives'to harmonize their positions in the cause of peace.

51. Although all of us, being representatives ofnation States, believe strongly in the well-km>wnattributes of national sovereignty, it should not bedifficult for us to see that the common good of mankindought to have a certain overriding p ,;ority in thescheme of things. In any event, national interestcannot be inimical to the common good of humanity:the two have to go hand in hand and be combinedharmoniously, despite some seemingly disadvanta­geous positions in the short run at the natiol~al level.

52. All of' us are committed to the goal of generaland complete disarmament, particularly nucleardisarmament. People in every part of the world ha"ebecome acutely aware that, through no fault of theirown, they would perish if strategies ~1 nucleardeterrence were tested out, since they would obviouslybe tested out on them. They also know only too wellthat after a nuclear conflict either they would not beliving at all, or, if they do live, that life would be sohorrible that death would'be preferabJe to it. It is thisawareness that has forced multitudes of people,irrespective of colour, creed, religion, nationality orpolitical persuasion, to go out on to the streets to urgesanity in dealing with matters of life and death. Theirloud and clear voices' 8ignify that there could be noagenda more urgent than that for devising immediatemeasures for nuclear disarmament and the preventionof nuclear war. .

53. In response 'to this overwhelming popular senti­ment -the world over, the Prime. Minister of India~

Mrs. Indira G~dhi, presented at "the special sessionon disarmament this year a concrete programme ofaction3 which included the negotiation of a bindingconvention on the non-use of ~ nuclear weapons, afreeze on the production of nuclear weapons andfissionable material used in the manufacture thereof,the suspension of nuclear-weapon tests, and theresumption of negotiations for concluding a treaty ongeneral and complete disarmament. India submitted anumber ofproposals and draft resolutions4 to facilitatethe beginning of a serious nuclear disarmamentprogramme. Yet the opposition of nuclear-weaponStates prevented the Assembly at the special sessionfrom taking any concrete steps in this regard. The so­called consensus document that finally emerged wasso insipid as to be meaningless. In the circumstances,India had no choice but to disassociate itself from theconclusions in the document.

54. The outcome of the special session was perhapsyet another instance of what the Secretary-Generaldescribes as the lack of capacity of the Organizationto come to terms with the present reality. Never­theless, we shall not despair, despite the attempts ofa few but powerful nations to hold peace hostageto their nuclear arsenals and to their own perceivedsecurity interests. There have been, however, somepositive albeit feeble indications of late. We welcomethe evolution in the attitude of some nuclear-weaponPowers. It is our earnest hope that at this sessionIndia's proposals will be considered in all serious­ness and that decisions will be taken that will rid theworld of weapons of mass destruction.

General Assembly-ThIrty«,eRtb SessIon--PIenar Meetings216

55. It is gratifying to think that in a world teeteringon the brink of nuclear disaster the vast majority ofhumanity prefers, wisely, to keep out of militaryalliances devised by great Powers. The non-alignednations know perfectly well that military alliances andinterlocking,arrangements do not guarantee peace andstability f but on the contrary, serve as a potentialinvitation to interventior,\ and involvement in strategicconflicts. The preservation of peace, therefore, is atthe core of the philosophy of non-alignment developedby our founding fathers. It becomes more and morerelevant with every passing day. Its practice hasenabled India, as our Prime Minister pledged at thetime of our independence, to look at the rest of theworld with clear and friendly eyes: clear since we arenot obliged to look through alien glasses of any' hue,and friendly since we believe that mutually beneficialrelations can be forged on the basis of equality. Non­alignment, which in our lexicon is a synonym forfreedom of thought and action, has invested our inde­pendence with meaning and content. It has also sharp­ened our determination to oppose the evils of im­perialism, colonialism, racism and all manifestationsof foreign domination. The value and relevance of ou,"non-alignment have been demonstrated not only bythe increasing number of adherents it has found, butalso by the qualitative change that it has helped tobring about in international relations.

56. Despite manifest diversity in political and eco­nomic outlook and an understandable preoccupationwith regional problems, the essential unity of purposeof.non-aligned countries remains intact on matters ofvital and crucial global interest and concern. Theunique bond among them is the voice of sanity whichthey have raised with consistency and determination.In turn, this unity has sustained the prestige andinfluence of the non-aligned movement throughthe constantly shifting patterns in internationalrelationships. India is honoured that in these difficultti~es it has been called upon to host the SeventhConference of Heads of State or Government of Non­Aligned Countries. While we are naturally gratefulfor this opportunity, we are mindful of the tremendousresponsibility it entails. With u~m9st sincerity, Ipromise that India will do all in its power to be worthyof the trust which the movement has reposed in it.

57. Our neighbourhood, the South Asian subcon­tinent, is currently going through a process of regionalco-operation on the basis of mutual benefit. India isgratified at these very desirable developments, whichare in consonance with its own efforts over the yearsto build bridges of understanding among the coun­tries of the region. True, external interference andintervention continue to sow suspicions and inflamepassions. An 'unprecedented build-up of sophisticatedarms, unrelated either to reasonable needs or to per­ceived threats, still points to the continuance pfstrategic c0J.1selisus situations so detrimental ;toregional independence and harmony. Yet one canperhaps hope more than hitherto that the subcontinentwill be·able to usher in an era of peace which is morecomprehensive than the mere absence of war, andencompasses relationships of positive friendship andcO~bperation.

53. The slender thread· which tne Secretary-Generalhas found in the search for a political settlement of

the situation in Mghanistan is another developmentthat has been welcomed in our part of the world.There is universal reaffirmation of the inadmissibilityof interference in the internal affairs of States, asalso of the introduction of foreign troops into anycountry. Here again, given the prospect of successof the Secretary-General's effort, India feels gratifiedthat its own approach to finding a political solutionhas been vindicated.59. We commend the commencement of the Genevatalks and trust that they will pick up momentumhereafter, to enter substantive areas. We feel it ishigh time they did, and our feeling is in line with whatthe Afghan people urges.

60. GeographicaHy distant from us but equally closeto our hearts are the friendly people of Kampuchea,who are struggling valiantly to remove the ravagescaused by a heartless dictatorial regime. The adventof an alliance of convenience, whose real content istoo thinly veiled to need any unveiling should notdistract our attention. Once the fear of the return ofthe holocaust is removed and the threat to their terri­torial integrity and sovereignty is ended, the people ofKampuchea will be willing-nay, eager-to get foreigntroops to leave their ~ ;lit. The expedients improvisedfor seating the forces without legitimacy in thesechambers can hardly help either the process of healingthe wounds of Kampuchea or of finding an acceptablepolitical solution. What is needed is the ending ofconfrontation in South-East Asia, which alone couldhave a welcome impact on the stability and prosperityof the entire region.

61. The security environment in the Indian Oceanregion has further deteriorated because ofthe increasedbuild-up of the military presence of great Powers,contrary to the wishes of the non-aligned littoral andhinteriand States. The implementation of the historicGeneral Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) declaringthe Indian Ocean a zone of peace, adopted in 1971,has remained a distant dream. Theories of balanceand doctrines of deterrence are being advanced inorder to justify the introduction of sophisticatedw~aponry into the area.

62. The Conference on the Indian Ocean, originallyscheduled to be held in 1981 in Colombo, is still post­poned at the behest of those who are far removedfrom the area. Simultaneously, efforts are afoot tosubvert the fundamental elements of the Declarationset out in the 1971 resolution and to distort its essentialframework. We believe that the time has come forthe commencement of the process of the eliminationof foreign military presence from the Indian Ocean,that the Colombo Conference should be held comewhat may, in accordance with the new schedule,and that it should address itself to the question in aforthright manner.

63. The shifting of fortunes in the war betweenIraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran and the colossalloss of Jives and property have once again highlightedthe futility of war as a means of settling disputes.I personally have had the experience of participatingin the peace-making effort on the basis of a mandategiven to my colleagues from Cuba, Zambia and thePalestine Liberation Organization [PLO] an~ to meat the Conference of Ministers for For~ign Affairs of

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Non-Aligned Countries at New Delhi in 1981. Mycolleagues and I are convinced that, while there canbe no victor or vanquished, the damage inflicted oneach other by these two neighbours will only weakentheir ability to meet the challenges that face them asdeveloping countries.64. The recent conflagration in West Asia resultingin the virtual destruction of Beirut and the horridgenocide of the Lebanese and Palestinian populationhave shaken the conscience of mankind to the verycore. It was nothing short of a holocaust, imposed,strangely and ironically, by none other than Israel.Ironically, again, the withdrawal of the PLO fromBeirut, to save innocent civilians from further sufferingand devastation, itself led to the gruesome massacreof Palestinians in Shatila and Sabra. Israel's respon­sibility, indeed complicity, is self-evident. Those whohad undertaken to protect the Palestinian and Leba­nese civilians in Beirut in tile wake of the PLO'swithdrawal must also share the blame for the criminalbloodshed.65. The dispersal of the heroic Palestinians willneither weaken their will to fight for their inalienablerights nor bring peace to the area. Occupation of theland of its neighbours will not guarantee Israel'ssecurity; the effect, if anything, will be just the oppo­site. A comprehensive solution consisting of Israel'swithdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since1967, the establishment of a Palestinian State andmutual guarantees of security among 'the States of theregion must be achieved. There now seems to begreater understanding of the fact that no com­prehensive solution will be achieved without tht activeinvolvement of the PLO, the representative of thePalestinian people. In the gory drama in Lebanon,the PLO has demonstrated great heroism and courage.The PLO and other Arab nations have since showngreat statesmanship in evolving and adopting the "FezCharter", the Final Declaration of the Twelfth ArabSummit Conference [see A/37/696], whose proposalsde~erve very serious consideration.66. In recent weeks there have been importantproposals made by world leaders. They vary inapproach and content, but fundamental to all of themis the recognition that the uprooted people of Pales­tine should secure their legitimate rights. In this case,as with other problems, the slowing down of theeffort to find a solution often results in the creationof vested interests in the continued non-solution of theproblem. This leads to prevarication and circum­vention and a long stalemate. This has happened inWest Asia, with the disastrous consequences whichwe are now witne~sing. Therefore the quest for acomprehensive solution should be pursued relent­lessly. Instead of indulging in a fine-print scrutiny ofthe various plans mooted so far and losing valuabletime in endless discussions, immediate steps shouldbe taken at the United Nations to devise a suitablemechanism for finding a permanent solution to theproblem of West Asia. This is the very minimumthat needs to be done in expiation of the rivers ofinnocent blood that have been allowed to flow inLebanon.67. Racism and colonialism still rage in southernAfrica today, with little progress eitiler in the elimina­tion of apartheid or in the liberation of Namibia.

227

The people of South Africa remain in bondage,despite the universal condemnation of the obnoxiousdiscriminatory laws of the Pretoria regime. We havebeen awaiting the outcome of the contacts beingconducted by the five Western States for the imple­mentation of the United Nations plan for free electionsin Namibia. The South West MricaPeople's Organiza­tion [SWAPO], the sole and authentic representativeof the Namibian people,. which negotiated in goodfaith for a cease-fire and free elections, has reasonto apprehend that South Mrica and its supportershave been creating an illusion of progress in thesetalks merely to link up the situation in Namibia withextraneous issues. The international community will,as it must, intensify its demand for punitive actionagainst South Africa under the Charter, if the currentefforts for a negotiated settlement fail to achieveresults. South Mrica's supporters will find it difficultto shield it from the wrath of the world for very long.

68. Several old items on the agenda continue toengage our attention. Thus the situation in Cyprus,unfortunately, still remains frozen. In spite ofrepeatedcalls of the movement of non-aligned countries apdthe support of the international community in generalthe relevant resolutions of the United Nations havenot yet been implemented. We trust that the inter­communal talks will soon bear froit and the questionresolved free from external interference and in accor­dance with decisions of the United Nations.

69. More recently, despite the efforts ofoursagaciousSecretary-General, conflict and bloodshed in the SouthAtlantic could not be averted.

70. In Central America there are dangerous portentsofintervention and destabilization. The United Nationscannot remain a mute spectator and must lend supportto all efforts for dialogue and negotiation to createmutual confidence and to resolve outstandingdisputes.

71. It is with great satisfaction that we note the longand at times difficult negotiations successfully con­cluded with the adoption of a universal and compre­hensive Convention on the Law of the Sea. TheConvention is a symbol of shared ex~ctations of theinternational community and represents a ml\ior con­tribution to world peace and the new internationaleconomic order. Later this year, in December, inJamaica the Final Act will be open for signature.It is our earnest hope that the Convention on the'Law of the Sea will be endorsed by all States withprompt signatures and ratifications.

. .72. International co-operation for development isthe topic of our age. We strongly believe that ourapproach to development and co-operation will have tobe informed by certain objective and fundamentalconsiderations. First, tbe aJ1IlS race is not comp,~tible

with the movement towards a more stable globaldevelopment and sustainable international order.Secondly, the international community cannot aspireto durable peace so long as a major component of itremains underdeveloped. Thirdly, orderly develop­ment and continued progress can t~e place opti­mally only in an atmosphere of harmony and co-oper­ation. Fourthly, co-operation demands that theprivileges which the developed countries have beenenjoying so far sh~uld not be turned into rights and

228 General Aaembly-Thlrty-seventh Session-PIen.ry Meetings

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developing countries be conscious of the fact that the progress in regard to theachievem~nt of the new international economic orderis inextricably linked with the world economic recoveryprogramme. Thus, today world economic problemscan be solved only by joint actions. There is noalternative for the international community but tomove beyond the present stalemate to more fruitful,durable and just international economic relationships.79. Let me now turn to the current problems arisingfrom the pursuit of anti-inflationary policies, I?rotec­tionist trends, high interest rates and the drymg upcf the sources of concessional flows. The anti­inflationary policies that have been adopted by somedeveloped countries are not conducive to growthand employment. Consequently, there has bee~ adecline in the price per unit of exports by developmgcountries of their raw materials and primary products.The exports of industrial products of develop!ngcountries have been adversely affected by growmgprotectionism. The high interest rates are causingserious problems in regard to debt burden and a~cess

to international capital markets. The InternationalDevelopment Association [IDA] is in deep trouble.All this makes the task of developing countriesextremely difficult. The situation is particularly gravefor oil-importing developing countries in regard to theirbalance-of-payments position and the development oftheir. energy resources, which require large capitaloutlay.

80. We should thus lose n) time in devising feasiblestrategies that are complementary to those predicatedon global negotiations for restructuring internationaleconomic relations. Urgent steps need to be takenfor a world economic recovery programme'and forbuilding upon the limited gains that have been securedthrough North-South co-operation. Agreement shouldbe sought wherever possible. Detailed guidelines forfurther work should be drawn up so as to facilitatethorough discussions and eventual agreement on allconnected matters at the sixth session of UNCTAD,where this matter will be high on the agenda.

81. Numerous international conferences havestressed the need for making efforts concurrent withglobal negotiations in order to achieve progress. inareas of critical im{t.ortance to developing countnessuch as food, energy, trade and financial flows.The Versailles Economic Summit had outlined certainpractical areas for action. We would urge developedcountries not to use lack of progress on globalnegotiations as an alibi for inaction. We expect thatthey would translate their suggestions into concreteand co-operative programmes of action that wouldcontribute to the development of the developingcountries.

82. A broad consensus now exists, and indeed, thiswas one concrete gain in Cancun-on evolving astrategy to increase food production. We hope that awell-thought-out international programme wouldemerge in this regard. Efforts must continue to devisea global strategy for food security and for constantupdating of measur~s and actions. It is important toreach agreement on an international wheat trade agree­ment for stability of supplies and prices.

83. In the field of energy the most important taskis to help oil-importing developing countries to exploit

that the concerns of thetaken into account.73. Some months ago, in a special session, theGeneral Assembly brought out clearly the closeconnection between disarmament and development,but failed to draw the requisite conclusions from it.74. A year ago the two co-Chairmen of the Inter­national Meeting on Co-operation and Development,which was held at Cancun, referred to the North-Southrelationship as one of the most serious ~hallenges tobe faced in the coming decades by mankmd, togeth~r

with the maintenance of peace. The theme of Cancunwas "Co-operation and Development". Regrettably,there was no agreement as to how the real challengeof the North-South relationship was to be met, though,as our Prime Minister observed after the Cancunmeeting the door was kept open for dialogue.75. One can only hope that world statesmen willtake an enlightened and long-term view of history.We also need to promote world-wide politi~al under­standing, with the involvement of the pu~hc, ~f theconnection between the North-South relationship andthe maintenance of peace. This would contributesignificantly to generating the requisite political w~ll

that is sorely needed to overcome the present paralYSISin the North.-South dialogue.

76. Viewed against this background, it is most dis­heartening that the adverse effects of the continueddeadlock on the negotiating front have been com­pounded by an actual deterioration in the N<?rth­South relationship. As the report of the Committeeon Development Planning on its eighteenth sessionShas illustrated, there is both qualitative and quantita­tive detenoration in multilateral economic co-oper­ation. Examples of this are increasing protectionism,high interest rates, fast-diminishing concessionalassistance, the secular decline in prices of manycommodities, difficulties in access to the internationalcapital market and the injection of non-economicfactors and political considerations in the functioningof multilateral economic institutions. For the firsttime since the Second World War, the developingcountries, taken as a group, have registered a fall intheir per capita output.

77. Two years ago the Assembly adopted the Inter­national Development Strategy for tite Third UnitedNations Development Decade [resolution 35/56,annex]. However, it remains a paper document.There is all round failure on the part of the developedcountries to fulfil their commitments. There is noagreement, even on the procedures for the globalnegotiations that were expected to contribute to theimplementation of the Strategy.

78. Recent developments show that while the devel­oping countries do have a conciliatory approach, thereis not enough encouraging response from th~ de~el­oped countries. Several of them are not negative, yetthere are some that are not even prepared to think interms of a consensus that can bind the North and theSouth.. They are still to be convinced that com­prehensive and global negotiations will in the longrun facilitate the emergence of a viable co-operativerelationship among the nations of the world. As for thedeveloping countries, they are not interested in a zero­sum game, but in a positive-sum approach. They are

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14th meetlng-l Odober 1981 229

84. A further expansion and liberalization of theInternational Monetary Fund [IMF] compensatoryfacility is called for. Indeed, we need to give greaterconsideration to the establishment of a completelynew commodity-related scheme. Predictability in theearnings, supply and demand of commodities is anobjective which we should seriously pursue. This callsfor adequate and effective price stabilization arrange­ments.

8S. The deterioration in the world trading situationis especially affecting countries with relatively low percapita income. The international trading regime whichhas emerged nei!her adhere~ to the principles andrules envisaged by GATT, nor is it responsive to newcircumstances. What is necessary is the most carefulconsideration of the requirements of an internationaltrading order that will be efficient, equitable andeffectively promote the development of developingcountries. For this there should be a return to a setof agreed principles in international trading relation­ships, particularly through practical support for theprinciples of multilateralism, non-discrimination, non­reciprocity vis-a-vis developing countries, trans­parency and predictability consistent with special anddifferential treatment to developing countries. Progres­sive liberalization of the trade in textiles, clothing,the leather industry and other consumer durables is amatter of great importance to the industrial develop­ment of developing countries. The developing coun­tries possess comparative advantages in these areas.We expect that the GATT ministerial meeting andthe sixth session of UNCTAD would agree on con­crete measures in this regard.

86. The situation created by the second massive oilprice rise is qualitatively different and more acutethan that faced by the world community at the time ofthe first energy crisis ~ess than 10 years ago. Thegrowth momentum of the developing countries wasthen maintained through flows of international financeon suitable terms to the countries most adverselyaffected by the crisis and through new modalities ofconcessional developmental assistance. No similareffort is visible today or even being considered.Instead, private capital and investments are sugge~Jed

as a solution to the problems of developing countries.While private capital can be useful in certain areas,experience clearly shows that it cannot provideresources for long-term development aiming at socialimprovement and stability with low or no marketprofit. It cannot alleviate the balance-of-paymentsburdens of developing countries. Above all, multi­lateral aid should not be made conditional on cor­responding in-flow of private investment. Similarly,the increasing recourse to exclusive bilateralismcontinues and must be resisted to the extent suchbilateralism tends to obstruct multilateral co-operationand is pursued at the expense of the latter.

their own energy resources. At the same time, much 87. Thus, the international monetary and fmancialgreater research activities and financial resources are system is increasingly pushing developing countriesneeded for developing alternative sources of energy. towards adjustment policies that seriously undermineOngoing studies should be completed early in regard their stability. This is happening at a time when theto the securing of financing for an increased pro- oil-importing develo.,.ng countries are making effortsgramme of energy investment through an energy against such heavy odds as increasing exports duringaffiliate of the World Bank or a special fund, or a time of declining world demand, raising higher andother agreed arrangements. higher resources domestically in order to finance the

same volume of imports; and bringing about reductionin already low levels of consumption in order toincrease investments and savings. There is a limit towhich our countries can be pushed.

88. Co-operation among developing countries is nowviewed both as an essential component of the newinternational economic order and as an importantinstrument for bringing it about. Three years ago, theSixth Conference of Heads of State or Governmentof Non-Aligned Countries at Havana had agreed onpolicy guidelines for reinforcing the collective self­reliance of developing countries. We note with satis­faction that a process has now been set in motionwhich iiS continuously enriching the concept, practiceand content of economic and technical co-operationamong developing countries.

89. Concomitant support measures by internationalorganizations would be of great help in technicalpreparations for major South-South undertakings suchas, for instance, the establishment of the global systemof trade preferences among developing countries andthe setting up of a South-S\)uth bank.· We believethat economic co-operation among developing coun­tries can make a significant contribution to worldeconomic recovery. We trust that the Assembly willgive due and favourable consideration to these matters.

90. This is not the moment to think in terms ofmutually exclusive alternatives. The present sorry stateof affairs can be repaired only by action on all fronts.We need bilateral as well as multilateral co-oper­ation, official development assistanc~ as well asprivate flows of capital, North-South co-operation aswell as South-South co-operation, global negotiationsfor restructuring international economic relations aswell as concurrent efforts for securing progress insectoral areas. Let us, therefore, not engage in futiledebates, but work honestly to secure concrete results.I trust that our deliberations in the Assembly willlead us to this path.

91. The German philosopher Hegel believed that anotable contribution of man to civilization was thecreation of the nation-State, which .provides theindividual with the opportunity of finding the fullsatisfaction of his needs in co-operation with· ~e,community. This Organization, composed of157~ationStates, represents the quintessence of the civilizationthat mankind has laboured hard over the centuriesto build. The Prime Minister of India, ShrimatiIndira Gandhi, recently observed:

"One of the most fascinating riddl~s of historyis what makes a group of people share a sense ofcommon destiny. Almost always this is the resultof being together in hardship and humiliation; oftenit comes from being summoned to a heroic effort by agreat figure or group of people who inspire themwith a vision of troth or glory" .

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control and are acquiring their own momentum which,in turn, produces more tension.

96. There are three phenomena which constitute aninseparable whole and which are the major causes ofnegative developments. These are the unabated andspiralling arms race, which has acquired unforeseenproportions; the denial to countries and peoples of theirright to free social development and self-determination;and increased rivalry, based on positions of strength,in establishing new boundaries of spheres of interestand influence and shifting the existing boundaries.All this is being done in the name of a self-arrogatedright to protect social systems, to impose foreignmodels of development and to declare entire regionsas the inviolable zones of security of big Powers.The use of force tends to become a legitimate formof behaviour aimed at imposing the blocs as solearbiters in international affairs. To this end, blocpolicy resorts to the use of the most diverse methodsof destabilization, ranging from interference in internal'affairs and economic pressure to military interventionand direct aggression.

97. The Secretary-General was, therefore, rightwhen he said in his thought-prcvcking report on thework'of the Organization that "The past year hasseen an alarming succession of international crises aswell as stalemates on a number of fundamental inter­national issues". This is a grave but regrettably trueand irrefutable observation. This situation is less aresult of cyclical aggravation than of the profoundcrisis of the post-war bloc system based on the balanceof terror. The entire development of internationalrelations since the Second World War has shownthat the historic processes of emancipation. and thestriving for independent and undisturbed develop­ment are deeply rooted and universal. In spite of allattempts to the contrary, the policy of the divisionof the world into blocs, aimed at controlling thoseprocesses and at preserving the system of dominationand the policy of rivalry, has failed. This could not beachieved either through the cold war or by limiteddetente, by outbreaks of situations of conflict andother forms of interventionism or by attempts tocrush the resistance of peoples to foreign dominationand their will to establish their own national andsocial identities. In short, the arms race, limitedwars and military interventions have not given anysubsta'lltive advantage to either bloc, nor have theystrengthened their internal cohesion. On the cont rary,the bloc perception of international relations not onlyhas failed to remove the possibility of global war buthas constantly led the world to its brink.

98. The blocs cannot solve in the old way the crisesexisting both within their own ranks and in inter­national relations and they are not willing to do soon the new basis; they are trying to overcome themat the expense of small, economically and militarilyweak countries. All this undoubtedly points to theobsolescence of the existing system of internationalpolitical and economic relations, which is caught todayin a web of mutual contradictions. The blocs areattempting to find a way out by intensifying andexpanding their power. They are incapable of com­prehending the altered structure of the internationalcommunity and the growing awareness of n~tions and.peoples, which have never been stronger, better

The community of nations, as practically everydistinguished speaker has stressed in the Assembly,is confronted with an economic, political and moralcrisis. Such' adversity should, instead of dividing us,reinforce our resolve to seek and secure our commondestiny. With such a distinguished gathering of leadersfrom all over the world who have addressed and aregoing to address the Assembly, we cannot afford tofail in finding that vision of truth and glory. I shouldlike to conclude with the conviction that if we pledgeto act together, we will overcome the crisis that facesus today.

92. Mr. MOJSOV (Yugoslavia): Mr. President, Ishould like first of all to congratulate you on yourelection as President of the current session of theGeneral Assembly. It is my particular pleasure towelcome you, the representative of a neighbouringcountry with which Yugoslavia has been developingfriendly relations and comprehensive good-neigh­bourly co-operation, to this important and responsiblepost.

93. I should also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary­General for his high personal and statesmanlikequalities, as well as for the selfless efforts he exertedduring the short but very dynamic and difficult periodsince his election. We are very pleased to see therepresentative of friendly and non-aligned Peru inthis high and exceptionally important post. His electionalso honours the whole Latin American continent,as well as being a recognition of the growinginfluence of the policy and movement ofnon-alignmentin international relations.

94. I avail myself of this opportunity to point outour particular gratitude and appreciation to thePresident of the thirty-sixth session Mr. Ismat Kittani,the representative of Iraq, a country with whichYugoslavia has firm friendly ties, for the outstandingefforts, objective attitude and skill with which hegUided the'thirty-sixth session Qf the General Assem­bly, the second special session on disarmament andother meetings of the General Assembly in the courseof the past year, which was fraught with numerousproblems and difficulties.

Mrs. Astorga (Nicaragua), Vice-President, took theChair.

95. Although there are certain differences in theassessments of the causes of the present state ofaffairs in the world, we believe that there is almostno dispute that we are now witnessing one of thosecrucial turning-points in the history of internationalrelations, when a choice has to be made betweena perilous downhill slide caused by the increase oftension, and a halting of this dangerous trend byreversing the developments and directing them towardsthe renewal of international confidence and respbn­sibility, which have been so badly eroded. This wouldpave the way for a process of equitable and peacefuln~gotiationon a number ofconflict situations and crisespresent in the world. There is no doubt that the situa­tion in all spheres or international relations hasdeterio­rated to such an ei;.tent that the whole internationalcommuDity is faced with that choice, which is all themore dramatic since there are no signs of improve­ment. On the contrary, many things are getting out of

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organized and more committed to changing the existinginternational relations. Never has the gap been widerbetween the old relations and the new needs andpossibilities for changing the existinb :tate of affairsfor the better, nor have the dangers threatening theworld ever been so immediate and so far beyondcontrol. There is practically no field in political andeconomic relations in which serious aggravation ofdifficulties has not occurred. The relaxation of tensionsand the efforts to settle disputes by ·peaceful meansare giving way to increased manifestations of the coldwar and the use of force. M~or channels of negotia­tion, whether bilateral or multilateral, have beenblocked, and communication for the purpose ofnegotiation has been reduced to the lowest level.The security and independence of many nations,as well as the most essential conditions of economicdevelopment, are threatened daily. The manifestationsof such a state of affairs are, unfortunately, verynumerous.

99. The arms race, with the unrestrained and uncon­trolled growth, quantitative and qualitative, and stock­piling of weapons, constitutes today a most directthreat to world peace and an instrument for preservingthe existing inequitable system of internationalrelations. NegotiaHons on specific aspects of thelimitation of the arms race or its control or ondisarmament have for years been bogged down, whilethe Programme of Action contained in the Final Docu­ment of the Tenth Special Session of the GeneralAssembly [resolution 5-/0/2], unanimously adopted atthe first special session devoted to disarmament,has not been implemented. At the second specialsession on disarmament the Assembly was not onlyunable to do further work on an international strategyfor a long-term process of disarmament, but, in a way,took a step backwards. Detente not only failed tobecome a coherent strategy for peace but, as thetransition from cold war to peace, experienced acrisis precisely at the moment when it was about toachieve the most durable results, particularly inEurope.

100. The existing focal poinis of cric}s are constantlybecoming linked with new ones in an uninterruptedchain stretching from the Mediterranean, through theregion of the Gulf, the Indian Ocean, southern Africaand South America to the Caribbean and CentralAmerica.

101. The longstanding practice of tolerating IsraeJ'saggressive policy in the Middle East has broughtabout a situation which has no precedent in recenthistory, and for which it would be hard to find aparallel even in the Second World War. Not onlydoes there seem to be no end to the Israeli policy ofexpansionism and its violation of all the decisionsof the United Nations and all the norms of inter­national behaviour, but Israel has resorted to genocideagainst the Palestinian people and keeps encroachingupon the independence of Lebanon, A premeditatedand cold-blooded massacre of helpless Palestinianand Lebanese people is carried out before the eyes ofthe whole of mankind, which is unable either to preventthe crimes or to punish the perpetrator. It has becomeobvious that this is a continuous and premeditatedpolicy of aggression against and extermination of thePalestinian people and an attempt to find a "final

solution" to the Mjddle East crisis without it or againstits will. Such a policy is based on the illusion that thePalestinian question can be resolved without fulfillingthe asp~rations of the Palestinian people, which are,like those of any other nation in the region, to live inpeace and security on it~ own territory and in its ·ownindependent State; without recognizing the PLO as thelegitimate representative of the Paiesiinian peopie;and without Israel's withdrawal from an territoriesoccupied in the 1967 war.

102. The Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez,adopted a constructive plan, the implementation ofwhich should be supported by the entire internationalcommunity. It is encouraging, also, to see a positivedevelopment even among those elements that untilyesterday supported Israel automatically in all mani­festil,tions of its aggressive policy. It is high time' toput a stop to this policy ofextermination ofthe Palestin­ian people and to enable it to exercise its inalien­able rights. From the latest developments we shoulddraw the lesson that it is no longer sufficient toexpress anger, disappointment, abhorrence or guiltyconscience and to engage in the rhetorics of propa­ganda but that it is indispensable instead to takeresolute action. No one can avoid responsibility for thelatest brutal atrocities in Beirut, least of an those thatcould have prevented it.

103. In South-East and South-West Asia the stateof crisis persists unchanged. The peoples of Afghan­istan and Kampuchea are prevented from exercisingtheir right to a free life and are still subjected toforeign intervention. The international community has,through United Nations resolutions and the positionstaken by the conferences of the non-aligned countries,laid down the basis for a peaceful political solution ofthese problems, which can be achieved only throughthe withdrawal of foreign troops and the eliminationof all forms of outside intervention.

104. ~n Africa, particularly southern Africa, racistand colonialist strongholds still exist, while attemptsare being made to turn that continent into an arenaof bloc rivalry. These neo-colonialist tendenciesthreaten the independence and security of the coun­tries of the continent and obstruct the positive roleplayed by the Organization of African Unity [OA U].It is high time that the question of Namibia was solved,and the long-expected final agreement on its accessionto full independence should be reached at this verysession of the General Assembly. We believe thatthis is indispensable and will be possible if we ~xert

additional efforts and show greiltef' resolve. ·Successin solving the outstanding problem of Namibia wouldshow that the most complex issues can finally beresolved through negotiations. It' would help toreawaken the shaken faith in the United Nations.On the other hand, procrastination would undoubtedlybring the already tense situation in this part of theworld to the brink of explosion, with wider inter­national implications. The liberation of Namibia onthe basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978),as well as the creation of conditions enabling the peol­pie Qf Western Sahara to express its will freely withinthe framework of the right to self-determination,would be of the utmost importance for the strength­ening of the independence and the faster economicand social development ef all African countries.

232 Genenl AslIembly-ThlrtY-leventh SessIoft-Plenary Meetings

105.. The people of Korea has not yet exercised itsright to unification, in spite of the position of theDemocratic People's Republic of Korea, which de­serves international support.106. Cyprus remains divided. United Nations effortsbased on clearly formulated positions on the establish­ment ofan independent, united and non-aligned Cyprushave yielded no results. We welcome the continuationofthe intercommunai talks and hope that they, togetherwith all the other efforts being exerted, will bringabout a just and lasting solution.101. In Central America and in the Caribbean peo­ples are fighting for their national and social identityand for liberation from all kinds of patronage andforeign interference.

108. The deterioration of the situation in Europe ismanifested primarily through the escalation ofthe armsrace, the introduction and deployment of new types ofweapons and the obstruction of the channels of eco­nomic, cultural and other forms ofco-operation amongEuropean countries. In addition, European security isdirectly affected by the situation and security in thebroader region of the Mediterranean, including theMiddle East, as well as by the relations betweenblocs in all parts of the world. Therefore, we attachgreat importance to the resumption of the Madridfollow-up meeting to the Conference on Security andCo-operation in Europe, the successful outcome ofwhich would most certainly have a positive impact oninternational relations in general.

109. Our efforts in the Mediterranean are directed totransforming this sea and its hinterland from a regionof confrontation and constant sabre-rattling into aregion of overall co-operation, security and mutualinteraction of the cultures of Mediterranean countriesand peoples. In a word, our efforts should be directedtowards creating the conditions of peace, co-operationand progress for all.

110. The economic situation is becoming ever morecritical and a prolonged crisis is permeating all areasof the world economy and international relations.Although no country is immune to certain difficulties,the developing countries, which are victims ofboth thecrisis in the world economy and the inequitable systemof international economic relations, are hardest hit bysuch a situation.

111. The critical situation in the world economy isaccompanied by ever more frequent severing ofeconomic ties, retrogression of multilateral economicco-operation and withdrawal into one's own narrowboundaries. International economic co-operation isstagnating and giving way to unilateral and bilateralmoves which do not lead to solutions but provokeeven sharper conflicts. The causes of the presentcrisis lie above all in the structure and the exi~ting

imbalance and inequality of the current system ofinternational economic relations. That is the soUrce9f the constant widening of tlie economic gap betweendeveloped and developing countries, which not onlyfurther destabilizes the world economy but alsoconstitutes an increasing danger to peace and securityin the world.

i 12. 11te greatest responsibility for such a state inthe world economy is borne by the industrially most

developed countries. Their extremely restrictive eco­nomic and monetary policies have not only led to deeprecession and increased unemployment but alsohampered economic growth in developing countries,considerably increased their indebtedness and criti­cally aggravated their balance of payments.113. The present financial crisis which is shaking theworld economy and the international financial systemis a direct consequence of the longstanding stagnationof the world economy and international economicrelations. Many countries, particularly the developingones, have found themselves in a critical financialsituation. The fact that the developed countries showinsufficient understanding of the efforts of developing~ountries to overcome these difficulties seriouslythreatens the economic growth and development of thelatter, and this could have far-reaching political andsocial consequences.114. The way out of the present particularly difficulteconomic situation can be found only in the strength­ening of multilateral economic co-operation and theestablishment ofthe new international economic order.The solution of the accumulated economic problemswould be in the interest not only of developing coun­tries but also of the entire world economy and ofprogress in general. In the context of the presentsituation, which is fraught with a number of problemsand, uncertainties, global negotiations .within theUnited Nations system and progress in general appearto be the only possible ~ourse. The' launching ofglobal negotiations has never been so urgent.115. The general unfavourable development of thesituation in the world has blocked the work and thefunctioning of international organizations and almostall multilateral illltitutions. Particularly disquieting isthe situation in wbich the United Nations finds itself.The Organization is becoming ever more helpless inits efforts to play the role of an effective guardian ofpeace, the protector of the independence of countriesand peoples and a forum for solving major inter­national issues by promoting co-operation. Theimpotence of the Security Council was manifestedrecently in connection with the Lebanese crisis, asin similar cases in the past, owing to the lack ofpolitical readiness on the part of the big Powers and theabuse of the right of veto. Victims of aggression canrely less and less on the United Nations for effectivesupport.116. The constant deterioration of international rela­tions calls for a most urgent global response from theworld community. It is becominJl; ever more obviousthat the key issues of the present-day world cannotbe dealt with and even less resolved 5n a bilateralcontext, between blocs and the big Powers. Theseissues can be solved only on the basis of equal par­ticipation and joint responsibility of all members of theinternational community in their defence of peace asthe common heritage of mankind, and within theframework of a new system of international relations.The movement and policy of non-alignment-which isconstantly and actively contributing to the develop­ment of a new concept of international communityand to the solving of international issues-have alwaysadvocated the need for such global responses. There­fore, a strong and independent non-aligned tJlovement,which is constantly limiting the areas of bloc con-

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frontation, narrowing the room for the creation ofspheres of interest and widening the basis for inter­national co-operation, is essential not only to the non­aligned countries but also the entire internationalcommunity.117. The non-aligned countries will urge once againat the current session that the existing tensions beovercome through a dialogue in which all countrieswould participate on equal terms. Their assessmentthat peace cannot be built on a balance of terror,the amlS race, bloc division, spheres of interest,imposition of foreign will and diktat upon peoplesand countries, has been fully confirmed. Not onlywould such peace be fragile but it would also condemnthe world to perpetual instability. Only such peaceenabling all countries and peoples to exercise theright to free development and equal security can bestable and lasting. Those positions of the policy andmovement of non-alignment are more important andcrucial today than ever before.118. Such a conception of non-alignment is foundedon the irrepressible aspiration of peoples to participatein international life freely and on a footing of equality.The validity of such an approach is also confirmed bythe fact that the number of non-aligned countries inthe world has never been larger, that it constitutestoday two thirds of the international community, thatthey have never been more determined to oppose anypolicy of force arid that resistance to the suppressionof freedom and equality has never been more resolutethan now. Indeed, owing to non-alignment inde­pendence today does not amount to mere balancingbetween the blocs or to neutrality, but to activeinvolvement in international affairs. That is the basisfor our optimism that a way out of the current crisiscan be found and tbat the international communitymust not be engulfed by desperation.119. At this session we are confronted with themajor and responsible task of opposing energeticallyany further deterioration of international relations andto begin solving issues on which agreement can alreadybe reached. The dangers are too imminent and thepriorities too well-known to allow any hesitation whichcould bave irretrievable·· and unforeseeable con­sequences. All the States Members of the UnitedNations should be actively involved along these lines,regardless of ideological, bloc, regional and otherorientations, and irrespective of the level of economicdevelopment. Special responsibility is borne by coun­tries which have certain special rights due to theirmilitary and economic power. There is a solid basis oft-Dmmon interest for such an effort. Resolute politicalaction should be taken for the purpose of changingthe present state of affairs, broadening the foundationsof co-operation and returning to detente. That wouldbe beneficial to all countries.120. In order to achieve this, it is necessary toproceed to broad political negotiations, aimed at haltingthe arms race and controlling it within the frameworkof the process leading to general and complete disar­mament. Each step toward that end would be welcome;it could be tak~n without any danger of diminishingsecurity, since the leading nuclear Powers possessa sufficient quantity of weapons for multiple mutualdestruction. If this is not done, tbe race againstarmaments will be lost. No question of prestige or

illusory political advantage anywhere in the w'orldshould prevent talks, on the halting of the arms rn.ce.

121. Far-reaching decisions on starting the nego­tiating process on aU problems are also necessary,taking into account tlba~ they should not infringe uponthe legitimate right of all peoples and countries tosecurity and an independent development. AllY com­promise in this sense WQuld be not only 8r'iloral butalso destabilizing. Therefore. such negotiations shoulddeal not only with the arms race, becall~e the haltingof the arms race, and even the launching of theprocess of disarmament, in spite of its significancefor the problem of world peace or war, could notbring about peaceand security for all peoples unless theuse of force is restrained.

122. It is an illusion that stability and developmentcan be limited to one part of the world, while otherparts remain hunting grounds and spheres of rivalryarid exploitation. It is confirmed every day that thebig Powers cannot be sole arbiters even in their ownbackyards. That is why fundamental changes shouldtake place not only in their mutual relations, but alsoin their relations with the rest of the world, proceedingfrom the perception that the world has changed, thatpeace is indivisible, that peoples are not ready toaccept positions of passive resignation or to live inpermanent political, economic and cultural sub­jugation.

.123. .The non-aligned countries have always under­lined the particular importance of and the need for thestrengthening of the role of the United Nations as anirreplaceable forum for the maintenance of peace andsecurity in the world and for the solving of majorinternational problems. The principles and the goals ofthe policy of non-alignment are in their essence linkedwith the principles of the Charter of the UnitedNations, with which they constitute an indivisiblewhole. For this reason the non-aligned countries aredeeply interested in the full implementation of theCharter and of the role of the United Nations thatinspired its creation.

124. We believe that it is never redundant toemphasize that all countries in their internationalbehaviour should strictly comply with the obligationsthey undertook when signing the Charter. We arethinking here above all of non-interference in theinternal affairs of State, the absolute inadmissibility ofthe use of force in international relations, full respectof independence, sovereignty, territorial integritYta§well as the right of all peoples to decide on their OW"destiny.

Mr. Hollai (Hungary) resumed the Chair.

125. The United Nations should become an· instru­ment which will enable these principles to becomeeveryday practice. The Organi'zation, namely itsMember States, must strive for the establishment ofa system of collectiv~ security which will guaranteefreedom and opPortunity for independent developmentto' every country. The present. very dramatic momentin international relations is the,consequence of nu­merous violations of obligations undertaken on thebasis of the Charter and of the non-implementationof the decisions adopted by the General Assemblyand the Security Council.

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General Assembly-Thlrty-seventb SessIon-Plenary Meetings

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AGENDA ITEM 33

Policies ofapartheid of the Government of South Africa(contin,!ed~..:. _

(a) Repurl of the Special t:ommittee against Apartheid;(b) Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of

an International Convention against Apartheid inSports;

(c) Reports of the Secretary-General

135. The PRESIDENT: In accordance with the deci­sion taken at the end of our meeting this morning,

first of all by influence from outside, with the politicalwillingness of the Member States and their Govern­ments, but it could be strengthened also from inside,with a better atmosphere for work and a more dedicatedinvolvement of all representatives and members of theSecretariat. At this historic moment in internationalaffairs, with aggravations and escalations of all kinds,the time is coming to review again the experiencesof the past in the work of the United Nations and todesign new moves for strengthening the role and effec­tiveness of the Organization, which, with its placein the history of mankind, should never be doomed tofailure.131. In conclusion, may I say that we expect theAssembly at this session to contribute to the non-useof force against independent countries and to securingtheir free national and social development; to rendercollective r~sistance to the arms race; to contributeto the establishment of a universal relaxation oftension; to contribute to the launching of globalnegotiations, for which, in spite of all difficultiesand ambiguities, favourable conditions have beencreated proceeding from the fact that all sectors havepublicly acknowledged that global negotiations are apolitical and an economic necessity of the world today;to give impetus to the resolving of crises, primarilythose which involve the liberation of peoples underforeign and colonial domination as well as all othercrises where security, territorial integrity, indepen­dence and the self-determination of countries andpeoples are jeopardized; and to prevent any encroach­ment upon the sovereignty, territorial integrity andindependence of peoples and to undertake resolutemeasures against all those who have violated the widelyaccepted principles and goats of the United Nationsas well as the decisions adopted by its bodies.132. Otherwise, we should find ourselves faced withchaos and world catastrophe. The imposition of thepolicy of failS accomplis as practice in internationalrelations must not be allowed.133. The delegation of the Socialist Federal Republicof Yugoslavia, together with the delegations of non­aligned countries and all other countries offering theirco-operation, will make its full contribution to theachievement of that goal.

134. We are aware that the differences in the per­ception of the world will remain, that they are constantand ever-enriching elements of its pluralistic naturebut, in our opinion, they should not be incompatiblewith our common interest in maintaining universalpeace, which is increasingly becoming the pre-con­dition for the survival of humanity.

126. A system of international relations should beestablished which would fully §ecure respect for andimplementation of decisions adopted by the mainUnited Nations bodies. The primary responsibility forthis is borne by the Security Council, which according'0 the Charter is the principal organ for the main­tenance of international peace and security. Weconsider that particular obligations of the permanentmembers of the Security Counci' for the main­tenance of international peace, respect for theprinciples of the Charter and the implementation of thedecisions of the United Nations should again bepointed out. As a first step in that direction we shouldsecure at least the full implementation of decisionsadopted unanimously in the Security Council.127. We propose that comprehensive and con­crete action be undertaken for the realisation of theeffective role of the United Nations in solving majorinternational issues. We consider that there is enoughroom for the promotion of such a role for the UnitedNations. Perhaps this is the right time for a com­prehensive review of the functioning of the UnitedNations, namely, of ways of improving its effec­tiveness. To that end, the experience gathered duringalmost 40 years of existence and work of the UnitedNations should be studied. Article 109 of the Chartercould serve as the basis for such an endeavour,embracing all efforts of the Member States and theorgans ofthe United Nations. In this way, concrete andpractical measures for the future could be elaborated.128. We believe that a particular role should beplayed by the Secretary-General, who in his reporthas pointed to the existing problems and difficulties.We should request him to devote particular attention tothe effective functioning of the United Nations and tosuggest adequate measures. His efforts can, of course,yield results only to the extent to which he will begiven support by the Member States.129. Let me now add a personal note in thisplaidoyer on the urgent need to undertake concretemeasures to strengthen the role of the United Nations.There are now assembled in this Hall many represen­tatives with considerable experien<:e of the work of theOrganization. Speaking for myself, in the many yearsof my deep and active involvement in the work of th~United Nations I have looked to tl~is rostrum where 1am now standing from all possible angles in this Hall,from all different vantage points, as a member of adelegation, as a permanent representative and even asPresident of the General Assembly. We ha"e wit­nessed here many historic events and heard thraddresses of so many statesmen and distinguishedfigures from all over the world. In nil those years Ihave listened, probably, to more than a thousandspeeches and addresses in the general debates of theGeneral Assembly alone. Many representativesgathered here have done the satne. Why should we notbenefit from our own experience, from the manylessons we have been taught, by advancing manysuggestions on how to strengthen the role of theUnited Nations by improving the organization of thework of the General Assembly and its main bodies,by improving the procedures and effectiveness of thework of this unique world organization?

130. The role of the United Nations and the effective­ness of its work can be strengthened and impro.ved

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the AssemUly will now consider draft resolutionA/37/L.2/Rev.l entitled "Appeal for Clemency infavour of South African freedom fighters".136. The text of operative paragraphs 1 and 2 of theinitial version in document A/37/L.2, has been revisedby replacing the word "hanging" by "execution".137. At the same time, I was asked at what point Iintended to raise this matter and I answered that itwouRfl){; between 5 and 6 p.m., which was accepted.Some of the non-aligned countries have also asked meto announce that this is a draft resolution submitted byCuba not on its own behalf, but on behalf of thenon-aligned movement. They have also asked me toannounce that this is a purely humanitarian affair.

138. After these announcements, may I ask whetherthe Assembly is ready to accept this draft resolutionwithout a vote?

139. I understand that the representative of theUnited States of America wishes to explain herposition.

140. Mrs. KIRKPATRICK (United States ofAmerica): The draft resolution before us was tabledjust a few hours ago. At the urging of the sponsors,members of this body have been obliged to takepositions on the actual facts of the case in question,which are scarcely known. Moreover, what the UnitedStates Government does know about this case suggeststhat the complicated issues of both law and factinvolved here deserve attention. Given the haste withwhich the sponsors have demanded action, my Govern­ment has had no opportunity to address the currentstatus of this case and is not, therefore, in a positionto vote on the substance of this draft resolution.

141. We must, however, register our strong objectionto the manner in which the issue has been introducedand pressed to a vote. In our view, the proceduresemployed in the General Assembly this afternoonare directly contrary to the spirit and practice ofjudicious deliberation, which the United Nations iscommitted to encouraging. For these reasons, theUnited States must abstain in the vote ')n this draftresolution.

142. Mr. ROA KOURI (Cuba) (interpretation fromSpanish): I wish to introduce a revision to operativeparagraph 2 of the text which has been presented onbehalfof the non-aligned countries. That is why I haveasked to speak, hoping to be given a chance to presenta new wording of operative paragraph 2, and therebywin further support for the draft resolution.

143. We are well aware ofthe fact that the non-alignedcountries have introduced this draft resolution, at therequest of the group of African State~, with a certainamount of urgency. The reason for this urgency isthat we are not sure just when the South Africanauthorities are going to carry out the death sentenceson the three young members of the African NationalCongress. That is why we have been anxirJus for theGeneral Assembly to consider the draft resolutionspeedily.

144. Now let me turn to the revision which, afterconsultations with a number of delegations, we shouldlike to make to operative paragraph 2 of the draftresolution. I shall read the text as it should be revised.

235

The original is in English, so I shall read this in English.Operative paragraph 2 should now say:

"Recommends the Security Council to direct anappeal for clemency to the South African authoritiesnot to proceed with the execution of the threeabove-mentioned me.mbers of the African NationalCongress of South Africa;"[The speaker resumed in Spanish.]

That would be the revised form of operative para­graph 2. We therefore call on all members of theAssembly to consider the new text of operative para­graph 2. As I told you yesterday, Mr. President,on behalfof the non-aligned countries, the Co-ordinat­ing Bureau of the Non-Aligned Count:ies and theAfrican group at the United Nations would like thisdraft resolution, given its purely humanitarian nature,to be adopted without a vote by the General Assembly.145. The PRESIDEN f: May I take it that the Assem­bly is ready to take action on the draft resolution?The representative of the United States has asked fora vote. A recorded vote has been requested. Is theAssembly ready to vote on this draft resolution, asrevised?

146. Mr. KOROMA (Sierra Leone): If I understood,the mover of this draft resolution, the representativeof Cuba, he revised the draft resolution to read"Recommends the Security Council. ..". I think hemeant "Recommends to the Security CounciL.":Am I right? Of course, there is a difference in the twomeanings. I think he means ".Recommends to theSecurity CounciL.." and I would accordingly furtheramend the draft resolution.

147. The PRESIDENT: That understanding is cor­rect. I propose that the General Assembly take adecision on draft resolution A/37/L.2/Rev.l, as orallyrevised. A recorded vote has been requested.

A recorded vote was taken.

In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Angola,Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain,Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium, Benin, Bhutan,Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi,Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Canada, CapeVerde, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, CostaRica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia,-'DemocraticKampuchea, Democratic Yemen,.Denmark, Djibouti,Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador,Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, France,Gabon, Gambia, German Democratic Republic,Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece,Guinea, Ouinea-Bissau, Guyana, Hungary, Iceland,India, Irkdonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic 01), Iraq,Ireland, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan,Kenya, Kuwait, Lao People's Democratic Republic,Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiiiya, Lux~m­bourg, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta,Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia, Morocco,Mozambique, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand,Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan,Panama, Papua New Guinea, Peru, Philippines,Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Rwanda, SaintLucia, Samoa, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia,Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Solomon Islands,Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swazi­land, Sweden, Syrian Arab Republic, Thailand, Togo,

236 General Assembly-Thlrty-seventb Session-Plenary Meetings

AGENDA ITEM 9

* Mr. Sakurauchi spoke in Japanese. The English \;'.ersion of hisstatement was supplied by the delegation.

General debate (continued)

157. Mr. SAKURAUCHI (Japan):* On behalf of theGovernment and people of Japan, I should like toextend my heartfelt congratulations to you, Sir,on your election to the presidency of the thirty­seventh session of the General Assembly. I amconfident that with your abundant experience andsuperior wisdom the current session will be a mostfruitful one. Please be assured that the delegationof Japan will spare no effort in co-operating with youas you carry out your important tasks.

158. At the same time, I should like to express ourdeep appreciation to the President of th~ thi!ty-sixthsession of the General Assembly, Mr. Klttam, for theeffective manner in which he discharged his awesomeresponsibilities.

159. I wish also to take this opportunity to pay atribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar.Although it was only a few months ago that heassumed the highest office of the Organization, theleadership that he has demonstrated in dealing with theharsh realities of the international situation has wonhim our full confidence. It was a great pleasure forme to welcome him to Japan this past summer andhave the opportunity candidly to exchange views onthe role which the United Nations should play in themaintenance of international peace and security aswell as in various fields of international co-operation.

160. In today's intemational community, with itsdeepening relationships of interdependence, there is agrowing need for nations to co-operate for the attain­ment of world peace and prosperity. But we cannotfail to notice that tension and distrust continue topersist among nations of the world.

161. In my statement today I should therefore likefirst to comment on the current international situationand then to present my views on what role the UnitedNations should play in these circumstances.

162. I believe that one of the major sources of mutualdistrust and tension within today's internationalcommunity is the tendency for one country, as a meansof solving international conflicts, to resort to ar~s.andto impos~ its will on another country by militaryintervention.

Mr. Herdocia Ortega (Nicaragua), Vice-President,took the Chair.

163. I shallwhich Japanthe victim ofpie are stillConsequentl~

from diseaseout of the Cl)once again stinterventionnegotiations,efforts towarwhich wouldforces and tsupervision 1

United Naticmeans of solthirty-sixth ssuggested thGeneral be :suggestion "this year, annational Consions to seaJapan strong]towards a COl

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165. The S(has not yet (ferings of theabove all, facin Afghanistaconfidence binternationalopportunity 1terms, to theits troops froIlpeople its rigl

166. This 1=increase in teduly appreciato Egypt in aments, it strolas its annexalment of its P(nation to theBank and Gparticular, Jaforces from [

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Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, present at the time of the vote and wishes it to b~ notedUkrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet that we would have voted for the draft resolution hadSocialist Republics, United Kingdom of Great Britain we been here. Uruguay would have cast an affirma-and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cameroon, tive vote because of the very humanitarian contentUnited Republic of Tanzania, Upper ":olta, Ve~e- of the draft resolution. In our view such an appealzuela, Viet Nam, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia, should be universal. Our position should also beZimbabwe. construed in the context of the Uruguayan Govern-

ment's continuing condemnation of the policies ofAgainst: None. apartheid.

Abstaining: United States of America. 156. Nevertheless, we should have preferred some ofThe draft resolution was adopted by 136 votes to the political aspects not to be referred to in the

none J with 1 abstention (resolution 37/1). 6 resolution and our position should be interpreted only148. The PRESIDENT: I shall now call on those in the humanitarian context of the matter.representatives wishing to explain their vote after thevoting.

149. Mr. GOTTRET VALDES (Bolivia) (interpre­tation from Spanish): 1 ;,le Bolivian delegation votedin favour of the draft resolution because, apart frommeeting humanitarian needs, it is in keeping with ourconstant stand against apartheid.150. Mr. GOULDING (United Kingdom): My dele­gation's motive in voting for the draft resolution wasentirely humanitarian. We did not like all the languageof the draft resolution or the procedure adopted byits sponsors. It was not clear to mr delegation thatthere was enough urgency in this case to justifyinterruption of the general debate and departure fromthe general rule described in rule 78 of the rules ofprocedure of the General Assembly. Nevertheless,our concern about the humanitarian aspects of thiscase led us, with some hesitation, to give the sponsorsthe benefit of the doubt and to cast our vote on theassumption that their motive was only to help savelives.

15t. Finally, my delegation is instructed to put it onrecord that our vote does not imply any comment onthe merits of the court proceedings as a result of whichthe three members of the African National Congresswere convicted.

i52. Mi~s DEVER (Belgium) (interpretation fromFrench): Belgium voted in favour of the draft resolu­tion. However, I should like to make it clear thatwe did so for strictly humanitarian reasons, in orderto reaffirm the appeal to South Africa to spare thelives of the persons concerned. Our vote can inno way be interpreted as ajudgement on the.sUbsta~ceof the judicial procedure followed in this speCificcase. We intend to continue our action to promotepeaceful change in South Africa.

153. I should like to express our regret at the pro­cedure that was followed in submitting the draftresolution and at the fact that that procedure did notgive us sufficient time to study the text submitted tous. This should in no way constitute a precedent.

154. Mr. van WELL (Federal Republic ofGermany):I join those who have expressed regret Lt the pro­cedure used in the adoption of the resolution.· Wesupported the resolution having in mind its humani­tarian objectives, but we cannot endorse all thelanguage of the text. Our vote should not be inter­preted as a comment on the substance of the judicialproceedings i!l this case.

155. 'Ms. GUELMAN (Uruguay)(interpretationfromSpanish): My delegation regrets that we were not

•14th meeting-l October 1982 237

163. I shall discuss first of all the situation in Asia, ofwhich Japan is a part. Kampuchea continues to bethe victim of foreign military intervention, and its peo·pIe are still denied the right of self-determination.Consequently, the KampucheaD people are sufferingfrom disease and starvation, and the flow of refugeesout of the country has not yet been stemmed. Japanonce again strongly urges Viet Nam to end its militaryintervention in Kampuchea and agree to enter intonegotiations, thereby responding to internationalefforts toward a comprehens3ve political settlement,which would include the withdrawal of all foreignforces and the holding of free ele,ctions under thesupervision of the United Nations. Moreover, theUnited Nations should continue to explore everymeans of solving the problem of Kampuchea. At thethirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, Japansuggested that a representative of the Secretary­General be sent to the countries concerned. Thatsuggestion was implemented during the course ofthis year, and the Ad Hoc Committee of the Inter­national Conference on Kampuchea ~ispatched mis·sions to search for ways of solving the problem.Japan strongly supports sue;' United Nations effortstowards a comprehensive political settlement.164. I should also like at this time to touch uponthe situation in the Korean peninsula, which lies justacross the sea from Japan. In that region, too,tensions persist, but last January the Governmentof the Republic of Korea made a proposal on theunification of the Soath and the North. I welcomeand appreciate that proposal because it outlines aprocedure that is of a more c(\ncrete and realisticnature than anything that has been proposed so far.It is my hope that efforts towards the realization ofa dialogue between the South and the North willcontinue.165. The Soviet armed intervention in Afghanistanhas not yet come to an end, which adds to the suf­ferings of the Afghan people. The Soviet Union must,above all, face up to the fact that its military activitiesin Afghanistan seriously damage relations of trust andconfidence between East and West, and threateninternational peace and security. Japan takes thisopportunity to ~ppeal once again, in the strongestterms, to the Soviet Union immediately to withdrawits troops from Afghanistan and to restore to the Afghanpeople its right of self-determination.166. This past year has witnessed an alarmingincrease in tensions in the Middle East. While Japanduly appreciates Israel's returning the Sinai Peninsu'ato Egypt in accordance with the Camp David agree·ments, it strongly denounces other Israeli actions, suchas its annexation of the Golan Heights, the reinforce­ment of its policy of denying the right of self-determi­nation to the Palestinian people in the occupied WestBank and GaLa, and its invasion of Lebanon. Inparticular, Japan demands that Israel withdraw itsforces from Lebanon immediately.167. Furthermore, the recent massacre of a greatnumtrr of innocent Palestinian refugees in west Beirutis an extremely outrageous act 'of violence. Japanregisters its indignation at this cruel act. The Govern­ment of Japan strongly urges the parties' concernedto guarantee the life and security of the civilian popu­lation in the area, including the Palestinian inhabital)ts,

in accordance with the relevant Security Council,and other United Nations, resolutions. In this regard,Japan welcomes the redeployment in Beirut of themultinational force comprising troops from the UnitedStates, France and Italy.

168. On the other hand, JRpan highly appreciates, ascontributing to the stability of Lebanon, the fact thatMr. Amin Gemayel has been inaugurated as Presidentin spite of vaniious difficulties, and it earnestly hopesthat Lebanon will be united under its new Presidentto achieve the early restoration of its internal orderon the basis of national reconciliation and that it willembark on the reconstruction of the country. Japanis prepared to extend all possible co-operation to thatend.

169. The recent developments in Lebanon h~ve

strengthened Japan's conviction that it is essential tobring about an early settlement of the Middle Eastpeace problem, the core of which is the Palestinianquestion. In order to achieve a just, lasting and com-'prehensive peace in the Middle East, it is necessarythat Israeli forces be withdrawn from all the territoriesoccupied in the 1967 war, that the right to exist ofall the States concerned be respected, and that negotia·tions be started among the parties concerned, inaccordance with Security Council resolutions 242(1967) and 338 (1973). It is also necessary that thelegitimate rights of the Palestinian people, particularlythe right of self·determination, including the right toestablish an independent state, be recognized andrespected in accordance with the Charter of theUnited Nations.

170. I wish to express my appreciation for the initia­tive President Reagan took in his Middle East peaceproposal of 1 September, which squarely confrontsthe question of Palestine, the core of the Middle Eastproblem. Shortly after President Reagan made hisproposal, the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference,held at Fez, adopted its own peace proposal. Japanhighly values the fact that Arab countries are unitedin showing their will for peace. It is our earnest hopethat the parties concerned will bear these proposalsin mind and will resume efforts for a peaceful settle­ment of the Middle East problem.

171. The continued fighting between the IslamicRepublic of Iran and Iraq is also a source ofgrave con­cern to me. Japan renews its appeal to both countriesto cease their fighting without delay and to settle theconflict by peaceful means.

172. Turning our attention now to Eastern Europe,we note that the extraordinary state of affairs inPoland -persists. Tbis threatens to endanger therelationship of East-West co-operation and exchangewhich has been pursued to date and is like1y seriouslyto affect the peace and stability of the world. Japanhopes that the present problems will be resolved bythe Polish people themselves and that a genuinenational reconciliation will be achieved in the nearfuture.

173. In these international circumstances, Japan isdetermined to maintain its basic policy of pursuingpeace, of refusing to become amilitary -Power and'of .contributing to the building of world peace andprosperity. In accordance with that policy, Japan

Genenl Assembly-Thlrty.~ventb~PlenaryMeetings

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has endeavoured to promote friendly and co-operativerelations with other countries throughout the world.174. ' From this point of view, Japan sincerely hopesto d~velop stable relations based on genuine mutualunderstanding with the Soviet Union, one of its mostimportant neighbours. However, there remainsbetween Japan and th~ Soviet Union the unsettledproblem of the Northern Territories, the reversionof which Japan has consistently demanded from theSoviet Union. It is due to thgt problem that our twocountries have not yet concluded a peace treaty.Moreover, we have been confronted with theextremely regrettable situation of the Soviet Unionrecently having deployed and strengthened its miIiLaryforces in the Northern Territories. Measures such asthose in no way foster relations of trust betweenStates. The Government of Japan strongly urges theSoviet UnioD to rectify this situation promptly and tocome to the negotiating table with a view to settling theissue of the Northern Territories and thereby toconcluding a peace treaty.175. The mutual distrust and increased tensionswhich prevail in today's international communitycontain the danger of luring mankind into catastrophe.And yet the United Nations, which was created tosave mankind from such a danger, cannot claim thatit has been discharging its tasks to the full.176. In his report on the work of the Organization,the Secretary-General has deplored this state ofaffairs,stating that " ... we have strayed far from the Charterin recent yean:~::- The Security Council... all' toooften finds itself unable to take decisive action... andits resolutions are increasingly defied or ignored .[The] process .of peaceful settlement of disputes isoften brushed as~de.... We are perilously near to a newinternational an~ .~hy".

177. It is precisely times such as these that require aserious re-examination of the ways to build relationsof mutual trust between nations and to attain peaceand prosperity throughout the world. It is preciselyat such times that we must remind ourselves that theOrganization was established with the determinationto save succeeding generations from the scourge of warwhich has brought untold sorrow to mankind.178. I believe that the United Nations· must§trengthen whatever functions it can fulfil so thatmutual distrust will never again be a threat to ourfuture. With that in mind, I should like to stress thefollowing three requirements for developing relationsof mutual trust among States through the UnitedNations: first, the peace-keeping functions of theUnited Nations should be strengthened; se~ondly~

United Nations functions in the field of disarmamentshOUld be enhanced; and, thirdly, the United NationsroIe in the fields of economic and social developmentshould be reiilforced.179. I should like first to elaborate on the que~tionof strengthening the peace-keeping functions of theUnited Nations. The primary purpose of the UnitedNations is the maintenance of international peaceand security. However, as the Secretary-General haspointed out, the Organization has not functioned withsufficient effectiveness to that end. If we regard thissituation as inevitable and simply dismiss it, the trustthat nations place in the Organization will surely belost and its foundation undermined. Accordingly,

I wish now to raise a few issues regarding the Unite<1Nations peace-keeping functions and to express. myideas on how to improve and stre.ngtheti thosefunctions. . . '180. '-'One of these issues relates to the role of-theSecretary-General. I should like to urge that, fisone of the ways in which the United Nations couldfunction to prevent international conflicts, . theSecretary-General, whenever he deems that peace _isbeing threatened, take the initiative and immediat~ly

contact the parties concerned in an effort to prevent aworsening of the situation. I believe that all MemberStates should co-operate so that the authority of theSecretary-General may be utilized to the maximumextent.181. Moreover, my Government has in the pastproposed that the Secretary-General send h;s represen­tative to investigate the facts ~n areas of dispute. Ishould like to stress again that the Secretary-General'sauthority in this regard should also be fully put to use.182. In addition, I am convinced that the Secretary­General's authority in the field of mediation andconciliation must be strengthened. In so doing it isessential that parties to a dispute show courage inaccepting and co-operating positively with the media­tion and conciliation efforts of the Secretary-Generalor his representative. The Secretary-General has in factdispatched his representatives to areas ofconcern in aneffort to settle problems relating to, for example, thequestion of Kampuchea, the situation in Afghanistanand the conflict between Iran and Iraq; and themediation efforts of the Secretary-General himself inthe conflict over the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) wereparticularly valuable. Therefore, although they may notalways bring about immediate results, it is importantthat the Secretary-General's mediation and conciliationefforts be pat:ently continued. I believe that suchefforts will contribute to the restoration and strength­ening of relations of trust between parties, whichserve as the basis for the peaceful settlement ofdisputes.183. A second issue that I wish to raise in connectionwith the strengthening of the United Nations peace­keeping functions is the role of the Security Council.As we all know, the Security Council is given theprimary responsibility for the maintenance of inter­national peace and security. Regrettably, however,the Council has not performed its tasks effectively.I believe it is vital that the members of th<: Council,responding to the trust placed in them, strive torestore to that organ its functions as originallyenvisage~. It is particularly important that its perma­nent members recognize anew the significance of theirduties and co-operate among themselves. In hisreport, to which I have already referred, the Secre­tary-General also points out that co-operation amongthe permanent members ofthe Council is indispensablefor its effectiveness, and he makes a special appeal tothem to reassess their obligations and responsibilities,I support that appeal, and would also urge the perma­nent members to consider seriously the need forstrengthening the Security Council's funct.ions.184. Lastly, while the peace-Keeping operations ofthe United Nations have contributed to the quellingof local disputes and the maintenance of cease-fires,there is a definite need to explore way,s of enabling

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th~ .seco.nd. sess,ipn,woqld provide, a powerful .mpetusto efforts toward~~promoting.~isfl~amel\t.. .; .. ; .. ~ :189. . Through the deliberations at ~he secQnd' specials~~~ion on disar~ament, we wer:e o~ce agaiq ~de:te;> feel keenly how: difficult it, is to pr:omote. disaf~

mament under the prevailing tense internationalsitu~tion. At .the', 'Satril~ time,- the. special s~ssi9nprovided us with the opportunity ,to strengthen theconviction shared 'by all Member States that by.con­tin~ing our disarm~ment eff9rts un,der these, ..cit.-,cumstances we shall further solidify the foundationsof peace and secuii~yof the international community.We must not lose the mo'ment~Q1 g~ined at thesecond special session, but must promote, step by step,in.ternational effort's towards' achieving .disarmam~nt,particularly nuclear disarmament.190. At the 5th meeting of the twelfth special ses­sion, Prime Minister Suzuki reiterated Japan's nationalcommitment to peace an& its refusal to become amilitary power, while upholding its three non-nuclearprinciples of not possessing nuclear weapons, notproducing them and not permitting their introductioninto Japan. On the basis of this fundamental position,he proposed three ,principles, for the achievement.of peace through disarmament: first the promotionof disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament;'secondly, the utilization of the human and physicalresources which would be released by disarmamentto alleviate poverty and social instability and, thirdlythe strengthening and reinforcement ofqnited Nationspeace-keeping functions. for the promotion ofdisarma­Q1ent. Japan is resolved ~o continue to play a positiverole in the United Nations and in other forums sothat these principles can be realized as soon as possible.Japan has emphasized that a comprehensive nucleartest ban and the prohibition of chemical weapons arethe most urgent tasks to be pursued by the inter­national community and that they should be realizedas soon as possible. Japan is determined to contirtueto contribute to the promotion of negotiations ort theseitems in the Committee on Disarmament.191. Moreover, Japan has been undertaking stepsto implement the proposals which the· Prime Ministermade at the special sessi(m, particulariy the proposaltoinstall in the United Nations documentation andmaterials concerning Japan's atomic bomb ,experi­ences' and to extend co-operation under the UnitedNations Disarmament Fellowship Programme. toenable participants to visit Hiroshima and Nagaliaki.~Following up the proposal regarding interna~ional

efforts to ensure and guarantee the security ofnuclearfacilities for peaceful purpOses: Japan, at' the .1983session of the Committee on Disarmament, submittedan outline of a draft protocol on the prohibition, 9£attacks against nuclear facilities. We are resQlved'topersevere in these steady efforts fo~ the pr.Q~,Q~~~nof disarmament. ',' .'.. ,' .,

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19.2. It goes.witho.u,t .saying ,that progress In. nucleardisarmament hinges upon those States which haveprimary responsibility·· in this field, namely, thenuclear-weapon States, partic,ularly the two nuclearsuper-Powers, the United States and. the Soviet Union.It should be emphasized once again that bilateralefforts between the United States and the SovietUnion, together with multinational efforts, areabsolutely necessary in the promotion of nuclear

the~.~, operat,ions to fU!l~~io~ in ~ ~ore effect~y,e lm~lD­n~r. These peace-keepmg operahons ~ay~ b~~npl.aymgan invaluable role; but it cannot be denied that theysuffer from the absence of a clear provision in theCharter regar~ing their activities, which m~ans thatthey"have to be set up each time a conflict-occurs.In these times, when conflicts between' natioris occurfrequently, it is necessary to re-examine die peace­keeping operations with a view to enabling the~ tobe depfoyed ~ith suffiCient speed and efficien~y., .

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185. A number of points could be considered, s\jchas a system of prior. registration and organization ofthe personnel, equipment and materials which MemberStates are ready to ~ontribute to future operations;the holding by the United Nations of study andtnlining exercises relating to peace-keeping operations;and the securing of effective financial backi~g In hisreport the Secretary-General, too, suggests toat theSecuritY Council should urgently undertake a study ofhow to strengthen the peace-keeping operations of theUnited Nations. I earnestly hope that a study on thestrengthening of the peace-keeping functions of theUnited Nations will be made, taking the Secretary­General's suggestions into consideration. Japan,for its part, j§'ready to co-operate mOre actively in thestrengthening of the peace-keeping operations of tireUnited Nations.

186. With regard to the United Nations peace­keeping functions, I should like to comment on therole played by the Organization in efforts to achievethe independence of Namibia. We note that in spiteof the serious efforts of the parties concerned theprocess ofelections under the supervision ofthe UnitedNations has not yet commenced. I strongly hope thatthe parties concerned will continue to work towardsthe achievement of Namibian independence, andthat the decolonization efforts of the United Nationswill be successful. Japan reaffirms its readiness toco-operate with UNTAG by providing civilianpersonnel, as well as in other appropriate ways, onceit begins operation.

187. The second area that I should like to discusswith regard to strengthening the role of the UnitedNations is that of disarmament. Today the heighteningof international tensions and ofdistrust among States isaccelerating the arms race, and the expanded arms'race in turn adds to the mutual distrust and tension,threatening the very survival of mankind. In thesecircumstances, it is hardly surprising that the calls ofnations, including my own, for disarmament, partic­ularly nuclear disarmament, have reached unprece­dented levels.188. Against this background of increased awarenessof disarmament issues throughout the internationalcommunity, the twelfth special session of the GeneralAssembly, the second special session devoted to'disar­mament, was convened last June, with the par­ticipation of the· Prime Minister of Jap~n, Mr... ZenkoSuzuki, and many other heads of State or Govern­ment. Although it was earnestly hoped that at thatspecial session the Assembly would adopt a documenton a comprehensive programme of disarmament, itwas regrettably unable to do so. Neverthe'ess, thespecial session unanimously reaffirmed the validity ofthe Final Document in resolution S-10/2, and thel :~=~"Sed that the delibemtions al

240 General Assembly-Tblrty-.veatla-SasIon-PIenary Meetings

disarmament. The people of the entire world, fearfulof the danger of nuclear war and· earnestly desiringnuclear disarmament, are united in placing their hopeson the negotiations on intermediate-range nuclearforces and the strategic arms reduction talks betweenthe United States and the Soviet Union. Japanstrongly calls upon both countries to respond tothose hopes and to concentrate their efforts to expeditethese negotiations so as to produce tangible results assoon as possible.

193. In this connection, I wish' to recall that, aspart of his official trip to Japan shortly after thesecond special session devoted to disarmament, theSecretary-General visited Hiroshima, where he reaf­firmed his recognition of the eame.st hope of theJapanese people that the nuclear holocaust will neverbe repeated, and expressed renewed determination tostrive for nuclear disarmament. I should like to pay aheartfelt tribute .to the Secretary-General and to assurehim that I fully share his determination.

194. In .addition to peace-keeping and disarmament,a third area in which the role of the United Nationsshould be strengthened is that of economic and socialdevelopment. The world economy is today facing aserious crisis, one which affects developed and devel­oping countries alike, and there is no prospect thatthe future will necessarily be any brighter. Developingcountries in particular are suffering from a consid~r­

able slow-down in their economic growth, a deteriora­tion in their balance of payments and an accumulationof external debt, and it was reported in the UnitedNations World Economic Survey, /98/-/9829 this yearthat the per capita domestic product of these coun­tries as a group recorded negative growth for the firsttime since th~ 1950s.195. This situation must not be allowed to remainas it is. My country, recognizing that the revitalizationof the world economy, along with the further devel­opment of the developing countries, is essential for

. the attainment of world peace and prosperity, hasactively participated in the North-South dialoguein various United Nations forums, includingUNCfAD, and has thus contributed to the estab­lishment of better North-South relations. It willcontinue to be the pOlicy of my Government tomaintain and promote constructive dialogue withthe developing countries and further to strengthenco-operation to promote their economic and socialdevelopment. This policy is embodied in the newmedium-term target established last year, under whichmy Government is endeavouring to expand its officialdevelopment assistance. My Government is making.these efforts despite an extremely stringent budgetarysituation, and we would expect that the developingcountries would for their part further intensify their.de.velopment efforts so that official development assist-ance might be more effectively utilized. ,

196.- The global negotiations.' on· internationalco-operation for development can be expected to play avery great role in advancing North-South dialoguein the 1980s. Japan realizes the political significanceof the global negGtiations and sincerely hopes thatevery arrangement for launching them will be com­pleted as soon as possible. In this regard, my countrystrongly hopes that, the General Assembly in a spiritof co-operation, will at its current session achieve

concrete results and, -to this end, Japan intends toparticipate actively -in cdnsultations·with; other coon-tries. ' ..

197. In addition to efforts to launch the globalnegotiations, Japan believes that all of us are respon­sible for assuring the success of the sixth session ofUNCTAD to be held next June. The Conferencehas ambitiously tackled the problem of promotinginternational economic co-operation at the global levelin the fields of trade .and development, and sinceits first session in 1964 it has achieved concreteresults. Japan strongly hopes that with such a historyand such experience behind it, UNCTAD will at itssixth session seek realistic and workable solutionsto the problems of trade and develorment, whichconstitute one of the most important issues facingmankind today, I wish to reaffirm Japan's resolve toparticipate actively in these efforts.

198. I wish also to take this opportunity to appealstrongly to all States to ratify as soon as possiblethe Agree'ment Establishing the Common Fund forCommodities,IO the greatest achievement of North­South dialogue in the 1970s, ~o that this agreementwill enter into force by the target date, which is the endof next September.199. The United Nations, in protecting and promotinghl,lman rights and fundamental freedoms and in workingto achieve solutions to social problems such as thoserelating to refugees, women, children, the disabled,the aging, population and the environment, is playingan important role in the world today. Japan is highlygratified that, particularly in recent years, inter­national co-operation in these fields has been con­sistently productive and has contributed to theimprovement and development of the welfare ofmankind. We shall contribute actively to suchco-operative efforts as we have done in the past.200. In this connection, I should especially like to paya tribute to the activities of the various United Nationsorgans for the relief of refugees. At present, theinternational community is faced with several refugeeproblems for which there is no' solution yet in sight,in places such as Indo-China, Afghanistan, the MiddleEast, Poland, Africa and Central America. I recentlyhad the opportunity to visit an Afghan refaJgee campin Pakistan. I must say that when I saw how thepeople there were being obliged to live in a state ofdeprivation, away from their homeland, I felt realsympathy for them.

201. I strongly urge the United Nations to makefurther efforts for the relief of refugees. At the sametime, I fully realize that in order to achieve a realsolution to the refugee problem, it is essential to dealwith its root causes. Japan, for its part, has providedconsiderable financial assistance to United Nationsactivities for the relief of refugees and will continueto extend the utmo.st co-operation for ,this purpose.I should also like to reiterate Japan's continueddetermination to provide its economic co-operationto countries such as Thailand, which are burdenedwith a huge influx of refugees, Gnd our intention tocontinue to accept Indo-Chinese refugees in Japan.

202. In order for the United Nations to carry outthoroughly the functions I have mentioned, it isclearly essential that its financial base be strengthened.

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I should therefore like to make a strong appeal to everyMember State to meet without fail the payment of itsassessments and to increase its voluntary contri­butions.203., At the same time, I believe it is absolutelynecessary for the United Nations to strive to make itsactivities more effective and efficient. In order for theUnited Nations to carry out its functions· effectivelywithin the limited resources at its disposal and toretain the confidence ofMember States, the Secretariatwill have to make every effort to achieve greaterefficiency, for example by reviewing its administrativestructure and its activities, as well as by redistributingresources from activities of lower priority to those ofhigher priority. Needless to say, we, the States Mem­bers of the United Nations, simply must co-operate toachieve these ends.204. In today's international community, differencesin race, culture or creed often tend to foment mutualdistrust, which becomes an obstac!e in the processof peace and stability among nations. And yet, todayJ

because the peoples of the world are growing evermore interdependent, no country can enjoy its ownpeace and prosperity unless the peace and' stability ofthe entire community ofnations is secure. The interestsof each State are closely linked to those of the wholeworld. In this sense, today's international communitycan indeed be characterized as a community sharingthe same destiny. We must all realize that each ofus belongs to this community and must co-operate forthe development of the community as a whole andrefrain from pursuing solely the interests of our ownCOl!Dtry.205. The United Nations is the only truly globalorganization we have. Overcoming numerous con­straints and difficulties and exercising its greatestwisdom and efforts, mankind has developed theUnited Nations in order to pursue such co-operationamong nations. We, as its Member States, aretherefore duty bound to support the Organization andto make maximum use of it as the centre of inter­national co-operation. I appeal to all Member Statesto build relations of trust with one another with theUnited Nations at the centre and do their utmost toachieve enduring peace and prosperity for humanity.206. I wish to conclude my remarks by declaringthat Japan, a country whose commitment to supportingand co-operating with the United Nations is a majorpillar of its foreign policy, is resolved to make everyeffort towatd attaining that goal.207. Mr. DHANABALAN (Singapore): I should liketo begin by extending my delegation's congratulationsto Mr. Hollai on his election to the presidency ofthis session of the General Assembly. He has servedmany years in the Organization. The reputation he hasacquired among his peer& is that of an extremely able,knowledgeable, affable man ofgoodwill.- I,should alsolike to say a word of thanks to his predecessor,Mr. Kittani, for the excellent job he did.

208. I have read the report of the Secretary-Generalon the work of the Organization with great admiration.It is refreshingly frank and self-critical. I agree withhim that our most urgent goal is to reconstruct theUnited Nations collective security system. With­out such a system, first, Governments will feel it

necessary to arm themselves beyond their meansfor their own security; secondly, the world 'com­Qlunity will remain powerless, to .deal with .military,adventures such as Israel's invasion of Lebanon,the USSR's invasion of Afghanistan and'Viet Nam'sinvasion of Kampuchea; thirdly, local conflicts willthreaten to widen and escalate; fourthly, there willbe no reliable defence for the small and weak nations;and- finally, all our efforts on the economic and socialside may well falter.209. The Secretary-General has made "a number ofspecific recommendations on how to strengthen theUnited Nations collective security system. TheIndependent Oommission on Security and Disarma­ment Issues, chaired by Mr. OlofPalme of Sweden,has also made a number of interesting recommen­dations on the same subject.11 I urge the SecurityCouncil to consider these recommendations as soon aspossible.210. Turning to the specific cont'licts and situationswhich threaten international peace and security,the Secretary-General was cautiously optimistic onNamibia. He reports that after many setbacks, wenow see some signs of. the. possibility of a'· solution.Apart from the solitaiY exception of Namibia, the 'pastyear has witnessed no progress in our efforts topromote negotiated settlements on the conflicts in theMiddle East and elsewhere.211.· In the conflict in Kampuchea, our various reso­lutions have not brought about the withdrawal of Viet­namese forces. But the unambiguous position of thevast majority of" nations, as reflected in the resolutionand the Declaration of the International Conferenceon Kampuchea,£2 has denied legitimacy to the aggres­sor, has stiffened and heartened patriotic resistanceto foreign occupation and encouraged the variousresistance factions to unite their efforts under theleadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk. Thus, theaggressor has not been allowed to enjoy the fruits of itsactions.212. The position of my delegation on the otherquestions on the agenda of this session will be enun­ciated when these items are considered by-the GeneralAssembly. .

213. All the conflicts which the Assembly was con­sidering when we last met are still with liS today.The new wars in the South Atlantic and Lebanonhave shown us how quickly and unexpectedlyviolence and turmoil can spread. Every day newspaperheadlines and the television screen bring the terriblecamage into every home.' . .

214. While these events have captured the attentic:mof the 'world, an economic crisis, no less lethal'tnits effects on people, has been spreading th~ugh.lhe

world..One symptom of this cri~is" is~ tIi~ :debtp~ob­lem. In recent months the world\; headlines havedrawn attention to the problem of third-worl!l ,(lebt.It is estimated that the third world's debt is more.than SUS 500 bUiion. These debts were not aCcumu":lated overnight. The problem has been brewing forsome time. It is a combination of the problem of non­oil-producing third world countries trying to adjust tochanges in energy costs and the oil-producing thirdworld countries embarking Oil massive developmentprojects in anticipation of future oil income.,

General Asaembb'-Thlrty..."enth Sallqn-~enary Meetings"'------------------2.15. The non-oil~Rroducing third world countrieswere first hit 'by high energy price~. TJtey were thenhit from another direction as the industrialized coun­tries increasc;d the prices of their products to m~etincreased energy costs. To add to these difficulties,the recession in the industrialized countries depressedthe prices of the primary commodities. produced bythese third world countries. Squeezed between highcosts and falling incomes, tbese poor countries havehad to resort to massive borrowing for consumption

.and not for investment. It is. inconceivable to me howthis debt can be repaid or the interest serviced.216. Default on even a portion of the massive debtsthat have accumulated could trigger a total collapseof the global financial system, which would, in turn,lead to a deep global recession. The mild panic thatseized the financial pundits of the West when theygrasped the implications of the situation that theyhad got themselves into now seems to have beenreplaced by a mood of superficial confidence, perhapsbecause no one dares believe otherwise; no onedares say that the emperor has no clothes.

217. Another problem with grave implications is thatof starvation. As'much as 40 per cent of the world'spopulation sutTers from some form of undernourish­ment. The fate of millions is downright starvation. Asthe population continues to increase in the poorestregions of the world, more and more people willbe forced below the subsistence level of food intake.Undernourishment and starvation are the work not offate but of human action. They can be prevented.Much of the increasing starvation can be attributed tothe failure of national policies. But we are not here topass judgement on national policies; we are here to seehow we as members of an hltemational communitycan help these nations in their pHght. The problemis particularly severe in Africa, where food con­sumption per person is 10 percent less today than it wasa decade ago.

218. The problems of debt and famine, which I havequoted as examples of the less headline-grabbing prob­iems tlf the global community, are themselves onlysymptoms of a far more serious malaise in the inter­national economy.

219. While the problem of global equity remainsserious, what we are confronted with today i& notsimply the failure of the North to respond to theS.outh's call fora more equit~ble economic relation­ship but the incipient disintegration of the entireeconomic system that has sustained both North andSouth for the past 40 years. The consequencesof such a total collapse would far outweigh the presentil\lustices of the system. A renowned professor of theLondon School of Economics, which is not unsympa­t~ti~ ,ffl. th~, tllir(1 world, once rema\'ked that theIIlls~ry of~eing ~xploited by capitalists is nothingcompared to the miserv of not being exploited at 'all.

220. The liberal trading reg~me set up after theSecond \\'orld War and institutionalized in GAIT hasclearly been unable to cope with the stresses andstrains generated by new conditions. The developedcountries have been unable to cope with the increas­ingly sensitive impact that ono national economy hason another under conditions of interdependence andthey have been unable to restructure their domestic

economies to deal with new patterns of internationaltrade, production and consumption.221. The re~mlt has been increasing protectionismin the form of a complex system of uorderlymarketing arrangements", "voluntary export re­straints" and ,a host of other euphemistically namednon-tariff barriers designed to circumvent GATT.So prevalent have such practices become that thedanger is that exceptions to GATT will become morenumerous than instances of compliance. The effectof such protectionism has been to freeze the existingdistribution of indust~ial capability and wealth. Onerecent study has demonstrated that three quartersof aH actions to restrict imports under safeguard,surveillance and anti-dumping provisions dealt withonly three product groups: steel, textiles andclothing. Locational advantages in such productionhave shifted rapidly, and, by and large, the lowest­cost producers are now countries in the third world t

which are now being penalized for their success.

222. The problems ofdebt, famine and protectionismare interrelated. Protectionism freezes existingpatterns of international trade in which the developedcountries have consistently enjoyed huge trade sur­pluses "is-c,-"is the developing countries. Suchimbalances require financing and thus necessitateheavy borrowing and a growing debt burden.

223. Protectionism also deliberately restricts levels offood production. In Japan, North America and Europeprotectio~~st agricultural systems have includedmeasures to curtail the production ofsurpluses ofm~orcereals and some ~ther commodities. The EuropeanEconomic Community has for two decades subsidizedfarm production while keeping out cheaper imports.The inevitable surplus stocks lie idle while much of theworld starves. The lesson is clear. The liberal tradingsystem, in spite of all its faults, offers the bestframework for a more equitable international economicsystem. It is increasingly clear that more developingcountries are becoming competitive in the internationalmarket. It is also becoming clear that if the principlesof comparative advantage are allowed to operateunhindered, this must result in a correction of thegrossly disproportionate consumption of the world'sresources by the developed countries. We cannothope for a more equitable distribution ofglobal incomeif the liberal trading regime continues to be under­mined.

224. To my mind, the basic cause of protectionismis the failure ofthe developed countries to manage Statewelfare within national means and to direct economicgrowth to keep pace with technological changes.Over-expenditure on welfare has resulted in inflexibledomestic political structures. Governments of thedevelo~dcountries have been deprived of the politicalflexibility needed to make changes in internationalpatterns of trade and production without resort toprotectionism.

225. The pressure for protectionism comes frommany quarters. It comes from industries in developedcountries which have not modernized -their productionprocesges and thus find themselves unable to competewith more efficient and lower-cost plants in developingcountries. But the political pressures for protectionismalso come from trade union movements in the devel-

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227. There has been a great change in the at~itude

of the developed countries towards third-world devel­opment. In the immediate post-war years, thedeveloped countries took a very positive view ofeconomic development in the third world. From thelate 1940s to the 1960s, they believed that it was intheir interest to help in the economic development ofthe poorer nations of the world. These '"ere decadesof generous technical and monetary assistance to helpthese countries take advantage of the benefits of thefree-trade system.

228. Today the attitude of the rich nations to eco­nomic development in the third world is a mixtureof disillusionment and fear. To be frank, much of theblame for the disillusionment can be laid at the door ofdeveloping countries themselves. The launching ofover-ambitious and prestigious projects has not encour­aged those who are sympathetic to aid programmes.More important, huge arms expenditures in pursuitof ancient conflicts and animosities against neighbourshas crippled economic growth in some developingcountries. Much emphasis has lately been placed oneconomic co-operation among developing countries.The most vital form of co-operation among developingcountries is co-operation to maintain peace andstability among neighbours.

229. In this respect I should like to point to theregional grouping of the Association of South-EastAsian Nations [ASEAN1, which has created an area ofpeace, amity and co-operation among its five members.Its members have therefore been able to derive themaximum benefit from their national economic devel­opment policies.

230. While we must not ignor~Jhe shortcomings inthe third world, it is also true that a number of thirdworld countries, in response to Western exhortationsthat they should trade rather than depend on aid,have manifested a capacity to compete with the West

in industrial areas involving low technology. Theresponse in the developed world to this modest suc­cess at development has not been praige or encour­agement. Rather, there have been alarmist calls forprotection from entrepreneurs and labour unions indeveloped countries.

231. The developing countries of the third world arethus caught in a "no-win" situation. If they areunsuccessful in their development efforts, they arecondemned for inefficiency, corruption, xenophobiaand a host of other evils. If they should succeed,they are penalized for their v.ery success.

232. The slow strangulation of a liberal tradingsystem wm increase international tension. Thetelevision cameras may not notice the process, .butI fear that, if we continue to neglect the problem,we shall have all too much drama. The m~or devel­oped countries are increasingly divided among them­selves. The North and the South will move furtherapart. Desperation will breed irresponsibility. Thebenefits of all this will redound to those Powersthat profit from and exploit instability and divisions.The result will be an increase in in~ernational insta­bility. This threat to the stability of the internationalsystem is fundamental. In an interdependent world,autarky is no longer a viable option for any nation.The question that all of us must face is whether we canmuster sufficient political will to preserve the integrityof the system before the point of no return is reached.

233. Mr. AGUIRRE LANARI (Argentina) (inter­pretation from Spanish): I should like to begin bycongratulating the President on his election to thehigh office he has been asked to fill at this session ofthe General Assembly. His contribution as Presidentof this forum will undoubtedly be invaluable inachieving the success we hope for in the tasks withwhich we have been entrusted, especially in the ful­filment of the principle's and purpose of the Charter.

234. My country would also like to greet, throughhim, the friendly nation of Hungary, with which wehave a very close and productive relationship.

235. Nor can I omit to take this'opportunity torecall the outstanding performance of Mr. Kittani ofIraq, and to reaffirm our appreciation of the abilityand effectiveness with which he carried out his taskat a particularly difficult session of the GeneralAssembly.

236. Finally, before I reach .the substance of mystatement, I should like, as Minister for ForeignAffairs of a Latin American country, to greet mostwarmly the first Latin American Secretary-General,Mr. Javier Perez de CueUar, to whom my country isdeeply indebted for his earnest efforts during theSouth Atlantic crisis to reach a solution to the conflict.

237. This year my country had to deal with a graveinternational crisis rooted in the fact that even today,on the eve of the twenty-first century, there remainforms of colonial ~omination in the world, despite theefforts of the Organization and of the overwhelmingmajority of its Member States to eradicate them.The crisis to which I am referring, which resulted inan armed confrontation between A~ntina and theUnited Kingdom, would not have takvn place had

General Assembly-Thirty.seventh Session-Plenary Meetings

colonialism and its vestiges been completely eliminatedfrom the face of the earth.238. The conflict which took place in the SouthAtlantic, comprising the Malvinas Islands, SouthGeorgia and the South Sandwich Islands, showsthat there is as yet no end to the efforts of the UnitedKingdom to cling to its colonial possessions and tomaintain its privileges, something possible only in aninternational state of affairs which is based on theexistence ofunequal relations, supported in the main bythe crude domination of force.239. The Government of the United Kingdom hasattempted to obscure the very clear rights of theRepublic of Argentina to claim territories of whichit was divested by force; but the General Assembly iswell aware of the historial background of the matterand the stubborn British attempts to distort it havecome to naught.240. Existing cartographic proofs offered by maps ofthat time demonstrate that the Malvinas Isiands were

.discovered by Spanish navigators in the first halfof thesixteenth century. Then, since the beginning of theseventeenth century, they were explored by Frenchnavigators until 1764, when Louis de Bougainvilleestablished the Port Louis settlement, now SoledadIsland, a situation which gave rise to a Spanish protestand a subsequent recognition by France of the sover­eignty of Spain over these territories. In 1766 PortEgmont was established in the islet of Trinidad, theonly territory occupied by the British in the MalvinasIslands, from which they were also expelled by theBuenos Aires Government on 10 June 1770.241. Subsequently secret diplomatic negotiations ledto the precarious restitution of those settlements t~ theBritish on condition that at a later date they wouldhave to withdraw from them definitively, a commit­ment which the United Kingdom fulfllled in 1774.Since then the United Kingdom virtually forgot allabout the islands until it took them by forc~ in 1833.242. In the period between 1767 and 1810, a yearwhen Argentina started on its road to independence,the Malvinas were administered by 20 governorsappointed by the Spanish Crown. The Republic ofArgentina, having become independent from Spain,then succeeded Spain in all its rights, including therights of sovereignty over the islands which belongedto Spain. By virtue of this, until 1833, the administra­tion of the Malvinas was exercised by six Argentiniangovernors, under whose government my country hadthe peaceful and exclusive occupation of the archi­pelago, without any discussion by the Europeanpowers of our claims, titles and rights to these territo­ries. 'Nhat must be emphasized, because it is a decisivepoint, is that the United Kingdom in 1825 recognizedthat the Republic of Argentina was a sovereign State,and at that time entered into a treaty of friendlShip,trade and navigation with Argentina and did not'thenvoice any reservation with regard to its alleged rightsover the Malvinas Islands or any other adjacent terri­tories. This most clearly demonstrates that the UnitedKingdom was aware of the fact that it had absolutelyno right over the Malvinas Islands and archipelago,w'~ose sovereignty it questions today... ... .

243.. On 3 January 1833, eight year~ after Argentinawas recognized as a sovereign State, and after the

signing of the treaty of friendship, trade and naviga­tion, British troops occupied the islands by force,bringing down the Argentinian flag, expelling Argen­tinian authorities and Argentinian citizens, residentsof the area and forcing them to go to Montevideo.The Argentinian population was thus completelyreplac~d by a British military garrison.244. On 15 and 22 January of that same year, theGovernm-ent of Argentina sent a protest to the Charged'affaires of Great Britain in Buenos Aires, and on17 June the Argentine Minister, Don Manuel Moreno,voiced the most energetic protest in London. Thusbegan an uninterrupted series of Argentinian protestsagainst the British occupation and in all cases thesewere arbitrarily rejected by the Government of theUnited Kingdom.245. The Republic of Argentina never agreed to theBritish occupation, nor did it ever ~ive up its soverQ

eign rights over the territory of whic.l it was divestedby force. All this is more than enough to show theinequity of any claims of acquisition by the UnitedKingdom.246. Let the Assembly compare the historic and con­sistent stand of my country with the silence of GreatBritain in 1825 and its ominous aggression of 1833.247. Let us come back now to our times. Followingthe creation of the United Nations the treatment inthe Organization of the item of decolonization broughtwith it the adoption of the well-known General Assem­bly resolution 1514 (XV), which deals with decoloniza­tion, as well as resolutions 2065 (XX) and 3160(XXVIII) and 31/49, which is specifically applicableto the case of the Malvinas.

248. It was thus decided, first, that there was recog­nition of the existence of a dispute over sovereigntybetween the Republic of Argentina and the UnitedKingdom, secondly, an invitation to those Govern­ments to continue forthwith negotiations to achieve apeaceful solution of the matter, bearing in mind theprovisions and objectives of the Charter, as well asthe interests-not the wishes-of the population ofthe islands; thirdly, the recognition of the effortsmade by the Republic of Argentina to facilitate thedecolonization process and to promote the well-beingof the population of the islands.

249. Starting in 1966 negotiations began between thetwo Governments but these negotiations did not lead toany result because of the indifferent attitude anddilatory tactics displayed by the British. -

250. Acceptance by the United Kingdom ofthe invita­tion to negotiate on the matter of sovereignty, for­mulated in resolution 2065 (XX), was embodied in thecommunications of Foreign Ministers Zavala Ortizand Stewart,13 as a result of the visit of the latter toBuenos Aires in 1966. Clearly this acceptance wasencouraging for it reflected, apparently, the beginningof a change in the British posi~ion, which up to thattime had rejected all negotiations on the matter ofsovereignty of the archipelago.

251. Later the terms of reference of the negotiationwere formally set out in the joint communique of26 April 1977,14 which stated specifically that it wouldinclude the matter of sovereignty over tlfe MalvinasIslands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich

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Islands. That agreement between Argentina and the But, as already stated, in accordance with the usualUnited Kingdom was explicitly recognized in the practice of Britain in matters of negotiation withparallel notes addressed in June 197915 by the Per- our country, we were not able to obtain a reply tomanent Representatives of my country and of the this reasonable initiative by Argentina, despite theUnited Kingdom to the Secretary-General, informing requests made by our Government.him that from 21 to 23 March 1979 the representatives 258. We come now to the episode which unleashedof the Governments of both countries had held the the present crisis. Argentina received the Britishfourth round of negotiations on the Malvinas Islands, ultimatum to withdraw a group ofcivilian workers whoSouth Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, within had landed on South Georgia to fulfil a privatetbe framework established in the aforementioned com- contract, which was known to the British authorities,munique of 26 April 1977. under the threat of the use of force if their demand252. Nevertheless, the obligations undertaken by the was not heeded. That intimidation was accompaniedUnited Kingdom in those documents and 17 years of by the movement towards that area of various navalnegotiations failed to convince the Government of units, including nuclear submarines.the United Kingdom to deal with the matter of sover- 259. Thus the bloodless occupation of the Malvinaseignty fully and in good faith. Thai was an arbitrary Islands by Argentina was a justified reaction in theattitude which could not be explained in the light of face of the British decision to strengthen its colonialthe clarity of the commitments entered into. domination over a territory which by law belongs to253. On the contrary, my country continued to my country and in flagrant contradiction with thedemonstrate at all times its sincere resolve to settle provisions of General Assembly resolution 31/49.the dispute. Further proof of that was the letters I should like to emphasize that the recovery of theaddressed to the Secretary-General in 1971 by the islands was achieved without the British suffering aPermanent Representatives' of Argentina and the single death or injury due in any way to the intentionsUnited Kingdom16 on opening up communications of Argentina, a country which preferred to sacrificebetween continental Argentina and the archipelago, many of its own soldiers for the sake of not causingfor that statement demonstrated in fact the declared any victims among the British occupying forces or theintent of Argentina duly to take into account the population.interests of the inhabitants of the Malvinas. 260. Furthermore, I should like to recall that imme-254. Thus the supply of fuel, the establishment of diately and without any pre-condition the Republicregular maritime and air services, free medical atten- of Argentina returned all British mili~ry personnel,tion in hospitals on the continent, the granting of along with their flags, in order to avoid further prob-fellowships in educational institutions and the supply lems in trying to reach a peaceful solution.of foodstuffs are some of the many indications of thesincere desire of Argentina to continue to improve 261. The recognition by Argentina of the authorityconsiderably the standard of living of the inhabitants of the Security Council in this dispute was made quite

. h· h db· I d clear in many statements by my Government in favourof the islands, which up to t at time a een ISO ate of an effective and full implementation of Counciland had sutTered shortages, which Argentina-notthe United Kingdom-tried to make good in the best resolution 502 (1982). In his statement at this sessioninterests of the inhabitants of the Malvinas. the President of Brazil, stressing the importance of

the General Assembly's consideration of the question255. One should bear in mind also that along with of the Malvinas, stated that the first step towardsthis, and from the beginning of the negotiations, my a solution must be the full implementation of Securitycountry repeatedly offered to grant guarantees and Council resolution 502 (1982), adding: "It is time forsafeguards under the protection of the United Nations those who so vigorously condemn the use of force inin order to preserve the lifestyle of the inhabitants the solution of controversies to demonstrate tlieofthe Malvinas, as well as their traditions and customs, consistency and sincerity of their designs". [5th meet-with the idea of considering their interests, an idea· 16 ]mg, para. .which is contained in General Assembly resolution2065 (XX) 262. My Government spared no etTort in order to

. obtain immediately a negotiated settlement of the256. Nevertheless, despite all the etTorts of succes- crisis, accepting at all times the good offices offeredsive Argentine delegations in the rounds of negotia- to us; but we wonder about the possibility of arrivingtions, which were once again renewed at the last at a legitimate agreement when"the United Kingdom,meeting in February 1982, it was not possible to get seeking no result other than a military victory and the'from the British delegations, which also included maintenance of the colonial situ~tiot:l, brough~ itsislanders, a list of the guarantees and safeguards fleet into the South Atlantic unlawfully, invokingwhich they required for the protection oftheir interests. Article 51 of the Charter, and arrogated to itself the257. The positive attitude demonstrated by Argentina right to act, no matter what the consequences, byin presenting to the United Kingdom in February of taking all sorts of hostile measures.this year a new proposal for settling the dispute 263. The generous otTer'made by the Secretary-between the two countries met with complete silence General on 2 May this year, to be considered byon the part of the British Government. That proposal both Governments, did not achieve the solution calledprovided for a machinery to speed negotiations over for by the serious crisis.sovereignty and achieve concrete results in the form ofa system of monthly meetings, with a pre-established 264. The Government of Argentina from the veryagenda, the venue of the meetings established in outset had full confidence in the role which theadvance, presided over by officials at the highest level. Organization, anc.l especially the Secretary-General,

General Assembly-Tblrty-seventh ~on-Plenary Meetings

could play in these grave circumstances, to help withthe maintenance of international peace and securityand to eliminate all vestiges ofcolonialism in the world;but the United Kingdom adopted an extremely rigidposition with regard to the ideas which were beingdiscussed, an attitude that was closely related to theincrease of its military potential in the area.265. Later came Security Council resolution 505(1982), and a British veto on a draft resolution1?

in the Security CounciPB which, if adopted, wouldhave made possible an immediate cease-fire, thusavoiding loss of life 'on both sides. This was theclearest proof of the lack of political will on the partof the United Kingdom te find a peaceful negotiatedsolution. The only thing which the British Govern­ment was interested in was a success by its punithrefleet, to consolidate its imperialist presence in theSouth Atlantic and improve its damaged domesticpolitical situation. The facts show that from the verybeginning military action was the only solutionwhich the Conservative Government of the UnitedKingdom seriously considered.266. I am revealing no secret when I say that theBritish Empire only reluc~'mtly gave up its colonies.Many·of the nations represented here have at onetime in their history been colonies of the UnitedKingdom and know that their present situation assovereign States is not due to any gracious conces­sion on the part of diat Power, agreeing In a gesture ofgenerosity to grant them independence. On the con­trary, every case of liberation was the result of a verydifficult and cruel struggle by the oppressed peoples,or of the final inability of the United Kingdom toc·ontinue exercising its control over those people inthe face of the irresistible force of the great movementof history leading to decolonization, generated essen­tially by the United Nations.267. .The United Kingdom, which today attemptsto act as the champion of self-determination, is pre­cisely the colonia! Power par excellence which inmany cases raised all kinds of obstacles when theUnited Nations tried to assist the just process whichmade it possible to liquidate most of its Empire.268. Thus, in the specific case of the MalvinasIslands, the practice of the United Kingdom thus farhas been to pretend to fulfil the requirements estab­lished in the resolutions of the General Assembly,requiring it to negotiate in the dispute over sover­eignty, while in reality sabotaging any serious attemptto make progress on that important problem. Itproceeded throughout with no sense of haste orurgency, while striving only to protect its specialprivate 'interests, and the monopolistic exploitation ofits colony.

. ~. . . . ... .269. The United Kingdom has proclaimed thatArgentina resorted to action in the midst of th~

negotiations abOut the islands. No statement couldbe more false.. That process bas been frustratedprecisely by the'dilatory tactics and delays used timeand again by the British Government, quite apartfrom its complete failure to reply to the last proposalmade by .~rgen~ina in February 1982. .

270. Moreover, I wish to state categorically thatthroughout the 17 years of fruitless negotiationsimposed upon the United Kingdom by the will of the

General Assembly in 1965 in its resolution 2065 (XX),the administering colonial Power of our Malvinas,South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands nevergave any indication of trying in good faith to reacha solution to the dispute over sovereignty whichexists between that country and Ak'gentina, refusingto discuss the only subject that justified thosenegotiations and made them necessary: precisely thequestion of sovereignty.271. Among the basic principles which it sets forthfor the fulfilment of the purposes of the UnitedNations, the Charter, in Article 2, paragraph 2, statesthat U All Members, in order to ensure to all of themthe rights and benefits resulting from membership,shall fulfill in good faith the obligations assumed bythem in accordance with the present Charter". Butthe attitude of the United Kingdom constitutes aflagrant violation of this commitment to which itsubscribed when it signed the constitutional statute ofthe Organization, and its actions and omissions haveshown how little importance it attaches to theresolutions of one of the basic pillars of the relationsin the international community.272. Furthermore, ifany doubt remained, the attitudeof the present Government of the United Kingdomis full confirmation that its objective has always beento continue its usurpation of the Islands ar¥d to acceptonly those superficial changes which serve to concealIthe true colonial nature of its domination over them.273. And if the existence of colonies is an affrontto the dignity of the peoples and a shameful blot onthe name of an international community which claimsto be civilized, even more shameful is the attemptto invoke the principles of decolonization to prolongthe life of the ill-omened remnants of an era thatfortunately has come to an end. The Government ofthe United Kingdom is trying to whitewash the guilt ofits unlawful occupation by invoking the right to self­determination of the inhabitants of the Islands. In sodoing, it is attempting to justify their plundering byinvoking the principles that are generally accepted inthe United Nations in the hope that the nationsrepresented here will forget all the times when theseprinci9les were ignored or denied by the same UnitedKingdom which now invokes them.274. For if the United Kingdom states that it ~s anation which respects the right of self-determination,we are faced with a true historic paradox. How arewe then to explain the struggle for independence andnational sovereignty of India under Gandhi's leader­ship, human symbol of anti-colonialism, peace andjustice in our century? How can we forget the wars ofliberation in Africa against British imperialism eversince the end of the Second World War? How canwe explain the subjugation and domination sufferedby the peoples of Asia at the zenith of the UnitedKingdom's nmperial expansion? Could we perchanceforget that "he United Kingdom not only violated thetrue self-determination of the peoples, but it also madeillegal use of force, violating the most elementaryrules and principles of international law and ethics?Why did the United Kingdom, claiming to be such as~aunch defen~er of the ~elf-determ~nati9n.of peoples,displace by force the population of the island ofDiego Garcia, to make over that territor,Y for theestablishment of a military base in the Indian Ocean?

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275. Obviously, it is no mere historical coincidencethat some of the major leaders of the developingworld and champions in our day of the freedom andindependence ofpeoples-men such as Nehru, Nasser,Kenyatta, Nyerere and Archbishop Makarios, amongothers-had to confront at various tlimes in theirpolitical struggles the colonial or neo-colonial domi­nation of British imperialism.

276. These facts show that when the r- ... Kingdomclaims to be defending the right to ~ .;terminationof peoples, that is not only a way vi concealing thetruth about the nature of its illegal colonial possessionof the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and SouthSandwich, but also a cynical attempt to adjust itsposition to the world of today, in order to perpetuateits last ties of political and economic domination; inother words, its intent is to seem to change thingsso that they can remain the same. The right to self­determination is basically a collective right, recognizedfor all peoples, nations and States. That right assumesa legitimate relationship between those who are tobenefit and the territory to be decolonized, but theterritorial link cannot be of any type, because theright to self-determination can never be used as aninstrument to split up a territory.

277. For example, the settlements established byIsrael in the occupied Arab and Palestinian terri­tories-in contradiction of the rights of the countriesand populations affected, and of the Geneva Con­vention on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Timeof War, of 12 August 1949, and in flagrar4t violationof the resolutions adopted by the Security Counciland the General Assembly-are a clear example of apolicy infringing the right of territorial integrity.The international community has rightly condemnedsuch policies, since the perpetuation of these illegalsituations at the expense of Syria, Jordan, Lebanonand the Palestinian people year after year has becomea constant source of tension and violence, endangeringnot only the Middle East but international peace andsecurity.

278. Therefore, recognition of the right to self­determination of a population implanted by force,after the forced expulsion of those who were legiti­mately living in the area earlier, is a mockery of theefforts of the Organization to put an end to colonialism,and can lead only to the renewal of colonialism in theguise of a settlement freely consented to. The relation­ship between those who claim freely to exercise theright to self-determination and the territory in whichthey live must come from a justifiable situation thatexisted before the occupation.

279. The clearr and maked truth ~s lhat the UnitedKingdom has eSltablished a colony in part of Argentineterritory, and the definitive solution must be therestitution of that territory to its legitimate owner,in keeping with the right of territorial integrity, whichclearly applies to this case, in conformity withresolution 1514 (XV). Otherwise, I must give warningthat .to legitimize the illicit origin of British pos­session would be to establish a dangerous precedentfor legitimizing future seizures ofterritory, based on the

use of- force, yet '·subject, it· would be claimed, tolegitimization by the passag~ of time.280. The recent c:nsis in the South Atlantic promptedthe Government of the United Kingdom not only toseek to consolidate its colonial dcmination, this timequite openly, over the Malvinas Island~ and theirdependencies, but also in violation of General Assem­bly resolutions, to establish an extra-continentalmilitary base on the islands, with nuclear submarinesand nuclear we~pons {n the ar~a.

281. This provocative attitude'has clearly introduceda focus of continuing tensioQ into the South Atlantic,which is unacceptable both to the Republic of Argen­tina and to Latin America. We must therefore putan end to that state of affairs. There has been ade facto end to the hositilities in the area, as everyoneknows, and my Government does not intend to takethe initiative in changing that situation. But followingthe cease-fire the United Kingdom carried out an armedattack on the Argentine scientific station "CorbetaUruguay", established six years earlier in the SouthSandwich Islands, imprisoning the staff, who werecarrying out work of a strictly peaceful nature. Thatunjustifiable act ofaggression was recently condemnec:iby the Second World Conference on Cultural Policies,convened in Mexico by UNESCO.

282. Furtherm~~e, my country has many timesbrought to the attention of the Organization acts ofharassment by British vessels and aircraft againstArgentine fishermen, even outside the exclusion zonewhich the United Kingdom continues to impose aroundthe islands for Argentine civil and military vesselsand aircraft. Although technically limited to an areaof 150 nautical miles, this illegal and arbitrary measurehas in fact been extended by the British Governmentto waters outside the area, where Argentine fishingvessels are constam~y subject to intimidation. Thisis a serious matter that should be of great concernto us, Gince we all recall how during the recent conflicta British nuclear submarine did not h~sitate to torpedoand sink the Argentine Republic navy cruiser Genera/Be/grano, which was sailing outside the exclusion zoneestabiished and defined by the Uoited KingdomGovernment itsel~-a completely illegitimate andbrutal action which was no source of pride for Britishpublic opinion or any of its allies.

283. The facts that I have just described, as well asthe stand taken so far by the British Government,opposed to any genuine negotiation, show clearly theneed for the international community, through adecision by the General Assembly, to support theLatin American initiative to resolve the presentsituation and the dispute over sovereignty betweenArgentina and the United Kingdom by substantivenegotiations carried out in good faith.

284. Latin America is today writing a page. in .itshistory marked by its spiritual unity ~nd its heroicrole, reaffirmed' recently by the Panama Canal issue,and today by the Malvinas question.. ..285. This unity will be demonstrated in the forth­coming meetings of Latin American heads of Stateproposed by Uruguay, Panama and Colombia, in allof which my country will take part. It wia also bedemonstrated next year at a meeting, convened byVenezuela in Caracas, of heads of State and other

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General Assembly-Thirty-seventh SessIon-Plenary Meetings

representatives of their peoples. to commemoratethe bicentenary of the Liberator, Sim6n BoHvar, whoconceived of our continent as a federa~ion of nationsstriving, through the strength of their common idealsand determination, to bring about a world of justiceand freedom. With this dream, to which our Liberator,Jose de San Martin, made his outstanding contribution,were associated all the national heroes of LatinAmerica, with a slogan that we have not forg~nen,

and are determined not to forget, calling for respectby the international community for our demands,today and for ever.

286. Latin America, united today by the Malvinas,and tomorrow by whatever other equally just causemay affect any of the countries comprising it, callsfor a response that will meet its legitimate demands.

287. Latin America shall not be a breeding-groundfor colonial adventures. The countries of the hemi­sphere fought hard to win their independence andtherefore have a long tradition of rejection of colo­nialism. Those ideals of the founding heroes of theLatin American homeland inspire the actions of theGovernments of the region, with whose decisiveassistance and support the first decolonization ini­tiatives prospered in the United Nations. It is in thatspirit that Latin America has demonstrated its whole­hearted support for the fraternal initiative taken byMexico, which calls for consideration of the questionof the Malvinas Islands during the current sessionof the General Assembly.

288. I emphasize with pride and appreciation thatthe question of the Matvinas Islands is no longer inthe Organization the private cause of my country buthas ~come the cause of Latin America, as happenedalso in the case of Panama. In their letter to theSecretary-General, the Latin American nations madethe following points, among others:

"The persistence of this colonial situation inAmerica and the dispute between the Argentine

.Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britainand Northern Ireland concerning sovereignty overthe Islands, on which the General Assembly hasexpressed itself in resolutions 2065 (XX), 3160(XXVIII) and 3H49, have led to serious armed con­flict in the South Atlantic and constitute a situationthat affects the Latin American region in particular.

"The countries of America, which are peace­loving and anxious for a peaceful settlement of theconflict, consider that the negotiations betweenthe Argentine Republic and the United Kingdomof Great Britain and Northern Ireland should beconducted under the auspices of the UnitedNations." [See A/37//93.]

289. That ini~iative earned the gratitude of all theArgentine people, for which the cause of the Malvi~as

is a national goal which takes precedence over partisandifferences and binds togetlier ciiizens orall sectors.

290. We extend the same gratitude to the non-alignedmovement, which in its successive statements hascategorically endorsed Argentina's claims.

291. I wish to express similar appreciation to allcountries which have extended 10 us their supportand have recognized the legitimacy of our claims.

292. The events in the South Atlantic have taughtus some hard but useful lessons, whi~h will have animpact on our future as a region and hence on ourinternational relations. We have felt the warmth ofsolidarity and the bitterness of frustration, dependingon the reaction to the legitimate claim of our peoples.

293. We shall never forget those who acted as ourfriends. As to those who did not so act, we shallre-examine in the future their earlier positions,bearing in mind the circumstances of that time, whichfor many were unclear or distorted. But the positionsthey are taking now, will have to stand up to the closestscrutiny by the Argentine people and by all those whoagree with the very clear principles which the inter­national community has committed itself to defend.Their condUCt will be judged not by Governments,which are temporary things, but by peoples, which arepermanent. History, which is incorruptible, will be acourt of last resort. The Argentinians and all LatinAmericans ar1e convinced that it will be our ally, notto be suborned.

294. We firmly believe that negotiations in goodfaith between the parties provide the only possiblepath to peace. Hence we are prepared to heed thecall of the General Assembly to begin negotiations tofind a peaceful solution to the dispute over sover­eignty which will take into account the relevantresolutions of the General Assembly and the SecurityCouncil, with the assistance of the Secretary-General,i~': whom my country has sincere confidence.

295. Argentina has never expanded its territm·ythrough the use of force. On the contrary, it hastraditionall" resorted to peaceful methods andnegotiations to resolve its territorial disputes. Inthis spirit our country is committed to the peacefulsettlement of its territorial dispute with the Republicof Chile in the southern part of the country, with theinvaluable participation Qf His Holiness Pope JohnPaul 11 as mediator. The people an<J Government ofArgentina wish to express here their deepest gratitudeto His Holiness for his tireless 'mediating activitiesand his guidance of the negotiations with the Republicof Chile. Great importance has been attached by theHoly See to these activHies, which resulted in theagreement signed on 15 September last at VaticanCity. That agreement is an unequivocal confirmationof the complete confidence which the two countrieshave placed in the Supreme Pontiff and in his judge­ment as to the best way to settle the dispute. For ourpart, we reaffirm our belief that through mediationwe will reach a final agreement acceptable to bothparties which will put an end to the dispute once andfor all, thus consolidat~ng the traditionallink~betweenthe two peoples.

296. The world situation is so serious, and the situa­tion as regards the Organization's ability to fulfil itspurpos~ of maintaining peace and acting as a usefulforum for negotiation among its Member States hasbecome so difficult, that the Secretary-General feltcompelled in writing his exemplary report to abandonthe usual practice ~f reviewing the broad range fJfissues involved in the work of the United Nationsand to concentrate on the central, vital problem of thechances of achieving the aims which 37 years agoprompt-:J the cre~ti,on of the United Nations, after

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the six years (World War.297. In the yGeneral AsseJnational reladlstemming fronthe super-PoVlresulting fromunresolved asor an intransi,intelligently ar298. Thus tl1blocs or State~

political OPPOf1military pactstheir allies, wlexaggerated creminiscent ofuse the ultra-secentury.

299. Furtherrtrenching therwhen they agnare not membtheir own terllinflexible andinstead of malthe rest of theis a futile fligthey should shto defend thealthough the ilclear evidenceinvolution whil

300. We camthere remains :ing, it can onlyzation, whichassist nationsreally ready fItheir disputes.must turn towreply and forvation of worll

301. We all kdisarmament btaking place inago of the S(

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14th meetlng-i'October 1982 249

the six years of agony and destruction of the SecondWorld War.297. In the year since the last regular session of theGeneral Asse"mbly the deteriorating trend' of inter­national relations has been confirmed. The tensionsstemming from the traditional confrontation betweenthe super-Powers have been aggravated by fightingresulting from long-st~nding conflicts which remainunresolved as a result of the lack of political willor an intransigent refusal to confront 'the problemsintelligently and in a forward-looking way.298. Thus the lack of trust between antagonisticblocs or States at the international level provides thepolitical opportunity for serious regional crises, and themilitary pacts among the great Powers encouragetheir allies, whether or not they are in the right, inexaggerated confrontations or punitive operationsreminiscent of the nineteenth century, although theyuse the ultra-sophisticated arsenals ofthe late twentiethcentury.

299. Furthermore, the developed nations, are en­trenching themselves-m positions of privilege' -iii14when they agree to a dialogue with other States whichare not members of their club they do so only ontheir own terms. Fear of change makes them moreinflexible and the climate of international tension,instead of making them outward-looking as regardsthe rest of the world, makes them turn inward, whichis a futile flight from the collective responsibilitiesthey should shoulder. Those nations close their ranksto defend the advantages they gained in the past,although the injustice of these is obvious. This is allclear evidence of a process of international politicalinvolution which augurs ill for the future.

300. We cannot but affirm emphatically here that ifthere remains any chance of justice and right prevail­ing, it can only be within the framework of the Organi­zation, which has the necessary ways and means toassist nations in conflict, provided those nations arereally ready for dialogue and negotiations to settletheir disputes. Hence, the international communitymust turn towards the United Nations in search of areply and for attitudes which encourage the preser­vation of world peace.

301. We all know that one traditional way is throughdisarmament but, unfortunately, the present session istaking place in the shadow ofthe failure ofa few monthsago of the second special session of the GeneralAssembly devoted to disarmament. The internationalcomm.unity had great hopes in that session, which itexpected would consolidate and develop the achieve­ments made in i:he four years since the first suchspecial session.

302. But the time is coming when all the countries,and in the first place the great Powers, will be unableto ignore the fu~damental dilemma any longer: theymust either make sincere and serious efforts to bringunder control the massive increase in weapons, inparticular nuclear weapons, or we shall be embarkingupon an uncontrollable escalation of which we shall bethe prisoners and probably the victimso

303. The recent events in Lebanon iZonstitute afurther tragic manifestation of tite permanent threatstemming from the perpetuation of unjust and serious

situations not resolved· by the. ~n;,emational system,which has once again faUeJ in:ts primary task;established under the Charter-.namely, that ofmaintaining international peace and security.. Toomany years have passed during which the people ofLebanon have had to suffer as a result of successiveviolations of their territorial integrity, independenceand sovereignty. This unjust situation has been com­pounded in recent weeks by the barbarous actsperpetrated in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila.This provoked the unanimous condemnation of theinternational community, in which my Governmentjoined first with a comminique issued in BuenosAires and then ~y our vote at the seventh emergencyspecial session, on Palestine. There can be no doubtof the responsibility of the Israeli Government whichinvaded the city of Beirut in violation of the agreementreached and on the pretext of preventing chaos.304. The Government and people of Argentina areconvinced that ajust and lasting solutionofthe questionof the Middle East can be achieved, as my countryhas argued repeatedly in recent years, only if there isrecognition of and respect for the inalienable rightof the Palestinian people to self-determination andnational independence and to-establish theirown sover..""eign Stat':); acceptance of the right of Israel and allcountries of the region to live in peace within inter­nationally recognized borders; Israel's withdrawalfrom all the Arab territories occupied since 1967 and,in addition, recognition ofa special regime for the HolyCity of Jerusalem, in accordance with ,the relevantresolutions of the Security Council and the·GeneralAssembly.305. Many other situations are subjects 'ofgrave con­cern to us. The persistence of the hateful apartheidregime in South Mrica and the unjustifiable delayin the inexorable process of independence for Nami­bia, the decolonization of which must not be furtherpostponed, are just two of these. South Africa cannotcontinue to resort to new and arbitrary excuses topreserve a shameful and unjust status quo the pur­pOS(~" ~vhich is t~ deny the Namibian people the trueexerc~~.;: of their right to self-determination andnational independence in accordance with SecurityCouncii resolution 435 (1978) and with full respect forits territorial integrity. The international communitymust use its best efforts to put an end to this colonialsituation, which is m&fked by economic exploitationand racial discrimination. The people of Namibia mustbe assisted in their just struggle to put an end toSouth African domination, which flies in the face ofthe most elementary principles of justice and equityaccepted by the overwhelming majoiity of'the StatesMembers of the United Nations.306. Another grave situation which for reasons ofregional brotherhood concerns us" profoundly is theinstability and violence prevailing in Central America,which prompted the promising ,niti,ative of an otTer ofgood offices by the Presidents of Mexico and Vene­zue1a, with a view to reducing tension and ensuringpeace. Of course, my Government has alreadyexpressed its full support for those efforts.307. I know that it is not: original to refer to thecrisis in international economic relations or toemphasize that the high cost is being borne by thedeveloping count~es. However, despite the tlLttempts

General ~mbly-Tblrty.sevenCb Session-Plenary Meetings

made by those countries to ensute the establishmentof mOre just economic and political relations whichensure a· .proper place and equitable participation inthe international sphere, some developed countries areworking to prevent this through economic policies thatundermin~ multilatera:I co-operation in general andco-operation for development in particular.

308. There has been a resurgence of protectionismin the major decision-making centres, accentuatingfurther the economic and social difficulties on theperiphery.t Selective· and discriminatory policies havebeen established, based on concepts of so-calledgr~duation, which establish arbitrary and harmfuldifferences for developing countries. By increasingemphasis on bilateralism in international economicrelations there has been an erosion of the multilateralframework of international co-operation.309. As if all this did not constitute a sufficientlydiscouraging picture, we now see a tendency forcertain developed countries to use economic means forpolitical ends, by trying to bring pressure to bear ondeveloping countries to subordinate the exercise oftheir sovereign rights.3l0. The non-aligned movement has emphaticallycoildemnecl such behaviour and the Charter of Eco­nomic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281(XXIX)], adopted by the General Assembly in 1974,is also emphatic on this point.311. Within the Latin American framework, at theregional level, it was understood from the outset,as confirmed by decisions 112 and 113 of the eighthmeeting of the Permanent Council of the Latjn Amer­ican Economic System, that Latin America mustreduce its vulnerability to the concerted pressures ofthe developed world.312. Nevertheless, in the midst of this disturbingpicture there are on the horizon some positive facts,such as those originating in the Group of 77 and therecent statements made in the Economic and SocialCouncil by some industrialized countries, which leadu:, to hope that global negotiations can begin shortlyin an attempt to revitalize. the North-South dialogue.

--~. -_., .- ..- -... _-..-.-....... - - - - - ..... ~ ...- _ ... -' .. ..-3-13. As regards co-operation among developingcountries, the recent meeting in Manila showed therealities and potential of this broad range of co-oper­ation and solidarity.314. I cannot conclude my statement without sayingthat my country accepts the existence of this real andregrettable world political panorama because it isa matter of plain fact. However, we also believe inthe absolute need to overcome this grave situation,because we are sure that the instinct of self-preser­vation will compel all the peoples in the world tounite their efforts to change this picture of real andpotential conflicts. But we also firmly believe that thatprimary objective cannot be attained ~hrougb vaguedeclarations and pious words, but only through speCificaction and a healthy political determination, which,by establishing good faith in international relations andencouraging progress and wealth, will make possiblethe emergence of new protagonists on the worldscene. There m.ust be new presences capable of restor­ing a balance threatened today by the magnificentdevelopment of some nations at the expense of thestagnation or the slow development of others.

315. I should like to conclude my statement byreferring once again to the Malvinas question, whichis so vitally important to my cou:ntry. The worldknows Argentina's devotion to peace and "that we havelived through more than a century without any periodsof war. If a peaceful people felt it necessary to takeup arms to defend its cause, in an unequal battle,it was solely as the result of the justice of that cause.Our forces consisted entirely of Argentinians· whowere fulfilling their patriotic duty. In our struggle wedid not turn to foreigners boastful of their bloodthirstyferocity closely tied to the degrading exchange of .­money.316. Our martyrs, sacrificed in the desolate landsand frigid waters of the South Atlantic, will be constantwitnesses to Argentina's unwavering sovereignty overthe Malvinas, a cause whose defense brooks neitherconcessions nor hesitation. The hours of sacrifice ofour combatants, as well as the blood and the lives laiddown by so many of them, were not in vain. The crythat went up then and that will lead us steadfast toour goal will not fade from the conscience of mankind.317. Mr. FAHNBULLEH (Liberia): At a time whenmankind. is frantically searching for solutions to theproblems of wars, disasters, hunger, poverty, violence

.and racism, it is indeed heartening that this body canmeet and, with collective determination, join thecru.sade in the search for a nobler and dignified destinyfor the human race. The task of saving mankind fromwars and destruction is the collective responsibilityof til~ worid's peoples, but the role of individuals inthe acceleration of this process must not be over­looked.318. In this regard, I should like on behalf of theGovernment and people of Liberia to extend to thenew President of the General Assembly my warmestcongratulations on his election to his high office. Weare confident that his long years of experience indiplomacy will enable him to discharge, with theutmost sincerity, the responsibilities entrusted to him.319. I should also like to take this opportunity tooffer thanks to his able and dynamic predecessor,Mr. Kittani, who guided the Gene~alAssembly throughthe thirty-sixth regular session anil the second specialsession on disarmament with the utmost dedicationand efficiency.

320. We wish at this time to make special referenceto the remarkable performance of the Secretary­General, who, after only nine months in office, hasconvinced us beyond all reasonable doubt that ourchoice was a good one. We ask him to continue todischarge his duty with the courage and convictionsof his conscience. His first report on the work of theOrganization outlines effectively the major problemsand weaknesses of the Organization. We endorse therecommendations in his report and are convinced that,if implemented, they could strengthen the Organi­zation 'and restore to it the role envisaged for it inthe Charter.

321. We must pay homage, finally, to that greatstatesman of tolerance, integrity and devotion, thefm-mer Secretary-General, Kurt Waldheim. His con­tribution to the progress of mankind will foreverbe stamped upon the minds of all those who fight forpeacl~, justice and human decency. He came to us as a

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and natiol1exploitatioland aftlueron the otiostincts whuman protfor fraterm323. Thethe nationasequencesCI~sses anrights of tlthe rights 0for the natiattributes (join the sea324. My (history hasof revolutisociety andto begin the;ethl)ic arroto the worlthat througblood ofouwas brutal,aspirationsoligarchiesthe shacklebegin the p

325. Herethe memordreds killedunleashed ~

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326. Whelsociety a sto show th:more digni1only way tlmovement.a society 1

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327. As ~

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14th meeting-l October 1982 251

son of Europe. He left as a son of mankind, respected,admired and trusted-beautiful accolades for a man ofpeace.322. The challenge facing humanity is to refine thenegative instincts of man, those which allow for thedomination of others, for the destruction of otherpeoples' cultures and values and for the developmentof those mental aberrations such as racial superiority,parochial and aggressive nationalisms and individualand national acquisitiveness with the attributes ofexploitation, poverty and stagnation on the one hand,and affluence and indifference to human sufferingson the other. The refinement of man's negativeinstincts wiH allow for the common understanding ofhuman problems and make more meaningful the searchfor fraternal relations between peoples.323. The task of human refinement must begin atthe national level, for it is at this level that the con­sequences of negative instincts are most profound.CI~~ses and groups which have no respect for therights of their own people will have no regard forthe rights of other peoples. It thus becomes necessaryfor the national entity to purge itself of the unsavouryattributes of man's inhumanity to man in order tojoin the search for international harmony and morality.324. My country, in answering the challenge whichhistory has posed to us as a people, took the pathof revolution to resolve the contradictions. in oursociety and awakened the consciousness of our peopleto begin the frontal assault on the citadels of privilege,ethl}ic arrogance and elitism. We are proud to sayto the world, to all men of conscience and decency,that through the struggle of our people and with theblood of our martyrs we destroyed an oligarchy whichwas brutal, arrogant and insensitive to the needs andaspirations of the vast majority of our people, as alloligarchies are. It is our God-given right to destroythe shackles of servitude and allow our people tnbegin the process of making their own history.325. Here in this public forum, we pay homage ~o

the memory of our martyrs, especially to the hun­dreds killed on 14 April 1979, when the former regimeunleashed a reign of terror on our defenceless peoplewho had raised their voices to question the right efthat oligarchy to increase the price of the staple foodfor its own profits. Eternal glory to our martyrs!

326. When people make revolution and advancesociety a step further, they are morally responsibleto show that they are more refined, more decent andmore dignified than those they overthrew. This is theonly way that one can give credence to the historicalmovement. In keeping with our commitment to builda society where men will live as brothers and beresponsible for the welfare of each and all, we decidedto rehabilitate all those who had in the past participatedin the maltreatment of the people or condoned withtheir silence the injustices in society. In this reg~rd,

my Government has released all political prisonersand thus stands as one of the few countries in theworld without a single political prisoner. Also, to easethe burden of adjustment in the new society, we havere!urned confiscated properties to former politicalpnsoners.

327. As a further testimony to my Government'scommitment to respect the aspirations of the people,

our head of State, Commander-in-Chief Samuel Doehas proclaimed 12 April 1985-the fifth anniversary ofour revolut~on-as the date for the return of ourcountry to a democratically elected civilian Govern­ment. In keeping with tbis commitment, the Consti­tutional Committee appointed on the first anniversaryof the revolution is completing the final draft of a newConstitution and drawing up the modalities for elec­tions. This is the state of affairs in my country29 months after our revolution.

328. I shall now make some remarks about the inter­national situation. It is indeed a sad commentary onthe state of world affairs that the opening of thethirty-seventh session of the General Assembly and thefirst observance of International Day of Peace on21 September 1982 should have taken place amid theghastly spectres of the Beirut massacre and the con­tinued war between t'te Islamic Republic of Iran andIraq.

329. Elsewhere, the international situation remainsfraught with tension. There seems to be a gradualdecline in the use and effectiveness of multilateralinstitutions and international organizations. AlIian~es

and inti~rgovernmental organizations that offered hopefor a stable world order in the period after theSecond World War are being threatened witl" disin­tegration at the very core.

330. The non·aligned movement, which emerged todismantle the exploitative colonial system and didindeed provide an alternative to East-West con­frontational politics for the developing nations ofAfrica, Asia and Latin A:;.~rica in the immediatepost-war era, has faiied to convene the Conferenceof Heads of State or Government on schedule forthe first time in its :It-year history because of theconflict in the Gulf region.

331. Similarly, the OAU, which has served as themotivating force in accelerating the African liberationstruggle and the search for African solutions to Africanproblems, has not been successful in convening theAssembly of Heads of State and Government thisyear because of the admission of the Sahraoui ArabDemoci~~i~ Republic to the OAU. However, weare pleased to note that efforts are being made toresolve the issue. My Government has undertaken theresponsibility ofconsulting with other African Govern­ments on ways to end the division within our organi­zation.

332. Recently 9 our head gf State sent a team ofemissaries to seven West African .countries to delivermessages relating to the current problem within theOAU. We are certain that in the end African maturitywill prevail and the OAU will survive, strengthenedin its principles and rededicated to the total liberationand unity of the African continent.

333. Meanwhile, in the international system, manyStates Members of the United Nations are increasinglyresorting to unilateral action, ·often bypassing theUnited Nations without regard to their obligationsunder the Charter. Resolutions of the Security Coun­cil and the General Assembly adopted thn)ughpainstaking effor~s and sometimes by consensu~ arebeing ignored by Member States under the pretextof preserving national identity and security.

General Assembly-Thlrty-seventb Sesslon-PIenary MEetings

334. With respect to the global economic situation,indications are that the world economy is experiencinggreater instability than at any time since the GreatDepression. The developed market economies arecharacterized by slow growth, persistent inflation,high unemployment, prolonged monetary instability,intensified protectionist pressures, stru:::tural malad­justments and uncertain long-term growth prospects.335. For their part, many developing countries con­tinue to experience very low or even negative percapita growth, with severe constraints placed on theirdevelopment efforts by maladjustment in internationaleconomic relations, natural conditions and high energycosts.336. Also, falling prices for commodities which aretheir major sources of income have impeded theirability to meet interest payments on loans, let alonerepay the loans. Moreover, higher interest rates fornew debts and redLi~ed access to external borrowinghave all contributed to the economic difficulties ofthe developing countries, thus augmenting the povertyand deprivation of their peoples.337. The optimism generated by the InternationalMeeting· on Co-operation and Development, held atCancDn in October 1981, has yet to produce progresstowards a movement in the global round ofnegot~ationson international economic issues.338. These trends point to a disquieting situativnin the international system. For the weakening orcollapse of multilateral institutions and regionalorganizations and tile vicious cycle of poverty, withits attributes of dependence and underdevelopment,would serve to remove heretofore effective platformsupon which sman developing nations exercised moralstrength and courage for collective bargaining andsecurity.

339. The potential to unleash greater horrors andsufferings upon mankind must be checked by thedetermined and honest efforts of the internationalcommunity to reverse the present drift towards eco­nomic and political catastrophe. My Governmenttherefore calls on all Member States of this worldbody to rededicate themselves to the principles andspirit of the Charter. The desperate 1""1ality of theinternational situation requires a resolution of theapparent contradiction between the professed aspira­tions of the United Nations and the unwillingness onthe part of Member States to support those aspirations.A new global initiative is needed to promote thepeaceful settlement of disputes in order to save theworld from the ravages of war and prevent futurehorrors of death and destruction such as those theworld has witnessed recently.

340. I turn now to the subject of southern Africa.In a world of conflicts and mistrust, it is reassur!ngto note the willingness to press ahead with negotiationson the part of the parties to ~he Namibian question.In this connection, I wish to state emphatically thatmy Government continues to view Security Councilresolution 435 (1978) as the basis for a solution to theNamibian conflict. We welcome the initiatives of thecontact group of five Western States and the Africanfront-line States, and Nigeria, to help overcomeobstacles in the path of the implementation of theresolution for the independence of Namibia. ·We should

add that the independence of that Mrican Territorycannot be delayed indefinitely.341. Also, we should like to caution against linkinga settlement of the Namibian question to the presenceof Cuban troops in Angola. Any attempt to do that ismoralJy wrong and dangerous, as the freedom of onepeople cannot be held hostage to the alteration of thesovereign decision of another people.

342. Today, millions of Africans continue to languishunder the despicable system of apartheid in SouthAfrica. My Government considers the perpetuationof this oppressive system as an intolerable affront tothe dignity of the black race. We then·fore urge theinternational community and men ofconscience every­where to lend every conceivable support to the totalelimination of apartheid in all its inhuman forms. Inthis regard, we welcome the launching of 1982 as theInternational Year of Mobilizat~on for Sanctionsagainst South Africa in order to make world publicopinion more aware of the grave situation in thatpart of Africa and also to win maximum internationalsupport for comprehensive and mandatory sanctionsagainst the racist Republic, as laid down in Chapter VIIof the Charter.

343. On the subject of the Middle East, the horrifyingscenes of slaughter in Beirut should once more serveas a reminder to the international community neverto 'allow historical sympathies to render us impotentin confronting contemporary aggression. The inter­national outrage and revulsion generated by the mas­sacre should convince those who are determined andconsistent in committing such atrocities to abandon thenotion that brute force i~ the only way to achievepeace and security. The senselessness of the massacrecan serve only to intensify the cycle of violence,suspicion and ,bitterness.

344. My Government is convinced that the dispersalof the Palestinians or the resort to exterminatingthem cannot provide a solution to the problems of theMiddle East. Only a recognition of the inalienablerights of the Palestinian people to a State of their ownwill lead to a lasting peace in that region. Additionally,there must be a return to the pre-I967 borders andall States in the region must be willing to recognizethe right of each and all to live in peace withinsecure boundaries.

345. In this regard, my Government supports initia­tives aimed at the restoration of the sovereigntyof Lebanon and calls for the urgent recons~ruction ofthat war-torn country.

346. Turning to the Kampuchean question, myGovernment believes th~t no effective solution to theproblems in that troubled country can be achievedwithout a just and lasting political settlement. Sucha political settlement should provide for the withdrawalof all foreign troops from Kampuchea and ensurerespect for the sovereignty, independence, territoria~

integrity and the non-aligned status of that country.

347. Some of the problems that cloud the inter­national horizon are rooted in the past. The Koreanquestion, which for many years has been a focus ofthe concern of the Organization, remains unresolvedand explosive. The postponement of its solution couldlead to a renewal of hostilities on the Korean peninsula

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253

I Official Records ofthe Third United Nat;ans Conference on theLaw ofthe Sea, vol. XVII, document A/CONF.62/122.

2 See E/CN.4/1983/4-E/CN.4/Sub.1,j;!982/43, chap. XXI.3 See A/S-12/AC.1/22.4 See A/S-12/AC.I/13, A/S-12/L.I and Corr.l, L.2 and Corr.l,

L.4 and L.6.5 See Official Records afthe Economic and Social Council, 1982,

Supplement No. 5.6 The delegations of the United Arab Emirates, Uruguay and

Vanuatu subsequently informed the Secretariat that they hadintended to vote in favour of the draft resolution.

7 See A/S-12/AC.I/44 and Corr.l.• See A/S-12/AC.1/42 and Corr.l.9 United Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.II.C.1.10 United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.1I.D.8 and Corr.l.II The report of the Commission, entitled "Common Security~

programme for disarmament", was issued as document A/CN.10/38.See also A/CN.IO/Sl. .

12 Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea,New York., 13-17 July 1981 (United Nations publication, SaiesNo. E,81.I.20), annexes I and 11.

Il See A/C.4/682 ~nd 683.14 See A/32/110 and 111.15 See A/34/342 and 343.16 See A/8368 and A/8369.17 Official Records of the Security Council, Thirty-seventh Year,

SupplementforApril. May andJune 1982, document S/ISIS6/Rev.2.III Ibid., Thirty-sevefrth Year, 2373rd meeting.19 Official Records of the General Assembly, Twenty-se..'enth

Session, Supplement No. 27, annex I.20 Report of the United Nations Conference on the Human

Environment, Stockholm. 5-16 June 1972 (United Nations publica­tion, Sales No. E.73.II.A.14), chap. I.

21 Adopted by the High-Level Conference on Economic Co-oper­ation among Developing Countries. See A/36/333 and Corr.l.

NOTES

352. There is a need for greater South-South co-oper­ation within the framework of the Caracas Programmeof Action21 in order to break the cycle of dependence,poverty and underdevelopment. The developing coun­tries must undertake concerted efforts within thecontext of collective self-reliance to halt the misery oftheir peoples, since experience has shown that thesurvival of a people must begin with theirown efforts.353. We are convinced that in a world of growingexpectation and increasing communications betweennations and social groups, a lack of response to thepressing demand for more understanding, toleranceand selflessness can become a real source of conflictat both the national and the international levels.We are in an interdependent world and must collec­tively face the challenge to remove people from theedge of survival and ward off catastrophe.354. The state of the world today calls for the utmosttolerance and understanding among men. We have themoral responsibility to save our world from the miseryand destruction ~hich twice in the past bave broughthuman society to the brink ofextinction. We thereforedeclare from this rostrum, before the entire world,that the children of tomorrow deserve a better worldorder~ free from the suspicion, violence and hatred oftoday. They must be able to live in a world wheremen will be responsive to the needs of other menand where the enlightened consciousness of the peoplewill usher in the brotherhood of mankind. This, andonly this, can save humanity from the ravages of war.

The meeting rose at 8.35 p.m.

14th meetin.-l October 198%

350. It is against that background that my Govern­ment expresses regret at the disappointing resultsof the second special session on disarmament. Wecall upon the world community not to relent in thepursuit of the objectives of general and completedisarmament, for on this hinges the survival ofmankind.

351. On the subject of international economicco-operation, reports show that the fundamental prob­lem facing the international community is to restorethe growth momentum in the world economy andachieve the growth targets in the developing coun­tries as set forth in the International DevelopmentStrategy for the Third United Nations DevelopmentDecade. The realization of those objectives requiresthat urgt;l1t and prompt attention be given to t~e criticalproblems confronting the developing countries, suchas unequal exchange on international commoditymw'· _,s, finance ~ food and energy.

,. /!!!m@!&~t'!!PJ'!!~PW_JR!L_II ._••ID_••·.'•••[I!!J.".I!.."..I!4J!llIII!lII.~!!I!;--_.....r••,•••·.....,•••••••••••••

and threaten international peace and security. Inaccordance with the principles of the Charter of theUnited Nations and of the joint communiqu~ of1972,19 issued by the two Korean parties, my Govern­ment urges that tb·~y both demonstrate their willingnessto settle the K9rean question by peaceful means.

348. The· successful conclusion of the negotiationsand the adoption of the United Nations Conventionon the Law ef the Seal represent a major step forwardin our attempts to establish order in the seas. TheConvention is based on the concept that the resourcesof the sea-bed are the comm("'1 heritage of mankind.One significant outcome of the n~gotiations is a set oftreaty provisions for States to co-operate regionallyand globally to protect and preserve the marineenvironment. This part of the Convention is consistent.with the Declaration of the United Nations Conferenceon the Human Environment.2o We express our thanksto all of those who laboured tirelessly to bring thesenegotiations to fruition. My Government, therefore,urges all Member States to sign and ratify the Con­vention, which will be opened for signature as of6 December 1982, in Jamaica.

349. The post-war period has witnessed an unabatedacceleration of the arms race. This race has consumedan increasing proportion of the world resources aswell as a greater percentage of internationally tra~ed

goods and services. This situation has contributed toa significant diversion of global resources from pro­ductive to non-productive sectors. Statistics showthat in a world where expenditures on armamentsamount to about $700 billion annually there are 870 mil­lion adults who cannot read and write; 500 millionpeople who have no jobs or are less than fullyemployed; 130 million children who are unable toattend primary school; 450 million people who sufferfrom hunger or malnutrition; an annual infant mortalityrate of 12 million babies who die before their firstbirthday; 2 billion people who do not have safe waterto drink; and 250 million people who live in urbanslums or shantytowns. Serious efforts and concreteactions towards disarmament could release vastresources for the constructive cause of human devel­opment and the establishment of a more equitableinternational economic order.