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Traditional land use practices, biodiversity and community wellbeing in a Mediterranean cultural landscape

A case study of the High Atlas Mountains, Morocco

Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association & Global Diversity Foundation

February 2020

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Contents

CONTENTS ....................................................................................................................................................... 2

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................................................... 4

ACRONYMS AND NOTES ON TRANSCRIPTION .................................................................................................. 5

LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS ............................................................................................................................ 6

LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................................ 7

LIST OF BOXES .................................................................................................................................................. 7

I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................ 8

I.1 HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES PROGRAMME ................................................................................................... 9 I.2 STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT ................................................................................................................................ 12

II. TRADITIONAL LAND USE PRACTICES IN MEDITERRANEAN CULTURAL LANDSCAPES: LITERATURE REVIEW 13

III. THE MOROCCAN HIGH ATLAS AS A CASE STUDY ....................................................................................... 15

III.1 THE HIGH ATLAS OF MOROCCO ........................................................................................................................ 15 III.2 CASE STUDY SITES ........................................................................................................................................... 18

IV. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................................................ 27

IV.1 RESEARCH ETHICS AND FREE, PRIOR AND INFORMED CONSENT (FPIC) ..................................................................... 27 IV.2 RESEARCH STAGES .......................................................................................................................................... 29 IV.3 DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS METHODS ........................................................................................................ 31

V. AN INTRICATE TAPESTRY: TRADITIONAL LAND USE PRACTICES AND BIODIVERSITY IN THE HIGH ATLAS ... 35

V.1 TRADITIONAL LAND USE AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PRACTICES IN THE HIGH ATLAS ................................................. 35 V.2 HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES AS COMPLEX SOCIOECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS ............................................................ 59 V.3 HIGH ATLAS BIODIVERSITY: IMPORTANCE, STATUS AND RELATIONSHIPS WITH TRADITIONAL PRACTICES ............................. 62 V.4 THREE BEST PRACTICE TRADITIONAL LANDSCAPE MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES: AGDALS, TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS AND

SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF PLANTS.................................................................................................... 70 BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 1: HIGH ATLAS TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS ............................................... 70 BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 2: THE PASTORAL AGDAL OF IGOURDANE ..................................................... 75 BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY: SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF PLANTS ............................... 80

VI. DYNAMISM AND TRANSFORMATION: CHANGES TO TRADITIONAL PRACTICES, THEIR DRIVERS AND THEIR (POTENTIAL) CONSEQUENCES ........................................................................................................................ 81

VII. COMMUNITY-BASED RECOMMENDATIONS, ACTION PLANS AND IMPLEMENTATION GUIDANCE ......... 102

VII.1 COMMUNITY-BASED RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................................................................ 102 VII.2 HACL PROGRAMME ACTIVITIES AND COMMUNITY ACTION PLANS ........................................................................ 110 VII.3 LESSONS LEARNED: TRANSFORMING CHALLENGES INTO OPPORTUNITIES ................................................................. 119 VII.4 IMPLEMENTATION GUIDANCE: KEYS TO SUCCESS IN MAINTAINING, RESTORING AND PROMOTING MEDITERRANEAN CULTURAL

LANDSCAPES ....................................................................................................................................................... 122

VIII. BALANCING TRADITION AND INNOVATION: HOW TO SUPPORT AND PROMOTE BEST PRACTICES FOR MAINTAINING HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES ................................................................................... 124

VIII.1 AGDALS .................................................................................................................................................... 124 VIII.2 TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS ....................................................................................................................... 125 VIII.3 SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF PLANTS ........................................................................................ 126

IX. CONCLUSION .......................................................................................................................................... 128

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................................. 129

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APPENDIX: EXTENDED AMAZIGH-ARABIC-ENGLISH GLOSSARY OF TERMS RELATED WITH CPCS IN AIT M’HAMED, IMEGDAL AND OUKAÏMEDEN .................................................................................................... 136

ANNEX LIST .................................................................................................................................................. 147

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Acknowledgements We would like to first of all thank all the community members and authorities of the communes of Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden for sharing their knowledge and perspectives with us and participating so actively in the research presented in this report. We also thank all of our local partners and the Department of Water and Forests, who supported and enabled this research. We also thank all of the MSc students whose theses contributed to this report, in particular Louisa Aarrass. Finally, we would like to thank MAVA Foundation and Open Society Foundations for so generously supporting the implementation of this research, and the Critical Ecosystem Partnership Fund for their support in bringing it together in this report.

This report is the result of the work carried out by all members of the Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association - Global Diversity Foundation team between 2016 and 2019:

Abdellah Aghraz Rachid Ait Babahmad Hamid Ait Baskad Mohamed Ait Boujamaa Fadma Ait Iligh Touda Atyah Ahmed Bendella Emily Caruso Fatima Chaari Ugo D’Ambrosio Pommelien da Silva Cosme Pablo Dominguez Abdeddaim El Hajjam Mohamed El Haouzi Gary Martin Adel Merzoug Soufiane M’Sou Sifedine Ouahdani Hassan Ouchaha Mohamed Ouknine Said Ourhzif Hassan Rankou Omar Saadani Hassani Hajar Salamat Inanc Tekguc Irene Teixidor-Toneu Youssef Yakoubi

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Acronyms and notes on transcription AMH Rural commune of Ait M’hamed, Azilal province CAP Community Action Plan CPC Cultural Practices of Conservation (another term for Traditional Land Use Practices) DEAFAL European Delegation for Family Farming in Africa, Asia and Latin America DREF Département des Eaux et Forets GDF Global Diversity Foundation ICARDA International Centre for Agriculture in the Dry Areas IMG Rural commune of Imegdal, Al Haouz Province INRA National Agricultural Research Institute IUCN International Union for Nature Conservation MBLA Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association ORMVAH Office Régionale de la Mise en Valeur de Al Haouz OUK Rural commune of Oukaïmeden, Al Haouz province Note on transcription: Some Amazigh/Arabic phonemes do not have a counterpart in Latin alphabets, thus additional characters are used to describe them. Especially for the Amazigh letter ⵄ (yaɛ), corresponding to the Arabic ع ('ayn or ɛayn), we have used Â/â and Ä/ä to designate ⵄ/ ع followed by a vowel while Ê/ê is used to designate ⵄ/ ع followed by a consonant.

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List of figures and maps Figure 1: Moroccan High Atlas, Middle Atlas, Anti Atlas, Rif Mountains and Arganeraie region ........... 8 Figure 2: The four principal sites of the High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme: Imegdal, Ourika, Oukaïmeden and Ait M’hamed, represented relative to the city of Marrakech. ................................. 10 Figure 3: Moroccan High Atlas landscapes (A: Agdal, B: Mounatin, C: Agroecosystem) ...................... 16 Figure 4: Distribution map of Amazigh languages in Morocco ............................................................. 17 Figure 5: Territory, road, waterways and villages of Imegdal commune. The douars where in-depth research was carried out are highlighted in yellow: Warti, Aguerd and Ameslane ............................. 19 Figure 6: Landscape of Ighrm douar in Imegdal.................................................................................... 20 Figure 7: Territory, roads, waterways and douars of Ait M’hamed. Highlighted in yellow are the three douars where in-depth research has been carried out: Bernat, Ait M’hamed centre (in the middle) and Wabzaza, ............................................................................................................................................... 22 Figure 8: Bernat Basin in Ait M’hamed ................................................................................................. 23 Figure 9: The commune and important geographical features of Oukaïmeden. ................................. 25 Figure 10: Agdal of Oukaïmeden .......................................................................................................... 26 Figure 11. Agricultural calendars for Ait M'hamed agdals (a) and crop production (b), and Imegdal's transhumance, l aêzib (c) and crop production (d)............................................................................... 60 Figure 12. Resource spaces and appropriation levels in the High Atlas adapted from Auclair et al. (2012). ................................................................................................................................................... 61 Figure 13: Most diverse vascular plant families of the Igourdane Agdal ............................................. 64 Figure 14: Specific richness of Imegdal flora ........................................................................................ 65 Figure 15: Summary of the number and IUCN Red List Assessments of the endemic High Atlas flora, by family. ................................................................................................................................................... 66 Figure 16: Flowchart illustrating our ecological monitoring methodology. ......................................... 68 Figure 17: The fertile valley terracing system where the majority of local agriculture is practiced, situated between Anamer and the neighboring village, Taourirt. ....................................................... 71 Figure 18: Blue iris (Iris germanica) roots being harvested, typically for export sales. ........................ 72 Figure 19: (left) Household food waste being given to livestock rather than being composted due to the nature of nutrient cycling in an agropastoralist community. (right) Ploughing a field using donkeys prior to applying manure and then resowing. ...................................................................................... 73 Figure 20: (left) Cement targa being used to irrigate a nearby field. (right) Cement targa which was previously earthen, bordered by trees that were once watered by the process of infiltration through the permeable canal, and which now have died. ................................................................................. 74 Figure 21: Harvesting garnounch (Nasturtium officinale) near a clay targa ......................................... 74 Figure 22: Samples of the soil types recognized by Amazigh communities ......................................... 75 Figure 23: Position of Igourdane Agdal within Morocco Figure 24: The Igourdane Agdal in Ait M’hamed 76 Figure 25: (left) Landscape in the agdal and (right) Assif n Tamda creek inside the agdal ............... 77 Figure 26: (left) Agdal sector with caespitose grasslands and (right) Degraded forest inside the agdal (Ifskane) ................................................................................................................................................ 78 Figure 27: Timeline of changes in the Igourdane agdal (AMH) according to the Ait Atta, Ait Ali and Ait M’hamed tribal groups ......................................................................................................................... 79 Figure 28: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during structured interviews in Ait M’hamed. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and administrative/institutional (blue). .................................................................................................................................................... 82

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Figure 29: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during Phase 1 structured interviews in Imegdal. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and administrative/institutional (blue). ....................................................................................................... 82 Figure 30: Timeline constructed by men in Ait M'hamed .................................................................... 88 Figure 31: Timeline constructed by women in Ait M'hamed................................................................ 89 Figure 32: Timeline constructed by men in Imegdal............................................................................. 90 Figure 33: Timeline constructed by women in Imegdal ........................................................................ 91 Figure 34: Timeline constructed by men in Oukaïmeden ..................................................................... 92 Figure 35: Timeline constructed by women in Oukaïmeden ................................................................ 93 Figure 36:The metaphor of the Moroccan stool we use to visualize the CAPs.: ................................ 110

List of tables Table 1: Summary of traditional land use practices in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden ........ 36 Table 2: Summary of the Red List status of of the endemic High Atlas flora by threat category. ........ 66 Table 3: Changes to traditional practices as perceived by the men and women of AMH, IMG and OUK ....................................................................................................................................................... 83 Table 4: Key drivers of change as perceived by the men and women of Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden .......................................................................................................................................... 94 Table 5: Community-based recommendations for maintaining and promoting traditional practices and community wellbeing, as reported by men and women in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden ........................................................................................................................................ 103 Table 6: Community Action Plans: pillars and needs .......................................................................... 111

List of boxes

BOX 1: HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES PROGRAMME PARTNERS AND STAKEHOLDERS ............................ 11

BOX 2: PRIMARY CHALLENGES AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................................... 107

BOX 3: PILLAR 1 NEEDS AND ACTIONS (DETAILED PROGRAMME IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11)............................... 113

BOX 4: PILLAR 2 NEEDS AND ACTIONS (DETAILED TIMELINE AVAILABLE IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11) ................... 114

BOX 5: PILLAR 3 NEEDS AND ACTIONS (DETAILED TIMETABLE AVAILABLE IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11) ................ 116

BOX 6: PILLAR 4 NEEDS AND ACTIVITIES (DETAILED TIMETABLE AVAILABLE IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11) ............. 118

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I. Introduction Mediterranean cultural landscapes, developed through human-environment interactions over the course of millennia, host important biodiversity and ecosystems that are maintained through traditional land use practices. While this is known, and increasing attention and regional funds are directed towards the maintenance of traditional land use practices that benefit biodiversity, there is a lack of systematic, publicly-available evidence and analysis of the relationships between traditional land use practices and biodiversity and the changes they are undergoing. The present review is part of a regional initiative funded by the Critical Ecosystem Partnership Fund to gather and share available data, reflections and best practice recommendations on these relationships through the compilation of key case studies. The present review offers an in-depth case study of traditional land use practices in the South-to-East ark of the Moroccan High Atlas (See Figure 1) and the relationships between these practices and biodiversity and community wellbeing. Alongside three other regional case studies, carried out in Lebanon, Tunisia and Jordan, it contributes to a regional overview of the topic, the aim of which is to inform future efforts to maintain, restore and support these traditional management systems. Since 2013, the Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association and our partner Global Diversity Foundation have implemented in-depth participatory action research in selected communes in the Moroccan High Atlas on the topic of traditional land use practices and their impacts on biodiversity as part of our High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme. While focused on longitudinal research in these four communes, our research has required a broader exploration of the literature on traditional management systems throughout the High Atlas and Arganeraie region, through the Middle Atlas, to the Rif Mountains in the North (See Figure 1).

Figure 1: Moroccan High Atlas, Middle Atlas, Anti Atlas, Rif Mountains and Arganeraie region

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The objective of this review is threefold. We gather all available data and information on the relationships between traditional land use practices, biodiversity and community wellbeing in the Moroccan High Atlas. We examine, through participatory processes, how changes to these practices impact biodiversity and wellbeing and analyse what drives these changes. Finally, we propose examples of best practice and recommendations for maintaining, restoring and promoting traditional practices in accordance with community aspirations and positive environmental outcomes. As part of this, we examine the wider political, economic and social context necessary for these best practices to prevail. Our ultimate goal is that the review’s evidence, analysis and best practice recommendations are used to (a) sustain traditional land-use practices throughout Morocco and the broader region and (b) ensure local communities benefit from their ongoing careful stewardship of these landscapes. Brought into dialogue with the other three case studies, our review participates in the envisioning of a Mediterranean region in which local communities and the unique biodiversity they have maintained and enhanced over millennia continue to thrive in the impressive cultural landscapes they have sculpted in tandem.

Prior to providing a full literature review on the topic of the review, we share some important contextual information on our High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme.

I.1 High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme The landscapes of the High Atlas Mountains in Morocco have been shaped by millennial relationships between humans and nature. Rural communities still maintain ancient practices, including seasonal transhumance, traditional irrigation systems and communal management of pastures and plants, which sustain the unique biodiversity of these extraordinary cultural landscapes. However, rapidly changing climatic, economic and social realities increasingly threaten traditional knowledge and practices, alongside the landscapes they relate to. Increasingly severe droughts, decreasing monetary rewards from traditional agriculture and pastoralism, and massive rural exodus contribute to the erosion of cultural values and community cohesion. The difficulties of making a living in the harsh High Atlas environment contribute to unsustainable resource use, reduction of biodiversity and a loss of interest amount the younger generation in traditional knowledge and practices. Through our High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme, we collaborate with four communes in the High Atlas Mountains (see Figure 2) – Ait M’hamed in the Azilal province and Imegdal, Ourika and Oukaïmeden in the province of El Haouz – and a wide range of local and national stakeholders (see Box 1) to achieve our vision of diverse, well-managed and community-governed High Atlas cultural landscapes.

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Figure 2: The four principal sites of the High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme: Imegdal, Ourika, Oukaïmeden and Ait M’hamed, represented relative to the city of Marrakech.

Our approach is founded on the principles of free, prior and informed consent, community ownership and participatory decision-making (see Chapter IV for further details). The following core strategies help us achieve our vision:

To implement these strategies, we organise our activities into six sub-programmes: Biodiversity Conservation, Cultural Practices, Governance and Policy, Agroecology, Biocultural Education and Youth, and Local Product Commercialisation.

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Box 1: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme Partners and Stakeholders Local and regional partners Local authorities from the communes of Ait M’hamed (AMH), Imegdal (IMG) and Oukaïmeden (OUK) Cooperatives: Imdoukal Znaga (IMG), Titbirine N’Imegdal (IMG), Agricultural cooperative of Bernat (AMH), Cooperative of Wabzaza, Agricultural cooperative of Oukaïmeden (OUK), Eljamaan women cooperative (OUK). Associations: Association for Beneficence and Development of the Ourika Basin, Ait Lkak Association (OUK), Aska Association (AMH), Development association of Igherm (IMG), CHU Friends association. Regional government of Azilal and AL Haouz Local Authorities of Imegdal, Ait M’hamed and Oukaïmeden Regional Department for Water and Forests (DREF) Office Régional de la Mise en Valeur Agricole du Haouz (ORMVAH) MARK Herbarium club and Friends of the Botanical Gardens National partners Radiant Design Resing Cadi Ayyad University Zerynthia Consulting Institut Agronomique et Vétérinaire Hassan II Association Terre et Humanisme Association des Enseignants des Sciences de la Vie et de la Terre Ethnobotanica (social enterprise) Réseau des Initiatives Agroécologiques au Maroc National Institute for Agricultural Research (INRA) Federation for the Democratic League of Women’s Rights: International partners DEAFAL (NGO) ICARDA (International Research Institution) Cagliari Botanical Gardens IUCN-Mediterranean Regional Cooperation Platform for Agrobiodiversity Research (BioVersity International) Slow Food International MAVA M6 Cultural Landscapes partnership organisations (Transhumancia y Naturaleza, Society for the Protection of Nature in Lebanon, Shouf Biosphere Reserve, WWF Spain, WWF Portugal, Mediterannean Institute for Nature and Anthropos) University of Kent University of Kassel Natural Sciences Museum Granollers

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The present case study draws on activities carried out under all of these sub-programmes and is rooted in the documentation of Amazigh ecological stewardship and communal management practices carried out as part of the Cultural Practices and Biodiversity Conservation components. As described in Chapter IV below, we co-designed the methodology with community members, leading to a collaborative process of data collection and analysis.

Through this process we documented how the multifaceted practices impact High Atlas cultural landscapes – and the biodiversity they harbour – in three important ways. First, we found they create mosaics of cultivated and grazing areas sustained by communally managed water supplies that shape the landscape, maintain specific topographic features and produce biodiversity distribution patterns. Second, we discovered that through intensive management and selective use of plant resources, they specifically influence floristic diversity. Third, we have learned that by embodying local values on access to lands and resources, they regulate interactions among people and with the local environment. Through an analysis of the relationships among diverse elements of local ethnoecological systems, we continue to explore cultural practices of conservation and its implications in maintaining Mediterranean biocultural landscapes of Amazigh communities in montane regions.

I.2 Structure of the report Chapter II provides a review of the literature on the relationships between traditional land use practices, biodiversity and cultural landscapes with a particular focus on the Mediterranean. Following this, in Chapter III, we describe contextual information on the case study, including on location, history, biogeography, socioeconomic status and demography. We share site descriptions for each of our case study sites – Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden. Chapter IV provides a thorough overview of our staged methodology and general approach to community-based research, paving the way for Chapter V wherein we describe and share the core data collected on traditional land use practices and their relationships with biodiversity. In Chapter VI we share the results of our research on changes to these practices and the drivers of these changes, as perceived by community members and in Chapter VII we outline the community-based recommendations to maintain, restore and promote these practices and community wellbeing that we collated, the Community Action Plans we co-created with community members to implement these recommendations. Finally, in Chapter VIII, we share the best practices we have distilled from our multiyear programme of work and suggested actions to maintain, support and promote them. Chapter IX provides a conclusion.

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II. Traditional land use practices in Mediterranean cultural landscapes: literature review Characteristic ecosystems in the Mediterranean have co-evolved with people, producing varied cultural landscapes that require active human management to sustain biodiversity (Blondel, 2006; Bugalho et al., 2011; Thompson, 2005). Biodiversity richness in the Mediterranean is often linked to ecological spatial heterogeneity, shaped by diverse climatic and geographical conditions as well as traditional agro-ecological practices, historical processes and other elements linked to local livelihoods (Atauri & de Lucio, 2001; Thompson, 2005). The idea that certain culture-specific practices may have a positive impact on biodiversity conservation is based on observed sustainable use and intimate knowledge of biodiversity by peoples who rely on natural resources for their livelihoods (Gadgil et al., 1993; Xu et al., 2009). This implicit understanding of interrelated ecological processes guides practices of environmental management. The contribution of local knowledge to the sustainable use of natural resources is widely acknowledged and has stimulated the development of less centralized models for biodiversity conservation (Berkes, 2003; Berkes et al., 2000; Fernandez-Gimenez, 2000; Jarvis & Hodgkin, 2000; Oba et al., 2000; Soleri & Smith, 1999; Wilkes, 1991). Socio-environmental and biocultural approaches are not new, yet have been inadequately represented in conservation programs (Wehi and Lord 2017) despite the growing amount of research pointing to the relevance of cultural practices to biodiversity conservation in Africa and beyond (Kideghesho 2009; Asante et al. 2017). Conservation managers and policy-makers still struggle to implement a socio-environmental approach despite the well documented and increasingly acknowledged role of indigenous ecological knowledge and traditional practices in sustaining resource use, conserving biodiversity and contributing to ecosystem resilience. This is especially true for North Africa, where predominantly top-down conservation and development policies have given little voice to local communities (Montanari & Bergh, 2014) and where human and environmental factors have been only slightly integrated in management plans and policies. This partly results from the lack of effective transdisciplinary action research (Dorward, 2014; Ostrom 2009), the focus on biodiversity studies as compared to ethnobiological ones, and the absence of engaged collaboration between various actors and stakeholders (Berkes, 2007, 2011; Ostrom, 2009). Local ecological knowledge and culture-specific resource management have been a central focus of contemporary academic inquiry in Morocco, including studies on the argan agroforestry system (El Harousse et al. 2012; Simenel et al. 2009), Jebala cultural landscapes (Aumeeruddy et al. 2017), oasis agroecosystems and the agdal sylvo-pastoral resource management system (see, for example, Auclair and Alifriqui, 2012). Agdals, of particular importance in the High Atlas, are systems “of seasonal prohibitions that limit access to one or more agro-sylvo-pastoral resources in order to allow them to recover from direct or indirect human pressure during their most critical period of growth” (Domínguez et al., 2012: p.278). Only pastoral and forest agdals have been studied in depth (see for example, Auclair et al., 2012; Auclair & Alifriqui, 2012). Outside the agdal system, Baumann (2009) shows that transhumant grazing practices in southern Morocco are adapted to maintain the resilience of pasturelands and to maximize forage plant production. Southern Moroccan herdsmen adapt their mobility according to the amount of rainfall and the specific buffering capacity of each pasture type. This sustains both the ability of the vegetation to build up a surplus of standing biomass and maintains the vitality of perennial plants even under intensive seasonal grazing (Baumann, 2009). Other aspects of local livelihoods may have an impact on maintaining local habitats, ecological processes and biodiversity, including home gardens (Teixidor-Toneu, 2015), terraced agriculture (MCNC, 2013) and sacred groves (Deil et al., 2005).

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Our fieldwork in the High Atlas focused on describing cultural practices that impact environmental conservation in the rural communes of Ait M’hamed and Imegdal using a community-based participatory approach. As part of our research, we developed an operational definition of ‘cultural practices of conservation’ based on the definition proposed by the Mediterranean Consortium for Nature & Culture (2013): “all actions carried out by local peoples that foster and maintain biodiversity, sustainable land management and viable use of water”. Based on the seminal kosmos-corpus-praxis ethnoecological framework proposed by Toledo (1991) and the knowledge-practice-belief concept described by Berkes et al. (2000), our definition aims to contextualise cultural practices according to the local cosmology or belief system and ground them by taking into account the traditional ecological knowledge necessary for decision-making.

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III. The Moroccan High Atlas as a case study The High Atlas mountain chain in Morocco is an excellent case study for the purpose of this review for a number of reasons. It contains a particularly high biological diversity (Médail & Quézel, 1997) within the Mediterranean biodiversity hotspot (Olson & Dinerstein, 1998) accompanied by rich historical, cultural and linguistic heterogeneity (Taibi et al., 2015; HCP, 2014). It is populated by Amazigh indigenous peoples, who have co-evolved with these dramatic landscapes, developing management systems that are intricately adapted to its demanding environment and utilise local resources with utmost efficiency. As this review will show, Amazigh traditional management systems have resulted in the maintenance of an extraordinary biological diversity in some of the most extreme Mediterranean environments. The resulting iconic cultural landscapes of the High Atlas are amongst the best preserved of the Mediterranean, as they have only recently begun to feel the impacts of globalisation and environmental change. They represent a treasure trove of important lessons and best practices that can be drawn on for the restoration and revitalisation of other important cultural landscapes throughout the Mediterranean.

III.1 The High Atlas of Morocco The High Atlas Mountains stretches along 560 kilometres through central Morocco, separating the heartland of Moroccan economic activity to the north from the Saharan influence to the south. They include the highest mountain peak in North Africa (Toubkal, 4167 m). Precipitation is concentrated in the winter months, varying from about 400 mm in the foothills to 800 mm+ in the higher valleys, being dryer on the south-facing flanks. Much of the precipitation falls as snow between October and March and can produce a significant cover down from 1500masl upwards (Funnell & Parish, 1999). The region is also subject to intense, short duration rain during the summer that can be destructive and lead to loss of life, as in 1995 (Johnstone, 1997), as well as to recurrent drought periods characteristic of Mediterranean climates (Chbouki et al., 1995). From about 700masl upwards, vegetation that was once Thuja woodland (Tetraclinis articulata; araar in Arabic) has long been replaced by extensive shrub communities alongside steppe-like grasslands similar to the garrigue of the Mediterranean. From 1200masl upwards, once the prime habitat of the holm oak that was prized for its use in house-building and furniture-making (Williams 1995), the vegetation morphs into a juniper (Juniperus sp.) scrub or stony pasture. The apparent emptiness of these pasturelands is misleading: some of the High Atlas’ unique flora is to be found here, maintained and sustained by the traditional practices of seasonal transhumance and managed grazing. These open, sparse grasslands become increasingly bare as one moves higher up the mountain sides, and eventually merge into a sort of grey and ochre moonscape, occasionally more brightly coloured with mineral rocks. This improbable landscape is punctuated by narrow, emerald valleys where Amazigh communities have created Eden-like refuges from the arid surroundings through careful stewardship of water, soil, plants and livestock. These traditional agroecosystems, structured around small walled terraces where crops and orchards are tended, may sometimes not cover more than 10ha in one valley and yet they are filled with birdsong and the hum of human and animal activity.

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A

B

C Figure 3: Moroccan High Atlas landscapes (A: Agdal, B: Mounatin, C: Agroecosystem)

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As a result of historical demographics, the High Atlas is densely populated by Amazigh-speaking communities. Arab populations first arrived into the Maghreb in the 7th century AD and had a strong and widespread religious, military and economic impact on indigenous Amazigh populations. Settling mostly in the fertile plains, they maintained a similar lifestyle to that practised in the Middle East and Arabian Peninsula. Indigenous Amazigh, who are agropastoral peoples, concentrated in the mountains and more remote areas (Lacoste, 1995). Although Amazigh was recognised as an official language in Morocco in 2011, this recognition was enshrined in law only as recently as June 2019. Thus, Moroccan Arabic is the dominant language in Morocco today. Amazigh languages and dialects that are indigenous to the northwest of Africa (Múrcia & Zenia, 2016), are primary languages in all mountainous regions of Morocco (Rif, Middle Altas, High Atlas and Anti Atlas) as well as down to the Atlantic coast southwest of Marrakech (See Figure 4). A significant proportion of Morocco’s urban population (21% according to the 2004 census) also speak Amazigh, primarily as a result of internal migration and marriage. Whilst an important portion of the older population in the High Atlas is monolingual in Tachelhit or Tamazight (the two primary Amazigh languages spoken in the High Atlas), younger generations are increasingly bilingual. Moroccan Arabic (Darija) and Classical Arabic are learned through television and in the local schools, as well as by participation in the market economy, where Darija is the primary communications vehicle.

Figure 4: Distribution map of Amazigh languages in Morocco

In Morocco’s rural areas, including the High Atlas, the smallest administrative divisions are the Rural Communes, which have come to replace the traditional tribal organisation even though they mostly do not overlap with historical tribal territories. Tribes are groups of several families, that may or may not share a common ancestor and are under the authority of a chief in a given territory. According to article 145 of the revised Constitution of 2011 the governor is appointed by the royal Dahir, he is the representative of the supreme authority at the local level. Its power therefore extends over all local

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institutions. He oversees the application of the Dahir, law and regulations and the execution of government decisions and actions in the provincial prefecture. Referring to the same Constitution, the caid represents the Ministry of the Interior as an agent of authority. As the head of the circle or district, he ensures the execution of laws and regulations, the maintenance of order, security and public tranquillity. On the other hand, the Amazigh tribes in the Moroccan High Atlas are managed by customary law or Azerf (Laorf or customary law which coexists alongside the charaâ). The assembly of representatives, elderly and experienced people who know the inner workings of the tribe, constitutes "the jmaâ", which is the judicial benchmark of the Azerf. The Amazigh’s attachment to this institution is remarkable. Among certain tribes, it constitutes today the only known law, the only rule observed in the management of natural resources. Within the framework of the customary law specific to these traditional local communities, the assemblies "the jmaâ", instituted conservative practices of their territories and, have always taken care to transmit their knowledge and know-how in the matter to the following generations. These ancestral practices are the fruit of long experience and of adaptation to the constraining natural and ecological conditions of the environment and to a socio-economic situation specific to the mountain populations of the High Atlas. Morocco in general and the High Atlas, in particular, are heavily dependent on agriculture, which represents 19% of the country’s GDP. In the High Atlas, Bellaoui (1989) estimated that the agro-pastoral sector contributes 75% of the local income, a figure that has decreased over the last decades although the primary sector is still predominant (Taibi et al., 2015). As described below, the rural households at the heart of this study (and that are generally representative of rural households throughout Morocco) are sustained predominantly by agro-pastoral activities, supplemented by income from family members engaging in urban migration – temporary or permanent – and the sale of wild-harvested plants and roots. The spread of state institutions, access to mass media, growing consumption of market commodities alongside migration and engagement wage labour economy are having a profound impact on the lives and livelihoods of the inhabitants of the High Atlas and other rural areas in Morocco (Crawford, 2008; Hoffman, 2002). These impacts are amplified by rapid and unprecedented environmental change. The increase in severity, duration and periodicity of droughts, accompanied by market-driven land use changes, results in increasing pressure on water resources and arable land (Freier et al., 2012)., posing significant risks to both biodiversity and traditional livelihoods in this fragile mountainous biome. According to climate models, precipitation in North Africa is likely to decrease by another 10-20 % by 2050 and temperatures likely to rise 2-3 °C (Paeth et al., 2009; Schilling et al., 2012), rendering the situation even more precarious. The changes rural communes in the High Atlas are undergoing, and the drivers of these changes, will be discussed at greater length in section VI below.

III.2 Case study sites The rural communes of Ait M’hamed (AMH; 31.87 N, 6.51 W), Imegdal (IME; 31.12 N, 8.14 W) and Oukaïmeden (OUK; 31.20N, 7.40W), where we collected the primary data for this review, are located in a southwest to northeast axis, following the curve of the Moroccan High Atlas (see Figure 2 above).

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Imegdal The rural commune of Imegdal (IME) is located approximately 75km south of Marrakech in the Al Haouz Province (Marrakesh-Safi region). With altitudes ranging from 900 to 2500m, the commune has an area of approximately 278 km2 housing a population of 5537 people in 1156 households distributed in 28 small villages (douars) according to the Moroccan 2014 census (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). Population density is very low (20 inhabitants/km2) when compared to that of the province (79 inhabitants / km2) and is slowly decreasing at a rate of -0.02%. Imegdal is connected by road through a paved single carriageway that runs beside the N’Fiss river connecting Marrakech with the Sous valley south of the High Atlas. Dirt roads branch out from it here and there, reaching most – but not all – of the villages in the commune. The N’Fiss river divides the community: the eastern portion neighbours the National Park of Toubkal where North Africa’s highest peaks are located, and a western fraction sits in the lower-altitude Gurza mountains.

Figure 5: Territory, road, waterways and villages of Imegdal commune. The douars where in-depth research was carried out are highlighted in yellow: Warti, Aguerd and Ameslane

In-depth research and interviews for this review was carried out primarily in three douars in Imegdal: Warti (31.03 N, 08.12 W) and Aguerd (31.08 N, 08.10 W), both situated in the Eastern fraction of commune, and Amslane (31.03 N, 08.04 W), which is located in the western portion of the commune in the foothills of Mount Toubkal. Warti, located 1710masl, is 14km away from the main road that slices Imegdal in half, and has 120 inhabitants distributed in 26 households. Aguerd, located 12km from the Imegdal main road at 1600 masl, houses 600 inhabitants in 70 households. Ameslane, located at 16km from the Imegdal road, is the largest douar and houses 780 inhabitants in 130 households. Collective research activities such as ocus groups and workshops often welcomed inhabitants from

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other douars, either in the abovementioned douars or in the centralized location of Ighrem, which is located right by the main road.

Imegdal is characterised by an arid Mediterranean climate with an annual rainfall of around 300 mm and an average temperature of 28°C. Hot, dry summers, with average maximum temperature reaching 42°C, contrast with cold, wet winters during which average minimum temperatures can reach -2°C. The commune has a high density and diversity of vegetation, representative both of typical Mediterranean forests and scrub as well as the montane grasslands and scrubland biomes (Olson et al., 2001). Evergreen oaks (Quercus ilex) are mixed with patches of Juniperus phoenicea and Juniperus thurifera with scrublands dominated by spiny xerophytes (Olson et al., 2001).

Figure 6: Landscape of Ighrm douar in Imegdal

Most of Imegdal’s inhabitants self-identify as Ishelhin (sing., Ashelhi), and speak Tashelhit, one of the Amazigh languages. Around one third of the male population speak darija (Moroccan Arabic), with most men having a basic understanding of yet, compared with only 20% of women being able to communicate at a basic level in the language (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). According to the tribal map of Morocco, Imegdal’s inhabitants are part of the Goundafa, with origins in southern Morocco.1 Like most rural populations in the High Atlas hinterlands, the inhabitants of Imegdal base their livelihoods in subsistence agriculture and pastoralism, and have only recently begun to engage substantially in other economic activities (Crawford, 2008). Most households rear livestock, mainly cows, sheep and goats. Crops such as carob, apples, walnuts and other nuts and fruits, as well as orris root (Iris germanica) and livestock are sold in local markets. Two medicinal plants collected from the wild are also sold, thyme (mostly Thymus saturejoides) and lavender (mostly Lavandula dentata). Currently, outmigration of men into urban areas is an important source of local revenue, and specialized local occupations, including mining, also contribute to the local economy.

1 Please see tribusdumaroc.free.fr for an interactive map of Morocco’s tribes

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The first schools were established in Imegdal in the 1980s. Imegdal has 4 primary school groupings;2 to pursue high school, students must go to Ouirgane or Asni, which are very distant from many of the more remote villages. In 2014, fewer than 15% of the homes had running water and electricity, the degree of schooling after primary school was extremely low (1.3% overall and 0.1% for women) and 25% of the homes lived under the relative poverty line (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). The inhabitants of Imegdal also have limited access to public healthcare: there is one health centre in the commune with a fulltime nurse, but no permanent doctor. The closest health centre with a doctor is in the neighbouring commune of Ouirgane, which, for the most isolated douars of Imegdal, may be up to 3 hours away by car. The nearest hospital, located in Tahanoute, is a further half-hour away.

Ait M’hamed The Rural Commune of Ait M’hamed (AMH) lies approximately 180 km east of Marrakech in the Azilal province (Béni Mellal-Khénifra region). The community’s surface area is of around 560 km2, with altitudes ranging from 950 to 2600m, with the average lying at 1822m. According to the Moroccan 2014 census Ait M’hamed has a population of 23696 inhabitants in 3493 households dispersed in 45 douars (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). Two paved roads run through Ait M’hamed connecting Azilal with the Ait Bouguemez valley and Zaouiat Ahansal. Beyond them, dirt roads reach most – but not all – of the most isolated villages in the commune. Its administrative centre, Aït M’hamed, located at 1680 masl has an average yearly temperature of 12.1°C with a precipitation of 561 mm (Taibi et al., 2015).

2 Each primary school group is composed of a number of units, providing even very remote douars with primary schooling. Imegdal has 10 school units per group.

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Figure 7: Territory, roads, waterways and douars of Ait M’hamed. Highlighted in yellow are the three douars where in-depth research has been carried out: Bernat, Ait M’hamed centre (in the middle) and Wabzaza,

Ait M’hamed overlaps with the Oued Bernat watershed; Bernat is an affluent of Oued Lakdhar, which itself flows into the second largest river in Morocco, Oum Er Rabia. The region hosts two Sites of Biological and Ecological Interest (SIBE): Aqqa Wabzaza (terrestrial; priority 1) and Oued Lakhdar (wetland, priority 2). At lower elevations, Ait M’hamed is characterised by a subhumid Mediterranean vegetation, with evergreen oaks (Q. ilex subsp. ballota) and patches of Juniperus phoenicea, Juniperus thurifera and Pinus halepensis. At higher elevations this transitions into stony scrublands dominated by spiny xerophytes (Emberger, 1939). Fraxinus dimorpha, a rare and endemic Ash found only in Morocco and Algeria, is relatively abundant in Ait M’hamed commune. In-depth research and interviews for this review was carried out primarily in three locations in Ait M’hamed: the administrative centre, Bernat valley and Wabzaza valley. Centralised, collective activities were often carried out in the ‘urban centre’ of Ait M’hamed, also known as ‘the souk’ given that it hosts the weekly communal market every Saturday. Social research was concentrated in the Bernat valley (31.50 N, 6.31 W; Alt 1558), which is located about 5km from Ait M’hamed and 25km from the provincial capital of Azilal. This agricultural valley, traversed by the large Oued Bernat, houses a population of 490, distributed in 48 households (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2004). The valley of Wabzaza (31.57N, 6.20 W; Alt 1600), which is only 6km from Ait M’hamed centre yet of difficult access by dirt road, hosts 1880 inhabitants in 308 households. It boasts a particularly well-preserved and delightful agropastoral landscape, including intact ancient Ighrems (fortified granaries) and is located very close to the large and well-managed agdal (collective highland pasture) of Igourdane.

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Figure 8: Bernat Basin in Ait M’hamed

Most Aït M’hamed inhabitants self-identify as Imazighen (sing. Amazigh) and speak Central High Atlas Tamazight, one of the Amazigh languages. In contrast to the more remote setting of Imegdal, in Ait M’hamed, approximately 50% of men are fluent in darija and most have basic communication skill in it. In contrast, only 20% of women are able to communicate in darija, nonetheless a significantly greater proportion than in Imegdal (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). Ait M’hamed inhabitants are predominantly part of the Ait Messat tribe although neighbouring tribes – including the Ait Atta, Ait Bouguemez, Hansala, Ait Bouzid, Ait Attab, Ait Abbas, Soukhmane and Anetifa tribes – are also present. The region where Ait M’hamed is located overlaps with the southwest-to-northeast transition from the Central High Atlas range to the Middle Atlas range, a transition that is mirrored in the linguistic shift from Tashelhit to Tamazight. The livelihoods of Ait M’hamed households are based on subsistence agriculture and pastoralism, in combination with other economic activities, especially around its administrative centre and in douars located in the proximity of Azilal, the province’s capital. Most households rear livestock, mainly cows, sheep and goats and cultivate fruit and nut crops such as apples, walnuts and various Prunus spp., as well as cereals, alfalfa and onion amongst others. The main produce sold by Ait M’hamed farmers are apples, almonds, walnuts and the fruit of Fraxinus dimorpha. Outmigration of men into urban areas such as Azilal or farther away is also an important source of local revenue, contributing to the local economy yet affecting local livelihoods. Within the commune, rates of illiteracy are on average 60.2% (71.9% for women and 49.4% for men) (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). The first schools were established here well before those in Imegdal – in 1957, and Ait M’hamed boasts a mixed high school as well as eight primary school groups (each regrouping 5 units; see footnote 2 above). A community health and maternity centre, staffed by a permanent doctor, two midwives and two nurses, is located in the urban centre of Ait M’hamed. The nearest hospital is located at 20km from the centre in the provincial capital of Azilal. Employment

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patterns reflect Ait M’hamed’s proximity to an urban centre: the 2004 census showed that 75% of workers are in the primary sector, 15% in the secondary sector and 10% in the tertiary sector in 2004 (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2004).

Oukaïmeden

The high-altitude rural commune of Oukaïmeden (W 7°540’, N 31°120’), which ranges in altitude from 1900masl to 3600masl, is located approximately 75 km south of Marrakech in the Al Haouz Province, Marrakesh-Safi Region. It has a surface area of approximately 51 km2. According to the 2014 census, it hosts 4,861 inhabitants in 782 households. The climate of Oukaïmeden is characterised by cold, hard winters, where average minimal temperatures reach 5.7 °C, and can include between 82 and 139 sub-zero days a year. Rainfall varies between 400 and 500 mm a year, with abundant snowfall between December and March. Oukaïmeden inhabitants self-identify as Ishelhin and speak local Tashelhit; only 30 % speak Darija (Moroccan Arabic). This study was carried out in the villages of Oukaïmeden, located in the central part of the High Atlas, mainly in Ait Lkak (31 ° 13'50.88 "N 7 ° 48'39.52" W), located at around 2000 m above sea level with 1266 inhabitants spread across 26 households. Workshops and focus groups took place with men and women from the following hamlets: Ibaraghn (31 ° 13'42.97 "N 7 ° 49'3.30 "W), Aghbalou (31 ° 13 '51 .97" N 7 ° 48'48.21 "W) Tekhfist (31.08 N, 08.10 W), Tachdirt (31 ° 9'20.73" N 7 ° 50'44.60 "W), Iguinane (31 ° 14'7.93 "N 7 ° 48'29.18" W). These douars contain several permanent water sources locally called by “Ighzran”, and are also located by rivers (Haroni et al 2009).

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Figure 9: The commune and important geographical features of Oukaïmeden.

The flora of Oukaïmeden’s highland pastures contain a total of 198 known species, organised in 122 genera and 38 families and boast significant richness in endemic species and plants of alpine and boreal origin (Haroni et al 2009). The flora comprises annual and perennial endemic vegetation as well a many varieties of trees. The most frequent trees are: Pinus halepensis (pin d'alep/ Tayda), Juniperus thurifera (Genévrier thurifère), Juglans regia (walnut/lgargaa), Malus domestica (apple/tffah), Pyrus communi (pear/boaouid). The region also hosts several herbaceous wild plants such as: Nasturtium officinale, Mentha suaveolens, Rubia tinctorum, Daphne gnidium, and Malva spp. The Oukaïmeden community nursery was established in 2019 in Ait Lkak and contains around 25 species of plants and trees selected using a participatory approach with community members according to two or more of the following criteria: endemism, economic value and endangered species.

Oukaïmeden has an extensive pastoral agdal, an ancient collective practice of seasonal grazing prohibition aimed at ensuring the vegetation regenerates during the growth and reproduction season (i.e. Spring-Summer; see Figure 10). In Oukaïmeden, local livelihoods are primarily dependent on subsistence agriculture and grazing, with most households breeding livestock, namely cattle, sheep

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and goats. The principal crops cultivated are: Zea mays (corn), Hordeum vulgare (bnarley), Solanum tuberosum (potato), Pisum sativum peas and Brassica rapa (turnips) culture.

Figure 10: Agdal of Oukaïmeden

Oukaïmeden is a well-known tourism spot: it the closest ski station to Marrakech and the highest winter sports resort in Africa. Its first ski slope was built in 1948. The creation of a second ski slope in 1978 significantly boosted the local economy, bringing important revenues to local and urban businesses. Following the construction of slopes, the building of the roads to Ourika, Tahnaout, and Marrakech were the first landmark events in the region. Oukaïmeden has also gained fame thanks to its prehistoric rock carvings. The 1970s were marked by a construction of other basic infrastructure, including the installation of electricity and the construction of the first school in the commune. Subsequently, socioeconomic conditions were improved through the construction of a communal hospital centre in Oukaïmeden called tikhfist and the acquisition of the municipal ambulance (between 1990 and 2000). This resulted in a decrease in infant mortality and much- improved conditions for childbirth.

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IV. Methodology The research carried out on traditional land use practices and their relationships to biodiversity carried out by MBLA and GDF seeks to be as community-based and participatory as possible within financial, logistical and time constraints. It was developed using, principally, a collaborative and ethnographic framework. A team of researchers, including community researchers, Moroccan conservation and ethnobotany scholars and international consultants and researchers. The collaborative research process itself lent important insights into local perceptions of landscape and biodiversity management, and into the opportunities and challenges for a community-based and community-informed approach to biodiversity conservation and socioecological wellbeing. The team that began the research in 2016 consisted of 3 academics and 4 community researchers from the two rural communes in which the research was launched: Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. The community-based research in the third commune of Oukaïmeden began in 2019 (see below). Community researchers (CRs) are key figures in this project as they both contributed substantially to research design and implemented a significant proportion of the data collection in the field. Two of them hold university degrees (in biology and geography), and two are highly involved in local leadership, as leaders of community associations and/or holding political or administrative positions in their community. The development of this project has been a capacity building process for all participants. CRs were trained in ethnobotanical research methods, including ethical standards (prior informed consent, voluntary participation and privacy, anonymity and confidentiality), and field methods, and international researchers were educated in conducting research in culturally-appropriate ways. While most research in biodiversity conservation, including examples that take a community-based approach, is presented in a depersonalised way, here we argue that the specific team members are key to the production of valuable results that can inform biodiversity policy.

IV.1 Research ethics and Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) MBLA and GDF are committed to conducting ethical research and its members and collaborators closely follow international ethical guidelines for conducting research with local communities. An internal policy that covers ethics in fieldwork is currently being prepared. It highlights the guiding role of the International Society of Ethnobiology Code of Ethics (ISE 2006 and 2008), the American Anthropological Association Code of Ethics (AAA 2009), the Association of Social Anthropologists Ethical Guidelines (ASA 2009). Ethical guidelines have been included in key GDF-MBLA internal policies.3 GDF and MBLA seek to abide by international and national legislation relating to ethical relationships with communities, recognising that work is still needed to have an operational legal framework, particularly at the national level. Although Morocco signed the Nagoya Protocol in December 2011, the latter has not yet been ratified. As part of the HACL programme, GDF and MBLA carry out research on the implementation of international agreements that Morocco is a signatory to (CBD, GSPC, ITPGRFA), as well as national laws related to the use and protection of biodiversity (e.g. Law 29-05 on

3 Fieldwork and Community Engagement Policy, Intern Policy and Publications Policy, all avaiable upon request

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the protection of wild flora and fauna species and the control of their commercialisation). We examine how this implementation can be improved and supported by programmes like ours. A central part of GDF and MBLA’s ethical engagement with communities is to carry out research in collaboration with community members who participate, as much as possible, in the definition of research needs, design and implementation (Caruso et al. 2015). Selected community members are employees of MBLA and have full-time jobs in the organisation, carrying out various activities as researchers. They are the primary data collectors and participate in regular workshops where research aims are discussed and methodology is designed collaboratively. Capacity building activities are part of all GDF and MBLA projects and combine hands-on training with more formal methods, usually during workshops organised in the communities. Members of the team include community liaison officers, who may not be from the communities where active work is carried out, but who are Amazigh from the region, and who facilitate communication and coordination between the organisations and community members. Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) is an important element of the research process. GDF views informed consent as an on-going process rather than a one-time event; continuous communication with the community members and local authorities is key to projects’ success. The approach to obtaining FPIC is multi-layered. It is sought from national and regional institutions through the development of appropriate permits and from local authorities and cooperatives through the participatory development of Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs), which define the scope of collaborations and what is expected of each party. Local authorities are informed in advance of who is involved in GDF and MBLA field research, of their dates of travel and of the content of their activities, including details such as the questions that will be asked. For video projects, an application for a filming permit is filed with the Moroccan Film Centre, and the agreed permit is shared with local authorities and participants as appropriate. Signed documents are essential when engaging with local authorities but are not used when seeking personal consent. It is indispensable to obtain FPIC from individuals when they contribute with their knowledge and it is a mandatory prior step to conducting interviews. It is also important when botanical activities, such as plant collection, are conducted in private land or in community-managed areas (although in these cases, securing FPIC tends to be managed through local authorities through the medium of MOUs). Much of the middle-aged and elderly population living in the High Atlas is illiterate, and feels deeply uncomfortable signing documents. In these cases, oral agreement is sought. If no consent is granted, the proposed activity does not take place (whether it is an interview, or the collection of plants or seeds, for example). When research results are published, the team will discuss this with the community ensuring that publication occurs only with the FPIC of the community, and follows the standards of If anonymity, privacy and confidentiality. Names may or may not be recorded and codes may be used instead. If information is confidential, it is not recorded or used. However, this is almost never the case since practices related to biodiversity and knowledge surrounding livelihoods are mostly communally owned, widespread and public. During the FPIC process, interviewees are also consulted about the production of possible tangible outputs of the research that could be of interest to the community for example booklets, flyers, posters and videos.

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IV.2 Research stages The team followed four main stages (or phases) to implement research on traditional land use practices, their relationships with biodiversity, changes occurring and best practices to support their maintenance and promotion. Each research phase followed several sub-phases or activities involving the direct participation of local inhabitants (Figure 11).

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Figure 11: Phases of implementation for our integrated research process on traditional land use practices.

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In a preliminary stage (Phase 0: 2016-17), we designed the research, established the research team and obtained the necessary permits in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. Research Phase 1 (2017-18) concluded with a thorough and overarching documentation of traditional land use practices which were then explored in more detail in 6 douars to better describe local agricultural, pastoral and culinary practices during Phase 2. Simultaneously, we carried out a historical analysis of changes in traditional land use practices and drivers of these changes in order to provide recommendations for their strengthening or revitalisation (Phase 3). During this phase, the full process was launched in the commune of Oukaïmeden, with a number of research phases being condensed into one year’s work (2019), although some remains to be concluded. For Phases 1-3 we carried out semi-structured and structured interviews with community members, focus groups with specific local actors, participatory mapping processes and workshops. We complemented these methods with expert consultations.

Following the development of recommendations in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal, during Phase 4 we co-designed Community Action Plans for each commune, for which implementation began in late 2019. Chapter VII presents and describes these in depth. During this process, we characterised two of the three agdals in Ait M’hamed – Talmest and Igourdane (characterisations available upon request) – and the characterisation the Oukaïmeden Agdal will begin in 2020. Next steps include continue updating CAPs and implementing new needs and activities, including the Oukaïmeden commune.

Additional research, actions and materials complement this body of research: (i) detailed ethnobotanical studies (less advanced in Oukaïmeden), (ii) active support and promotion of governance networks especially in ICCAs, (iii) mapping of natural and cultural resources in the region, (iv) the elaboration of botanical studies, conservation assessments and ecological monitoring, (v) case studies of national and international policies and associated advocacy actions among local communities, (vi) socioeconomic studies and surveys (using the RHoMIS approach), (vii) farmer field schools, initiated in late 2019 to provide capacity building to local farmers, and finally (viii) a series of botanical species and cultural practices monographs. In the near future, we will publish an online database on the High Atlas that integrates all botanical, ecological, social and economic data collected over the years on more than 200 plant species.

IV.3 Data collection and analysis methods The process for data collection and analysis follows this element of the overall design:

MoUs The Memoranda of Understanding with community actors were established following a series of meetings with officials elected of the communes, local authorities (Caid), members of key associations and cooperatives in each site. The first meeting with the various actors concerns mainly the presentation of the association (MBLA) and the international NGO (GDF); it is essentially a question of clarifying the objectives, the fields of action and the future projects. The objective of the meeting is to create an atmosphere of trust with concerned actors. The following meetings include discussions on the terms of the MoUs. However, the eventual signing of agreements follows a very specific and ‘delicate’ procedure which follows the internal codes and procedures of local institutions, particularly

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in the case of the commune municipalities. After its drafting and the negotiation of its modalities, the MoU must be discussed and validated during the ordinary assemblies of each commune before its signature. Finally, after validation of the agreement terms, and the signing takes place with the presence of the president of MBLA and the organization concerned. MoUs and permits available upon request.

Research design The documentation of traditional land use practices was launched in mid-2016 with a literature review followed by a workshop to design the methodology and protocol to begin analysing the practices. We implemented a pilot field study to test the proposed protocol and the methodology was revised by community researchers and members in the field in both communes leading to the development of a final questionnaire for the semi-structured interviews to be implemented in Phase 1. The team that developed the methodology was composed of community researchers, staff from GDF and MBLA and consultants. See Annex 1.

Research Phase 1: overall data collection on traditional land use practices We collected data from local inhabitants of the rural communes of Ait M’hamed and Imegdal principally through the structured interviews designed during the planning stage described above. We collected complimentary data, essential to contextualise and detail responses from structured interviews, through participant observation, open-ended, unstructured and informal interviews conducted by the international researchers during field visits, especially towards the end of the data collection stages. The first structured questionnaire used included questions about what local practices are carried out to maintain the communities’ local landscapes. Questions were layered according to three levels of management and land ownership (household, community and inter-community). This layered classification of ‘traditional land use practices’ emerged from CRs during the process of methodology design. The questionnaire also included questions about change, perceived as differences between the past and the present, for practices occurring at each of the three levels. Final questions focused on botanical diversity including what plants are used, which are commercialised and what management strategies ensure their sustainable use (see Chapter V). In total, 19 men and 21 women were interviewed across 7 localities in Imegdal and 28 men, and 15 women were interviewed across 10 localities in Ait M’hamed. The results from this initial stage of the research informed the revision of a second questionnaire focusing on the collection detailed information about specific, key practices. The team’s experience in collaborating and collecting data from sub-phase 1 was essential to define the selected practices for data collection in a second sub-phase. From the pool of practices mentioned during the first sub-phase, CRs proposed practices they thought as most relevant to their respective communities. Each CR chose 5 practices to inquire about in discussion with the rest of the team and taking into account personal interest in specific topics as well as gender issues. This selection process resulted in a total of 9 practices documented in Imegdal and 7 in Ait M’hamed. For each selected practice we collected data on nature, location, schedule, key players and change. In total, 6 men and 5 women were interviewed across 10 localities in Imegdal and 25 men and 10 women were interviewed across 14 localities in Ait M’hamed about one or more practices each (5 or more

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interviews were carried out for each practice). Once this dataset was collected, the international researchers conducted further focused interviews aimed at filling data gaps observed in preliminary data analysis that was on-going throughout the data collection process. Once all data was digitalized and interpreted, we produced the main report on ‘Cultural Practices of Conservation in the High Atlas’ (Annex 2). One key lesson learned during this phase was that semi-structured interviews with individuals were not only very time-consuming and challenging, given the dispersed population and the tendency for large groups to form around the interviewee resulting in ‘group interviews’. We found that focus groups were much more informative, providing much more information in a more condensed time period. They also offered locally-valued spaces for collective reflection and discussion, which communities enjoyed given that in their everyday lives they do not get these opportunities often. Gender segregation in focus groups ensured that women’s perspectives were recorded equally to those of men and also that more women participated in the research process. The only drawback with the focus group approach was that in Imegdal the dispersal of douars and rough terrain made travel onerous for participants. We remedied this by shortening focus groups to a maximum of 5-6 hours and providing transport for participants. Agdal characterisation and transhumance Following the initial documentation process and connected to our work on governance, we developed in-depth characterisations of the agdals of Ait M’hamed. We began in mid-2018 with the characterization of the Igourdane agdal, carrying out three focus groups with the three main agnatic groups (tribes) that use the pastures: the Ait M’hamed, the Ait Ali and the Ait Atta. A team composed of two videographers and one cartographer documented the 2019 spring transhumance of the Ait Atta to Igourdane agdal. This is currently being produced as a feature-length documentary for publication in 2020. In 2019 we also initiated the characterisation of Talmest Agdal by carrying out a focus group that merged the two agnatic groups with rights of usage: the Ait M’hamed and the Ait Abbas. Focus group topics ranged from the description of the agdal and its occupation in space and time, to historical changes and transformations. We also facilitated discussion on current conflicts, and how to solve them. A similar process of agdal characterisation will be followed in Oukaïmeden starting in 2020. See Annexes 3, 4, 5.

Research Phase 2: further documentation of specific practices During this phase we deepened our research on specific farming practices, breeding, pets and traditional cuisine and dishes (only with women), through interviews and participant observation with farmers and their families in selected douars. Fourty-eight informants (48 households) were interviewed (24 at each site). This process produced 28 (14 in each site) interviews on agriculture, 48 on domestic animals (24 in each site), 20 on pasture (10 in each site) and 20 on cooking (10 in each site). The time spent on each interview was approximately 2 hours, on average, depending on the wealth and knowledge acquired by the interviewees. The selected douars included Wabzaza, Bernat and Ait M'hamed centre (in Ait M’hamed commune) and Ouarti, Amslane and Agrd (in Imegdal commune). See Annex 6.

Research Phase 3: Changes, drivers and recommendations During this stage, changes in traditional land use practices were analysed with community members in a two-day workshop in each commune. We sought to describe their transformations multi-

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dimensionally and discuss the underlying reasons of these transformations. First historical timelines were reconstructed with community members to describe the major changes in traditional land use practices over the past two decades as well as ancillary processes including changes in infrastructure and institutional organization. The descriptive relations between such changes was further analysed by looking at the explanatory models (perceived accounts) underlying these transformations. Once changes and their explanations had been discussed, we carried out focus group sessions to elicit recommendations for strengthening traditional land use practices. The results of these formed the basis of the Community Action Plans process. See Annexes 7, 8, 9.

Research Phase 4: Community Action Plans Based on the results of the research carried out in phases 1-3, including the recommendations provided by community members at the end of Phase 3, Community Action Plans were co-created by mid-late 2019, both in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal (see Annexes 10 and 11). These, and the process we implemented to achieve them, are described in detail in Chapter VII.

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V. An intricate tapestry: traditional land use practices and biodiversity in the High Atlas The terms biodiversity and cultural diversity have no close translation in Amazigh languages and ‘traditional land use practices’ do not constitute a cultural domain in rural Morocco. Thus, the notion of conservation of diversity is not easily understood and requires an open dialogue with local community members. The inhabitants of the High Atlas identify local practices and traditions that maintain their environment and are aware of change in their cultural landscapes and traditions. Community members identify concrete actions, often named, they carry out to maintain the environment as they know it. Practices identified as important by scholars, such as sacred groves or agricultural terraces (Deil et al., 2005; MCNC, 2013), may be so obvious to community members that they are not distinguished as distinct practices.

Practices that use, manage or maintain natural resources exist in a context of shared values, attitudes and ecological knowledge and result in specific livelihoods. With changing socioeconomic and environmental local conditions, some practices have been abandoned and others are adapted to new contexts. Over twenty named cultural practices of conservation were described by informants during this research; Table 1 below provides a summary of the most salient ones. Practices have been organised using an etic approach in broad, interconnected domains.

V.1 Traditional land use and resource management practices in the High Atlas The traditional land use and resource management practices presented in Table 1 are all interrelated directly or indirectly and represent key elements of a more complex agro-ethnoecological system. Enclosure practices, for example, shape and delimit the landscape while also serving as a soil management strategy; walls made with stones (aderass) or branches (afrague) protect fields and home gardens from grazing and erosion. Fences made with branches are renovated approximately once a year, and old wood is used as fuel. Fields can also have stone lines that stabilise the soil (imarine) and single trees can be protected by individual barriers around the trunk (astour) mostly made with stones, but also using branches. Enclosures made with branches can also retain livestock (tafergant). In turn, agricultural practices improve soil quality through the addition of manure (amazer) or removal of stones (taoudia). Agro-forestry practices include harvesting techniques for fruits and cereals (azzwui and tawala n anrar, respectively), cutting wood (oboy n okchoud) and building infrastructure for stocking agricultural production (ighrem), as well as coordinated livestock management strategies to ensure the protection of agricultural production (azzayin). Practices for managing livestock grazing patterns include seasonal transhumance to areas formally protected by customary law (agdal) or free of such restrictions (laêzib) and rotational grazing by the movement of branch enclosures (assemgonou).

Water is a key resource for both agriculture and pastoralism. Irrigation water is distributed in an egalitarian way among families and across cultivated areas during drought months (tawala n waman) and the canals are carefully maintained (arras n targa). Many of the plants growing in this managed landscape have a high cultural value as they are used in traditional recipes (isenwi abdeldi) or as medicines. Traditional dishes are prepared during celebrations that express local values (lemarouf) or mark key moments in the agricultural calendar (asseft). Community work is a key aspect of many of these practices. Tiwizi is the voluntary pooling of effort to conduct activities that benefit the whole community. Labour, just as limited and valuable as water, is organised collaboratively and in turns (tawala) to ensure agricultural production.

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Table 1: Summary of traditional land use practices in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Fencing & soil management

Aderass/asdar; idersane Fencing wall made with rocks

AMH

Household To protect fields and home gardens from animals and erosion.

Idersane protect the land and increase the agricultural production. They are used to delimit irrigated fields and home gardens, keeping them free of rocks. Built with larger rocks below and smaller above during agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly). Built individually or by tiwizi by men when far from the house.

This practice is relatively new. It substitutes afrague to reduce pressure on trees and other plants. Some use cement to strengthen idersane.

Fencing & soil management

Imeri; imarine Lines of rocks, terraces

AMH Household To reduce erosion and keep fields free of rocks, often used for building idersane.

Imarine are used to remove stones from the land, increase the agricultural production and protect it from grazing. Stones are put in lines or piles, to reduce erosion and delimitate the fields. Once various imarine are next to each other, an aderass can be built individually or by tiwizi by men. In some cases, used to drive water to fields, especially there is a slope exists.

In the past, there were almost no delimitations on properties (but ta oudea was practised).

Fencing & soil management

Afrague; Ifergane or Afrig Fencing wall made with branches

AMH IME OUK

Household To protect fields, home gardens and single trees from animals, delimitation, and erosion control.

Various types of ifergane are classified regarding their main function. An afrague-astour is made with small branches of spiny plants around the tree for protection. Once renewed, older branches are used as firewood by women. Building these requires less effort than aderass. Built individually or by tiwizi mostly by men.

This practice is relatively old, but as woody resources become limited it is substituted by astour to protect single trees and aderass to protect fields.

Fencing & soil management

Astour Fencing wall made with rocks

AMH Household To protect trees and home gardens. Provide shade and increase humidity.

Circular or squared walls to protect usually single fruit trees in home gardens or juniper, ash and oak saplings in grazed areas to promote forestation. When combined with afrague, rocks are covered with branches. As the plant grows, the wall is increased. This is done individually by either men or women.

Practice relatively new, substituting afrague to reduce pressure on trees and other plants.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Fencing & soil management

Tafergant/ tiferganine Enclosures made of branches

AMH

Household To keep animals in a delimited space

These are built in the same way as ifergane but are designed specifically to keep animals. They are built during agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly) individually or by tiwizi by men.

No changes reported.

Fencing & soil management

Aghrroum OUK Household Stone fences to demarcate the land

More or less high dry-stone walls used to delimit the land

Increasing, some plots are delimited using cement wall panels

Agriculture Ighrem; Igherman Silos for grain storage

AMH Household, community

To store grains (mostly barley and wheat) and other agricultural produce (e.g., butter called smn or oudi, olive oil).

Stone and mud building constructed in places of difficult access with several rooms, close to water sources (aghbalou) necessary to construct the building and irrigate the fields around it, and of difficult access (as a measure of protection). They are used as year-round storehouses for agricultural production, mainly alfalfa, cereals, pulses and nut and fruit trees. Each family has a room within the storehouse, ascribed randomly. Each building is named after the tribe or douar that owns it. Tigharmis are storehouses owned by one big and wealthy families. Sometimes far from the douar. The ighrem is managed by customary law. If usage rules (use of space, payment to guard) are infringed, the right of usage is stopped. A person (adouab) is in charge of watching the ighrem and taking care of its surroundings (trees, etc.). The adouab is paid in kind. Every year the owners (in some cases the douar association) meet to pay/change the guardian and do any arrangements necessary in the building. In AMH, many are built by the Assman river (tribe/douar Tassamert). Many ighrems built prior to the 19th

Igherman are no longer in use in most cases; the buildings are neglected and forgotten, many are in ruins, since security in general has increased at the local and national level. Nowadays, most families keep their agricultural production in their houses. Only in very few cases are maintained, when fruiting trees and cultivation fields (alfalfa) are growing in their immediate vicinity (e.g., Bernat and Wabzaza).

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

century were destroyed during the French colonization and some were rebuilt before Independence.

Agriculture Taoudea Clearing soil from stones

AMH Household To increase the quality of cultivation soil

Stones are removed and may be used to build stone walls around the fields. It is combined with astour, aderass, imeri.

No changes reported.

Agriculture Azzayinn, Azzayn Temporary restriction on grazing of tree cultivated areas

IME AMH OUK

Douar, community

To protect fields and trees from grazing

Azzayin is a restriction on grazing. It is applied temporarily on fields (during the ripening of fruits) and permanent in holy land (cemeteries and around marabouts). If someone does not respect it a sanction is applied; the sum varies from one village to another. One or more people are employed as guardians (amchchardo), which will be paid in kind or cash. Specific dates for the start of azzayin are decided mostly by men on a Friday. It precedes azzwui, the fruit harvest. In Oukaïmeden, the guardians is called Andof, and a fine of 200 dhs is established for any offense.

Nowadays, azzayin is applied year-round on the fields, a fact that has also been interpreted by informants as the loss of azzayin. Passages to move the livestock from the village to grazing areas have been built to avoid the fields. Governance has shifted from customary law to the douar association. In many villages, the profession of amchchardo has been lost because the douar association enforces azzayin.

Agriculture Tawala n anrar, Andrar Threshing turns

IME AMH OUK

Douar To thresh the cereals in turns through collective work (tiwizi)

Tawala n anrar is the management system for threshing, once cereal has been harvested and dried on the rooftops. This activity requires various donkeys and mules: people will organise in turns to collaborate with the threshing of each other’s cereal production. Work is carried out by men in tiwizi. Women will prepare the food to feed the helpers.

No changes reported.

Agriculture Amazer/lghbar Manure as fertiliser

IME AMH OUK

Household To increase the quality of cultivation soil

Use of animal manure as fertilisers for the fields. Nowadays, chemical fertilisers are also used and have to some extent replaced manure.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Agriculture Azzwui Fruit harvest method

IME Ph1+Ph2

Household, douar, community

To harvest fruits

Azzwui requires climbing the trees and using long sticks to reach the fruit and make it fall on the ground. The time for azzwui is coordinated at a village or community level if fields are shared, to ensure an order in the way fruit harvest proceeds. Each owner has specific dates for their harvest. Workers are paid mostly in kind. Part of the harvest is given away in charity. The olive harvest proceeds in two ways: fruits fallen to the ground are constantly being harvested and those left on the tree by January will be harvested by azzwui. It is preceded by azzayin.

Currently, douar associations set the dates for azzwui. Only one informant mentioned that the azzwui dates are no longer respected; most informants did not report change.

Agriculture (Sylvoculture)

Oboy n okchoud Wood harvest

AMH

Household, community

To collect wood as fuel and construction material

Forest resources are very important to the community: tasaft (Quercus ilex), imst (Fraxinus dimorpha) and xxxx (Juniperus oxicedrus) are the three main wood plants. Wood collection and harvest distinguishes dead wood that is collected from the ground from wood cut directly from the tree. Both activities are mainly carried out by women. Charcoal is prepared from tasaft trees owned privetly by families after obtention of a permit. When used for construction imst is of best quality than the other two species, but use may depend on disponibility. Wood harvesting is mostly forbidden in Imegdal, where forest resources are highly degraded.

Nowadays, gas is starting to replace wood as fuel.

Agriculture Toudma OUK Douar, community

To minimize water consumption

Crop rotation between bour (rain-fed irrigation) and irrigated culture. The plots are divided into two: one section is rainfed (not irrigation) and the other one is irrigated. Habitually, cereal production is carried out in the rainfed section and vegetables are produced in the

The practice Toudma ihas decreased since the construction of cement water channels (targa)

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

irrigated section; the subsequent year the sections are rotated.

Agriculture Irihi OUK Douar, Household

To maximize nut harvest

Wind-falled nuts are gathered before the nut harvest No change was reported

Agriculture Assous OUK Douar, Household

maximize nut harvest

Nuts are harvested during the months of September and October.

No change was reported

Agriculture Igrane= Lfddane= Jnane in arabic

OUK IMG AMH

Douar, community

Plots for growing vegetables (onion, turnip, tomatoes, pepper, potato, peas), cereals and fruit trees.

Agricultural plots of the inhabitants of the region. They are cultivated and irrigated. They form the agricultural terraces

In OUK, Igran areas are continuously decreasing due to erosion and the construction of houses and hotels

Agriculture Lbour OUK IMG AMH

Douar, community

For cereal and fruit and nut cultivation. Also used for animal pasture.

Rainfed crop plots. These are mainly for cereals (particularly barley) and fruit trees (mainly nuts).

The Lbour area is continuously decreasing due to erosion and the construction of houses and hotels. Moreover, the decrease in the cultivation of cereals is reducing the size and amount of bour areas.

Agriculture Diraâ OUK Douar, community

Cereal growing season

These include barley and corn, It comes just after the vegetables harvest, from July to November.

Most informants did not report any change

Agriculture Tandrar OUK Douar, community

Vegetable growing season

These include potato, onions, turnips, pepper and tomatoes. The cultivation period is from November to July

Most informants did not report any change

Agriculture Afaynou OUK Douar, community

Harvesting fallow grass

Uncultivated plots near the river. It only contains grass, which is irrigated, harvested, dried (one to two weeks) and then stored until winter for use as fodder.

Most informants did not report any change

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Agriculture Fihina OUK Household Terraces of houses where crops are dried.

The terraces, which are exposed to the sun, are used to dry nuts and corn, and are also known as asghar.

Most informants did not report any change

Agriculture Igdlane OUK, IMG Douar, community

Irrigated plots near the rivers to permit the harvest of animal fodder

No cultivation takes place in these plots, which are larger than Afaynou plots and may also contain trees. They are also used for regulated pasture (grazing is halted for a while to permit regrowth).

The surface of Igdlane is continuously decreasing due to erosion and land conversion

Pastoralism (Agriculture)

Assemgonou Spatial rotation of ifergan

AMH Household To fertilise the soil with manure and manage herds

Ifergan are built to delimit a grazing area that will keep the heard for four days, then the structure is relocated covering a new pasture. This also results in the fertilisation of the soil.

This is not practised anymore.

Pastoralism Agdal/Aoudal; Igdalen/Igdlan (agd) Collective grazing areas with temporary restriction

AMH IME OUK

Inter-community

To provide animal fodder, allowing for the regeneration of grazing plants during the spring (usually March to May-June in AMH and from March to August in OUK)

Agdals are resource management practices that regulate access to resources. Here, these mostly refer to shared pasture lands chosen due to the presence of water year-round, the botanical richness and diversity (including species such as asnan, ifssi, olfoud, etc.). Native trees such as tasaft, tikke, keso and tawelt may be present. These areas are shared by various douars and communities and managed by customary law (laorf), which is passed down along family lineages. It is forbidden to build, plant or cut trees within the grazing area. Igdalen are left about three or four months untouched in spring, during the time of maximum growth of forage resources. Involved communes choose a adouab (old name) or aaessass (guardian, current name) to guard the lands while closed to pasture. The nayb/nouab or mqedem is also involved in the control of opening-closing dates and election of adouabs, and informs to the cayd. People are informed when the agdal opens, usually in the souk by the

Most have become anarchic due to conflicts between tribes. Bad management and disrespect of agdal laws have increased, including building and cutting trees, privatising the land, and disrespect towards opening days. The celebration of the opening is disappearing. Grazing plants have diminished due to droughts and climatic changes. Igdalen were mentioned in IME as having existed, but not any longer due to lack of water. Nonetheless, some areas with restricted grazing schedules persist.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

aberrah, and the opening is celebrated. Not respecting the date of opening involves a fine. There are also private igdalen (usually protected by imarine) owned and used at a household level. Various communal igdalen are present in the AMH region (Igourdane, Talmest, Allouz), in OUK and none in IME.

Pastoralism L aêzib n wulli Seasonal transhumance of (mostly) goat herds

IME OUK AMH

Household To ensure good grazing for herds

Two complementary locations are used for grazing big herds of goats (mostly) and sheep (ihray) in summer and winter: aêzib n udouar (by the village) and aêzib n udrar (in the mountain), also called aêzib n tguerst (winter farm) and aêzib n sif (summer farm), respectively. Often, the winter location is by the village at the warmer valley bottoms, and the summer location is at higher altitudes that may be snowed in during winter. For villages at very high altitudes, the two locations are inversed; herds are brought to lower altitudes in winter. At each location, the herd sleeps at a specific building (also called aêzib) that consists of a roofed area (igourar) and an open patio (asguen). Coupling and delivery of kids (lkerouan, lkrou in sing.) takes place in aêzib, but kids are kept in the house when they are small. Shepherds of big herds are invariably men, but both men and women participate in farming by carrying out different activities. Access to summer grazing areas is regulated by customary law (e.g., azzyin is applied to regulate access to the grazing areas which are being closed from February to May in AMH and March to August in OUK).

The practice is abandoned when there are more attractive alternatives. In one village, it was reported that up to 70% of the families have abandoned shepherding and goat/sheep husbandry. The size of herds has diminished because of both degradation of the environment (lack of fodder due to increased drought) and lack of labour (outmigration of the young generation).

Pastoralism Lghabt or the forest OUK Household open grazing area

Mountain forest area where open (unregulated) grazing is allowed

The forest area is, overall, reducing as a result of wood harvesting (although this is

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

reducing substantially – see below) and for the creation of tourist sites (hotels, ski site, restaurants. ...)

Pastoralism Tawala n ouelli OUK Household Collaboration for shepherding

Families take turns in overseeing the douar’s collective cattle herd as they graze in the forest

No change in OUK

Pastoralism Tirhal OUK Household Transhumance to looking for forage

Some families move with their cattle during the snow period to the surroundings of Marrakech and Rhamna

This tradition is still practiced but the number of families has been reduced in recent years

Pastoralism (Domestic animals)

Lbhaym, lmal Domestic animals

IME AMH OUK

Household To produce dairy, eggs and meat products

All families keep domestic animals and these are key to local livelihoods. Many families keep one to three cows, several chickens and may also own some rabbits. These animals are kept in or near the household and tended by women, who are responsible to collect fodder as well as many of the products. Sacrificing is always a male activity.

Cattle and sheep local races are sometimes being replaced by commercial, more productive races, which also demand higher nourishment and are less sturdy. The number and diversity of animals per family is decreasing.

Water Arras n targa Cleaning and reparation of water canals

IME AMH OUK

Douar, community

To maintain the water canals to ensure proper irrigation

The sediments deposited throughout the year at the bottom of the irrigation canals are cleaned once a year at the beginning of summer when water levels are low. This will be repeated if necessary (e.g., after summer storms). It is considered a key activity due to the importance of irrigation to local livelihoods and is carried out by tiwizi. All available men participate, after the date is set communally on a Friday (by men). If irrigation canals are shared between villages, there is a contribution to men and effort from each village to clean the common canals. Canals are cleaned before tawala starts.

The practice has not changed in itself, but some irrigation canals are now built in cement, which allows increasing the irrigated surface. Also, nowadays it is the douar association or the jmaa (traditional communal authority) that sets the date, rather than the taqbilt.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Water Afraw OUK Household Water storage Traditional water basins, that feed the irrigation canals. Their use and management is collective, with families coming together for their maintenance and for organising their opening & closing (i.e. the amount and distribution of irrigation water).

Basins are now built out of cement instead of clay, but each douar still has one or two of them.

Water Tawala n waman Water turn

IME AMH OUK

Douar, community

To irrigate fields during the drought season, managing water in turns amongst the different families

As water becomes scarce in the dry season, tawala n wamen is used as a mechanism to distribute irrigation water among the village families, avoiding conflict when water is scarce. The method will not be used if there is sufficient water. If a source is shared between villages, water is also used in turns by the different villages. The number of hours or days that each household/village uses water depends on the surface that needs to be irrigated. Mostly men participate in the decision-making process to set the tawala schedule; women may participate if they are the head of the household (e.g., widows). In AMH and OUK, aghbalou or the wells are important water sources that are regulated and where the water quality needs to be maintained.

Following the trend of privatisation and management at smaller units, water is now divided by small families, thus also use times are shorter. The method was originally measured by the volume decrease of tafrouts (ponds, water reservoirs) with a cane (aghalim) rather than with time. Aghbalou are becoming scarce due to persistent drought.

Cooperation Tiwizi Cooperative and solidarity, cooperative work

IME AMH OUK

Household, douar, community

To conduct tasks that require a lot of work and effort more effectively through collaborative work

Tiwizi is the old Amazigh tradition of joining efforts to conduct labour-intensive activities. People contribute voluntarily to help one another or the community. It is gender-specific: tiwizi is carried out either by women (weeding, weaving, harvesting, fodder collection, shelling nuts etc.) or by men (threshing, cleaning irrigation canals, building stone walls, shearing wool, etc.). Men's tiwizi can be organised at household, douar or community level; women's tiwizi is always organised at the household level but can involve the whole village

Overall, there was a weakening or loss of tiwizi. Specifically, in IME men did not observe changes in the activities carried out, whilst women mentioned interest in paid work rather than collaborative work and the practice of tiwizi for "modern" activities such as laundry or cleaning houses. In AMH, both

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

in the case of ceremonies. Traditional dishes are often prepared during tiwizi and offered to the workers.

genders observed a weakening of collaborative work.

Food Azarg; Izergan Mill

AMH OUK

Household, douar

To obtain flour from cereals

Traditional water mill used to grind grains to obtain flour, used at a household and douar levels. Seen in Wabzaza, with two active mills. Families from neighbouring households also bring their grains to the mill for grinding.

Those in Wabzaza, two of the only ones remaining in the Ait M’hamed region. Traditional milling, very common in the area in previous decades, has been replaced by industrial grinding outside the territory.

Food Traditional recipes Various traditional recipes

IME AMH OUK

Household To eat, especially prepared during celebration time or seasonally

Traditional recipes are prepared by women and include bread (tahmart, tahnayat, tannurt), dishes based on flour (baddaz, seksou, tagoulla, askif, abrway) or cooked salads with wild leafy vegetables: tibi (Malva sp.), tajloujt (Portulaca oleracea), guernouch (Nasturtium officinale), wamssa (Foeniculum vulgare), afrass (Brassica rapa), lfsst (Medicago sativa), tigeghsht (Silene vulgaris), tifoucht (spinach cf.). Bread can be combined with other ingredients (lard, spices). Baddaz and seksou (couscous) are prepared in a similar way but baddaz uses cornflour and has no meat, whereas seksou is prepared with barley and wheat flour and includes meat; this is accompanied with vegetables which can include local ingredients such as afrass, lfsst, wamsa, toukkirin (sun-dried turnips) and tinifin (peas) or takourayt (un-ripe figs) when in season. When prepared on their own, wild leafy vegetables are cut into small pieces and steamed, mixed with garlic, spices, preserved lemon and olive oil. They are served as a salad or with bread as a starter. Askif, abrway and tagulla are flour soups with or without butter or milk

Tagoulla is starting to be replaced by rice, as traditional celebrations linked to the agricultural calendar are abandoned (due to their link with pre-Islamic beliefs). New recipes are being prepared: enhanced transmission between the mountains (adrar) and the plains (zagar), and mass media have popularised new recipes including other Moroccan recipes such as rfissa or international ones such as lasagne. Meat is more often cooked nowadays, for example, incorporated in baddaz.

46

Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

(askif and tagulla are prepared with barley, abrway with wheat). Askif is eaten as the first food every day, and tagulla is prepared for a special occasion (often in relation to the agricultural calendar). Seksou and tagulla are often prepared during activities practised by tiwizi and during celebrations and ceremonies, including lemarouf. Exceptionally, men prepare specific meat dishes such as mishui (slow-cooked lamb brochettes) for special occasions.

Food Toummite (zmeta in Moroccan Arabic) Traditional dish based on barley flour

IME AMH OUK

Household To eat as a traditional dessert (with medicinal use)

Toummite is prepared with barley flour either using flour made from ripe and dried cereal (called simply toummite) or fresh and un-ripe grains (Toummite n azenbou). The grain is washed, dried, ground and mixed with aromatic plants, which can include combinations of timija (Mentha suaveolens), lqezbour (Coriandrum sativum), azoukni (Thymus saturejoides), lhelba (Trigonella foenum-graecum), azuka (Tetraclinis articulata), izouran (lit. “roots”, set of species used often medicinally), jnjlan (Sesamum indicum), fleyou (Mentha pulegium), and others. The dessert is believed to have medicinal properties due to the plants added to the flour. Variations of the dish use different flours at the same time or are based on carob flour (unusual). Ground flour and herbs are eaten on its own, with tea, whey or milk. Specific recipes are transmitted along female lineages.

The hand mill is rarely used nowadays and has been replaced by electric options. Toummite is prepared less frequently due to the decrease of barley production.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Food Tagoulla OUK IMG AMH

Household Traditional corn-based dish

The corn is put in a traditional mill. The fine cornmeal is removed leaving only the large seeds called dchicha, which are mixed with olive oil, milk and a little salt. Once the mixture is cooked, it is placed in a clay dish called tassadrt and eaten with whey and butter.

Tagoulla is still prepared during religious holidays, special occasions, during the maarouf event,

Food Baddaz OUK IMG AMH

Household Corn couscous, prepared occasionally

The fine cornmeal is mixed with water and salt. It is prepared like couscous. We add vegetables and plants like: alfalfa, cabbage, turnip, carrot ...

This dish is still prepared occasionally by the majority of Oukaïmeden families

Food Arkoko-zmita in Arabic

OUK IMG AMH

Household Traditional dish made from barley

The barley is dried by exposing it to the sun for a few hours, then putting it in water overnight. The next day it is cooked in the oven mixed with aromatic plants; Mint (timija), Oregano (zaatar) and olive oil and salt.

This dish is still prepared occasionally by the majority of Oukaïmeden families

Food Touslawine, Dry turnips

OUK Household Food storage for turnips

The turnips are cut into four pieces,and strung up on a piece of wire and exposed to the sun, on the ground, for two weeks. The turnips are then stored for winter, when vegetables are more scarce

This tradition still practiced only by a few families because of the improvement in the standard of living.

Ceremonies Lemarouf Gathering and celebration linked to charity or prayer

IME AMH OUK

Household, douar, community

To give charity, celebrate a festivity, commemorate a saint or dead person

Lemarouf is a gathering that can be of friends and family members, of all douar villagers or bring people from different villages together. Originally linked to moussems and marabouts, it is now practised as an aspect of Muslim charity. Traditional food will be prepared (with the collaboration of one or more families, who contribute with different ingredients and labour) and shared. It is now practised to commemorate dead family members, or as an act of charity once a year or twice a year, linked to the start of the harvesting (of cereal and nut trees).

It is now mostly practised at a household level. Old celebrations of lemarouf involving the whole douar or people from several douars were linked to marabouts and are not carried out anymore.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Ceremonies Moussem OUK IMG AMH

Household, douar, community

Cultural and economic exchange for families

Ceremonies to pay tribute to holy families or to celebrate local events, namely the opening of the Agdal or the start of the harvest period. It is an event of cultural, social (weddings) and commercial exchange (for local products). This event can last an entire week with daily music and performances.

This tradition has disappeared in some part of the High Atlas especially in the region of IMG, however, it is still practiced in the OUK region with about 7 annual Moussem and the main moussem are: Sidi Ali Oufars, Sidi Fares and Oukaïmeden moussem. In AMH the annual moussem takes place in April to honour Sidi Ahmed o Âmer

Ceremonies Tagoulla OUK Household, douar

Both a meal and a ceremony for good weather

It is a celebration where cattle are sacrificed and Tagoulla (see above) is prepared to ask God to avoid hailstorms.

The inhabitants of the Oukaïmeden still practice this tradition at the end of January every year

Ceremonies Asseft/iffid Celebration linked to the agricultural calendar

IME Ph1 Douar To mark a shift in the agricultural calendar

Tagulla is prepared with barley flour away from the village by both men and women after the aaser prayer. Cows cannot be taken to graze until iffid, the first milk after they graze outdoors has a special meaning. The celebration can also mark the start of cereal harvesting.

This has almost disappeared; whilst it was practised ubiquitously, to the best of our knowledge it was only practised in one village (in 2015) by children supervised by one adult (rather than by adults themselves)

Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site, data source

Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Fencing & soil management

Aderass/asdar; idersane Fencing wall made with rocks

AMH Ph1+Ph2

Household To protect fields and home gardens from animals and erosion.

Idersane protect the land and increase the agricultural production. They are used to delimit irrigated fields and home gardens, keeping them free of rocks. Built with larger rocks below and smaller above during agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly). Built individually or by tiwizi by men when far from the house.

This practice is relatively new. It substitutes afrague to reduce pressure on trees and other plants. Some use cement to strengthen idersane.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Fencing & soil management

Imeri; imarine Lines of rocks, terraces

AMH Ph1+Ph2

Household To reduce erosion and keep fields free of rocks, often used for building idersane.

Imarine are used to remove stones from the land, increase the agricultural production and protect it from grazing. Stones are put in lines or piles, to reduce erosion and delimitate the fields. Once various imarine are next to each other, an aderass can be built individually or by tiwizi by men. In some cases, used to drive water to fields, especially there is a slope exists.

In the past, there were almost no delimitations on properties (but taoudea was practised).

Fencing & soil management

Afrague; Ifergane Fencing wall made with branches

AMH Ph1+Ph2 (+IME Ph1)

Household To protect fields, home gardens and single trees from animals, delimitation, and erosion control.

Various types of ifergane are classified regarding their main function. An afrague-astour is made with small branches of spiny plants around the tree for protection. Once renewed, older branches are used as firewood by women. Building these requires less effort than aderass. Built individually or by tiwizi mostly by men.

This practice is relatively old, but as woody resources become limited it is substituted by astour to protect single trees and aderass to protect fields.

Fencing & soil management

Astour Fencing wall made with rocks

AMH Ph1+Ph2

Household To protect trees and home gardens. Provide shade and increase humidity.

Circular or squared walls to protect usually single fruit trees in home gardens or juniper, ash and oak saplings in grazed areas to promote forestation. When combined with afrague, rocks are covered with branches. As the plant grows, the wall is increased. This is done individually by either men or women.

Practice relatively new, substituting afrague to reduce pressure on trees and other plants.

Fencing & soil management

Tafergant/ tiferganine Enclosures made of branches

AMH Ph1

Household To keep animals in a delimited space

These are built in the same way as ifergane but are designed specifically to keep animals. They are built during agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly) individually or by tiwizi by men.

No changes reported.

Agriculture Ighrem; Igherman Silos for grain storage

AMH Ph1+Ph2

Household, community

To store grains (mostly barley and wheat) and other agricultural

Stone and mud building constructed in places of difficult access with several rooms, close to water sources (aghbalou) necessary to construct the building and irrigate the fields around it, and of difficult access (as a measure of protection). They are used as year-

Igherman are no longer in use in most cases; the buildings are neglected and forgotten, many are in ruins, since security in general has increased at the local

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

produce (e.g., butter called smn or oudi, olive oil).

round storehouses for agricultural production, mainly alfalfa, cereals, pulses and nut and fruit trees. Each family has a room within the storehouse, ascribed randomly. Each building is named after the tribe or douar that owns it. Tigharmis are storehouses owned by one big and wealthy families. Sometimes far from the douar. The ighrem is managed by customary law. If usage rules (use of space, payment to guard) are infringed, the right of usage is stopped. A person (adouab) is in charge of watching the ighrem and taking care of its surroundings (trees, etc.). The adouab is paid in kind. Every year the owners (in some cases the douar association) meet to pay/change the guardian and do any arrangements necessary in the building. In AMH, many are built by the Assman river (tribe/douar Tassamert). Many ighrems built prior to the 19th century were destroyed during the French colonization and some were rebuilt before Independence.

and national level. Nowadays, most families keep their agricultural production in their houses. Only in very few cases are maintained, when fruiting trees and cultivation fields (alfalfa) are growing in their immediate vicinity (e.g., Bernat and Wabzaza).

Agriculture Taoudea Clearing soil from stones

AMH Ph1 Household To increase the quality of cultivation soil

Stones are removed and may be used to build stone walls around the fields. It is combined with astour, aderass, imeri.

No changes reported.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Agriculture Azzayin Temporary restriction on grazing of tree cultivated areas

IME Ph1+Ph2 (+AMH Ph1)

Douar, community

To protect fields and trees from grazing

Azzayin is a restriction on grazing. It is applied temporarily on fields (during the ripening of fruits) and permanent in holy land (cemeteries and around marabouts). If someone does not respect it a sanction is applied; the sum varies from one village to another. One or more people are employed as guardians (amchchardo), which will be paid in kind or cash. Specific dates for the start of azzayin are decided mostly by men on a Friday. It precedes azzwui, the fruit harvest.

Nowadays, azzayin is applied year-round on the fields, a fact that has also been interpreted by informants as the loss of azzayin. Passages to move the livestock from the village to grazing areas have been built to avoid the fields. Governance has shifted from customary law to the douar association. In many villages, the profession of amchchardo has been lost because the douar association enforces azzayin.

Agriculture Tawala n anrar Threshing turns

IME + AMH Ph1

Douar To thresh the cereals in turns through collective work (tiwizi)

Tawala n anrar is the management system for threshing, once cereal has been harvested and dried on the rooftops. This activity requires various donkeys and mules: people will organise in turns to collaborate with the threshing of each other’s cereal production. Work is carried out by men in tiwizi. Women will prepare the food to feed the helpers.

No changes reported.

Agriculture Amazer/lghbar Manure as fertiliser

IME + AMH Ph1

Household To increase the quality of cultivation soil

Use of animal manure as fertilisers for the fields. Nowadays, chemical fertilisers are also used and have to some extent replaced manure.

Agriculture Azzwui Fruit harvest method

IME Ph1+Ph2

Household, douar, community

To harvest fruits

Azzwui requires climbing the trees and using long sticks to reach the fruit and make it fall on the ground. The time for azzwui is coordinated at a village or community level if fields are shared, to ensure an order in the way fruit harvest proceeds. Each owner has specific dates for their harvest. Workers are paid mostly in kind. Part of the harvest is given away in charity. The olive harvest proceeds in two ways: fruits fallen to the ground are

Currently, douar associations set the dates for azzwui. Only one informant mentioned that the azzwui dates are no longer respected; most informants did not report change.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

constantly being harvested and those left on the tree by January will be harvested by azzwui. It is preceded by azzayin.

Agriculture (Sylvoculture)

Oboy n okchoud Wood harvest

AMH Ph3

Household, community

To collect wood as fuel and construction material

Forest resources are very important to the community: tasaft (Quercus ilex), imst (Fraxinus dimorpha) and xxxx (Juniperus oxicedrus) are the three main wood plants. Wood collection and harvest distinguishes dead wood that is collected from the ground from wood cut directly from the tree. Both activities are mainly carried out by women. Charcoal is prepared from tasaft trees owned privetly by families after obtention of a permit. When used for construction imst is of best quality than the other two species, but use may depend on disponibility. Wood harvesting is mostly forbidden in Imegdal, where forest resources are highly degraded.

Nowadays, gas is starting to replace wood as fuel.

Pastoralism (Agriculture)

Assemgonou Spatial rotation of ifergan

AMH Ph1 Household To fertilise the soil with manure and manage herds

Ifergan are built to delimit a grazing area that will keep the heard for four days, then the structure is relocated covering a new pasture. This also results in the fertilisation of the soil.

This is not practised anymore.

Pastoralism Agdal/Aoudal; Igdalen/Igdlan (agd) Collective grazing areas with temporary restriction

AMH Ph1+Ph2 (+IME Ph1)

Inter-community

To provide animal fodder, allowing for the regeneration of grazing plants during the spring (usually March to May-June)

Agdals are resource management practices that regulate access to resources. Here, these mostly refer to shared pasture lands chosen due to the presence of water year-round, the botanical richness and diversity (including species such as asnan, ifssi, olfoud, etc.). Native trees such as tasaft, tikke, keso and tawelt may be present. These areas are shared by various douars and communities and managed by customary law (laorf), which is passed down along family lineages. It is forbidden to build, plant or cut trees within the grazing

Most have become anarchic due to conflicts between tribes. Bad management and disrespect of agdal laws have increased, including building and cutting trees, privatising the land, and disrespect towards opening days. The celebration of the opening is disappearing. Grazing plants have

53

Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

area. Igdalen are left about three or four months untouched in spring, during the time of maximum growth of forage resources. Involved communes choose a adouab (old name) or aaessass (guardian, current name) to guard the lands while closed to pasture. The nayb/nouab or mqedem is also involved in the control of opening-closing dates and election of adouabs, and informs to the cayd. People are informed when the agdal opens, usually in the souk by the aberrah, and the opening is celebrated. Not respecting the date of opening involves a fine. There are also private igdalen (usually protected by imarine) owned and used at a household level. Various communal igdalen are present in the AMH region (Igourdane, Talmest, Allouz), none in IME.

diminished due to droughts and climatic changes. Igdalen were mentioned in IME as having existed, but not any longer due to lack of water. Nonetheless, some areas with restricted grazing schedules persist.

Pastoralism L aêzib n wulli Seasonal transhumance of (mostly) goat herds

IME Ph1+Ph2

Household To ensure good grazing for herds

Two complementary locations are used for grazing big herds of goats (mostly) and sheep (ihray) in summer and winter: aêzib n udouar (by the village) and aêzib n udrar (in the mountain), also called aêzib n tguerst (winter farm) and aêzib n sif (summer farm), respectively. Often, the winter location is by the village at the warmer valley bottoms, and the summer location is at higher altitudes that may be snowed in during winter. For villages at very high altitudes, the two locations are inversed; herds are brought to lower altitudes in winter. At each location, the herd sleeps at a specific building (also called aêzib) that consists of a roofed area (igourar) and an open patio (asguen). Coupling and delivery of kids (lkerouan, lkrou in sing.) takes place in aêzib, but kids are kept in the house when they are small. Shepherds of big herds are

The practice is abandoned when there are more attractive alternatives. In one village, it was reported that up to 70% of the families have abandoned shepherding and goat/sheep husbandry. The size of herds has diminished because of both degradation of the environment (lack of fodder due to increased drought) and lack of labour (outmigration of the young generation).

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

invariably men, but both men and women participate in farming by carrying out different activities. Access to summer grazing areas is regulated by customary law (e.g., azzyin is applied to regulate access to the grazing area of Tizi n Tiqi, this being closed from February to May).

Pastoralism (Domestic animals)

Lbhaym, lmal Domestic animals

IME + AMH Ph3

Household To produce dairy, eggs and meat products

All families keep domestic animals and these are key to local livelihoods. Many families keep one to three cows, several chickens and may also own some rabbits. These animals are kept in or near the household and tended by women, who are responsible to collect fodder as well as many of the products. Sacrificing is always a male activity.

Cattle and sheep local races are sometimes being replaced by commercial, more productive races, which also demand higher nourishment and are less sturdy. The number and diversity of animals per family is decreasing.

Water Arras n targa Cleaning and reparation of water canals

IME Ph1+Ph2 (+AMH Ph1)

Douar, community

To maintain the water canals to ensure proper irrigation

The sediments deposited throughout the year at the bottom of the irrigation canals are cleaned once a year at the beginning of summer when water levels are low. This will be repeated if necessary (e.g., after summer storms). It is considered a key activity due to the importance of irrigation to local livelihoods and is carried out by tiwizi. All available men participate, after the date is set communally on a Friday (by men). If irrigation canals are shared between villages, there is a contribution to men and effort from each village to clean the common canals. Canals are cleaned before tawala starts.

The practice has not changed in itself, but some irrigation canals are now built in cement, which allows increasing the irrigated surface. Also, nowadays it is the douar association who sets the date, rather the taqbilt.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Water Tawala n waman Water turn

IME Ph1+Ph2 (+AMH Ph1)

Douar, community

To irrigate fields during the drought season, managing water in turns amongst the different families

As water becomes scarce in the dry season, tawala n wamen is used as a mechanism to distribute irrigation water among the village families, avoiding conflict when water is scarce. The method will not be used if there is sufficient water. If a source is shared between villages, water is also used in turns by the different villages. The number of hours or days that each household/village uses water depends on the surface that needs to be irrigated. Mostly men participate in the decision-making process to set the tawala schedule; women may participate if they are the head of the household (e.g., widows). In AMH, aghbalou or the wells are important water sources that are regulated and where the water quality needs to be maintained.

Following the trend of privatisation and management at smaller units, water is now divided by small families, thus also use times are shorter. The method was originally measured by the volume decrease of tafrouts (ponds, water reservoirs) with a cane (aghalim) rather than with time. Aghbalou are becoming scarce due to persistent drought.

Cooperation Tiwizi Cooperative and solidarity, cooperative work

IME Ph1+Ph2 (+AMH Ph1)

Household, douar, community

To conduct tasks that require a lot of work and effort more effectively through collaborative work

Tiwizi is the old Amazigh tradition of joining efforts to conduct labour-intensive activities. People contribute voluntarily to help one another or the community. It is gender-specific: tiwizi is carried out either by women (weeding, weaving, harvesting, fodder collection, shelling nuts etc.) or by men (threshing, cleaning irrigation canals, building stone walls, shearing wool, etc.). Men's tiwizi can be organised at household, douar or community level; women's tiwizi is always organised at the household level but can involve the whole village in the case of ceremonies. Traditional dishes are often prepared during tiwizi and offered to the workers.

Overall, there was a weakening or loss of tiwizi. Specifically, in IME men did not observe changes in the activities carried out, whilst women mentioned interest in paid work rather than collaborative work and the practice of tiwizi for "modern" activities such as laundry or cleaning houses. In AMH, both genders observed a weakening of collaborative work.

Food Azarg; Izergan Mill

AMH Ph2 Household, douar

To obtain flour from cereals

Traditional water mill used to grind grains to obtain flour, used at a household and douar levels. Seen in Wabzaza, with two active mills. Families from

Those in Wabzaza, two of the only ones remaining in the Ait M’hamed region. Traditional milling, very common in the area

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

neighbouring households also bring their grains to the mill for grinding.

in previous decades, has been replaced by industrial grinding outside the territory.

Food Traditional recipes Various traditional recipes

IME Ph1+Ph2 + AMH Ph2

Household To eat, especially prepared during celebration time or seasonally

Traditional recipes are prepared by women and include bread (tahmart, tahnayat, tannurt), dishes based on flour (baddaz, seksou, tagoulla, askif, abrway) or cooked salads with wild leafy vegetables: tibi (Malva sp.), tajloujt (Portulaca oleracea), guernouch (Nasturtium officinale), wamssa (Foeniculum vulgare), afrass (Brassica rapa), lfsst (Medicago sativa), tigeghsht (Silene vulgaris), tifoucht (spinach cf.). Bread can be combined with other ingredients (lard, spices). Baddaz and seksou (couscous) are prepared in a similar way but baddaz uses cornflour and has no meat, whereas seksou is prepared with barley and wheat flour and includes meat; this is accompanied with vegetables which can include local ingredients such as afrass, lfsst, wamsa, toukkirin (sun-dried turnips) and tinifin (peas) or takourayt (un-ripe figs) when in season. When prepared on their own, wild leafy vegetables are cut into small pieces and steamed, mixed with garlic, spices, preserved lemon and olive oil. They are served as a salad or with bread as a starter. Askif, abrway and tagulla are flour soups with or without butter or milk (askif and tagulla are prepared with barley, abrway with wheat). Askif is eaten as the first food every day, and tagulla is prepared for a special occasion (often in relation to the agricultural calendar). Seksou and tagulla are often prepared during activities practised by tiwizi and during celebrations and ceremonies, including lemarouf.

Tagoulla is starting to be replaced by rice, as traditional celebrations linked to the agricultural calendar are abandoned (due to their link with pre-Islamic beliefs). New recipes are being prepared: enhanced transmission between the mountains (adrar) and the plains (zagar), and mass media have popularised new recipes including other Moroccan recipes such as rfissa or international ones such as lasagne. Meat is more often cooked nowadays, for example, incorporated in baddaz.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Exceptionally, men prepare specific meat dishes such as mishui (slow-cooked lamb brochettes) for special occasions.

Food Toummite (zmeta in Moroccan Arabic) Traditional dish based on barley flour

IME AMH

Household To eat as a traditional dessert (with medicinal use)

Toummite is prepared with barley flour either using flour made from ripe and dried cereal (called simply toummite) or fresh and un-ripe grains (Toummite n azenbou). The grain is washed, dried, ground and mixed with aromatic plants, which can include combinations of timija (Mentha suaveolens), lqezbour (Coriandrum sativum), azoukni (Thymus saturejoides), lhelba (Trigonella foenum-graecum), azuka (Tetraclinis articulata), izouran (lit. “roots”, set of species used often medicinally), jnjlan (Sesamum indicum), fleyou (Mentha pulegium), and others. The dessert is believed to have medicinal properties due to the plants added to the flour. Variations of the dish use different flours at the same time or are based on carob flour (unusual). Ground flour and herbs are eaten on its own, with tea, whey or milk. Specific recipes are transmitted along female lineages.

The hand mill is rarely used nowadays and has been replaced by electric options. Toummite is prepared less frequently due to the decrease of barley production.

Ceremonies Lemarouf Gathering and celebration linked to charity or prayer

IME AMH

Household, douar, community

To give charity, celebrate a festivity, commemorate a saint or dead person

Lemarouf is a gathering that can be of friends and family members, of all douar villagers or bring people from different villages together. Originally linked to moussems and marabouts, it is now practised as an aspect of Muslim charity. Traditional food will be prepared (with the collaboration of one or more families, who contribute with different ingredients and labour) and shared. It is now practised to commemorate dead family members, or as an act of charity once a year or twice a year, linked to the start of the harvesting (of cereal and nut trees).

It is now mostly practised at a household level. Old celebrations of lemarouf involving the whole douar or people from several douars were linked to marabouts and are not carried out anymore.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes

Ceremonies Asseft/iffid Celebration linked to the agricultural calendar

IME Douar To mark a shift in the agricultural calendar

Tagulla is prepared with barley flour away from the village by both men and women after the aaser prayer. Cows cannot be taken to graze until iffid, the first milk after they graze outdoors has a special meaning. The celebration can also mark the start of cereal harvesting.

This has almost disappeared; whilst it was practised ubiquitously, to the best of our knowledge it was only practised in one village (in 2015) by children supervised by one adult (rather than by adults themselves)

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V.2 High Atlas cultural landscapes as complex socioecological systems The traditional land use practices listed above impact High Atlas biodiversity in three different ways. Some shape the landscape and maintain specific topographic features and biodiversity patterns by delimiting cultivation and grazing areas and managing their water supply (aderass, afrague, imarine, astour, tafergant, assemgonou, laêzib, azzayin, agdal). Others contribute to the rich knowledge and use of the local flora (isenwi abdeldi, oboy n okchoud). Yet others facilitate the embodiment of local values that regulate interactions among people and between them and the local environment (tiwizi, asseft, lemarouf).

Although documented as separate entities, these agro-ecological practices cannot be understood in isolation from each other. They all contribute to High Atlas biodiversity distribution patterns and to local livelihoods. For example, some of the practices named by informants are complementary and achieve multiple aims at the same time. Building stone walls creates important landscape features, clears stones from the soil, enhancing its arability, and are used to manage the mobility of livestock. Animal resources, such as manure, increase agricultural production and plants in turn are used for fodder and forage. Above all, water supply is necessary for all activities and celebrations and recipes are the foremost expression of local cultural and biological diversity. This material and immaterial connection between practices is manifested not only in the impact of the practices, but also in their temporal and spatial organisation.

Cultural landscapes in the High Atlas are structured by various levels of appropriation (Auclair et al., 2012), from areas and resources privately owned at a household level to those shared among families of one village (douar), among villages of the same rural commune (jamaa karawiya) and among people of different rural communes. The inhabitants of the High Atlas categorise their interaction with the environment according to these different levels, following principles of land management and ownership. In some cases, a single practice occurs at multiple levels: at a household level on private land, at village level, by collaboration of all families in the village, or through coordination of different villages. This is often the case for water management (tawala n wamen), as well as harvest restriction and practices (azzayin and azzwui). These communal practices can bring together people in neighbouring villages that share land or water resources, even if they do not necessarily belong to the same rural commune, which is a governmental administrative unit. Only the practice of agdal is in most cases intercommunal, requiring the coordination of people from more than one rural commune and often from different tribal origins. Some of these landscapes are not free from conflict between different tribal groups or between the local community and the national governmental institutions.

Most practices occur at specific times of the year. Following the four seasons—taguerst (winter), tadrar (spring), tambdout or sif (summer) and tamanzouyt or elkhrif (autumn)—these are generally linked to plant growth cycle and are dependent on one another. In winter (December to February), snow in the high mountains keeps the agdals and alpine pastures unused. While the last snow can fall in April; May is already hot and cereals are harvested. The extreme heat in the summer (July to mid-September) triggers the ripening of fruits and nuts and tawala n wamen (distribution of water in turns) is used to distribute the limited water after arras n targa (cleaning of irrigation canals). Fencing linked to taoudia (clearing the soil from stones) are carried out “during the season of working the land” (winter) and also after the cereal harvest (end of spring).

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Figure 12. Agricultural calendars for Ait M'hamed agdals (a) and crop production (b), and Imegdal's transhumance, l aêzib (c) and crop production (d).

Land ownership and management also shape spatial ecological diversity by enhancing agricultural and farming production in specific ways. Fields and grazing areas are distributed along altitudinal gradients, from the humid and irrigated valley bottoms, with seasonal or year-round streams, to dry mountain slopes. Terraced agriculture combined with an intricate irrigation system comprising aghbalous (springs), tergew (pl. of targa, irrigation canals) and tafrouts (water reservoirs), all contribute to shaping the landscape. Water is distributed from springs to irrigated fields through a dendritic system of canals in which reservoirs are strategically integrated. Vegetables can be grown in the margins of cereal and tree fields or separately in small adjacent fields. Planted tree cover and dry cereal cultivation can continue beyond the immediate areas around the village, in non-irrigated fields where mostly nut trees are planted. These trees can also be grown alongside mountain streams in privately owned and managed irrigated areas, referred to as tagdalt (lit. “little agdal”), that have an understory of weedy plants (touga) harvested as fodder at specific regulated times of the year.

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Figure 13. Resource spaces and appropriation levels in the High Atlas adapted from Auclair et al. (2012).

Moreover, enclosing is key in creating High Atlas vegetation mosaics in cultural landscapes. Enclosures contribute to terracing and the separation of fields of different owners and of areas where different types of agricultural activities are conducted. They delimit home gardens, sacred groves and livestock passages across cultivated areas from home enclosures to pasturelands. In Ait M'hamed, astour is used around fruit trees in gardens or to protect saplings of juniper (Juniperus spp.), ash (Fraxinus dimorpha) and oak (Quercus ilex) in non-irrigated lands. Herds are taken to graze beyond the cultivated areas toward mountain sites following seasonal transhumance, closer to villages in wintertime (when there is snow in the higher mountains) and upland in summertime, within or outside agdal areas.

Beyond particularities in space and time, these practices take place in a social context where labour and responsibility are highly gendered. Women and men have specific roles in each aspect of the agro-ecological system and practices are carried out by only one or the other sex, with very few exceptions. Decisions on specific dates for all major agricultural activities, including water management, celebrations linked to the agricultural calendar and appointment of guardians for azzayin, are taken on Fridays in the mosque primarily by men. Male representatives from different communities gather once a year to decide on the closing and opening dates of the agdal, and appoint one or more guardians. Women rarely participate in decision making regarding the agro-ecological calendar, unless they are the heads of the household (typically widows).

In contrast, women are in charge of keeping the household running: they are responsible for cooking, family health and domestic animals such as cows, chickens and rabbits. They are primarily in charge of food preparation for celebrations, or during both men’s and women’s tiwizi work. Non-daily routine tasks include weaving rugs, weeding, harvesting cereals, shelling nuts and collecting specific fodder plants in remote areas (e.g., auri, Stipa tenacissima). All these tasks are carried out in tiwizi. While men are in charge of the cultivation of cereals, vegetables and fruit and nut trees, women contribute by caring for young animals of the herds, harvesting cereals, carrying crops to rooftops for drying and shelling nuts, among other tasks. Men take care of ploughing, building aderas and imarine, planting

62

and threshing cereal, harvesting fruits and nuts, growing vegetables, shepherding (including transhumance to areas seasonally restricted or open year-round), maintaining irrigation infrastructure and doing most of the construction work. Both men and women build astour (protective walls around saplings and small trees) as needed, and may engage in commercial medicinal and aromatic plant collection.

In this layered management system, regular decisions are taken for the temporal coordination and implementation of many practices. Community decision-making bodies set rules for the use of biodiversity and water resources, including agreement on restrictions and sanctions. Of all customary laws relating to the management of the local environment, agdal grazing practices have received most scholarly attention (Auclair & Alifriqui, 2012). This is likely due to the size of the land involved, its economic importance and the social complexity of its sustainable management (Auclair et al., 2012; Auclair & Alifriqui, 2012; Domínguez et al., 2012). However, other agroecological practices at smaller scales are also regulated by customary law and involve restrictions on the use of resources (importantly, laêzib, tawala n wamen and azzayin). These can be just as economically important as pastoral and forestry agdals and also have a significant impact on High Atlas biodiversity. At village and household level, private family lands and those shared among a small number of households follow access rules comparable to those of the agdal, though simpler in implementation. Azzayin (temporal grazing restriction on cultivated areas) matches the description of agdal as a practice of temporary grazing restrictions on the use of specific resources within a delimited territory (Auclair et al., 2012). In Imegdal, although laêzib (transhumance) mostly involves grazing in common unregulated lands, access to some areas is restricted. The distribution of water by tawala n wamen is cautiously controlled in space and time.

Within the complex socioecological system that maintains High Atlas cultural landscapes lie three key overarching landscape management strategies: terraced agroecosystems, pastoral agdals and traditional plant management practices. Prior to describing these strategies in individual case studies in section V.4, we first share the results of data collection exercises that make traditional land use practices with biodiversity.

V.3 High Atlas biodiversity: importance, status and relationships with traditional practices The High Atlas mountain range, a major geographical feature of the Mediterranean Basin, is one of the eleven areas designated as Mediterranean biodiversity hotspots by IUCN (Quézel, 1983; Quézel and Médail, 1995; Médail and Quézel 1999; Myers et al., 2000; Médail and Myers, 2004). The High Atlas is characterised by high habitat diversity and contains most of Morocco’s Important Plant Areas (IPAs) and Key Biodiversity Areas of Morocco (JBAs; Taleb and Fennane 2011; Rankou et al., 2018). It is home to more than half of the Moroccan flora, one of the richest in the Mediterranean regional biodiversity hotspots. It houses 1,913 species and subspecies of plants in 448 genera and 89 families, with a high level of endemism and threatened species (Fennane and Ibn Tattou 1998, 2012; Rankou et al., 2013). The region’s plant diversity anchors an impressively high overall biological diversity, including many species of birds and insects. In this section, we will provide an overview of the floristic diversity in Key Biodiversity Areas in the High Atlas and of the flora currently listed in the High Atlas Red List.

Interwoven with this rich biodiversity is a rich cultural heritage and of knowledge regarding biodiversity. It is important to carry out in-depth research into local knowledge about plant diversity

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and management in order to better understand both local ecological processes and the conservation requirements of these complex socioecological systems. In effect, evidence has mounted over the past four decades that biodiversity conservation cannot be decoupled from local and traditional knowledge (e.g., Ahmed 2008; Huntington, 2011; Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012; Lepofsky, 2009). Much research now shows that traditional ecological knowledge contributes to improving livelihoods, sustaining biodiversity and ecosystems services, and building resilience in social-ecological systems (e.g., Gadgil et al. 1993; Folke 2004, Berkes & Davidson-Hunt 2006; Ceuterick et al. 2011; Gómez-Baggethun et al. 2012). In fact, local or traditional ecological knowledge and the practices it supports have been shown to enhance biodiversity (Nabhan et al. 1982; Nabhan 2000; Furusawa et al. 2014). This knowledge is at the heart of human modifications of the landscape that result, for example, in multifunctional, productive and diverse landscapes in the Mediterranean (Thompson 2005; Blondel 2006; Carvalho & Frazão-Moreira 2011). Indigenous and local communities across the world recognise, name and manage ecological interactions with native biodiversity and this knowledge offers alternative possibilities for biodiversity conservation (Berkes et al. 2000; Nabhan 2001; Carvalho & Frazão-Moreira 2011). They may have specialised knowledge about rare, threatened and endemic species that can guide the identification, management, protection, or recovery of habitats for these taxa (Nabhan 2001). However, the integration of this knowledge in conservation strategies is not straightforward (Gruber 2010; Brooks et al. 2013) and important regional cultural and environmental differences may hinder the formulation of global guidelines.

The IUCN red list database is internationally accepted as the most comprehensive of indices of global species extinction, and its primary data source used for conservation priority-setting and policy-making (Possingham et al. 2002; Trousdale & Gregory 2004; Hoffmann et al. 2008). Yet, as this section shows, it is important to examine the relationship of the red list with local perceptions of conservation status and threats. Following the overview of the High Atlas floristic diversity and Red List given below, we examine these relationships and provide some initial case studies of resource management plans for plants that are both locally valuable and of conservation importance.

Floristic and ethnobotanical studies in High Atlas Key Biodiversity Areas (KBAs): an overview To date, we have completed in-depth floristic studies in two High Atlas KBAs: Ait M’hamed KBA (specifically Igourdane agdal) and Imegdal KBA. We used a comprehensive approach to data collection involving (1) a complete review of the existing scientific literature to create an initial checklist, (2) examining all the main taxonomic databases and checklists, (3) herbarium studies to extract the associated data from the herbarium specimen labels at most of the major herbaria nationally and internationally, (4) plant collection expeditions and Rapid Botanical Surveys (RBS), to collect more data, fill the gaps and verify the checklist, and (5) the creation of botanical voucher specimens placed in local community herbaria and databased using the Botanical Research and Herbarium Management System, BRAHMS (Brahms, 2017). We are currently launching floristic studies for a third KBA – Oukaïmeden – meaning that all three of our principal field sites are officially recognised as key areas for the protection of biodiversity.

These KBAs were defined using the following elements: (1) Identification of the ‘trigger’ species for each KBA [Imegdal: Cupressus atlantica Gaussen; Ait M’hamed: Anacyclus pyrethrum (L.) Lag.; Oukaïmeden: Dactylorhiza atlantica Kreutz & Vlacih], (2) Site delimitation, using the commune boundaries in all three cases, (3) Scientific review and documentation of the floristic richness and composition of the management unit and (4) Submitting the KBA site to the IUCN KBA secretariat to

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be reviewed and after that appear in the KBA database. The three KBAs were published in Valderrábano, M., Gil, T., Heywood, V., and de Montmollin, B. (eds.) (2018).

Igourdane agdal, with a surface area of a mere 4200ha, has a flora composed of 262 species, 178 genera and 56 families of vascular plants. Of the flora recorded, 80 % are herbaceous species, 10 % are subshrubs, 8 % are shrubs and 2% are woody species. There are three large or common families that dominate the agdal’s flora, representing 60 % of the total taxa of the flora based on the number and species frequency (See Fig. 14).

Figure 14: Most diverse vascular plant families of the Igourdane Agdal

Of the 262 species recorded, 48 are endemic, representing more than 18 % of the Igourdane agdal flora (See Annex 12 for a full list). The families with the highest rate of endemism are Asteraceae (10 spp., 21%), and Fabaceae (9 spp., 19 %), followed by Lamiaceae (7 spp., 15%), Caprifoliaceae and Apiaceae (3 spp, 6%) and Scrophulariaceae, Brassicaceae, Convolvulaceae, Polygonaceae (2 spp, 4%). The most endemic-rich genera are Thymus, Eryngium, Bellis, Carlina, Convolvulus, Vicia, Rumex. We found a total of 32 genera containing a single endemic species in the Igourdane agdal and we identified 32 rare taxa.

The combined data recorded shows that the Igourdane agdal flora contains 86 taxa (68 genera and 32 families) of plants that have aromatic and medicinal uses, representing 33% of the KBA’s flora. Eight of these are endemic species, five of which feature in the list of most-used by local communities (Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija (Coss. ex Briq.), Euphorbia resinifera O. Berg, Thymus pallidus Coss. ex Batt., Thymus saturejoides Coss., and Anacyclus pyrethrum (L.) Link). Most medicinal plants collected in Igourdane agdal are used to treat illnesses of the skin, the digestive tract, the endocrine system, the circulatory system, the respiratory system, the immune system, the buccodental system, the genito-urinary system and the nervous system.

Imegdal KBA, covering a surface area of 278km2, boasts a flora comprising 404 species of vascular plants belonging to 259 genera and 67 families. Imegdal is dominated by herbaceous species (87%). Trees occupied second position (5%) followed by shrubs (4.4%) and subshrubs (3.4%). In term of families, the richest and most diverse families of the Imegdal flora are the Asteraceae (74 spp., 47 genera, 18.3%), Fabaceae (38 spp., 21 genera, 9.4%), Poaceae (34 spp., 25 genera, 8.4%) and

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Lamiaceae (31 spp., 16 genera, 7.7%) (See Annex 13). Our analyses of Imegdal flora allowed us to identify 98 species with an endemism status, representing 24% of the total species recorded in Imegdal (See Annex 14).

The combined research and analyses of the Imegdal flora showed that the medicinal flora contains 125 taxa (99 genera and 44 families), representing 31% of the entire flora, of which 12 are strictly endemic to Morocco and seven are regionally endemic. The common endemic medicinal species used in Imegdal are Mentha gattefossei, Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija (Coss. ex Briq.), Thymus atlantica (Ball) Roussine and Lavandula maroccana Murb. The local communities use these plants to treat many categories of disease, such as digestive, respiratory, cardiovascular, immune, buccodental, genito-urinary and nervous systems, endocrine, haematological or homeothermic diseases, as well as in antimicrobial therapy (Bellakhdar 1997; Teixidor-Toneu et al., 2016). See also Annex 15 which provides detail on the use and management of plants of high cultural value in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal.

Figure 15: Specific richness of Imegdal flora

Given the importance of plant use for local culture and community wellbeing, this floristic research is complemented by in-depth ethnobotanical research on how communities use and manage these plants (Teixidor-Toneu et al, 2016; Teixidor-Toneu et al in press; Teixidor-Toneu et al, submitted). This research was initially carried out between 2016 and 2018 in the sites of Ait M’hamed and Imegdal and produced 3630 Use Reports for 211 taxa belonging to 66 plant families. Given that the vascular flora of the High Atlas (excluding cultivated species) consists of approximately 1916 plant species according to the Flore Pratique du Maroc (Fennane et al. 1999, 2007, 2015), the useful flora reported in this data represents 10% of the total flora of the High Atlas. Of the 211 taxa reported as used, 59 plant taxa (four genera and 55 species) were identified as plants with high cultural value (See Annex 15), over half of which are commercialised. Of these, we identified 12 species that communities manage (either privately or collectively) for sustainability. Of these, only 3 are considered vulnerable or endangered by the IUCN Red list (Anacylcus pyrethrum, Fraxinus dimorpha and Stipa tenacissima), while most of the others are perceived locally as decreasing, principally due to climate change and overharvesting.

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In order to make the connection between biodiversity and traditional practices, we sought first to assess the conservation status of the High Atlas flora using IUCN criteria and categories. We then explored local perceptions of conservation status of species of high cultural value, describing also traditional management strategies that are used for particular species. We found important discrepancies between the High Atlas Red List database and local perceptions regarding plant conservation status and threats, indicating a lack of congruence between ‘mainstream’ conservation approaches and those engaged in locally.

The conservation status of High Atlas plant biodiversity: IUCN assessments and local perceptions Since 2013 we have assessed the conservation status of the endemic flora of the High Atlas by applying the IUCN Red List criteria and categories. We mainly calculated the metrics Area of Occupancy (AOO) and Extent of Occurrence (EOO). We also surveyed and analysed the population size, population trends, and threats to species in order to apply the quantitative Red List criteria. The red list criteria include five subcriteria related to extinction risk drivers (A, declining population; B, geographic range size; C, small population size; and D, very small population) to eventually classify a species in one of the IUCN Red List categories [Critically Endangered (CR), Endangered (EN), Vulnerable (VU), Near Threatened (NT), or Least Concern (LC)). Overall results are presented in Table 2 and Figure 16.

Table 2: Summary of the Red List status of the endemic High Atlas flora by threat category.

IUCN Red List Category Number of endemic species Critically Endangered (CR) 33 Endangered (EN) 62 Vulnerable (VU) 4 Near Threatened (NT) 1

Figure 16: Summary of the number and IUCN Red List Assessments of the endemic High Atlas flora, by family.

Eighty-two species of the 100 that are currently on the High Atlas Red List are actively used by communities. However, as described below, not all of the species on the up-to-date High Atlas Red List database are perceived as endangered or decreasing by local communities. For example, Lavandula maroccana and Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija are not perceived as threatened by the inhabitants of Imegdal but they are both considered Vulnerable by their IUCN regional and global

0

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Number of species

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assessments (Rankou et al. 2020a, 2020b). On the other hand, only a small proportion of species of high cultural value have been formally assessed and the Red List database includes fewer than half of them (see annex 15). As many as 17 species that are perceived locally as decreasing in the High Atlas are not assessed or considered of least conservation concern. These range from aromatic Thymus species, fruit and other trees such as Ficus carica or Quercus rotundifolia, to wild greens such as Nasturtium officinale. The latter is an interesting case in point: assessed as Least Concern by global and regional formal assessments, it is of high concern for local informants as its loss would have a direct impact on local food sovereignty and food security, and, as a plant used in traditional gastronomy, on local biocultural diversity. The differences between the perspectives of community members and conservation actors regarding what constitutes a plant species that is “of interest” are most likely rooted in differences regarding the assignation of value to a species. Indigenous and local knowledge systems may value specific plants for the practical uses they make of them (for medicine, food, shelter, fuel, and so on), as well as for cultural, spiritual or symbolic reasons (Garibaldi & Turner 2004; Posey 1999). These species are often – although not always – relatively common, very possibly as a result of direct or indirect human management over the millennia (Thompson 2005; Voeks 2004). Effectively, many species that have a high cultural value among Amazigh communities are actively and collectively managed or protected either through seasonal grazing or harvesting limits, physical barriers, soil and water management practices, and other traditional land use practices described in Table 1. On the other hand, the IUCN red-list database, national red-listed species or other formal assessments tend to concentrate on endemic, rare and wild plant species as these are considered most indicative of ecosystem health in general. Although this incongruence must be analysed more closely in order to develop conservation priorities that are relevant both for local communities and conservation practitioners, it is not the objective of this review and was done elsewhere (Teixidor-Toneu et al, submitted). Instead, for the purpose of this review, we take a closer look at 6 species we selected for in-depth research and sustainable management to support High Atlas biodiversity, ecosystems and livelihoods. These are reported in ‘best practice case study 3’ below. In the following section we provide an overview of the results of our longterm ecological monitoring in pastoral agdals and artificial enclosures.

Long-term ecological monitoring in pastoral agdals and artificial enclosures Another key component of our research, which explicitly examines the relationships between traditional land use practices and biodiversity, is our monitoring programme. We have carried out long-term ecological monitoring in pastoral agdals and artificial enclosures since 2015. In January 2020 we produced a comprehensive report on this 4-year process (Annex 16). In addition, in Spring 2019 we began ecological monitoring in enrichment planting areas and agricultural terraces. Our HACL Monitoring Protocol is available for review in the following documents: a narrative overview (Annex 17) and a data-gathering spreadsheet (Annex 18). In this section we provide key outcomes from the vegetation monitoring process in agdals and enclosures as it provides the most comprehensive data on the relationships between traditional practices and important biodiversity.

The vegetation monitoring process was carried out in the Key Biodiversity Areas of Ait M’hamed (Igourdane agdal), Imegdal (an artificial enclosure) and Oukaïmeden (the homonymous agdal).

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Sampling and data collection methods are described in detail in Annex 16, and presented visually in Figure 17.

Figure 17: Flowchart illustrating our ecological monitoring methodology.

The results of this process are provided in detail in Chapter V of Annex 16. For the two agdals, results are organized according to Floristic Richness; Frequency, Abundance and Density, and DAFOR assessment; Vegetation Cover; Biodiversity Indices and Remote Sensing (NDVI). The key take-homes from the 4-year ecological monitoring process in agdals are:

1. The specific richness measurement shows that the two agdals are twice as species rich as the control sites;

2. Essential biodiversity variables calculated show that the traditional management practice of seasonal closure of the agdals makes it possible for both vegetation cover and biodiversity to recover within the agdals from one year to the next;

3. The correlation found between biodiversity indices measured in the field and remotely sensed vegetation indices will allow us to extrapolate biodiversity indices across the entire agdals.

4. Specific measures: (i) Species Richness:

o Agdals are richer in species than the control sites. We found an average of 140 families inside agdals, but only 70 families at the control sites.

(ii) Frequency, Abundance, Density and DAFOR assessment: o Abundance, density and DAFOR assessment inside the agdals are all higher than the

control sites.

1 2

3 4

Sampling strategy & study sites: - Sampling strategy

- Sites: - Imegdal

- Boumagour - Igourdane

- Oukaimden

Remote sensing: - Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) - Fractional vegetation cover (FVC) - Vegetation Biomass

Ecological monitoring: - Line Intercept Transect - Quadrat - Biodiversity assessments - Biodiversity indices

Baseline data collection: - Habitat survey - Floristic checklist - Species mapping and IUCN conservation assessments -

METHODOLOGY

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o Frequency diagrams show that the vegetation community structure is more heterogeneous inside agdals than at the control sites

(iii) Vegetation Cover: o Vegetation cover is high in the agdals, with an average 75% coverage rate inside

agdals, compared to just 54% at control sites. (iv) Biodiversity indices:

o Values of the three biodiversity indices (Shannon, Simpson and Evenness) are also higher inside the agdals than the control sites, and show that agdals support high levels of plant species and habitat diversity.

(v) Remote sensing measurements: o NDVI and FVC are higher inside the agdals than the control sites. o NDVI, maps and time series of NDVI allow us to track the spatio-temporal pattern of

the vegetation. o FVC values correlate moderately well with field sampling data. o NDVI and Biodiversity indices: The linear correlation is quite low, offering little

predictive value for some sites, but reached R²=0.58 for the NDVI-H relationship at Igourdane agdal.

These results clearly show that the traditional practice of agdal seasonal enclosure in commonly managed pastureland has an important role to play in the maintenance and promotion of plant diversity as well as in the protection of a diverse habitat and ecosystem. This is further supported by a comparison of results with vegetation monitoring work carried out in and artificially-created enclosure in Imegdal (where there is no largescale pastoral agdal), used to collect evidence of what happens to biodiversity in areas of land that are not at all used by grazing animals. Prior to sharing that comparison, we provide the results of the monitoring within artificial enclosures and their control sites in Imegdal:

1. Specific richness measurements are greater inside enclosures than in control sites. 2. Essential biodiversity variables calculated increase inside enclosure over the time but stay

stable outside enclosures. 3. Enclosures play a role in the maintenance of biodiversity richness and in halting the negative

effect of overgrazing. 4. Overgrazing impacts biodiversity negatively in term of richness and species diversity but

positively in terms of habitat diversity. 5. Specific measures: (i) Species Richness:

o It is greater inside enclosure than outside. An average of 60 families and genera inside enclosures, but only 41 families outside.

(ii) Frequency, Abundance, Density and DAFOR assessment: o Abundance, density and DAFOR assessment inside enclosure is higher than outside. o Frequency diagrams show that the structure of the vegetation community is

homogeneous inside the enclosure, while community structure is heterogeneous outside the enclosure.

(iii) Vegetation Cover:

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o Vegetation cover is very high inside enclosure: an average of 84 % of coverage, compared to only 34% outside.

(iv) Biodiversity indices: o Values of the three biodiversity indices (Shannon, Simpson and Evenness) are higher

inside enclosure. (v) Remotely sensed indices:

o NDVI, FVC are higher inside enclosure. o FVC: FVC values correlate better with field sampling data than in agdal monitoring. o NDVI and biodiversity indices: The linear correlation between these values inside the

enclosure is higher than outside the enclosure.

Our results show that both forms of enclosure (agdals and artificially created exclusion zones) clearly have positive impacts on plant biodiversity. However, the comparison between agdal measurements and artificial enclosure measurements reveal that agdals are more effective than artificial enclosures at protecting and maintaining diversity than exclusion zones. This is because seasonal grazing results in changes in floristic composition over time, avoiding monospecific dominance (both in terms of density and abundance) and promoting heterogeneity and habitat diversity. It is likely that the reasons for this are that grazing supports active seed dispersal, improves soil fertility through manure, supports germination and insect diversity through mechanical disturbance and increases habitat structure (e.g. Peco, Sanchéz and Martìn Azcàrate 2006), although further research would confirm these hypotheses.

By sustaining year-on-year ‘ecological restoration’ processes during the spring closing period, agdals actively promote diversity and resilience. They therefore represent a very important traditional practice for the long-term conservation of High Atlas montane meadow ecosystems. They are systems in peril of being lost, however, as a result of conflicts, reduced interest in transhumance on the part of the younger generation, and lack of recognition of their importance by the state. In section VII we explore approaches to supporting and promoting agdals to ensure they continue to maintain the important plant diversity of High Atlas Cultural Landscapes into the future.

V.4 Three best practice traditional landscape management strategies: agdals, terraced agroecosystems and sustainable production and harvest of plants During the course of our social and ecological research, we carried out in-depth case studies of ‘best practice’ management strategies that shape the High Atlas. In Imegdal rural commune, we characterised the iconic agroecosystem of the douar Anamer and in Ait M’hamed rural commune we carried out a case study of Igourdane agdal. In addition, we have carried out extensive ethnobotanical research on traditional knowledge and practices related to trees and medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs), and thus have come up with another key best practice case study on plant management, which also includes innovative practices and actions.

BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 1: HIGH ATLAS TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS The partner community in this research, Anamer, belongs to the Imegdal commune of the Al Haouz province of the High Atlas Mountains of Morocco. The community is inhabited by Tashelhit speaking Amazigh people, who practice mixed farming - growing crops and raising livestock. Anamer is composed of 86 households, 15% of which were interviewed for the purposes of this research, that are situated at an altitude of 1587 meters, leading to relative isolation due to the difficulty associated with transporting goods and movement of people. Fields where crops are cultivated are at an

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approximate elevation of 1500 meters while the highest point of the douar reaches at an elevation of 1600 meters.

Despite their relative isolation, the people of Anamer are mobile regardless of non-existent public transportation in the area. Access to outside markets can be seen as one of the drivers of visible cultural shifts today. When viewed through the prisms of current food consumption and agricultural practices, the effects of globalization and modernization on Amazigh lives are evident. Changes to the previous traditional community structure have resulted in shifts in the resources, diets, perspectives and overall lived experience of people in the area. The traditional Berber dietary model was semiautarkic (or quasi self-sufficient), dependent on an ecosystem that guarantees food security by linking humans to the environment (Belahsen, 2017). Dependency on the environment remains true regardless of urbanization or influence from nonlocal food sources.

Figure 18: The fertile valley terracing system where the majority of local agriculture is practiced, situated between Anamer and the neighboring village, Taourirt.

The domesticated crops grown in the Annamer agroecosystem are barley (Hordeum vulgare), potatoes (Solanum tuberosum), onions (Allium cepa), walnuts (Juglans regia), almonds (Prunus dulcis), maize (Zea mays), alfalfa (Medicago sativa), tomatoes (Solanum lycopersicum), eggplant (Solanum melongena), courgettes (Cucurbita pepo), carrots (Daucus carota subsp. sativus), fava beans (Vicia faba), turnips (Brassica rapa subsp. rapa), beetroot (Beta vulgaris), green beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), and blue iris (Iris germanica). All the farmers interviewed harvest edible wild plants from their plots as well as the domesticated crops cultivated.

There are four main edible wild plants harvested: wamsa (Foeniculum vulgare), garnounch (Nasturtium officinale), tibi (Malva sp.), takourayte (Ficus carica) and tajloujte (Portulaca oleracea). Wamsa is harvested by all (100 %) of interviewees. All edible wild plants are harvested for household consumption, typically added to a dish such as tajine or individually.

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Figure 19: Blue iris (Iris germanica) roots being harvested, typically for export sales.

Individual plots are generally clearly demarcated by the use of dry stone walls or tree lines. This form of managing individual property can be understood through the historical context of landownership in the community, all land being patrilineally inherited and ownership easily traced. Individual plot size and shape fluctuate in response to the diverse landscape of the village, using areas where soil fertility and water availability are highest. The resulting individual fields are in locations that are either mostly flat and located in the valley, at a moderate incline, or at a very steep incline on the side of the mountain that borders the valley. Thirteen percent of respondents define their fields as located on land that is of each of the three topographical characterizations although the majority of fields in cultivation are reported as flat in topography. The variance of total land owned by individual farmer’s ranges from just 0.005 hectares (50 m2) to 2 hectares, with an average amount of 0.5 hectares.

All farmers in Anamer sow their fields with seeds, either saved from their previous harvests or purchased, while one third of them also use seedlings for some crops. Plants that are started using seedlings are mostly walnut and almond trees. Other predominant crop species grown using seedlings include potato, tomato and onion. Saving seeds from previous harvests is a widespread practice within the region, with over half of the farmers interviewed saving seed every season. Interviewees report occasions when seed saving is not used as either when the previous harvest was not of an appropriate quality or when it is not appropriate due to the growing requirements of the crop species. Within a yearlong growing period, farmers who cultivate potatoes regularly purchase seed for the first sowing and save seed to be used for the second planting. Seeds that are not saved are procured from the local market (souk), from a wholesale buyer within the community, or traded. All farmers state that they (also) buy seeds from the souk, making it the predominant seed source.

As agro-pastoralists, Anamer farmers have access to organic soil nutrient inputs consisting of animal manure and livestock bedding material rather than household consumption compost, which is used instead to supplement livestock diets. The use of inorganic fertilizers is also present but not adopted by all the farmers interviewed: while all used organic manure, less than two-thirds used inorganic fertilizers. These inputs are used typically twice a year, after harvest and before re-sowing.

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Figure 20: (left) Household food waste being given to livestock rather than being composted due to the nature of nutrient cycling in an agropastoralist community. (right) Ploughing a field using donkeys prior to applying manure and then resowing.

There are management practices used that are not experimental although sustainable, such as terracing systems. Integrated terrace agriculture has allowed the local population to continue to subsist on diversified rotation agricultures (Barrow and Hicham, 2000). Maintaining a level of diversity in fields has been important for production and ecosystem services, as shown by Smith (2008) increasing crop diversity in ecosystems can lead to significant increases in ecosystem functions related to crop production. With regard to the current local food system, it is highly contingent on land ownership. The traditional Berber dietary model, linked to the terroir – that is, the specific environmental characteristics and farming practices that affect crop phenotype – has ensured food security in Berber tribes, with women playing a crucial role (Belahsen, 2017). The amount of land owned dictates the percentage of food that must be acquired from outside of the household. Those with less land have less control over what they consume, resulting in a reduced food sovereignty.

Spatial organisation of fields involves rotation of crops and intercropping. Every farmer interviewed rotate their crops, although they only rotate in sections of their fields rather than all fields in cultivation. Intercropping was carried out in the fields of approximately half of the farmers interviewed. Examples of types of intercropping practiced include cultivating walnut tree seedlings in a field mostly cropped with barley, potatoes, or onions. The walnut seedlings grow until they are mature enough to be transplanted, and the arable crop is harvested afterwards. When walnut tree seedlings are not being cultivated, barley is also often intercropped with potatoes and onions.

Fields in Anamer are irrigated using a historical system of interlocking canals (targas) that distribute water using a gentle land gradient. Water originates from a source at a higher elevation which is then shared amongst agriculturists through a web of targas that can be opened and closed using stones or clay. Some targas are more modern and made of cement, while others remain earthen, which is the traditional form of canal construction. Water is shared between families and then among the extended family itself, using a schedule moderated by the Jma’a (traditional communal authority) of the village. 80 % of farmers receive water for irrigation in there parcels of land once every 15 days; the rest obtain water every 17 days. Not all plots are irrigated; the ability to irrigate all plots is contingent on water availability over the long and short term as well as on the distance of the plots with the central canals. This may result in the decision to leave some plots remaining uncultivated in drought years.

The introduction of cement targas made of cement was well received by farmers of the region; there is a strong preference for cement construction over earthen canals. The predominant preference for

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cement targas is reportedly related to their speed and efficiency in comparison with earthen targas. They are said to be able to transport larger quantities of water for farther distances and to significantly reduce water loss. Particularly when water availability is low, small quantities can still be transported due to a smoother surface and infiltration is reduced compared to earthen canals. When discussing the benefits of using clay targas, the most favourable attribute of clay targas was the ability to support trees that grew along the borders. Often nut trees such as walnut trees, both purposely planted and spontaneous, bordered the canals and were supported by the water that filtered through the unsealed earthen structure. Once these canals were converted to cement the trees that relied on them for irrigation eventually died because they were otherwise unirrigated. In other instances, we have been told that wild edible plants also often grow on the borders of clay targas, and that the use of cement targas has resulted in the significant reduction of access to these culturally/important species.

Figure 21: (left) Cement targa being used to irrigate a nearby field. (right) Cement targa which was previously earthen, bordered by trees that were once watered by the process of infiltration through the permeable canal, and which now have

died.

Figure 22: Harvesting garnounch (Nasturtium officinale) near a clay targa

Farmers differentiate between three different kinds of soils: (a) akal idlane – black soil, which is the most fertile and productive of soils, (b) akal hamri – red soil, which is productive but difficult to work because of its high clay content and (c) akal ahejri – white soil, which is poor and unproductive, being mostly sandy. These different soils are often located at different points of the agroecosystem and used for the production of different types of resources or crops. Ahejri is found on the mountain sides, it is a very shallow soil (less than 20cm in depth) and is very sandy and rocky. Communities may plant certain rustic types of medicinal and aromatic plants in these soils, or even barley or wheat for use as fodder if they are using rain-fed cultivation. Hamri is often found in the terraces and plots that are

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closer to the river or streams, or where a water course previously existed. Different types of cultivation can be carried out here, depending on need. Non-cultivated riverine plots are also principally hamri, and some nut trees such as walnuts grow well in this clay-rich soil. The idlane soil type is the richest in organic matter and has a texture rather like compost. It is a fertile soil that is most often found in the oldest terraces and plots. This type of soil is actively maintained through the use of cover crops and intercropping to ensure it retains its moisture and organic content. Given its high return and high quality, idlane soil is used for the production of food crops, and particularly crops that may go to market.

Figure 23: Samples of the soil types recognized by Amazigh communities

The traditional interconnected systems of livestock keeping, terraced agriculture and canal-based water management, which in turn result in the production of high-quality soils, have created the iconic green mosaics of the High Atlas valley-bottom agroecosystems. They have also encouraged significant biodiversity – in particular plants, insects and birds – to flourish in landscapes that would otherwise be relatively bare (see Figure 23 above), although dedicated research has yet to be carried out to identify the specific relationships between these practices and key species.

BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 2: THE PASTORAL AGDAL OF IGOURDANE The agdal of Igourdane has a surface area of 4200ha and is located in the highlands, between 950 m and 2.600m above sea level. It is used by between 185 and 335 households every year, the numbers varying each year dependent on climactic conditions. The requirement for having the right to use the agdal is to pertain, patrilineally, to one of the three tribes that have right to pasture in the Igourdane agdal: Ait Atta, Ait M’hamed and Ait Ali (Ait Bouguemez).

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Figure 24: Position of Igourdane agdal within Morocco Figure 25: The Igourdane agdal in Ait M’hamed

For the great majority of agdal users, Igourdane represents a fundamental source of high-quality fodder and water. Most families come to Igourdane in search of summer fodder, which is very scarce during the dry season. Transhumance also permits the family to withdraw the herd from the village confines whilst other family members carry out the harvest. Another advantage of grazing in the agdal is the freedom it provides to pastoralists to graze without restrictions or the possibility of conflicts.

The agdal remains closed during the floristic season, between April/May and early June, in order to permit the agdal’s vegetation to regenerate prior to grazing. The specific dates of opening and closing are determined by communal decision-making in the early spring and depend on the climate conditions and their impact on the floristic season (a long hard winter will result in later closing and opening dates). The transhumance journey begins in May (the specific date depends on the point of

Agdal areas are shared by different communities and managed by customary law (laorf), which is passed down along family lineages. It is forbidden to build, plant or cut trees within the grazing area. The communes involved elect an adouab (the person in charge of the agdal) or aaessass (guardian, current name) to guard the lands while the agdal is closed. The nayb/nouab or mqedem (the person representing the Jmaa or local authority) is also involved in the control of opening-closing dates and election of adouabs, and reports to the cayd. The aaessass is paid by the users of the agdal during the first days of opening and the form of payment is different for each tribe: the Ait M’hamed pay 50cents/livestock head, the Ait Atta pay a total of MAD3000 (EUR300) divided by the number of livestock heads, whereas the Ait Ali pay a total of MAD 1500.

People are informed when the agdal opens, usually in the souk by the aberrah (troubadour). Those who do not respect the dates of closing and opening are required to pay a fine, which is calculated based on the heads of livestock owned (MAD10/head) and must be paid in the presence of the local authorities. The decision regarding the opening and closing of the agdal is taken in a meeting in Ait M’hamed centre by representatives of each community and the mqdem of the agdal. To date, the rules of Igourdane agdal are well-respected, and the agdal is well-guarded: those found flouting the rules are required to pay penalties and fines.

In terms of socio-demographics, 65 % of agdal users are men and 35 % women, with 15 % under 20 years, 80 % between 20 and 65 years and 5 % older than 65 years. The total number of cattle heads per year visiting the agdal is 80,000 on average (Sheep: 50,800; Goat: 29,020; Camel: 40; Cows: 62; Donkeys and mules: 78), with herds ranging from 60 to more than 1,000 heads per family.

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Tribe Number of households

Average # family members

Average distance covered during transhumance

Ait M’hamed 150-300 5 10km Ait Atta 20 6 200km Ait Ali (Ait Bouguemez) 15 5 10km Total 185-335

The Ait Atta tribe has the longest distance to cover to reach the agdal, with families walking on average 200km with their herds. For this reason, they leave their homes at least 2 weeks before the agdal opens. Once they have arrived and settled, during the second week after the opening, the Ait Atta tribe organize the ceremony of lemârouf at Taghrout nigherda located on the summit of mount Azoughki. During the collection of funds for the guardian at the moment of agdal opening, cash is also collected to pay for the sheep that will be sacrificed for lemârouf. On the day, women prepare couscous and men and women join for ahidou (a traditional group dance, accompanied by chants) with the Ait Ali tribe during the ceremony. Following this initial lemârouf, five other lemârouf are organised by women of the Ait Atta tribe in 5 locations in the agdal: Aghbalou n Tamda, Tizi nterghest, Tizi nouasrement, Taourirt nissafarn et Aguerd n tamrulalt.

In Igourdane there is one creek (wadi Tamda, Assif n Tamda) and the source of the Harkt (Aghbalou n Harkt). The forest vegetation of Igourdane corresponds to a much degraded Mediterranean forest dominated by Juniperus thurifera L. However, only a few patches of forest vegetation persist due to the long history of human use. The most frequent species in the valley of the agdal are Ptilotrichum spinosum (L.) Boiss., Cladanthus scariosus (Ball) Oberpr. & Vogt, Astragalus ibrahimianus Maire, Thymus pallidus Coss. ex Batt., Convolvulus velentinus Cav., Salvia verbenaca L., Anacyclus and Malva spp. Local people distinguish between areas covered with annual vegetation (touga) and those with perennial vegetation (ifskane) including species such as asnan, ifssi and olfoud with native trees (Asghar) such as tasaft (holm oak) and tawelt (Juniper). In the following section, we present the results of our longitudinal ecological monitoring process in Igourdane agdal, which shows that traditional grazing management through the agdal system protects and enhances plant biodiversity in the High Atlas.

Figure 26: (left) Landscape in the agdal and (right) Assif n Tamda creek inside the agdal

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Figure 27: (left) Agdal sector with caespitose grasslands and (right) Degraded forest inside the agdal (Ifskane)

Use of the agdal is changing, and has been changing for a century (see Figure 28 below). The most significant recent change is the reduction of the number of users of Igourdane over the last 3 decades: whereas in the middle of the 1980s around 3250 people used Igourdane agdal, by 2019, only 1000 people were present in the agdal. Reasons given for this decrease by agdal users are that young people are no longer interested in animal rearing because of the tough living conditions and low economic returns. Instead, they are attracted to cities to participate in the wage economy. A number of other issues are raised by agdal users: conflicts have emerged as a result of some neighbouring douars not respecting the agdal borders, some tribes that do not have grazing rights have invaded border sections of the agdal and there is an increase in unregulated collection of stones for building riads and hotels which impacts local flora and fauna. More in-depth analyses regarding the changes to agdal usage and drivers of these changes are provided in section VI.

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Figure 28: Timeline of changes in the Igourdane agdal (AMH) according to the Ait Atta, Ait Ali and Ait M’hamed tribal groups

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BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY: SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF PLANTS As described in section V.3, a significant proportion of the High Atlas flora is used with key species actively managed. Our research in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal revealed that 211 taxa are reported as used, and of these 59 were identified as plants with a high cultural value (see Annex 15). Following Garibaldi and Turner (2004), we call these ‘cultural keystone species’. Initial research shows that at least 12 of these species are actively managed (either privately or collectively) for sustainability. Of these, only 3 are considered vulnerable or endangered by the IUCN Red list (Anacylcus pyrethrum, Fraxinus dimorpha and Stipa tenacissima), while most of the others are perceived locally as decreasing, principally due to climate change and overharvesting. Many cultural keystone species are valuable not only valuable for the everyday use Amazigh people make of them for medicinal, culinary, fodder and other purposes – they are also commercialised, thus contributing to household socioeconomic wellbeing.

Therefore, in response to community requests for support, the HACL programme has worked, since its inception, on supporting communities to: (a) sustainably manage the populations of these plants and (b) design conservation actions to maintain, restore and enhance their populations whilst also providing households with direct access to the plants. Our third best practice case study presents our actions to enhance traditional plant management practices through specific actions, which principally are:

1. The establishment of community nurseries and seed banks where cultural keystone species are grown and conserved;

2. Annual distribution of nursery-grown plants to households, where they are planted out in semi-domesticated terraces and further reproduced, supporting HH economies;

3. The launch of enrichment planting actions (using nursery-grown plants) in designated conservation areas;

4. Support for maintaining traditional management practices that sustain these plant populations; 5. Support for the sustainable commercialisation of these plants.

The first step was the creation of community nurseries. We currently help communities to manage 4 community nurseries: one in each partner commune and an additional one at the Dar Taliba girls’ boarding house. On average 30-35 species are grown in these nurseries: all of these are endemic, endangered4 and economically valuable. Some of these species are more economically valuable than others, and therefore they have benefited from in-depth monographic research. In this section we provide a summary of this research for six cultural keystone species that we are compiling into monographs that cover taxonomy, habitat, ecology, distribution, conservation status, ethnobotanical information and uses, associated traditional management practices, chemical composition and effects, resource assessments and morphological characterisation, sustainable harvesting potential, commercialisation potential, including value-chains, market analyses and business plans. The six species are: Thymus satureioides (thyme), Mentha suaveolens subsp. Timija (mint), Ceratonia siliqua (carob), Quercus rotundifolia (oak), Fraxinus dimorpha Coss & Durieu (ash) and Hordeum vulgare varieties (barley). The monographs are currently in the process of finalisation (expected by 31 March 2020).

4 Either endangered according to the IUCN Red List database or perceived as decreasing by local communities. Of the 6 species chosen, those Vulnerable or Endangered according to the IUCN Red List are Mentha suaveolens subsp. Timija (VU), Thymus satureioides (VU), and Fraxinusm dimorpha Coss & Durieu (EN).

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VI. Dynamism and transformation: changes to traditional practices, their drivers and their (potential) consequences Throughout human history, cultural practices of conservation have undergone dual processes of continuity and change. Such local ecological knowledge is subject to change by external constraints and opportunities (Ellen et al., 2000). All respondents to our participatory research on traditional land use practices pointed out that socioeconomic and environmental conditions in rural communities in the High Atlas are currently changing quickly and radically, with significant consequences. These changes result in the loss or adaptation of cultural practices of conservation: some aspects of traditional management practices are abandoned while new elements are incorporated. Changing aspects of traditional land use practices be grouped in five broad axes: environmental, sociodemographic and cultural, agricultural, administrative and economic. Changes and their drivers are enmeshed; many themes that emerged during interviews were at times considered a changing aspect of culture or the environment and the cause of other changes observed in traditional practices. Nonetheless, “root causes” were also mentioned. These boil down to environmental issues, especially climate change, and sociodemographic changes, in particular communities’ engagement with ‘modern’ or ‘global’ lifestyles. In this chapter we explore the specific and interwoven changes to traditional land use practices and livelihoods as experienced and perceived by partner communities, the drivers of these changes and their interconnections. We describe their possible impacts on biodiversity and community wellbeing. In order to elucidate local perceptions of changes occurring and drivers of those changes, we carried out in-depth semi-structured interviews between 2016 and 2018 and dedicated participatory workshops carried out between 2018 and 2019 (see Annexes 7, 8 and 9 for workshop reports). In Figures 29 and 30 below, we visually represent the results of research on changes reported in our semi-structured interviews in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. The semi-structured interviews revealed key overall themes of change for each community rather than specific moments or phases that have precipitated change. Semi-structured interviews were not implemented in Oukaïmeden as they would have required at least 1 year of dedicated staff time to complete and we only launched our programme in Oukaïmeden in early 2019. However, the perspectives of Oukaïmeden community members were gathered during a dedicated workshop on changes and drivers of change.

The workshops were divided by gender (men and women worked separately, providing surprisingly different reports) and organised into two main sections:

(1) description of significant changes over time (Table 3) with particular emphasis on key dates, which were inserted into community timelines (Figures 31-36);

(2) Elucidation of drivers of those changes (Table 4).

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Figure 29: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during structured interviews in Ait M’hamed. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and

administrative/institutional (blue).

Figure 30: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during Phase 1 structured interviews in Imegdal. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and administrative/institutional (blue).

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Table 3: Changes to traditional practices as perceived by the men and women of AMH, IMG and OUK

Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Soil protection In addition to the practices of idrssane (built of stone) and afrag (built into branches of plants), tree fences are becoming more common, used as windbreaks.

Use of gabion and trees against soil erosion in 1990.

Timarine, ifrgane, outtou are ancient practices that are still preserved by the local population. The construction of wire mesh fences and tree fences, are more recent.

Conservation Disappearance of the practice of ighrem, each one retains his own harvests individually without resorting to this practice and to a guardian named adwat.

Start of adjusting of targa by using concrete.

Tiskalt (traditional buildings to stock cereal harvests) have been abandoned as a result of reduction in cereal culture. Nowadays, people stock their cereals at the homestead.

Reduction in cereal culture results in abandonment of collective grain storage facilities.

Agdals The use of agdals is decreasing.

Conflicts in agdal exploitation between Ait Isha and Ait M'hamed and changes of the oral laws managing the agdal.

Although agdals are still traditionally managed the importance of pastoralism has reduced: livestock numbers per HH are significantly reduced, and every year fewer families undertake the transhumance. Increased dependence on market-bought animal feed. New, introduced breeds require much greater costs to maintain.

Pastoral activity is reducing : young people especially are abandoning this activity in favour of agriculture and tourism. Fewer families in the agdal every year. Some families are growing trees in the agdal.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Water Touala is still practiced as a way to organize the irrigation between them. Tanoutfi (underground cisterns) are still ubiquitous except that they have undergone changes in construction.

Touala is still practiced as a way to organize the irrigation between them. Tafraout are still ubiquitous except that they have undergone changes in construction.

Touala is still practiced to collectively organise irrigation ; however irrigation canals are now made of cement rather than clay. Drinking water was collected at springs (aghbalou) but now cement channels carry drinking water to each HH.

Water conflicts appeared in the 90s as a result of increase in fruit tree orchards, cement seguias and many successive drought years. For this reason Touala must be practiced, but is gradually replaced by toudma (rotation between rain-fed and irrigated crops). In the 2000s, the construction of cement canals reduced the practice of toudma.

Agricultural techniques and practices

Start of use of chemical fertilizers (the example of urea 46%), in the 80’s.

Harvest is still done in the traditional way manually by lmnjal, except for some exceptions close to the road that use modern machines. The practice of tiwizi no longer exists in IME except for a minority of social groupings, but with only a maximum of 4 to 5 women.

Beginning of use of fertilizers and phytosanitary products in 2000. Diminution of the aspects of cooperation like tiwizi and they proceed more and more by hand paid agricultural work

Traditionally manure was used to fertilize agricultureal lands. The introduction of walnut and apple orchards requires chemical fertilisers. This has resulted in significant reduction in soil quality – manure is much better for the soil.

Chemical fertilisers appear in the 1980s alongside the increase in apple and walnut orchards; pesticides are introduced in the 1990s.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Forest / Pasture Cutting wood has increased and is currently destined for sale for different uses: e.g. hammams, which did not exist before.

1987: beginning of intense deforestation of the holm oak.

Tagdalt have gradually disappeared; the last one called tamayoust disappeared around 1998-1999.

Forest degradation between 1960 and 1990.

Women were responsible for collecting fire wood from afar. With the introduction of gas for heating and cooking, and electricity for lighting, wood collection has significantly reduced.

Introduction of gas has replaced fueldwood; the use of wood is very limited in Oukaïmeden.

Agricultural productivity

Decrease in agricultural productivity (up to 50%) and product quality in the 80’s.

Cereals and vegetables are no longer very profitable.

Decrease in: Almond and walnut between 1975 and 1995, honey since the 80’s, barley and maize since 1996 and olives since 2005.

Decrease in agricultural lands

Cereals still exist but within smaller areas.

Production areas of peas and lentils decreased in the 70’s, with the disappearance of a local lentil variety.

Cereals and vegetables still exist but with smaller areas, except for barley which is still a primordial crop in bour.

Barley and maize from 1996. Extinction of oat plantation since 1998, and millet plantation since 2000.

New plantations Introduction of Pomegranate trees, plum trees, and peach.

Introduction of a new Bulgarian variety of walnut in 1976, and watermelon and apple in 1978.

Introduction of: Apple trees, plum trees, walnut and almond in the 80’s. Introduction of Alfalfa.

Introduction of: Apple trees, plum trees and peach in the 70’s. Plantation in almost all the villages in 1998.

From the 1970s, government- promoted plantations of fruit trees (apple and walnut) have taken priority over cereal crops and horticulture.

Fruit tree culture, introduced in 1978, is gradually substituting cereal culture.

Animals Decrease in the number of animals in individual herds. Introduction of rabbit farming since 2000.

Decrease in the number of animals in individual herds since the 80’s. New improved goat’s breed (Alpine in 2010).

Decrease in the number of animals in individual herds since the 90’s.

Decrease in the number of animals in individual herds since the 80’s. New improved cattle (2005) and goat (90’s) breeds.

Livestock numbers per HH are significantly reduced.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Fodder/Veterinary Lack of fodder availability.

Purchase of compound feeds since 2000.

Purchase of compound feeds since 2005. Use of veterinary prescriptions since 2001.

Lack of fodder availability, as a result of cereal culture reduction

Lack of fodder availability, as a result of cereal culture reduction

Infrastructure Construction of youth entertainment centers since 2000.

Digging wells by drilling and pumping water using motor pumps in 2014. -Electrification of almost all the villages in 2010.

Installation of faucets since 2016.

Electrification of the last two remaining villages in 2006. Drinking water resources (dug, seguias) in 2007-2008. Gradual construction of roads from the 80’s to 2017. First primary school and hospital in 1992 in Imegdal

Since the 1990s, young girls now have access to high school education, and now illiterate women are also receiving literacy training. Road connections with Marrakech are in existence since the 1960s. The whole commune has electricity coverage since the mid-2000s.

At the end of the 1970s, the first schools were built, and literacy rates are in diminution. Roads connection Oukaïmeden to Marrkaech were built since 1964. Electricity arrived in 1976 and has gradually covered the full commune.

Food Introduction of new dishes.

After 1970: changes in eating habits.

The cooking is done by gas apart for the bread, which is still prepared on lqanoun (traditional clay oven).

With the significant reduction in clay ovens (replaced by gas ovens since the 1990s), comes the reduction in preparation of traditional – and culturally important – meals like barley couscous and tagoulla (made with barley, corn and wheat). They are only occasionally prepared now. The introduction of pressure cookers has resulted in faster meals being prepared,

Reduction in cereal cultures like corn has resulted in the diminution of preparation of traditional meals like barley couscous, tagoulla and arkoukou. The introduction of gas, electricity and television has resulted in modern material like pressure cookers and modern meals have replaced traditional ones.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

substituting traditional meals that take longer to prepare. Fries and salads have made an appearance. New spices are used. The traditional marriage meal based on barley couscous and meat has been replaced by roast chicken and meat.

Climate Two remarkable drought periods (1970’s and 1990’s).

Two remarkable drought periods (1940’s and 1980’s).

Four remarkable droughts (80’s-1997-2001-2016).

Five remarkable droughts in (1980-1993-2001-2014-2017).

Since the 1990s, the climate is very unpredictable : significant droughts and water scarcity are followed by much heavier rains.

Unpredictable climate, with massive snows ad very low temperatures, followed by periods of intense drought, followed by heavy rains and floods.

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Figure 31: Timeline constructed by men in Ait M'hamed

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Figure 32: Timeline constructed by women in Ait M'hamed

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Figure 33: Timeline constructed by men in Imegdal

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Figure 34: Timeline constructed by women in Imegdal

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Figure 35: Timeline constructed by men in Oukaïmeden

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Figure 36: Timeline constructed by women in Oukaïmeden

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Table 4: Key drivers of change as perceived by the men and women of Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Agriculture Government and NGO agricultural advisory campaigns (on best-adapted crops to soil typology and drought resistance) encouraged farmers to convert to these crops. Decrease in agricultural productivity due to scarcity of water resources.

Climatic conditions are the main cause of the disappearance of some local varieties. The appearance of phytosanitary problems (pests, fungal diseases ...) was the main cause of the introduction of chemical pesticides. Farmers seek precocity and rusticity in varieties to take advantage of high prices in the local market. Drought and the increase of the population.

The changes in IME's cropping systems can be explained by the high profitability of fruit trees, the relocation of the inhabitants of the area near the river for the construction of the dam of Ouirgane to other parts of the commune.

The introduction of new fruit species such as apple, plum and peach, was because of the profitability of the latter. Indeed, the ultimate goal of farmers is to increase their income. The appearance of chemical fertilisers has increased productivity locally produced crops.

Successive years of intense drought are the reason for the conversion of rain-fed cereal culture to irrigated horticulture and orchards. However, over the past 20 years the prices for agricultural products have gone down in favour of apple and walnut commercialisaiton. The abandonment of collective grain stores (tiskalt) is the result of the reduction of cereal culture.

The introduction of walnut and apple plantations is the main reason for the conversion of cereal culture. Horticulture is also gradually diminishing for the same reason. Increased security (reduction in inter-tribal raids) is the main reason for the abandonment of grain storage facilities.

Food Modernization of certain dishes due to the arrival of television and the increase of urban-rural relations.

Modernization of certain dishes due to the arrival of television and the increase of urban-rural relations.

Modernization of the dishes because of the access to the outside and the arrival of televisions.

Opening up to the world and city life through television is one of the major causes of changes in eating habits.

Opening out to the ‘outside world’ – through better road connections, television and telephones - is the reason behind the changes in cooking means (i.e. gas) and ingredients (i.e. spices, white wheat flour)

Opening towards the outside world and arrival of TV has caused the modernization of gastronomy, with the use of modern instruments and gas in the kitchen.

Migration Poverty, drought and lack of infrastructure.

Poverty, the absence of infrastructure, lack of medical equipment and ambulances, absences and / or poor state of

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

the schools for some douars, poor condition of the tracks and douars enclaved during the winter, etc.

Economy, community and communications

Due to the harsh climatic conditions, the population has begun to abandon agriculture and livestock to move towards trade, carpentry, ironwork, beekeeping and building constructions.

The practice of tiwizi is almost totally abandoned because it is expensive. In the old days, people shared simple and symbolic things, whereas nowadays it is necessary to present so many dishes and gifts to people to accept to participate in the tiwizi. The installation of drinking water taps was made following the mobilization of women. They were frustrated by the long journeys they traveled to bring back water.

The construction of Dar Taliba Ourika played an important role in enabling high school education for girls. The ski station resulted in women selling bread and snacks on the roadside for tourists. Customary exchange and sharing practices continue to exist. For example, the community still practices Ighlla (‘the harvest’), whereby those who have a poor harvested receive products from those who have had a better harvest. Since the 2000s, telephones have become an important means of communication.

Tachelhit is still the official communication language. Darija was introduced later with the arrival of schools and tourism, television and increased connectivity with Marrakech through the roads. Since the 2000s, telephones have become an important means of communication. Building of the road that leads to the agdal and of two dirt roads in the agdal has opened the inhabitants of the commune up to the town. Arrival of schools and new communications technologies has resulted in changes in ‘mentality’, once based on sharing and agriculture, now focused on individualism where everyone is looking out for themselves and wants to change their way of life.

Agdals, livestock and pastures

Lack of availability of fodder and the

Division of inheritance over family members,

Gradual disappearance of tagdalt following

The introduction of improved new breeds of

Droughts and conversion away from cereal culture to

Young people are no longer interested in pastoralism ;

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men increase of its prices because of drought. Livestock no longer guarantees adequate income for herders, which explains the lack of interest and the reduction in the number of herds. Easier travel to urban centres resulted in changes in attitudes, in particular a shift from a focus on the collective, to a focus on the individual; each one seeks its own interest. Rural exodus

drought and the migration of farmers. The schooling of children has reduced the availability of family labor.

multiple water erosions by innumerable igguig ("Floods") that destroyed the plant heritage of grazing lands. Their regrowth did not succeed because of the drought. The climatic hazards marked by the succession of periods of drought have caused the degradation of the vegetal cover, which explains the lack of availability of the wild plants used by the herds to ensure their feeding, thus causing the increase of the prices of the fodder sold to the markets. The random and abusive use of forests has also contributed to the lack of availability of spontaneous animal feed in nature.

cattle has been made for the genetic improvement of local breeds and to increase productivity thereafter (milk and meat)

fruit & nut culture are to blame for the reduction in availability of fodder (hence fodder needing to be bought), which in turn is considered a major driver for the abandonment of pastoralism. Lack of necessity for labour animals (donkeys and mules) – due to road construction, availability of transport, abandonment of largescale cereal culture - have reduced their number. High costs of livestock management have led people to reduce herd heads. Modernisation of homes, homesteads and livelihoods is also mentioned as a reason for reducing livestock.

many work in the winter tourism sector and others migrate to urban centres to work or study. Climate changes, marked by longer and longer drought periods + reforestation in forest domains have resulted in reduced availability of fodder and the hike in its market price. Historical snow and low temperatures kills livestock, and the revenues from livestock grow ever-lower – resulting in decreased interest in pastoralism and in reduction in herb numbers and reduction of families using the agdal.

Timber and non-timber forest products

The change in laws has caused the current

The main causes of deforestation are overgrazing and the

The use of medicinal plants has reduced because the inhabitants have realized their

The main cause of deforestation is the supply of dry wood for sale (by private

Fuelwood is no longer collected and used as before (replaced by gas).

The use of gas for cooking has reduced the use of firewood. In addition modern housing does not

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men overexploitation of wood.

weak oversight of the government institution.

harmful consequences if they overuse them, apart from the use of aromatic plants.

companies or individuals).

The new generation of women do not want to walk for kms in the mountains to fetch firewood – they enjoy the modern alternatives because it makes their life much easier.

require wood for its construction. Walnut wood sale continues but is limited.

Medicine Frequent passages of mobile medical caravans.

Nowadays, women do not have enough breath to give birth at home; their food system is no longer healthy as before. The emergence of new diseases that did not exist or only rarely existed in the past, such as diabetes and cholesterol, forced residents to seek out doctors' consultations and treat them with pharmaceuticals.

In the past women gave birth at home supported by an aabla (midwife). Birth now takes place Healing with medicinal plants is no longer very common with a few exceptions. People tend to consult doctors in the medical centres and are increasingly using pharmaceuticals. The construction of the communal hospital centre and the acquisition of an ambulance means that the community is increasingly hospitalised. Infant mortality has reduced, birthing conditions have improved, vaccination has arrived. This also explains why the younger generation of women prefer allopathic medicine.

The building of the road to Marrakech, the availability of ambulances and easy access to hospitals, as well as the appearance of pharmacies in Ourika explains the new confidence people have in medicines and doctors. Women give birth in hospital. This all explains the reduction of use of medicinal plants and the increase in use of conventional pharmaceuticals. During the 70s, a number of fatal diseases came to the region and caused a lot of deaths.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Rituals and Moussem

The practice of maarouf is in clear disappearance for cultural reasons with the appearance of some "Islamic" groups, which sensitize people against these beliefs of superstition.

Religious beliefs are the main cause of the disappearance of certain festivities and Moussem

Beliefs and practices linked to the marabout of Sidi Fares are being lost. Young people don’t really believe it anymore.

The moussem and the beliefs in marabout rites is disappearing for cultural reasons. Appearance of ‘islamic’ groups that inform people that these beliefs are ‘supersitutious’. Beliefs and practices linked to Sidi Fares are disappearning. Young people are more educated and are no longer interested in these beliefs. A number of moussems are no longer organized: Moussem n tfquirin and moussem n Sidi Belkas

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Key drivers of changes that emerge both from the interviews and the workshops are:

(1) climate change and the loss of agricultural productivity; (2) increase in privatisation and individualism; (3) changes in attitude, especially among the youth, with reduced willingness to work with land

and livestock (the desire for an easier life); (4) government agricultural policies (particularly promotion of cash crops and inputs); (5) a massive increase in rural-urban migration.

Outmigration of young people, especially men, was one of the most relevant changes in the local social fabric. Integration into the global market economy not only drains the mountains from its young labour force but puts added pressure on those who remain to shift from subsistence to cash crops; mostly from cereals to fruit trees, especially apples and walnuts. These new cash crops have also actively been promoted by the government since the 1970s, as part of policies aimed at modernisation and poverty alleviation. These crops have not only gradually replaced traditional agrobiodiversity (cf: cereal cultivation being replaced by apples and walnuts in all three communities), but also require significant chemical fertilisers and pesticides, and much more water than indigenous crops, to be productive. This has a negative impact on the biodiversity of the tree crop understory and surrounding waters, depletes the soil of essential micronutrients and microorganisms, feeding a cycle of dependency on inputs that previously did not exist and absorbs increasing amounts of family funds. The increased relationship with outside markets has led to farmers buying seeds from the souk (local weekly market), reducing self-sufficiency in favour of market-dependency, which in turn influences the varieties selected for cultivation. The souk also informs what people in the community eat, more broadly. Every household sources a portion of their food from the souk, making it a clear influencing factor dictating the diets of those living in Anamer, only made possible by the increase in mobility. Forty-seven percent of food eaten in households of Anamer is food grown in their fields, meaning more than half of what is eaten in homes of the community is dictated by outside markets. The food system of Anamer has seen shifts, such as the decline in traditional food preparation methods, but not necessarily the decline in preparation and consumption of traditional dishes. There are now shifts in ingredient choice as a response to the cheap market price of industrially produced food outweighing the labour of growing and processing regional crops. One of the most apparent instances is wheat flour as a substitute for barley flour. The reduction of barley production is not only the consequence of the availability of cheap white wheat flour from the souk, but also the result of water scarcity and the introduction of new crops that require significant management and time. According to many informants, agricultural yield itself has diminished since the 90s (less fodder, less fruit and cereal production, often on the same land and surface area). In Semgourd, Hamid said “my grandfather would harvest 90 abra (traditional measuring corresponding to approximately 13kg) from his fields. Since the 2010s he only harvests 20-30 abra in good years” (Teixidor-Toneu field notes, IME, July 2017). Various reasons are given for this, most important being climate change, with water availability being at the heart of the issue. Reduced rainfall and longer-than-usual droughts, increasingly irregular precipitation with sporadic heavy rainfall and floods that can wash fertile topsoil away, and reduced water availability from sources that feed into irrigation canals all are having significant impacts on rural communities’ ability to maintain traditional agricultural practices. Climate change has compounded the reduction in cereal cultivation: fields located far from the source and

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network of canals rely on rain for irrigation (locally known as lbour/bour cultivation). These fields, traditionally used for cereal production, are being abandoned as cultivating them is high-risk. As precipitation in Morocco is expected to reduce by 5 % in mountainous areas and 30 % in the southern regions of the country for the period between 2011 and 2050, water as a prime commodity will be greatly affected by climactic changes (Montanari, 2013). Most farmers report making active changes to management practices in response to climate change. The management shifts from those who made changes are as follows:

● Reduced amount of crops cultivated and land area used for cultivation, and abandonment of fields;

● Only fields located close to water sources are cultivated (i.e. gradual abandonment of cereal cultivation in lbour/bour);

● Reduced cultivation of specific crops that require high levels of irrigation for production. In addition to these largescale environmental changes, farmers also noted that they now have to contend with the growing population of wild boar – believed to be the consequence of the extinction of natural competitors (monkeys) and predators (foxes, High Atlas lion) – which can cause widespread devastation of crops, fields and margins. Impoverished agriculture leads to livestock management changes. For example, in Imegdal, grazing livestock used to be permitted among cultivated areas at specific times of the year, but access to fields was restricted by azzayin from spring until late summer. Now, this is enforced year-round – resulting in the loss of the practice of azzayin – in order to maximise agricultural productivity, and forcing the herds to continuously graze non-cultivated areas. This has a significant impact on biodiversity and habitat health of the cultivated areas, as they no longer benefit from the biodiversity-promoting aspects of grazing (mechanical disturbance, habitat structure, manure, seed dispersal – c.f. above) as well as on those areas that are now continuously grazed without respite. In another example from Oukaïmeden, the reduction of cereal cultivation – resulting principally from the introduction of cash crops according to community members – has led to the reduction of self-sufficiency in animal fodder, meaning that livestock feed must now be purchased at significant cost at the souk. This in turn has resulted in the reduction of livestock heads per family herds and, in turn again, in the reduced use of the agdal – with potential negative impacts for plant diversity and habitat structure related to the loss of grazing impact as mentioned above. In Oukaïmeden, the gradual reduction of livestock-keeping as a traditional means of subsistence has been met by the increased interaction young people with the tourism economy, made possible by widespread education, the ease of travel and the spread of new means of communication. Changes in livelihoods are closely linked to changes in administration and management of people’s work and natural resources. Traditional decision-making bodies are either overridden or absorbed by the formal governmental administration, leading to the deterioration of the fabric of local governance and customary law. If formal governmental administration directly incorporates customary laws, for example through the creation of a douar association to replace the local Jma’a, it can also subtly change it. Decisions such as the date for arras n targa, azzayin, and the opening of agdals were taken by the taqbilt (tribe) before and are nowadays a competence of the douar association (or higher administration levels in the case of agdals). Combined, the changes in agricultural production and administration resulted in the loss of traditional professions such as those of guardian of fields or

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pasture lands (amchchardou, adouab). The weakening of customary institutions goes hand in hand with a weakening of collective work (tiwizi) and increased conflict – especially regarding collectively regulated resources such as agdals. Conflicts over use of resources between neighbouring villages or even tribes are increasingly common, in particular concerning the use of water and access to pasture lands, in particular agdals. Conflicts arise principally as a result of perceived non-compliance with customary laws that regulate access to resources. The Allouz agdal is known for its recurrent violent conflicts that have occurred since prior to Moroccan independence between the Ait M’hamed and Ait Isha tribes. The conflict first began in 1937, after which the tribes agreed to divide the agdal between the two tribes. The Ait M’hamed tribe maintained their portion as an agdal, whereas the Ait Isha decided to build houses on theirs. Following many years of population growth and expansion, as well as climate change impacts, the Ait Isha required more access to water sources and pastures, and they began using the area allocated to the Ait M’hamed. In 2013, and again in 2017, the Ait Isha have entered into the Ait M’hamed portion of the agdal, resulting in violent conflicts during which a number of people were hurt. State police and local and regional authorities were obliged to intervene, but to date no resolution to the problem has been found and the Allouz agdal remains closed. In Talmest, the conflict began in 1991, when the Ait Abbas tribe failed to open the pasture, claiming it had been damaged by snow, and the Ait M’hamed did not agree. In 1995 the conflict was reignited when the Ait Abbas requested that the agdal not be closed as a result of the drought they had suffered that year, and once again the Ait M’hamed did not agree to this. That year, local authorities established a guard composed of members of the Ait M’hamed tribe as well as the agdal guardian to ensure compliance with the period of seasonal closure. However, the Ait Abbass refused to comply with this requirement and the use of the agdal became unregulated. Finally, enhanced religious education is shifting local beliefs, which are at the heart of key traditional land use practices. Religious education is now taking place through primary and secondary schooling, higher education of fkihs and imams and mass media (TV programs aimed at educating the population were mentioned as the most important cause). This religious education is more conservative than the traditional syncretic practices of rural Amazigh communities, and strictly forbids the adoration pf saints, with significant consequences of key practices that are dependent on the saints (e.g. agdal opening and closing dates and ceremonies). This has a significant impact on customary institutions as well as traditional celebrations, which are adapted to new paradigms or abandoned. Aspects of culture and practices in relation to Marabout beliefs and agurram (igurramen in the plural, holy people or families) are quickly dropped. This has a double negative impact on traditional land use practices. First, places where agurram were supposed to be buried, the marabouts, are no longer protected from grazing. Second, igurramen played an important role in customary law institutions and these lineages are no longer respected. In the case of agdals, this has led to serious conflict between tribes and degradation of the pasture lands. Agdal opening ceremonies are often lost, and so are marabout celebrations that would traditionally gather people from several villages, and celebrations linked to special dates of the agricultural calendar when they clearly integrate pre-Islamic beliefs (e.g. asseft). Some are maintained and adapted to follow Islamic precepts (e.g., lemarouf).

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VII. Community-based Recommendations, Action Plans and Implementation Guidance As changes increase apace, and communities recognise the potential negative impacts and the chain of consequences resulting from the loss of traditional practices, they seek to find ways of both maintaining their traditional practices and transmitting them to upcoming generations whilst also improving their livelihoods and wellbeing. Given the complex interconnections and interwoven consequences of changes and their drivers, including ones that are not within the power of communities or NGOs such as MBLA and GDF to change, we needed to come with an approach to solution-seeking that was realistic in the circumstances. Moreover, experience and development research has shown repeatedly that for solutions to work they must be widely approved and fully appropriated by communities. In addition, community ownership and meaningful participation lies at the root of the ethical approach adopted by GDF and MBLA, which is based on the International Society for Ethnobiology’s exacting principles. ‘Best practices’ are necessarily rooted in an approach that is at once ethical, realistic and based on empirical results.

Since early 2019, we have collaborated closely with communities to define and refine their collective aspirations, using participatory approaches to generate community-based recommendations for the future of our activities. By mid- 2019, we began a process of systematic creation of Community Action Plans, which are based on community-based recommendations and complemented by dedicated a series of focus groups during which community members defined their priorities and identified detailed approaches to resolving key problems. This process has enabled us to prepare, from the ground up, our HACL Programme Phase 2, which runs from 2020 to 2023.

In this section, we first share the detailed results from the workshops during which we developed community-based recommendations, following which we share how our HACL programme activities and Community Action Plans engage with these recommendations, providing details on key actions implemented and planned. In the final section we distil lessons learned and best practices that can be shared more widely among groups and communities seeking to maintain, restore and promote traditional land use practices across the Mediterranean region.

VII.1 Community-based recommendations Community-based recommendations were developed using a simple interactive discussion method during the same (gender-segregated) workshops as those organised to identify changes and drivers of change (see Annexes 7, 8 and 9 for the full workshop reports). Solutions began to emerge during the discussions on change and drivers of change, but were not clearly defined until later on in the day. Table 5 presents the specific recommendations organised by gender and community. Box 2 presents the recommendations as developed collaboratively by the MBLA team and community researchers based on the results of the workshops. It is organised according to specific challenges, providing targeted indications for each community.

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Table 5: Community-based recommendations for maintaining and promoting traditional practices and community wellbeing, as reported by men and women in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Agriculture and plant collection

Choice of species and varieties that are most adapted to local pedoclimatic conditions and which meet the requirements of the market. Diagnosis of the state of crops in terms of phytosanitary problems and the establishment of an integrated pest management program.

Intensify the plantations of tikida (Ceratonia siliqua), zeet (Olea europaea), louz (Prunus dulcis), and lguerga’(Juglans regia). They are more profitable according to the women.

Sensitizing the local population to collect aromatic and medicinal plants and help farmers increase production. Renewal of older fruit plantations. Increase and diversify local agricultural production.

Stop using chemical fertilisers and pesticides; return to traditional methods.

Diversification of cultures: we need new crops and new varieties (details to be developed in upcoming focus group)

State subsidies for agriculture would be necessary

Proposals for crops that can be grown during the cold period

Ighrems (granaries)

Revival/restoration of Ighrems.

Actions to halt water erosion that is affecting parcels and terraces

Maintenance of irrigation canals

Improving water quality – both for drinking water and irrigation. Resolve the problem of archaic communal washers.

Change the household drains.

Forest lands Planting the following

trees: tikida, tasaft, louz.

Facilitate administrative and financial procedures for the exploitation of forestlands in agriculture

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

(bours) and especially for cereals.

Agdals Resolving agdals-related conflicts

Resolving conflicts between agdals rights holders as quickly as possible through the legal system and local authorities. Legalization of Aarafs ("Mores") which organize the exploitation of agdals to solve the problems and to establish a legal framework for the future

Restore/improve the state of housing in the aâzib

Livestock Encourage animal vaccination caravans and medicines subsidy. Subsidize livestock feed to cope with lean moments.

Increase heads of cattle and sheep, but rsolve the issue of high costs of maintenance and availability of fodder and food.

Veterinary caravans

Promotion of local products

Exhibitions to market local products

Strengthening the marketing of local products (crafts, agricultural products, etc.).

Provide exhibitions and distribution points and fixed sales of handicrafts throughout the year to avoid seasonal sales and guarantee a minimum income. Develop the craft world at IME by creating learning clubs for example.

Aromatic and medicinal plants development and marketing of these products. Funding of festivals to preserve these traditions.

Improved commercialisation of agricultural products and encourage cultivation of MAPs.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Food Reinforcement of uses of local dishes in ceremonies and traditional and religious festivals (eid, marriage, moussem ...).

Cooperatives and training

Creation of aromatic and medicinal plants cooperatives and trainings. Creation of honey cooperatives.

Trainings and technical support for farmers.

Ensure the construction of cooperative annexes in distant douars. Diverse trainings of women to flourish and strengthen their capacity in terms of management and sustainability of their cooperatives.

Women would like to have their own associations and local training centres: MAP cooperatives, weaving, bakeries, and more.

Support and build capacities of local cooperatives and associations.

Literacy and education

Literacy of women.

Literacy of women to better value their ancestral practices. And provide hospital annexes to distant douars. Promote high school boarding houses to reduce dropout rates especially for girls since it is far to Asni. Creation of clubs and dar chabab for young people.

Awareness-raising for young people and intergenerational transfer of knowledge and practices.

Income-generating activities and employment

Promote tourism. Creating sources of income and job opportunities, women say they want to get out of their lifestyle limited to cooking, childcare, etc.

Encouraging income-generating activities and job creation in Imegdal.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men

Public services and infrastructures

Improvement of the state of the public services (hospitals...). Construction of bridges and small dams.

Build small dams close to the douars. These dams will be used both for the irrigation of plots and orchards and for the supply of douars with drinking water. Restoration of old canals and construction of new canals.

Improvement of the state of roads and trails. Construction of nurseries. Organise more medical caravans.

Build small dams close to the douars. These dams will be used both to combat floods, to irrigate plots and orchards and to supply douars with drinking water.

Medical caravans with medical specialists, and distributions of medicine.

Strengthening the barrage in Oukaïmeden.

Ensuring Medical Caravans.

Energy sources Find other sources of energy than dry wood.

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Summary of recommendations to maintain, restore and promote traditional land use practices Based on the data collected above, the GDF and MBLA team collaborated with community researchers in the three communes to distil key recommendations according to primary and secondary challenges identified during the workshops.

Box 2: Primary challenges and recommendations Challenge 1. Loss of forest and woodlands and their associated habitats, resources and cultural practices

Recommendation 1.1

In AMH, increase the plantations with tikida (Ceratonia siliqua), tasaft (Quercus rotundifolia), louz (Prunus dulcis) and imts (Fraxinus dimorpha)

We should continue with the production of these species in the nurseries and their distribution to community members, as well as mediating between local authorities & the ministry of environment. A program with schools to promote reforestation could be envisioned.

Recommendation 1.2

In IME, increase the plantations of tikida (Ceratonia siliqua), zeet (Olea europaea), louz (Prunus dulcis), and lguera' (Juglans regia)

We should continue with the production of these species in the nurseries and their distribution to community members, as well as mediating between local authorities and the ministry of environment. A program with schools to promote reforestation could be envisioned.

Recommendation 1.3

In both AMH and IME, carry on raising people's awareness of best practices of collection and sustainable harvesting according to the species selected.

This is included within our capacity building strategy.

Challenge 2. Supporting a sustainable agricultural production combining tradition and innovation

Recommendation 2.1

In both communes, diversify agricultural products and build capacity.

This will be mostly achieved by our agroecology and water programs, along with our capacity building strategy. Work on commercialisation will also feed into this element of our efforts.

Recommendation 2.2

In both communes, promote the production of honey and other bee derivatives by traditional and sustainable means.

An initial ethnographic study on beekeeping and honey production has been carried out by Youssef Yakoubi. With complementary information from Sifedine Ouahdani’s study of local product commercialisation, it will form the foundation of a strategy to enhance this practice.

Recommendation 2.3

In AMH, especially the Wabzaza valley, analyse the feasibility of promoting the revival/restoration of ighrems/agadirs (granaries) through an improved understanding their current situation and future possibilities.

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This could be partly achieved through the agroecology program, along with the capacity building strategy. A future MSc student focusing on this topic could be relevant. Contacting local architect and restorer Salima Naji anew could be interesting too.

Challenge 3. Conflicts in communal to regional governance land systems

Recommendation 3.1

In AMH, resolving conflicts between agdal rights holders as quickly as possible through the legal system and local authorities. Legalization of Aarafs ("mores") which organize the exploitation of agdals to solve the problems and to establish a legal framework for the future.

Continue our efforts to promote dialogue spaces between different family members and tribes along with local authorities and the Ministry of the Environment, according to the different agdals, while strengthening local governance structures. Use the legal review carried out by Ahmed Bendella to complement these efforts.

Recommendation 3.2

In IME, facilitate administrative and financial procedures for the use of lands claimed by the Forest Department that were traditionally used for rainfed agriculture (bours), in particular for cereals.

Promote dialogue spaces between community members along with local authorities and the Ministry of the Environment, to facilitate such procedures, if found to be sustainable. A future MSc student focusing on this topic could be relevant.

Challenge 4. Benefiting from medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs) while sustaining their wild populations

Recommendation 4.1

In both communes, maintain our support for the sustainable production and commercialisation of MAPs whilst enhancing our knowledge, through transdisciplinary research, about the multiple species used.

Continue our work in nurseries, sustainable harvesting action plans and characterisations of additional species, and their commercialisation aspects in close collaboration with local authorities & relevant government agencies.

Recommendation 4.2

In both communes, raising people's awareness of best practices of collection and sustainable harvesting of plant species.

This is included in our capacity building strategy.

Challenge 5. Maintain local products and traditions

Recommendation 5.1

In both AMH and IME, collaborate in the promotion of local products and traditions and improve our knowledge on agro-pastoralist livelihoods.

This can be achieved with the ethnography on beekeeping, our commercialization program, the diverse biocultural diversity fairs and community exchanges planned, and the close collaboration of local cooperatives, government organizations, intermediaries and retailers.

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Challenge 6. Limited capacity building/social capital

Recommendation 6.1

In both communes, promote capacity-building in various relevant topics, including alphabetisation to increase social capital.

This is being achieved with a combination of our agroecology, ethnobiology, conservation, commercialisation, monitoring and community exchanges program.

Recommendation 6.2

Promote adequate job creation.

This is being facilitated to community researchers with a salary and can be improved with the commercialisation program, amongst others.

Secondary challenges and recommendations

Challenge 7. Erosion and loss of other cultural practices

Recommendation 7.1

In both AMH and IME, promote traditions around dry stone construction, traditional foods and crafts.

Recommendation 7.2

Supporting collaborative research, community-based innovation, capacity building, local awareness-raising and community leadership to sustain and strengthen cultural practices

Challenge 8. Sustaining our activities and scaling up/expanding to other areas

Recommendation 8.1

Program with schools in AMH, IME, OUK and beyond, including environmental and biocultural education along with participatory monitoring.

Recommendation 8.2

In both AMH and IME facilitate the diffusion of CPCs and their importance to different audiences and scales, from local to national (focus groups, meetings, conferences, social media, radio & TV, etc.).

Challenge 9. Limited compliance with existing & new policy and treaties regarding the rights of indigenous peoples

Recommendation 9.1

Affirming Morocco’s central commitment to TEK (traditional livelihoods, intergenerational transmission of TEK, Amazigh languages and institutions, …) by supporting existing and new policies and/or legislation that recognize Amazigh populations and the conservation of biocultural diversity (ILO 169, UNDRIP, Nagoya Protocol, etc.).

Recommendation 9.2

Co-developing guidelines for strengthening CPCs and TEK for different stakeholders.

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VII.2 HACL programme activities and Community Action Plans The HACL programme was designed to respond to the evolving needs of partner communities as they seek to enhance their livelihoods while maintaining their cultural landscapes and biodiversity. Our HACL programme areas (see Introduction) continue to evolve over time to accommodate new needs, adaptations and innovations. In mid-2019 we began a process of developing Community Action Plans to ensure that our work fully responds to the needs, aspirations and recommendations of our partner communities. In this section, we share our experience responding to these needs and recommendations as part of our programme areas and especially the Community Action Plan process.

Community Action Plans (CAP) are roadmaps for implementing community socioenvironmental solutions in the communities GDF and MBLA collaborate with as part of the High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme. Based on a series of workshops and focus groups, the CAP process has identified and defined the key pillars, needs and actions for implementation in HACL Phase 2 (2020-2023). The CAPs provide a framework for implementing the activities logically and systematically, and benefit from their own monitoring and evaluation plan. Currently the CAP process is being piloted in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal communities; the lessons learned here will allow us to refine the process when we launch it in Oukaïmeden in late 2020. Based on an initial needs assessment, we collaboratively defined four broad pillars for the CAPs: Pastoralism, Agriculture, Commercialisation and Youth. We use the metaphor of the Moroccan stool to help describe the CAPs: each pillar is a leg of the stool, and over time the actions in each will come together to form a stable structure, capable of sustaining community livelihoods and biodiversity over time (See Figure 37).

Figure 37: The metaphor of the Moroccan stool we use to visualize the CAPs.

Through a series of workshops and focus groups in each community, we developed 2-3 needs per pillar, coming to a total of 11 needs across all pillars (see Table 6 for an overview of the needs expressed by both communities). These needs then translated into 39 specific activities that can be adjusted in space and time using an adaptive management approach. Once completed, the CAPs were reviewed, finalised and validated by community members in participatory workshops. We defined key actions in great detail and according to a monthly timetable between 2020 and 2021, with key team

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leaders responsible for each action. The specific steps and timetables for each CAP are provided in Annexes 17 and 18. Some activities already began in 2019 at the request of communities, and were included in the timetable if relevant. These Action plans are considered living, dynamic processes, and we expect to monitor and revise them regularly to ensure they continue to respond to the intended needs and aspirations of community members.

Developing Community Action Plans has allowed us to hone in on very specific actions that will help communities to restore, maintain and promote their traditional land use practices whilst also maintaining biodiversity and supporting community livelihoods. The Moroccan stool metaphor makes clear that these pillars are all mutually interdependent and must be addressed simultaneously for the outcome to achieve the results expected. In sum, all of the solutions and ‘best practices’ described here are inherently important for cultural landscapes to be maintained; they ought to be implemented in concert and one cannot be promoted or prioritized above another.

Table 6: Community Action Plans: pillars and needs

Pillar 1- Livestock, governance and ICCAs

Pillar 2- Wild and domesticated plants

Pillar 3- Commercialization

Pillar 4- Youth and biocultural education

Reducing conflicts over pastoral resources (local)

Improving tree crop cultivation

Identify 2-3 key products and actors (individuals and groups)

Identify actors, key needs & priorities, selecting 2-3 needs

Analyzing legal frameworks and promoting governance over communal lands and resources (regional, Nat’l)

Promoting agroecological interventions

Support sustainable and equitable value chains for 1-2 products

Socioenvironmental program in schools

Improving wellbeing of livestock

Improving medicinal plants collection

Support local cooperatives and sustainable value chains via institutional strengthening

Development program for young unemployed women and men

Although the recently defined Community Action Plans happen to be structured around these four pillars, our HACL programme had already moved towards focusing on these exact themes since well before the CAPs process, principally as a result of our commitment to respecting community needs and aspirations. Moreover, our HACL programme does not solely focus on the work planned as part of the CAP pillars, but has a much broader mandate that includes research, capacity-building, dissemination and policy-making activities that may not be of immediate interest to communities but are nevertheless essential for the programme to be successful and our ‘best practices’ to function.

Supporting agdal governance and conflict-resolution and enhancing livestock management (Pillar 1) Activities that focus on maintaining and enhancing the important traditional land use practice of the agdal involve engaging with the HACL programme areas of Cultural Practices, Governance & Policy and Agroecology. Working on the agdal involves supporting communities to enhance their livestock

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management and reduce the costs and strain of maintaining livestock. It also requires supporting local conflict-resolution and governance-strengthening processes; while we do not propose to facilitate these processes, communities have expressed their desire for us to engage in these processes by providing ideas, resources and means for their community-based implementation. To carry out these actions effectively, we must also continue our action research on agdal management practices and ecological monitoring. In Box 3, we provide an overview of the actions planned as part of Pillar I.

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Box 3: Pillar 1 needs and actions (Detailed programme in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Revitalization of customs and support the resolution of pastoral conflicts and promotion of traditional

governance systems over communal lands and resources. This issue presents itself differently in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. In Imegdal, the aim of our contribution is to help solve the problem around the bour lands by facilitating the dialogue spaces between local communities and the other institutions. This process will be carried out by our GDF-MBLA team through three main actions: (1) Community focus groups will be organized with local associations’ representatives of each douar of Imegdal gathered to deeply discuss the problem and the ways to resolve it; (2) GDF-MBLA will help open the dialogue with institutional stakeholders concerned by this problem, which are: local authorities, the elected members of the commune and the regional direction of Eaux & Forets; (3) A local restitution workshop will be held with the different stakeholders and the local community to exhibit the results of the various meetings and focus groups previously carried out and to discuss the next steps. In Ait M’hamed, the aim is to solve the problem around the Allouz and Talmest agdals, by opening spaces of dialogue between local communities and the other institutions. The three main activities are: (1) Community focus groups will be organized with representatives of each of the three tribes involved in the conflict surrounding both agdals (Ait isha, Ait Abbas and Ait M’hamed), each community separately will have in-depth discussions regarding problems and possible solutions; (2) We will help open spaces for dialogue with institutional stakeholders concerned by this problem, which are: the governor, local authorities, the elected members of each commune, and the regional direction of Eaux & Forets; (3) A regional restitution workshop will be held with the different stakeholders and the local community to exhibit the results of the various meetings and focus groups previously carried out and to discuss the next steps.

(2) Analyzing legal frameworks and promoting governance over communal lands and resources. A review of Morocco’s legal and policy framework regarding governance of communal lands and resources and Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities Conserved Areas and Territories (ICCAs) was published in 2019 (see Annex 20) and shared in two national workshops (see Annexes 20a and 20b for reports). In late 2019, MBLA became the co-coordinator of a national-level process to create a National ICCA Committee, which will be formally launched on 11 and 12 March 2020 at the ‘Carrefour des APACs’, an important event gathering all representatives of Moroccan ICCAs at which a national strategy for promotion, recognition and networking of ICCAs will be developed.

(3) Improving the wellbeing of livestock. The aim is to design a process to enhance livestock health. This process will be carried out by our GDF-MBLA team through four main activities: (1) Baseline data will be gathered by collating and classifying existing data related to: livestock health status, farming treatment practices, state of the stables and nutriment storages; (2) An annual veterinary caravan in each community will be organized to diagnose and monitor diseases in situ. The team will also monitor the current state of household’s stables and forage storages every two months; (3) training to improve the livestock health will be held as part of “Livestock Health Module” of Farmer Field School in October 2020. The principal themes of the training will be: diagnosis of main diseases, farming treatments, animal health in stables, forage stock, balanced diet. (4) from 2021, the team would undertake actions to improve the status of stables and elaborate a diet programme to ensure balance and health for all livestock. Field agronomist Omar Saadani Hassani and partner organisation DEAFAL would collaborate to supervise this process. This programme will be piloted in 15-20 households of Anamer in Imegdal and 15-20 households of Bernat in Ait M’hamed.

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Improving livelihoods through agroecology and vegetation management (Pillar 2) Activities focusing on maintaining and enhancing traditional agroecosystems and sustainable harvesting practices involve engaging with the HACL programme areas of Cultural Practices, Biodiversity Conservation and Agroecology. A fundamental component of healthy traditional agroecosystems is agrobiodiversity, which, as the results in Chapter VI show is currently being eroded in favour of new varieties and cash crops. A significant component of HACL Phase 2 will focus on assessing, characterising, restoring and conserving local agrobiodiversity whilst also supporting communities to carry out in-field selection processes to develop new, locally-adapted varieties that are better adapted to the rapid climate change these areas are experiencing. Furthermore, while

Box 4: Pillar 2 needs and actions (detailed timeline available in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Improvement of tree and MAP production in community territories to increase communities’

standards of living. The species selected and procedures will be slightly different in Imegdal and Ait M’hamed. In Imegdal, in collaboration with local farmers in Anamer, 1500 carob and walnut trees will be planted in an area called tawloult. Lavander and thymus will be intercropped with those trees. GDF-MBLA will take charge of irrigation during the first six months following plantation and local farmers will take responsibility for it afterwards. In Ait M’hamed, in collaboration with farmers from the douars of Zamt, Assaman, Bernat and Wabzaza, thousands of seeds of imts (Fraxinus dimorpha), tasaft (Quercus rotundifolia), and louz (Prunus dulcis) will be planted. Seedlings of Tazoukanit (Thymus satureioides), irgel (Cistus monspeliensis), and kabbar (Capparis spinosa) will be intercropped with the trees plantations to further support livelihoods improvements and, in the case of Thymus satureioides, conservation of this endangered species. Once again, GDF-MBLA will take charge of irrigation in the first 6 months, after which the farmers will take over. In both communities seed harvesting for tree plantation will begin in July 2020 and seedling production in October 2020 to be ready for the transplantation in the field by the end of February 2021.

(2) Agroecological interventions. The principal aim of this component of the CAP is to enhance soil management in the agroecosystems of both communes, given that soil management is at the heart of productivity and ecosystem health. Four main activities are planned: (1) Baseline data will be gathered by collating and classifying data related to: soil physicochemical characterization, actual situation on water management, and characterization of local agricultural practices; (2) Detailed soil monitoring will be carried out in 3 agricultural terraces in Anamer and Bernat, including: diagnosis and productivity, irrigation, and pest control; (3) Training on water management and ecological monitoring was held during the capacity-building week held in December 2019. I; (4) Farmer Field Schools will be organized twice every year and the following modules will be implemented to enhance soil management practices:

o Plant nutrition and Soil and its fertility: diagnosis, productivity, importance of organic matter, mineral nutrition.

o Plant nutrition and health: plant physiology, natural stimulants, organic pesticides, mineral availability. o Local resources to control water, improving traditional systems, cement Vs earth, application water

saving irrigation systems. o Orchard plantation, intercropping, pests and diseases management, importance of pruning, balanced

fertilization, sylvo-pastural systems. o Improvement actions of the soil fertilization technics will be carried out in Anamer, and also the

optimization of water management and the use of natural organic pesticides.

MBLA Field Agronomist Omar Saadani Hassani and partner organization DEAFAL will supervise the implementation of point 2. Baseline data will be gathered between January and June 2020, with monitoring actions running between February and April 2020.

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traditional agricultural practices are clearly supportive of biodiversity and ecosystem function, they require some innovations and adaptations in order to address new challenges and community needs for agriculture to generate more income. We have invited regenerative agriculture experts DEAFAL to define a plan of action for innovative approaches to soil, water and pest management that is respectful of traditional management systems. DEAFAL also lead Farmer Field Schools to train farmers in new methods. These actions will enhance crop productivity and local livelihoods, possibly encouraging young people to remain at home and participate in traditional livelihoods for longer. Finally, traditional agroecosystems in the High Atlas also rely on the presence of key tree and medicinal and aromatic plant (MAP) species. The HACL programme has engaged in production, conservation and enrichment planting of important plant and tree species since its inception in 2013 with the creation and continuous improvement of community nurseries and seed banks. The Community Action Plans focus, in the first instance, on the elements related more directly to livelihoods improvement: enhanced, climate-adapted agroecological practices and the production of culturally-important trees and MAPs.

Sustainable commercialization of local products (Pillar 3) Activities focusing on maintaining and enhancing traditional agroecosystems and sustainable harvesting practices engage principally with the HACL programme area of Local Product Commercialisation. They are also fundamentally rooted in our transversal capacity-building programme, given the importance of training, strengthening and information for community cooperatives to become competitive and generate sustainable incomes for their members. To implement this element of the programme, from 2018 we have carried out participatory ethnographic research across all actors and sectors involved in the value chains of High Atlas products. We have developed actor maps and value chains for 6 principal products that have a high potential for commercialisation: almond, walnut, carob, saffron, honeycomb products and 4 MAPS (Lavandula dentata, Thymus satureioides, Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija and Anacyclus pyrethrum – the latter three being endangered species). Please see Annex 19 for a full protocol and report on the status of local product commercialisation in the High Atlas. Based on this in-depth research, in 2020 we will develop market analyses and business plans for these products. We will also engage with Marrakech-based traders, retailers, chefs and hoteliers to open niche markets for High Atlas cultural landscape products. Our collaboration with the Marrakech-based social enterprise Ethnobotanica launched this process in mid-2019 when it began actively trading in produce from High Atlas cooperatives at fair prices while also building up a network of buyers and restaurateurs interested in these products.

There are several recent and emerging initiatives in Morocco that seek to provide market and policy incentives for maintaining traditional land use practices. As part of the second pillar of the Green Morocco Plan (a renewed agricultural and rural development strategy launched in 2008), the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Rural Development, Water and Forests is promoting “produits de terroir” (local products from a specific region), which it characterizes as “a promising alternative for the local, viable and sustainable development of remote or difficult to access areas”. Through the Agency for Agricultural Development (ADA), it is implementing a development strategy for the marketing of these products. This initiative has recently focused on integrating local products in the most prominent supermarkets like Carrefour Market, Green village, Ayaso, Marjane and Aswak Assalam, where markets dedicate specific shelves and areas to “produits du terroir”. These are increasingly attractive to consumers as a result of being local, organic and perceived as healthy and ‘authentic’.

These efforts are supported by a specific law passed in 2008 that sets a framework for recognizing the origin and quality of agricultural and fisheries products through designations such as “Protected

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Geographic Indications”, “Protected Origin Appellations” and “Agricultural Labels”. Another law, #112-12 on cooperatives, provides opportunities for small groups of producers to commercialise local products through new legal structures that have simplified financial, governance and membership requirements. In addition, law #29-05 on the Protection of Wild Species of Flora and Fauna and their Trade, which has the goal of protecting and conserving animal and plants species through control of commercial exploitation, provides clear procedures for marketing wild-harvested products that are sustainably harvested, even if its main focus is on reducing unsustainable harvest of commercially valuable species in conformity with principles set out in multilateral environmental agreements.

In parallel with these government initiatives, civil society is mobilising to create opportunities for improved marketing of local products, including those derived through traditional land use practices. For example, the Réseau des Initiatives Agro-écologiques au Maroc is seeking to create a participatory system of guarantee that certifies producers based on of trust, social networks and knowledge

Box 5: Pillar 3 needs and actions (detailed timetable available in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Identify 2-3 key products and actors. Focus groups at the end of October 2019 with 3 partner cooperatives in Imegdal identified dried thyme (Thymus satureioides) and dried lavender (Lavandula dentata) as key products they would like to commercialise. In Ait M’hamed 3 partner cooperatives identified saffron (Crocus sativus), walnut (Juglans regia) and honey as key cultural products they would like to commercialsiation. From April to June 2020, we will complete a study to define all the actors directly and indirectly involved in the value chains of these products from upstream (production) to downstream (commercialization). Jan- May 2020, we will implement a study of the socioeconomic impact of these products, including the assessment of three factors: the income earned from each product, the rate of job creation by each product, the direct impact on local development of each product. Most preliminary data for these reports has already been collected and analysed (see Annex 19 – Commercialisation Report).

(2) Support the value chains of the 5 products. From May to July 2020, a deeper analysis of the relationships between the value chain actors of each of these 5 products will be carried out, their different sales points, and the multiple parameters that influence these value chains. This study will be held in the level of community souks, local souks and markets, and national level markets. From August to September 2020, we will complete a market analyses of each of these 5 products including: cost structure of the value chain, analysis of marketing costs and margins, opportunities and constraints for local product development (SWOT), from which we will extrapolate the strengths and weaknesses of these products and make strategic proposals for their development. Finally, In October 2020, Local Product Commercialisation Coordinator Mohamed Ouknin will produce a study of the market needs of the five selected products (competition with other products, price influence parameters, consumption parameters).

(3) Institutional strengthening of local cooperatives to enhance sustainable value chains. Three main activities will be implemented: (1) Support for local cooperatives from November to December 2020 through : defining their marketing problems, calculate the cost price and profit margin of each product, study of the market requirements and quality standards: preconditions for market access; (2) Identification of the constraints and motivations of a sustainable value chain of each product (Jan-Mar 2021) in order to produce an assessment of the market situation and formulate a sustainable strategy for the development of these products; (3) in April 2021 launch research on the by-products with high added value by implementing a study of the possibility of producing by-products by local cooperatives, market analysis for the sale of by-products and actions required to take advantage of these markets.

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exchange. In collaboration with the Crédit Agricole Foundation, National Office for Health Security of Food Products (ONSSA) and other institutions, the Mohammed V Foundation for Solidarity created the first Solidarity Market in Casablanca in 2017, and is planning to replicate it elsewhere in Morocco. It promotes the commercialisation of nearly 7000 local cosmetics, craft and culinary products from more than 300 cooperatives from all the regions of Morocco. Visited by nearly 600,000 consumers annually, it is a unique distribution channel that contributes to the enhancement of local know-how, creation of new economic opportunities for cooperatives and improvement in the livelihoods of women in particular. There exist now also new initiatives like The Anou (www.theanou.com) which provides direct connections between producers (craftspeople in this case) and consumers, also supporting the former with technology, training, marketing, orders and political advocacy. This vibrant national scenario of market and policy incentives for commercialisation of local products – especially those derived from traditional land use practices – will be more fully described in our final report.

A focus on youth and biocultural education (Pillar 4) One of the challenges most underscored by community members in the changes and recommendations workshops (see Tables 3 and 4) is related to youth and education. On the one hand, communities are grateful for the educational opportunities now available to their children, and on the other they recognise that the ‘change in attitudes’ among youth and their lack of desire to pursue the livelihoods activities of their parents and grandparents is a significant factor in the erosion of traditional land use practices and High Atlas iconic cultural landscapes. Many would like young people to have more opportunities for ‘betterment’ without nevertheless sacrificing their identity and cultural practices. Furthermore, the HACL programme external evaluator noted in her 2019 evaluation the importance of including youth – in particular the 16-24 age bracket – in our HACL programme work, not only by giving them opportunities within our programme but actively devising programme actions for their benefit. This particular age bracket is somewhat lost between the generation above them that is engaged in more-or-less traditional livelihoods activities (or has moved to an urban centre for work) and the younger generation who are still in school. They often don’t have much direction, nor do they have opportunities available to build their careers. In the current context of the High Atlas, this invisible generation could be harnessed to the work of restoring and promoting traditional practices, if these are made accessible and inviting through livelihoods opportunities.

In addition to the youth component of this pillar, we also build on our successful Dar Taliba Ourika training programme to engage with school-aged children, inviting them to be more active participants in traditional land use practices. Our current training programme focuses on permaculture, seed-saving and traditional plant uses, and we are now expanding this biocultural education component to include intergenerational knowledge transmission workshops in which elders will share their wisdom and practices with school-aged children with the aim of capturing the interest of children in maintaining these practices as they grow up.

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Engaging in policy-making and partnership-building As we engage in the above actions principally at community level, we also recognize the importance of engaging in broader, higher scale processes to ensure the sustainability and longterm success of our work. The two areas we currently focus on are policy-making and partnership-building. With regards to policy-making, Global Diversity Foundation as a foreign NGO does not engage directly in it. Instead, with GDF’s support, MBLA is leading this programme area by focusing on four key actions:

Box 6: Pillar 4 needs and activities (detailed timetable available in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Schools biocultural & environmental program. It is related to bio cultural activities with primary schools and includes three main activities:

• Biocultural trips & socio-environmental activities: including three sessions of learning about the main local flora and fauna, learning about local cultural practices (agricultural and pastoral) linked to livelihoods, and basics of photography and short videos.

• Intergenerational Knowledge transfer workshops: Elders share histories about food and recipes, explaining how food ways have changed in recent decades and how life was when they were young, how the landscape has changed and what they would like to see in the future. Another session of the uses of nature: dying with plants is also part of the program. Each session will take long maximum two hours.

• Cleaning & Recycling activities: The idea is to collect waste around the schools and beyond. Identifying where most waste accumulates to make a plan for future actions. This will be followed by a session of crafts with waste and another one of crafts with natural objects. A sub-activity of gardening starting with water-resistant plants is also programed for the year of 2020.

In Imegdal the primary group school is the target beneficiary of these activities. It is composed of three primary schools with a total of 135 students. In Ait M’hamed The Zamt primary group school is the target beneficiary of these activities. It is composed of five primary schools with a total of 540 students. The idea is to program one sub-activity per month, with a total of 10 sub-activities from February to June and from September to December 2020.

(2) Programme for youth up to 18 years old. In Imegdal, our actions would focus first on girls (16-18 years old), with the development of a training program for carpet-making (a traditional Amazigh draft) with recycled clothes and fabrics based on the expertise of a local woman from the female Cooperative (Coopérative feminine d’Imegdal). Actions would also include facilitating their commercialization, if feasible, in regional urban centers. In AIt M’hamed, by request of the youth in question as well as community authorities, our actions will focus on an ecotourism program. It is composed of three main themes:

• Biology program: Learning about local flora and fauna, landscapes and their changes through time. Community researchers will facilitate this part of the program and will share their local knowledge with these future “faux guides”.

• Cultural program: Learning about the local history, and about local cultural practices linked to livelihood. GDF-MBLA team will facilitate these sessions based on the outputs of the several previous documentation studies done within the HACL program.

• Linguistic program: Basic French, English and translation of the technical vocabulary courses. GDF-MBLA team will facilitate these sessions.

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(1) Research. To date we have carried out comprehensive reviews on the Moroccan legal and policy frameworks related to (a) communal governance of lands and resources (Annex 20) and (b) agriculture and seeds (Annex 21). This research forms the basis for strategic decision-making regarding the modalities by which communities and their civil society supporters can interact with policy-makers to enhance these frameworks for their benefit and for the maintenance and promotion of traditional land use practices.

(2) Capacity-building. We engage in capacity-building surrounding policy-making, through community-based and regional workshops with the aim of empowering communities, local authorities and civil society in Morocco to lead in incipient processes of policy-making from the ground-up.

(3) Dissemination. Besides the legal reviews, which we disseminate among our partners and networks, we are also developing policy briefs, case studies and peer-reviewed articles on Morocco policies and their connections with High Atlas cultural landscapes and sustainable land use practices. These are for wider dissemination, with the intention of impacting Moroccan policy-making for the benefit of traditional land use practices.

(4) Policy-making. Based on our legal reviews, case studies and policy briefs, we seek to support Moroccan civil society as they inform and support national policies that benefit cultural landscapes, the commons, and traditional land use practices and systems.

In order to support the delicate work of policy-making – and indeed all of the other aspects of our programme – robust and productive local, regional, national and international partnerships are essential (see Box 1 on p. 11 above). We have focused a great deal of time and resources on developing these partnerships to ensure the sustainability, longevity and success of our programme, including through active fundraising to support partners and events to bring them together.

VII.3 Lessons learned: transforming challenges into opportunities Over the 5 years of work carried out to support High Atlas cultural landscapes in Morocco, our team has faced many challenges and learned many lessons. One overarching lesson has been to transform challenges into opportunities, using an adaptive management approach (see Best Practices section). In this section we distil them to 5 key challenges and lessons learned:

Challenge: the epistemological gap between the natural and social sciences Our aim in the HACL programme has always been to seek to be as interdisciplinary as possible, and to bridge the inevitable gaps between the natural and social sciences. The epistemological gap between the two remains a challenge we continue to contend with today, and it is one with deep roots (that were exposed during the 1980’s and 1990’s ‘science wars’) that is still expressed in the way academia is structured with such neat distinctions between positivist science and constructivist humanism. The clearest expression of this challenge in terms of our programme is the complexity of obtaining scientifically valid evidence of the interconnections between traditional land use practices and biodiversity, given that both themes require such different methodological approaches for their study. While we feel we are achieving incipient connections through our ecological monitoring programme as well as through our targeted work on individual species by way of the comprehensive species monographs, we still feel that these fall short of generating the kind of outcome that truly expresses the integrated nature of traditional land use practices and biodiversity.

Lessons learned and opportunities: One of the main lessons learned is that we cannot address traditional land use practices and biodiversity through separate research approaches and

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methodologies. We have now integrated our once distinct ‘biodiversity conservation’ and ‘ethnobiology’ programmes into one unique biocultural diversity conservation programme that addresses both elements in conjunction through integrated research methods. This also requires ensuring that the team understands this integration fully, even if individuals have invariably been trained in one or the other epistemological approach. Capacity-building and continuous striving for a holistic and integrated approach are our principal allies and opportunities.

Challenge: working productively with institutions Another challenge we have encountered is the difficulty, occasionally, of working with institutions – at all scales. Locally, we have had to contend with an increasing bureaucratization and supervision of the local authorities which has required us to comply with onerous administrative rules and regulations. Obtaining permits for collaborating with communities is a case in point: our collaboration with the commune of Oukaïmeden was stalled for around 1 year because internal issues related to management of ski tourism within the local administration resulted in bureaucratic processes halting and our permit not being issued until early 2019. In addition, we have noted the challenge of the short cycles of political leadership, meaning that our work to build partnerships and develop good working relationships with key individuals must always be renewed. This temporal challenge is paralleled at another scale: that of donor funding cycles. The average 2- to 3-year funding cycle is simply not sufficient to achieve the kinds of outcomes donors often expect, and indeed to ensure that those outcomes that are achieved are sustainable over time.

Lessons learned and opportunities: Regarding our relationships with local institutions, our principal lesson learned has been to develop excellent working relationships with key individuals throughout the community, commune and province, ensuring redundancy and sustainability when leadership at the communal or provincial level changes. The significant time and resources (both human and financial) invested in partnership-building has proven absolutely vital to the longevity and success of our programme. Regarding the short funding cycles of donors, we have firstly been lucky to benefit from two consecutive cycles of MAVA Foundation funding, but also we have to invest significant time and human resources into achieving a broad funding base in order to ensure the continuity of the programme. In these uncertain financial climes, this remains a challenge that we contend with on a daily basis.

Challenge: working with gender in traditional communities In the conservative societies of High Atlas Amazigh communities, we rapidly learned that if we were to have access to the knowledge and contributions of women – whether in interviews, focus groups or workshops – we must operate on the basis of gender segregation. Even when we do segregate genders, a gender balance is always challenging to achieve as women tend to not travel away from their homes or may not be permitted to participate in certain activities.

Lessons learned and opportunities: Including women at all levels of the team is essential: women community researchers can ensure that women are interviewed and included in all fieldwork data collection exercises; women on the local MBLA team ensure that women-only workshops are facilitated appropriately; women on the management team ensure that all of our team are aware of the importance of a gendered approach. Sensitivity is required at all times by all members of the team; GDF and MBLA are in the final phases of developing a

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gender policy to ensure that all staff have access to the knowledge and tools they need to implement a gender-sensitive approach. In addition to these management tools, we also focus on women in general in our work in order to promote their empowerment and participation. We support women’s cooperatives and initiatives in communities, have a long-term productive partnership to support young Amazigh girls to complete their high school education through the Dar Taliba Ourika boarding house, and are about to pilot a series of ‘gender caravans’ in the High Atlas to raise awareness and empower communities to support women and women’s issues.

Challenge: a multilingual, multidisciplinary and multicultural team Our ambitious programme requires us to address and manage the issue of working in a multicultural, multidisciplinary and multilingual team. We were challenged to find new ways of bridging competing interests, misunderstandings and cultural differences. Furthermore, translating across three, sometimes four, languages resulted in elements ‘lost in translation’. Nevertheless, these differences remain one of our greatest strengths.

Lessons learned and opportunities: One lesson learned is to accept that there will be certain limitations that are unavoidable, and that the key is to maintain open and amicable dialogue with a view to finding innovative and collaborative approaches to managing difference. We also invest time and resources into ensuring appropriate translation and linguistic support. We take all the time - and invest the human and financial resources - required to check and recheck that all team and community members approve the results of the research and the ways in which these are presented. We listen to the voices of those that are slower to speak up, and we ‘check-in’ with team and communities constantly to ensure that we are all still working in concert and that everyone is satisfied with their role and relationships. We are proactive in dealing with issues when they arise for the benefit of the whole team.

Challenge: drivers of change that are out of our control A clear and overarching challenge to the work of maintaining, restoring and promoting traditional land use practices that benefit biodiversity are the sheer scale, potency and reach of those drivers of change that are out of the control of programmes such as ours, in particular global environmental change and socioeconomic change (‘modernisation’). While we have noted that all drivers and changes are interconnected and not possibly distilled into neat, discrete elements, these two drivers lie without a doubt at the heart of all aspects of change recorded by communities and observed by outsiders that are impacting traditional land use practices in the High Atlas.

Lessons learned and opportunities: Given that we cannot ‘do anything’ about these drivers of change in the context of our programme, our approach is to work adaptively with them. This involves welcoming select innovations that can support traditional land use systems to adapt, holistically, to changes that are much more rapid than they ever were. For example, in our agroecology programme we provide, at the request of our partner communities, training in innovative, organic soil, water and pest management approaches that can enhance the resilience of these traditional systems as they face increasing climactic challenges. Supporting a sustainable, equitable and participatory opening of these rather ‘closed’ systems to the outside world through commercialization of cultural products is another approach to engaging with these vast drivers of change in a way that respects traditions and biodiversity.

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VII.4 Implementation Guidance: keys to success in maintaining, restoring and promoting Mediterranean cultural landscapes Based on the lessons we have learned, we have developed a set of best practices that we believe are key to supporting, promoting and restoring cultural landscapes in the Mediterranean region:

Participation, collaboration and capacity-building One overarching best practice that our experience can distil is the deeply participatory and collaborative methodology we employ. From defining the vision and scope of the programme, through designing and implementing the methodology, to devising key actions: every step of the way has involved deep and recursive dialogue with partner communities, either directly or through the community researchers. The Community Action Plan process is a key example of how we have achieved a deep rooting in community needs and aspirations that also responds to the broader twin requirements for maintaining traditional land use practices and biodiversity.

One key example of this reflects the argument made above regarding the importance of including local perspectives in our assessments of conservation status, and more importantly in the conservation actions we implement. Conventional conservation relies rather exclusively on the IUCN Red list to make decisions about species and ecosystems that must be prioritised. We choose to listen carefully to local perspectives regarding the importance and status of key species and use this information, in tandem with that obtained through the official Red list, to develop our conservation actions. This has been particularly relevant for the selection of species we grow in community nurseries and distribute for enrichment planting.

Such a community-based process requires significant time, resources and adaptability; it requires all levels of the team to be fully conversant and deeply personally in tune with participatory approaches. For this reason, we invest significantly in capacity-building, both through individual coaching and mentoring and group training, at all levels of the team. In addition, key members of our Moroccan field team (including 4 out of 5 of our team’s PhDs) hail from Amazigh communities. This ensures not only the smooth and complete translation of key concepts and ideas, but also a deep understanding of the local culture, which grounds and ground-truths both the programme’s approach and results.

A holistic and adaptable approach to studying traditional land use systems Another key best practice emerging from our work is that of treating traditional land use practices and associated biodiversity as part of integrated human-nature-landscape systems. We cannot ‘extract’ priority species or targeted practices from the complex socioecological webs in which they co-emerge and co-exist. Instead we must pay attention to the whole system and at how, in its integrity, it maintains and supports both biodiversity and human wellbeing. When addressing these systems holistically, we learn that attempting to extrapolate results and actions by focusing only on the conservation individual species or only on specific aspects of socioeconomic development is not as likely to result in success as working on all aspects of the system simultaneously. In one specific example, seeing the system as a whole has resulted in us focusing our attention as much on biodiversity as on agrobiodiversity, given the complex and as yet vastly unknown interconnections and gradations between domesticated and ‘wild’ biodiversity in production landscapes

For this reason, as our programme has evolved, it has become increasingly complex and integrated. It is also for this reason that we have moved from a programme that mobilises the natural and the social sciences in parallel with a view to integrating results post-hoc to one that integrates the two approaches from the outset. Moreover, by using innovative and syncretic approaches, and focusing on community ownership, we develop pathways, actions and further research that are actively sought by communities to enhance an integrated social-ecological-economic wellbeing, for example

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regenerative agriculture practices, new conflict resolution mechanisms, local product commercialisation, community nurseries, and youth-oriented programmes.

Adaptive management and respect for local rhythms Any programme seeking to work at the frontier of change must be highly adaptable, not only to the inevitable intrinsic and extrinsic changes that characterise socio-ecological systems, but also to the emergent learnings and needs of partner communities. We built adaptability into our approach by staging the process into distinct phases and sub-phases, allowing us to reflect on what ought to be kept and what ought to change and how. This staged approach also allowed us to build our process in respect for local rhythms, which are always slower and less linear than expected or hoped for. It is also for this reason that we recognise the need for donor funding and project cycles to reflect the longterm, not always linear nature of this work.

Partnership-building, network-building and scaling up As already mentioned in the lessons learned section, a final best practice that is a sine qua non of sustaining cultural landscapes in the Mediterranean is focusing on partnership-building and network-building. Our participatory approach to programme development and dissemination includes a wide array of stakeholders and actors, from local authorities (at multiple administrative levels), to cooperatives, to NGOs, regional and national research institutions government agencies and international organisations. In a country like Morocco we would not have achieved our current programme results without the support of this ever-growing and -evolving partnership. The partnership-building process has also increased the influence of MBLA, a small youth-led NGO that is now recognised as a key player in any event or initiative regarding rural communities, biodiversity and traditional practices. One key example of this recognition is the role given to MBLA in the establishment, public launch and facilitation of the first national committee on ICCAs. Partnership-building is also at the heart of our team’s ability to scale up our holistic and adaptable programme to reach other communities and other regions outside of the High Atlas.

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VIII. Balancing Tradition and Innovation: how to support and promote best practices for maintaining High Atlas cultural landscapes In this final section we distil recommendations, actions and guidance for each of three core Best Practices that we propose must be supported in the High Atlas in order to maintain, promote and restore High Atlas cultural landscapes. These are: (1) pastoral agdals, (2) terraced agroecosystems and (3) sustainable production and harvesting of medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs) which have all been described in detail in the ‘Best Practice Case Studies’ in Chapter V. All three of these systems are composed of many intertwined practices; in fact, all three are connected to each other. Nevertheless, as is clear from community recommendations and associated action plans, in the context of an integrated programme, it is possible to distil specific and targeted actions to sustain each of these best practices.

In this section we report the key actions we are planning and implementing for each of these Best Practices. Some of these are extracted directly from the Community Action Plans and others are additional actions planned as part of our integrated programme. The latter additional actions were also developed in collaboration with communities and carefully designed on the basis of 6 years of action research in the High Atlas.

VIII.1 Agdals To support agdals, a broad portfolio of actions is required at national scale as well as at the scale of individual agdals, which each have their own challenges to contend with. Some of these ‘individual agdal’ actions can be implemented at a regional scale (e.g. livestock health and management), while others are to be implemented on a case-by-case basis.

1. National scale. At the national scale, ICCAs in Morocco – of which many agdals – are currently coming together in a National ICCA Committee (Carrefour des APACs), a process that is being co-coordinated by MBLA. The overarching aims of building this national network are to (1) learn from each other – and from other ICCAs in the broader region – regarding strengthening governance systems and maintaining customary practices, (2) to enhance and promote active advocacy for national recognition and support for ICCAs and (3) to co-develop strategies and plans of action to enhance ICCAs across Morocco. This work connects to the ongoing necessity for policy-making research and actions, already begun by MBLA through the production of a legal review on Morocco’s framework concerning communal territorial management published in 2019. In addition to these elements, dissemination and awareness-raising efforts at the national and international scales are essential.

2. Individual agdals. In individual agdals, different areas of action are necessary.

a. More action research is necessary to (a) characterise agdals and gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which this practice is connected to biodiversity and ecosystem health and (b) continue to monitor biodiversity (vegetation, soil and insects) to both contribute to point (a) and also assess how socioecological – and particular climactic – changes are impacting agdal biodiversity and resilience. GDF-MBLA proposes to carry out an extensive mapping of the flora and human occupation of Igourdane agdal as part of this process, aiming to gain a multi-layered understanding of how agdals function in the cultural landscape.

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b. Support for enhanced livestock health and management is essential if people are to continue using the agdals (c.f Chapters VI and VII for an in-depth description of how changes to livestock management practices are fundamentally impacting the practice of transhumance). To launch this process, baseline data on the status of livestock is necessary, veterinary caravans will follow, and training in sustainable livestock health management will be provided as part of CAP Pillar 2. In addition, in connection with the best practice of Terraced Agroecosystems, we will also support the improved production of key cereal varieties which will support the production of fodder for animals, thus reducing dependency on bought fodder and revitalizing the practice of transhumance.

c. As conflicts in agdals intensify in the context of socioecological change, the development of adapted conflict resolution mechanisms is essential. GDF and MBLA are piloting support for conflict resolution through a process described under CAP Pillar 1: community-based solution-seeking focus groups, facilitated dialogue with all stakeholders, and a regional workshop.

d. In the Igourdane agdal, community members also recommended support for the direct improvement of resource management in agdals, including support to restore water reserves and springs in the agdal and reforestation of key areas with native species. These recommendations will be addressed in the second cycle of the CAP process. They also requested capacity-building and support to encourage youth to return to the transhumant way of life, an element we are partly addressing through CAP Pillar 4.

VIII.2 Terraced agroecosystems To support the maintenance of High Atlas terraced agroecosystems, a multi-pronged approach is also necessary:

1. Action research on agroecosystems, agrobiodiversity and local seed systems. This includes assessing the conservation status of local varieties of key crops and implementing action plans for their maintenance. It also requires further documentation of traditional seed systems and networks, and revitalization of these through regional and local seed fairs. This action is to be associated with support for continued and enhanced management of community seed banks, including the collection and conservation of traditional, local and under-used varieties. This work should be associated with a concerted documentation of the status of traditional granaries (Ighrems) and a feasibility study for how they could be effectively used by communities to support their agroecosystems. In addition, support for participatory varietal selection processes is essential, as communities request new crop varieties that are (a) more resilient to ecological shocks and (b) more marketable. It is essential that such processes are respective of local cultures and practices, and that they draw upon local agrobiodiversity, thus also contributing to the conservation of traditional genetic material. Characterisation and promotion of traditional livestock breeds is essential, as these are locally-adapted to the environment and ecology of the High Atlas, and alongside this documentation of ethnoveterinary practices. Documentation, characterization and monitoring of key pollinator species are fundamental, as specific conservation action plans for these must be rapidly developed in the face of potential decline.

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2. Innovative approaches to enhance productivity and sustainability of terraces. GDF and MBLA have already begun a process of engaging with communities to complement sustainable traditional management practices with innovations from the field of regenerative agriculture, organic agriculture and permaculture. A baseline assessment was carried out in selected douars in 2019, providing data for community-based action plans for innovative soil, water and pest management that use endogenous resources, traditional knowledge and local crop varieties in innovative ‘varietal portfolios’ as their primary tools. GDF-MBLA is now seeking funding to implement these action plans and associated Farmer Field Schools (see CAP Pillar 2). Soil monitoring and water management innovations are key elements of these actions.

3. In order to encourage communities to maintain their traditional terraced agroecosystems, it is essential to support equitable and sustainable commercialization and value chains for agricultural produce, both traditional agrobiodiversity and products (including honey and walnuts) and new products such as saffron. Actions in this respect include product selection, analyses of value chains and markets, and development of business plans with cooperatives. Our focus to date has been on product selection for MAPs and tree species, but in Phase 2 we plan to develop this work for agricultural produce, in particular selected cereal and legume crops. We focus specifically on high value niche markets in Marrakech, including restaurants, hotels and specialty retailers. We continue to actively grow the social enterprise Ethnobotanica, which is associated with GDF-MBLA’s work in the High Atlas, developing its capacity to attract buyers and retailers. This is part of a broader strategy to encourage the creation of a High Atlas Cultural Landscapes product market through the organization of gastronomy events, engaging in food innovation initiatives with urban chefs, building direct cooperative-buyer relationships, exploring the potential for engaging in initiatives such as participatory guarantee and the Slow Food Ark of Taste, and so on. To support this work, we continue to provide targeted capacity-building and network-building for local cooperatives, and to build entrepreneurial muscle among communities, particularly among Youth (CAP Pillar 4).

VIII.3 Sustainable production and harvest of plants Our final best practice concerns the sustainable management of High Atlas plant populations, in particular cultural keystone species of trees and medicinal and aromatic plans (MAPs). To achieve this, we implement a set of diverse and interconnected activities, which are being deepened and enhanced in HACL Phase 2 (2020-2023):

1. Enhanced management of community nurseries and seed banks where cultural keystone species are grown and conserved. We currently help communities to manage 4 community nurseries: one in each partner commune and an additional one at the Dar Taliba girls’ boarding house. On average 30-35 species are grown in these nurseries: all of these are endemic, endangered5 and economically valuable. These nurseries represent a real success for the HACL programme, as communities are actively involved in their management and regularly inform us of the great use they derive from them. We are currently collaborating with our partner DEAFAL to improve the ecological management of these nurseries, in particular through the implementation of innovative nursery-specific soil, water and pest management practices. The community nurseries sponsor the annual distribution of nursery-grown plants to

5 Either endangered according to the IUCN Red List database or perceived as decreasing by local communities. Of the 6 species chosen, those Vulnerable or Endangered according to the IUCN Red List are Mentha suaveolens subsp. Timija (VU), Thymus satureioides (VU), and Fraxinusm dimorpha Coss & Durieu (EN).

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households, where they are planted out in cultivated and semi-cultivated private terraces for domestic use, reproduction and sale. This not only enhances wild populations of these species but also helps improve local livelihoods. The community nurseries are also the source of plants for the continuation of our successful enrichment planting actions in designated conservation areas. Monitoring to date shows that these actions are positively impacting vegetation in these areas (see Annex 16).

2. As part of the Community Action Plans (Pillar 2), communities have requested actions to enhance and maintain traditional management practices for key tree and MAP species: Fraxinus dimorpha, Quercus rotundifolia and Prunus dulcis in Ait M’hamed and Ceratonia siliqua, Junglas regia, Lavandula dentata and Thymus satureioides in Imegdal. These will be planted (with MAPs and trees intercropped in Imegdal) on private and communally managed terraces, in areas that are still used traditionally.

3. In tandem with the marketing and commercialisation work to be implemented as part of the Terraced Agriculture best practice, similar efforts will be made for the equitable and sustainable commercialisation of medicinal and aromatic plants. Actions in this respect include product selection, analyses of value chains and markets, analysis of socioeconomic impact and development of business plans with cooperatives (see CAP Pillar 3). The pilot species for this process are Thymus satureioides and Lavandula dentata which are sold by the Imegdal cooperatives (and will be grown as part of point 2).

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IX. Conclusion This review has documented in detail the traditional land use practices in the High Atlas Mountains that have an impact on maintaining cultural and biological diversity beyond the well-known pastoral agdals. Yet natural and social environments in the High Atlas are rapidly changing, and local cosmologies and livelihoods are shifting to adapt to a globalised world (Domínguez, 2017). We documented how key practices we describe are disappearing or drastically changing, providing insights into how and due to what those changes are occurring. It is clear that actions and policies are required to ensure community wellbeing and the maintenance of these iconic cultural landscapes and their associated biodiversity.

A unifying theme to this research is that the socioecological systems that shape High Atlas cultural landscapes and the drivers of change that are impacting them are complex and wholly interconnected. Any attempt at maintaining, restoring and promoting these living systems cannot rely on the extraction and ‘treatment’ of individual components, and must instead address the issue holistically and systemically. This means, first of all, recognising the dynamic nature of these systems and avoiding a desire to halt change – both social and ecological – in order to conserve them. Traditional land management systems are inherently resilient, meaning that they have the capacity to transform and adapt to withstand substantial shocks. Recognising the inherent creative and adaptive capacities of these systems, communities can team up with diverse partners and supporters to develop actions and approaches that respect social and cultural practices while engaging with positive and sustainable innovations.

Our review demonstrates that to do this successfully, it is fundamental to work in a participatory manner with communities from the outset. Approaches that favour collaboration, community ownership, free, prior and informed consent and an understanding that local perceptions of the natural environment are as valid as the results of ‘western’ scientific research will undoubtedly be the most durable. Moreover, respecting local rhythms, rules and customs must be at the heart of any such programme. Significant time and human resources are also necessary when working on partnership-building – recognised as another essential ingredient for success.

Integrated programmes such as the one presented here must be at the heart of strategies to maintain, restore and promote cultural landscapes on a regional scale. Fortunately, in recent years, governmental institutions, NGOs and donor organisations are beginning to include in their strategic mission, vision and values the need to engage actively with local communities to better understand the role of traditional practices in the conservation of natural resources and strengthen best practices and knowledge (McIvor et al. 2008, CEPF 2017). This transition, although still being relatively under recognised on the ground (Wehi and Lord 2017) will be key to ensure long-term sustainability and governance in bioculturally rich regions such as the Mediterranean.

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Appendix: Extended Amazigh-Arabic-English glossary of terms related with CPCs in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Aabra Laabrat Aabra Measuring system, 1 aabra is approximately between 10 and 13 kg and an abra also equals 4 handfuls. It is also the quantity of fruits given by each family to pay the guardian (Amchardo) during the azzwi.

Agriculture

Abadir, abdar Khubz A type of bread. Food Abrid Iberdane Triq Road. Others Addoâ Tadweâ Tanqiyat al ard Recollection of stones in fields. Agriculture

Adekhs, adghts This is the first milk that the people pick from goats or cows, at least in rainy years, fodder is abundance. It is collected for 4-5 days and then cooked and given to the neighbors.

Animals, pastoralism

Aderass Idersane - Linear walls made with stones. Agriculture Adouab Guardian of ighrem. Each taghsumt has an adouab. Adrar Idraren Jbel Mountain. Topography Afaynu Ifaynoutn - Harvesting fallow grass Agriculture Afard Aferdey Ferd The individual is nothing without the tribe. People

Afrag, Afrig Ifergan Hajez Hedges of spiny branches (azugar, igg, azmour) to prevent from grazing animals and children and to make borders of private properties.

Agriculture, fencing

Afraw Traditional water basin Water Afus Ifassen Yed Traditional measuring method, that means “hand” and correspond to 10 walnuts. Agriculture, tool

Agadir Iguidar Hitt Semitic root g-d-r (fortified structure, wall, collective granary, attic) frequent in the Souss region.

Others

Agdal Igdlan Agdal Agdals are areas of restricted access for grazing that don’t exist anymore in Imegdal because of lack of water, especially in summer.

Pastoralism

Aghbalou Ighboula Äin Water source. Water Aghoulid Ighouleden Hejra kbira Cliff or rock. Topography Aghroum nounkhdam Batbout Moroccan golden bread eaten during breakfast with butter and honey Food

Aghroum n timzin Khubz cha’ir Barley bread Food

Agrour Igrouren Construction of stones (to build L aêzib). Pastoralism

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Agurram Igurramen shrif (~Sharif/Shurfa)

Members of holy lineages (descendants of prophet). Religion

Ahbouche= Astour Ihbache Synonym of astour. Agriculture

Ahchuch, agurbi Ihchouchen, igurban

The small room, built in stone and tree branches, where the shepherd lives in l aêzib. Pastoralism

Ahidous Genre of singing and dancing emblematic of Tamazight-speaking berbers. Others Ait People of, sons of. People

Ajara n touga Fodder collection. Agriculture, pastoralism, domestic animals

Ajmu’ Ajmuä'n Jjtimaâ Reunion. Others

Akessab Ikessaben Lkessaba Breeders People, pastoralism

Akfaf Sqef Roofs tops. Place

Alachour Alachour This is an Islamic religious practice where every tenth basket is set aside to give as charity to poor families. It’s equal to 1/10 of things

Religion

Alghoum Ilghoman Jmel Dromedary. Animals Allass Allassen lcascrout Snack in the evening (usually tea, coffee). Food Almou Bhira Meadow. Topography

Amazal Imazzalen Mol lma Person in charge of targa for each taqbilt. Also known as amghar n’waman, n’truguine (leader elected for irrigation management). There are several imazzalen.

Water, agriculture

Amazer, lghbar L mazer Use of manure (natural fertilizer). Animal, pastoralism, agriculture

Amazouz Animals born in March. Animal

Amazouz Designation applied to all late crops Agriculture

Amcharfo, amchardo, Imchorda Läessass Guardian of the almond and walnut trees during the harvest season (Azzayn), who is selected by the people of the douar and who’s paid with a portion of harvest products.

People, agriculture

Amenzou Imenza Precocious birth time of animals (from November to January). Animal Amenzou Designation applied to all early crops Agriculture Amghar Imgharen Cheikh Lay tribal chief in various douars, delegated by the local authority (caidat). Local authority

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Amghar n’ssuq Imgharen Cheikh Leader elected for markets (linked to the Ministry of the Interior, under the caid). Local authority

Amkssa Imkssaon Serrah Shepherd. People, pastoralism

Amsiyief Amsiefen Animals born during summer, rare. Animal

Andaf Indofn laassass the guardian of Agdal Pastoralism

Anou Ona Beir Well. Water

Anrar Inraren Open, flat surfaces in or close to the villages where cereals are dried after the collection Place, agriculture

Anzar Inzaren Chta Rain. General

Aoudal, agdal Igoudlan, Ioudalan

Marâa Space reserved for pasture. Pastoralism

Aouloul Herding site, a place for grazing common to the people of the village which is closed during the winter and open from April onwards. Place in the mountain where shepherds go.

Topography

Aourir Iourern Tal Hill. Topography Aoutthou Ioutta Stone walls or piles of stones that delimit the field’s borders. Topography Aqqa Aqqaten Oued ? Deeply embanked torrent, big valley. Topography Araras Igharassen Triq Road. Others Arghsis, arkhsis Betbout Moroccan bread stuffed with onions, grease and spices eaten at breakfast time Food

Arras n targa Cleaning of the sediments deposited in the irrigation canals as well as weeding the plants that may have grown in them, mostly done from April to June.

Water

Asdar Place where the division of water to go to different the fields and turns of irrigation happens, part of the water management system.

Water, topography

Asggas Amenzou Early rains. General

Asghar Imzzin Isgharn mzenin Chjer sgher Saplings (small trees) to replace old trees. Agriculture

Asgun, asguen Space where the herds are kept, it can be enclosed with stones, a combination of stones and strong branches, or just branches.

Place, pastoralism

Ashgar Asgharen Chjer Trees. General, agriculture

Askif Harira Soup prepared with half-roasted barley or corn flour and these are cooked in water (more than tagoulla) and then olive oil, butter and/or honey are added.

Food

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Askif ismoumoun Lhrira lhamda Famous Moroccan soup, which is offered especially in the holy month of Ramadan. Generally ccontains lentils, chickpeas, cut meat, onions, tomatoes, and cabbage, amongst other ingredients. It is usually accompanied with dates and shabakia (type of sweet).

Food

Assefdd [v], ifidd [n] Celebration where each 1st march people meet in a place far away from the village and women prepare traditional dish (tagoulla) from barley flour. Before ifidd women can’t deal with cows in an open space, they collected the first butter, but is the men who pick it up.

Food, celebration

Assemdi Issemday Sagya Water channels directly irrigating cultivation parcels. Agriculture, water Assemgounou Ismougouna - Mobile pastoralism, to fertilize the soil. Agriculture, pastoralism Asserdoun Isserdane Bghel Mules. Animals

Asserwat Drass Thrashing of the harvest. Agriculture

Assif Issaffen Oued River. Topography

Assmser Animals coupling. Animal, pastoralism

Assounfo Letting the land rest (not cultivate it for a while). Agriculture

Assous Picking fruits, nuts, olives, almonds… Agriculture

Astay n taqqayen Shelling nuts. Agriculture

Astour/ Ahbouch Istran/ Ihbach - Stony wall around trees. Agriculture

Astta Nsej Weaving rugs. General

Aydi Idane Kelb Dog. Animals Ayyur Ayyuren Qamar Moon. General, Mythology Azaghar Izagharen Sohoul Plateau. Topography Azarg Izergan Rha Mill. Others

Azerf/Izirf (‘urf) Ierfan Haqq Customary law (now mostly passed into sharia structure). Others

Azergue Izergane Rha Hand mill. General, agriculture

Azergue n waman Izergan n waman Rha del ma Water mill. General, agriculture

Azib läzban Azib Transhumance. Pastoralism

Azzayn Ancient tradition, managed nowadays by the associations, used by communities to protect their fields, crops and trees, and to avoid animals grazing in the fields. Dates for starting

Agriculture

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

harvesting are chosen in the mosque by old people or important families. Normally it happens between April and October.

Azzwi Collection of fruits (walnuts, almonds, carobs and apples) from trees in a specific period, mostly between middle August until middle of September.

Agriculture

Azzwi n louz Almond harvest. Agriculture

Azzwi n taqqayin, aswikn Walnut harvest. Agriculture

Azzwi n tekeda Carob harvest. Agriculture

Azzwi n zeet Olive harvest (from tree, by shacking branches, rather than collecting them from the ground).

Agriculture

Baddaz Baddaz Traditional dish, considered “cold” and eaten in summer with agho (whey). It’s a type of Moroccan couscous prepared at home using corn flour.

Food

Balfch (lkhbiza) lkhbiza It is a Moroccan dish prepared with Malva leaves, onion, olive oil and lime juice. It is prepared in spring and served as salad

Food

Barroc / lemärouf - Lemärouf Meeting at the mosque (timsguida) or in the zaoueya. Religion

Bghrir Al-Baghair One of the preferred Moroccan dishes in the holy month of Ramadan. It is a kind of pies prepared and served at breakfasts. It is served with butter and honey.

Food

Bour Bour Non-irrigated land (cereals). Agriculture Boyllibi ( agdal) A small family agdal in Zamt, it disappeared because they built the mosque in its place. Pastoralism

Brommi Zemmeta Synonym of toummit: mixture prepared with barley flour, timijja and fliou and drunk with milk.

Food

Caid Representative of the Ministry of the Interior within the commune. Dates Communal decision-making to decide when to start harvesting. General Diraâ Cereal growing season, often from July to November Agriculture Fihina Stah Terraces of houses where crops are dried Agriculture Ftor Ftor Ftor Breakfast (usually bread, olive oil, coffee). Food

Herma Tradition during the celebration of Eid l Kbir, where men wear the goat skins of the animals that have been sacrificed for Eid.

Celebration

Ibbissou Terda Bread and medicinal plants like tifidas, chanouj, heb rchad Food

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Ibrin nouzanbou Dish prepared from raw barley, which is cooked on steam, dried and crushed in the form of couscous

Food

Ibrin ntoumzin Dchicha Dish prepared with barley after being grinded and turned into coarse grains Food

Ifri Ifrane lghar Cave. Agriculture Ifski n’oudrar Ifskan n’oudrar Aachoub jbel Plants from the mountains like azzouknni and amzzourri. General Ighbar Irrigation. Water

Ighil Ighaleen lquimma Mountain peak. Agriculture Ighrem Igherman Quel3at lkhzin Silo, granary. Agriculture, food Ighs Ighsan Ädem Lineages to which households belong (especially in pastoral nomadism). Social organization Ighzer, talat, taghia Ighzran/ talatin Ravine, gorge, small valley. Topography

Igourar Sheltered spaces in the l aêzib where goats can sleep when it is cold or it rains. Place, pastoralism

Igran n’wamen Jnan del ma Irrigated fields. Agriculture

Igran, igueran Jnan Fields. Agriculture

Iguer igran Jnan Cultivation lands (urten+bour). Others

Ihray Nâaj Sheep. Animal

Ikhoms lkhoms This is a method of payment during the azzwi where the laborers will share the harvest with the owner, where they keep a fifth and the farmer will sell the other four fifths.

Agriculture

Imensi Imensewn Âcha Dinner (usually soup, couscous, spaghetti…). Food Imeri Imarine - Circular walls made with stones. Agriculture Imgraw Imgraw Fruit harvesters that are usually women, during the azzwi. People, agriculture Imkli Imklewn Ghda Lunch (usually tajin, couscous). Food Imrkidane Harbar Wheat soup Food

Imlil Imilal Terraces built in steep places to increase the cultivated surface and avoid soil erosion. Agriculture

Imsserarn People who are doing the trashing. People, agriculture

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Imzway Labourers. People who do azzwi. Generally, they are men, who will shake the tree so the fruits tall.

People, agriculture

Irihi First harvest of fruits: those that have fallen from trees because of the wind before maturity. Agriculture

Issouka Place where people plant walnut trees. Agriculture, topography

Izaâzi Izaza Laâwad Branches. Agriculture

Jamâiya no douar

Jamâiya group of persons who takes decisions about the dates of moussem, tawala, tiwizi n’targa, and the harvest time of fruit trees, and resolved conflicts among people in the douar. It replaced the azzayn in many villages.

Practice

Jemaa Jma3a Local administrative institution. General

Khams The division of members of a community into five groups according to lineage. Social organization

Laêzib Seasonal animal shed, built by the shepherd with stones or tree branches to keep the animals in.

Pastoralism

Laêzib n douar Seasonal herd shed near the village. Pastoralism

Laêzib n sif Seasonal summer shed, often near the mountain top. Pastoralism

Laêzib n tguerst Seasonal winter shed, in warmer places. Pastoralism

Laêzib n udrar Seasonal herd shed in the mountains. Pastoralism

Lemqdem n’igudlan Lemqdmen Lemqdem Leader elected for collective lands (related to the local authorities; is the representative of the caid in the agdal). Analogous to Amghar n’tugha, n’irrahhalen, n’ugdal (leader elected for grazing movements).

Social organization, local authority

Lghabt, Tagant Lghaba Mountain forest area where grazing is not prohibited Pastoralism

Librah, lbreh, aberah

Person in charge to communicate to the village decisions made in the mosque, especially related to starting dates for harvesting main crops (azzwi). Person who spreads information about when azzayn is starting, from the mosque where the people meet to decide the dates of collection, to the douar.

People, agriculture

Lingri Lingri Chemical fertilizer Agriculture

Lksibt, lbhaym Lksiba livestock Animal

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Lmaroof, lemarouf Lemärouf Ancient religious tradition, linked to holy places like mosques or marabouts, who takes place before the azzwi of fruit trees, where women of the village prepare traditional couscous for everyone in the village, especially for children.

Religion

Melk Lmelk Private property. General, topography Moussem n’Ait M’hamed Gathering and celebration in Ait M’hamed in April each year. Very famous in the region. Religion

Moussem n’Warti Gathering and celebration in the zauiya of Warti once a year. It lasts three days and people prepared couscous dishes and give almonds to visitors who are hosted in the douar.

Religion

Mqdem Representative of the caid in each douar. Local authority Neqsh Neqsh Weeding. Agriculture

Olli Lbhaym Animals including ovine et caprine. Animal

Quiyadat Quiyada Local authorities. General

Rua, Andrar Drass Threshing of cereals (mostly between June and July). Agriculture

Sarij Cement collective water basin Water

Seksou Kseksou Also called couscous. This is an Amazigh dish prepared all over Morocco made of hard wheat semolina, normally bought from the market.

Food

Seksou n irden Kselsou t lgmeh Wheat couscous Food

Seksou n timzin Kseksou t cha’ir Barley couscous Food

Sfoufe Sfoufe or Slilo Recipe prepared with roasted wheat flour mixed with fry and ground medicinal plants and mixed with olive oil.

Food

Taberknna Small ceremony with 7-8 women, where there are prepared traditional dishes. Celebration

Tadla n’toumzine Lhazma Barley crop storage technique in the form of bunches Agriculture

Tafergant Tiferganine Zriba Hedge to protect animals (Beasts). Pastoralism

Tafrout Lhaod Water basin. Topography, water

Tagdalt Tigdlin Small private area where fruit trees are planted and the land is irrigated, hence, weed grow and it is collected as fodder during the summer. The tagdalts areas are very vulnerable to flooding.

Agriculture, pastoralism, domestic animals

Taghat Tighatten Lemâz Goats. Animals

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Taghbalout Tighboua Äouina Small water source. Water Taghsumt Patrilineal sublineage. Several teghsmin form an Ighs (lineage) Social organization

Tagoulla Lâssida Traditional dish made of corn flour prepared as breakfast for the people who works in the fields. Traditional paste or soup prepared with corn or half-roasted barley flour, cooked in water and olive oil, butter and/or honey are added.

Celebration, food

Tagoulla n aouern Lâssida Traditional dish (as before) prepared during Taberkna. Celebration, food Tahmmart khubz A kind of bread is cooked under the ashes Food

Tahnanayt Tahnanayt lkhebz Kind of bread is cooked on stone Food

Tajine Twajen Tajine The tajine is a dish widely spread in Morocco which is realized in a dish that bears the same name. It is a spicy dish, accompanied by vegetables and berries ... tajine is cooked in various ways with chicken, lamb, beef, fish…

Food

Talossi n ihray Sheering wool from sheep. Animal, pastoralism

Tamda Temdouen Bohayra Lake. Water

Tamghra Timghreo L3ers Wedding, normally it happens on the same season when the cereal is harvest and threshed. Also, the logistic of preparing a wedding is done in twizi.

Agriculture

Tamgra Lhssad Harvesting of cereals, mostly during the month of May. Agriculture

Tamgra n toumzin Harvest of barley. Agriculture

Tamugait timougayen Lbgra Cow. Animal

Tandrar Vegetable growing season, often from November to July Agriculture Tanourt Iswan Terda Kind of bread and medicinal plants like tifidas, chanouj, heb rchad Food

Taqbilt Tiqbilin Jama’a, Lqbila Tribe, tribal assembly, council (village/tribe), elects the amghar, now weakened. Each douar has one, constituted by elderly men.

Social organization

Targa Tergueo Sagya Irrigation water canals Agriculture, water

Tarragte Lhdeya Present given to the groom by people invited to the wedding, normally in traditional bags (tryalt) containing barley, corn or sugar.

Celebration

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Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Tarwayt Lâssida Traditional dish made of corn flour prepared as breakfast for the people who works in the fields. Traditional paste or soup prepared with corn or half-roasted barley flour, cooked in water and olive oil, butter and/or honey are added.

Celebration, food

Tarwayt n tmzine Ä'ssida t châ'ir Barley’s flour puree. Food Tarzout Tighuza Bhira Cultivation terraces. Agriculture Tawala Tewalewen Nouba Role play of water. Water

Tawala n waman Nouba del ma Equitable water management method in time of scarcity to avoid conflicts (distribution of irrigation days among families according to the arable land that each family possesses).

Water

Tayoga Lhart Plowing the land using donkeys or mules Agriculture

Tayssa raay Pasture Pasturalism

Tejamet Tradition linked to the mosque, to give the butter to the imam in the first three Friday of April (Ighrm) or May (Amslane).

Religion

Tekat, Takat Takaten Kanoun Household/family (especially in pastoral nomadism). Social organization

Tigga/ ashora Tradition linked to the mosque, where children chant and sing around the village to each house on the birthday of the prophet, and collecting food that will get to someone to cook it for them.

Religion

Tiglay d oudi Lbid b smen Boiled eggs with melted butter (smen) Food

Tili Oulli Nâaj Sheep. Animals Timdi Traditional measure method, that correspond to 100 walnuts. General, agriculture Timirite Timaryine Lhodoud Agriculture Timswit Jerda Divided property. Pastoralism

Tirardin Specific place in the mountains close to Aggrd where cultivation was practiced and specific plants are harvested.

Topography

Tirkemt Tirkmen Left Turnip Agriculture, food

Tirzi n louz Thrass louz Shelling almonds. Agriculture

Tisiuina Tradition (in Ighrm), done when a calf is born, of keeping the milk for 7 days, and to make butter each day separately and the last day all of them where melted together and eaten, mostly by children.

Food, celebration, animal

146

Tamazight name (sing.) Tamazight name (pl.)

Moroccan Arabic name

Description Main area/s

Tislit n Anzar (Tislit n eguenwan)

Tislaten n anzar Qaousso qozah Mythological God of rain and water (Rainbow). Mythology

Tiwizi

Solidarity and cooperation among people when there are tasks to do that demand a big effort and time, like the work in the fields or clean the irrigation canals. Collective work carried out for agricultural and other tasks requiring multiple people. Currently in recession in Ait M’hamed.

General

Tiwizi n Irgazen Solidarity among men to build houses, work in the fields, etc. General Tiwizi n tadout Tiwizi to do activities in relation to wool, such as cleaning it. General, pastoralism

Tiwizi n temgharin Solidarity among women in many activities like weaving rugs, shelling almond and walnuts, collection of fodder.

General

Tizi (-n-) Faj Pass. Topography Tizi n’tiqqi Specific place in the mountain where cultivation was practiced. Topography Tmakarra Unidentified plant eaten by people during dry periods Plant

Toudma Crop rotation in bour and irrigate culture Agriculture

Toukkerda Stealing fruits. General

Toummite Zemmeta Recipe made by barley flour adding some medicinal plants like timijja, chih or fliyou and eaten with tea or water.

Food

Toummite n azenbou Toummite prepared with fresh, unripe grains. Food Toummite n tikida Toummite prepared using carob flour. Food

Toummite n toumzin Toummite prepared using dry barley grains. Food

Toummite noussengar Toummite prepared from locally grown corn. Food

Touslawine Dry turnips Food

Urti Urtan Jnan Irrigated land. Agriculture

Zbeer Zbeer Grafting branches to trees. Agriculture

Abbreviations: [n]=Noun; [v]=Verb; sing.=singular; pl.=plural.

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Annex List Full annexes are available on the following Dropbox folder.

Annex 1: Cultural Practices of Conservation in the Moroccan High Atlas (Dec 2017) Annex 2: Development of an interdisciplinary and interactive methodology for documenting cultural practices of conservation Annex 3: ICCA Characterisation Table Annex 4: Ait Atta migration report Annex 5: Internal occupation report Annex 6: CPCs Phase 2 Report (2018) Annex 7: Changes, drivers and recommendations for Imegdal Annex 8: Changes, drivers and recommendations for Ait M’hamed Annex 9: CPCs Recommendations Report (overall) Annex 10: Community Action Plan for Ait M’hamed Annex 11: Community Action Plan for Imegdal Annex 12: Igourdane Agdal (Ait M’hamed KBA) Flora List Annex 13: Imegdal KBA Flora List Annex 14: Endemism in Imegdal Annex 15: Table: Ethnobotanical, botanical, management and conservation assessment documentation for plants of high cultural value Annex 16: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme Ecological Monitoring Report 2015-2019. Jan 2020. Annex 17: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programmme Monitoring Protocol – Narrative Annex 18: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme Monitoring Protocol – Data spreadsheet Annex 19: HACL Protocol of Commercialisation of local products (Jan 2020 version) Annex 20: Rapport sur l’analyse juridique de l’impact des lois, politiques et institutions surles aires et territoires du patrimoine communautaire au Maroc (Sept 2019) Annex 20a: Workshop report: ICCA National Legal Review Morocco Annex 20b: Worksop report: National Multi-stakeholder Committee of ICCA Network Annex 21: Revue des textes juridiques et des politiques publiques en matière agricole et de semenes au Maroc (Feb 2020 draft)