TRADITION AND CHANGE IN THE DOMESTIC ENVIRONMENT OF THE UNPLANNED URBAN SETTLEMENTS. A CASE STUDY: NATAL, NORTH EAST BRAZIL

A Thesls submitted ta the Faculty of Graduate Studles and Research

ln Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of Architecture

RUBENILSON BRAZÀO TEIXEIRA School of Architecture

McGiII University Montreal

May, 1990

© RUBENILSON BRAZAO TEIXEIRA, 1990

... aos meus pais

. ,.

'.

ABSTRACT

Urbanlzatlon ln 20th century Brazll has been characterlzed by a large rural-urban migration. The relnforcement, throughout the national terrltory, of an urban Ilfe-style brought about by thls growing urbanlzatlon has somehow decreased the cultural distance between the country's urban and rural envlronments. In splte of that, cultural differences between the two envlronments do exlst, and it Is not wrong to assume that a cultural change occurs along the rural-urban migration process The present research deals with the issue of urbanization and cultural change in Brazil. It focuses specifically on informai urban houslng, built by rural immigrants to the city. This was done through a case study of an unplanned settlement, ln Natal RN, Northeast Brazil. The stucly points out the dwelllngs' physlcal references to both tradition, that Is, to the rural world from where the dwellers have come, and to change due to the urban envlronment, where they now live. The study also analyzes the soclo-cultural causes for tradition and change of the dwellings. Its main flnding Is that thls whole process leads to the formation of a hybrld type of urban house.

, , RESUME

L'urbanisation au Brésil s'est caractérisée, au cours du 20ième siècle, par un grand processus d'Immigration rurale-urbaine. Le renforcement d'un style de vie urbain causé par cene urbanisation croissante a, d'une certaine faj:on, diminué, dans le pays, la distance culturelle entre la ville et la campagne Malgré cela, il y a toujours des différences culturelles entre ces deux milieux, et ce n'est pas faux de supposer qu'un changement culturel a lieu pendant le processus de migration rurale-urbaine Cene rechert;he traite de l'urbanisation et du changement culturel au Brésil. Elle se penche particulièrement sur l'habitation urbaine Informelle, construite par des immigrants d'origine rurale. Cela a été fait à travers une étude de cas d'un bidonville localisé à Natal RN, au Nord-est du Brésil. L'étude Indique, dans cene habitation, les références physiques 'a la tradition, c'est.:'a-<llre, au monde rural d'où ils sont venus, et au changement dû au milieu urbain, où ils vivent maintenant. L'étude analyse aussi les causes socio-culturelles de la tradition et du changement des habitations. Le resultat principal de cene recherche est que ce processus général mène à la formation d'un type hybride d'habitation urbaine .

iiI

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

1 wish to express my sincere gratitude ta the Post-Graduate Education Federal Agency-CAPES, in

Brazil, for sponsoring my studies. Without this institution's flnancial support, this researcl-: would not have

been possible.

1 fee! greatly thankful to Prof. Vlkram Bhatt, my thesls advisor, for his invaluable advlce, contlnulng

counsel and interest in my progress and research. My deepest appreciatlon should be extended ta prof.

Avl Friedman, for hls orientation ln the flrst two terms of the program, and ta the staff of the School,

partlcularty ta Miss Maureen Anderson, for her help and personal advice.

Thanks to ail my friends and colleagues for making my studies at McGili a joyful reminder beyond

my thesls Ilfe. Special thanks to Walld, Sun, Stefan, Jesus, Deka and Chaiboon, for their vaUd suggestions

and help. 1 would IIke to especlally thank the Lancings, for the great hospitality they showed throughout the

period during which 1 have lived in Montreal, particular1y in the Initiai days. Friends like Dat, Sonia, Paul,

Amani and Bob, among others, have made my stay in this city enjoyable and rewarding.

1 feel greatly indebted ta the people of the Community of the Tree, ln Brazil, for their wiilingness ta

cooperate with the field survey needed ta complete this thesis. 1 feel greatly beholden ta my Brazilian

frlends, who followed with interest the development of my work My deepest appreciatlon and thanks go

ta my dear girlfriend Andrea, who, in spite of the distance, was my closest companion and helper during this

tlme. 1 want also ta express my most profound gratitude ta my family, and especially ta my dear parents,

to wh am 1 also dedicate this work. Lastly, 1 would IIke ta thank the best Architect ever: the One who

designed and created the Universe. Without Hlm, thls work, IIke anythlng else, would have no meaning.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT... .... ..... ................ ........ ................. .................... ......... ............... .................... ....... ....... iii

RESUME ........................................................................................................................................................... 111

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................................................... Iv

UST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................................. viii

UST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................................................... x

INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... . . . .. . .. .. 1

CHAPTER 1: THE BRAZILIAN URBAN ENVIRONMENT

1.10 A BRIEF HISTORY OF URBANIZATION IN BRAZIL ............................................................. 4

1.20 URBANIZATION AND MIGRATION .......................................................................................... 10

1.30 URBANIZATION AND CULTURAL CHANGE............................................... . ............... 13

CHAPTER 2: THE BRAZILIAN RURAL ENVIRONMENT

2.10 THE PHYSICAL SPACE ...................................................................... ..

2.11 Rural Settlement Patterns.... .......... .......... .............. ............ ........ .. ..

17

17

2.12 Small T owns and Villages................. ............... ..... ...... ..... ........... .... ....... ..... .. ... .. .. 19

2.13 An Introduction to the Rural Houslng Types......... ...................... ..... ......... .......... . .. ~O

2.20 TRADITION AND CHANGE IN RURAL BRAZIL.......................................... .................... . ..... 21

2.21 Caboclo: The TyplcaJ Rural Dweller of Brazll... ............................................................ 21

2.22 Cultural Change: Case 5tooles......... ................... .................. ...... . ........ .............. . .. 23

2.30 URBAN VALUES VERSUS RURAL VALUES: CONSEQUENCES ON HOUSING......... . ... ..24

CHAPTER 3: THE NORTH EAST REGION

3.10 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE REGION ............................................. .. .. 30

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3.20 TRADITION AND CHANGE IN NORTHEAST BRAZIL. .............................................................. 32

3.21 An Overview of Tradition in the Northeastern Society.............. ..... . .................. 32

3.22 Cultural Change in Northeastern Society. . ........................................................... 33

3.30 MUCAMBO THE RURAL HOUSING TYPE OF NORTHEAST BRAZIL..... .. .................. 34

3.40 RURAL HOUSING IN THE STATE OF RIO GRANDE DO NORTE ........................................... 43

CHAPTER 4: A CASE STUDY IN NORTHêAST BRAZJL

4.10 METHOD FOR THE COLLECTION OF DATA ............................................................................ 52

4.11 Initial Considerations ................................................................................................. 52

4.12 Collection of Primary Data ......................................................................................... 53

4.13 Collection of Secondary Data ........................................................................................ 54

4.20 THE CITY OF NATAL .................................................................................................................. 54

4.21 A Brie' Hlstory and Recent Urban Growth .................................................................... 54

4.22 The Settlement in the Context of the City ..................................................................... 56

4.23 Physical Conditions of the Settlement... ...................................................................... 58

4.30 SOCIOECONOMIC AND CULTURAL ASPECTS OF THE DWELLERS.. .. ....... ........... ... 60

431 Origln. .

4.32 Family Size

61

.64

4.33 Family Structure ............................................................................................................. 64

4.34 Uteracy ........................................................................................................................... 65

4.35 Employment and Earning ................................................................................................ 65

4.36 Socio-Cultural Aspects of the Dwellers ........................................................................... 66

4.40 USES AND PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DWELUNGS ........................................... 68

4 41 Occupation of the Plot. ..................................................................................................... 68

4.42 Building Materialsand Components ................................................................................ 69

4.43 House Design ....... ......................................................... .......... . .... . ..71

4 44 Furniture... ... . ................................................................................................... 73

4.45 Uses ............................................................................................................................... 74

vi

1 CHAPTER 5: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

5.10 INITIAL CONSIDERATIONS ...................................................... .

5.20 TRADITION AND CHANGE OF THE DWELLINGS.

5.21 Tradition a.,d Change The Comparison.

78

79

79

5.22 Tradition and Change. Additional Noies..... ..... ... ........ 83

5.30 TRADITION AND CHANGE OF THE DWELUNGS: A SOCIO-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE .. 86

5.31 The First Variable: Soclo-Cultural Aspects of the Dwellers .................................... 87

5.32 The Second Variable: Economie Aspects of the Dwellers........ ....... ........ .... .. .... 89

5.33 The Third Variable: The Physical Space.............................. ... . . 91

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS

6.10 THE CASE STUDY'S GENERAL rJNDINGS .............................................. . . ........ 93

6.11 Visible Signs of Tradition..... ........... ................................ .............. ... ...... .. 93

6.12 Visibie Signs of Change........ .......................... ................... ............ .... .. ... 97

6.13 The Socio-Cultural Perspective...... ........... ........... ............ ...... . . 101

6.20 LEARNING FROM THE RESULTS................................ .............. ... 102

630 SOME FINAL REFLECTIONS.. ...... . ................. . 104

6.31 Time, Tradition and Change... . ........ ............. ...... .. ...... . .. . 104

6.32 Migration and Informai Urban Housing......................... .. . . ..... . ... 106

6.33 HQusing and Culture....................... ............... ................... ....... ... ....... . . 106

ENDNOTES..................................................................................................................... .. .. . ... 108

BIBUOGRAPHY................................. .............. .............................. ................................... ... . .... 122

APPENDIX.......................................................................................................................... . ... . 127

vii

t LIST OF FIGURES

Fig 1 Exploration and Urbanization - 161h Century .... ..................... ..... .... .... .. ......... .. 5

Fig 2' Exploration and Urbanization - 171h Century .............. '.. ........................ ...... ... ....... .. . ..... 5

Fig 3 Exploration and Urbanization - 181h Century .................................................................................... 6

Fig 4: Exploration and Settlement - 1801-1822 ............................................................................................... 7

Fig 5. Present Population Migration Trend from Rural ta Metropolitan Areas and Large Cities by 1990 ... 12

Fig 6 Settlement Patterns in Rural Brazil... .. ..................................... "................. ................ ........... .18

Fig 7 Geographlcal Distribution of Rural Housing Types............... ...................... ............ . ... ...... .20

Fig 8 The Northeast Region .. . .. ... 30

Fig. 9. The African Origin of the Mucambo .................................................................................................. 35

Fig 10. Building Technique and Materlals of the Mud House ........................................................................ 36

Fig 11. Three Basic Plans of the Mucambo...... ................................................................................... .. .... 37

Fig. 12 A Mucambo made entirely of thatch .. ..... ........... ........................ .................. ............ ...... ........ ... 38

Fig 13 Doars and Windows .38

Fig 14 The Mucambo's Typlcal Facade 39

Fig 15 Sorne examples of Furmture 40

Fig 16 The Abandoned Rural Dwelhng or Tapera ............................................... .. 42

Fig 17. The mud House, wlth a Front Terrace and a Tiled Roof... ......................................................... 42

Fig. 18 The State of Rio Grande do Norte ................................................................................................... 43

Fig. 19 A Tropical Sight A Fishing Village in Ncrtheast Brazil .................................................................... 47

Fig 20. Basic Characteristies of the Mueambo ............................................................................................ 51

Fig. 21 The Urban Location of the Community of the Tree.. . .. ........................................................ . ..... 58

Fig 22 The Origin of the Community of the Tree Migrants, Aeeording ta the state of RN's Geographieai Zones ... .. ......... .... . ...................... ........................................... ..... . .61

Fig 23 The First Upgradmg Phase of the Dwellings 69

Fig 24 The Second and Thlrd Upgraaing Phases of the Dwellings ...................... . .. 70

1 viii

1 Fig. 25: The Internai Walls ................... ..

Fig 26. Doars and Windows of the Dwellings Surveyed .............. .

Fig. 27 The Arrangement of Aooms According ta Functional Areas ..

Fig 28 The Arrangement of Aooms According ta Functional Areas. ...

Fig 29: Proportions of the Aurai Dwellings and of the Urban Dwellings Surveyed

70

71

... ,., IL.

73

95

Fig. 30: Four sketches of the Most Traditional House Designs, found ln the Community of the Tree .... 96

Fig. 31: Internai Walls and the Structure of the Roof.. .......................................................... . ., .... 97

Fig. 32: The Upgradlng Phases of the Dwelllngs: A Recapitulation ................................... . .. .... 98

Fig 33: Changes in the Facade: The Platibanda, the Front Fence, the Chapiscado Wall 99

xix

1 TABLES AND CHARTS

Table No. 1. Siums and Squatter Settlements as Percent of City Population, in Five Major Brazilian citles ........... .... ....................... .............. ...... ..... . ..... .. . .. 1 0

Table No. 2 Urban and Rural Population ln Brazil ........................................................ ........... .. ........ ...12

Table No. 3: Present Population in the County of Natal ................................................................................. 55

Table No 4: Origin of Migrants ta Natal accordlng ta the Type of Locality ................................................. 62

Table No. 5: Percentage of Immigrants Accordlng to the Population Range of Their Counties of Origin................................. ........................... . ..... 63

Table No 6 Time of Arrivai at the City of Natal by the Immigrants of the Community of the Tree . 64

Table No. 7. Uses and Physlcal Characteristics of the Dwellings................................. ................ ...... .. ..... 68

Table No. 8: Occupation ofthe Plot .............. .......................................................................................... .. . .68

Table No. 9: Number and Type of Rooms ........................................................................................................ 71

Table No. 10. Common Furniture and Accessories in Rooms ................................................................... 74

Table No. 11: Possible Activltles in each Room ........................................................................................ 75

Chart Soclo-Cultural Aspects of the Dwellers .. . ... . ............................................. . 67- 68

Chart Main CharactenstlCs of the Dwelhngs Surveyed .... .................. .. .. . 85·86

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1

INTRODUCTION

The 20th century Is characterlzed by the growlng Imponance of the city as the living place for most

of the worfd's population. Even though the existence of the city Is an ancient phenomenon, its Importance

and growth in more recent tlmes have become the trademark of modern civillzation

There are probably as many different ways to study the city as there are to the social forces that

have created and developed it. In other words, just like ln any study of a certain society, the city can be

approached from the poIltical, economic, social, cultural, symbolical, technlcal and Ideologlcal points of vlew,

to name a few. The relation between each approach Is intrinsic. Therefore, if any study deallng with the city

imposes limitations, this Is just because human belngs themselves are also limited.

This study deals with the urbanization process in Brazil and its impact on informai urban housing.

The cultural approach is its main focus. The research aims at showing to what extent, in an urbanization

process deeply characterized by rural-urban migration, as is the case in Brazil, the permanence of tradition

and change can be perceived in the dwellings built by the Immigrants to the city

The study 15 cultural in its approach, but it Is essentially the work of an architect Therefore. there

is no attempt to analyze cultural change in itselt, or how rural Immigrants adapt themselves to an urban

environment. This task relates more to the work of a sociologist or anthropologist. In other words, the study

emphasizes the physical aspects of the dwellings surveyed, which reveal signs of both tradition and change.

The socio-cultural features of the dwellers constitute only an acc.essory tool to explain the rural or urban

bias as revealed by the dwellings.

1)

2)

To undertake this study, three main research questions were formulated:

What has remained constant, in informai urban housing built by rural migrants to the city, ln relation

to their previous dwellings?

What has changed?

3) Which soclo-cultural reasons could explain the permanence of tradition and change of these

dwellings?

The stlldy is organized in chapters. Chapter 1 deals with the Brazilian urban environment, as it

briefly analyzes the historieal proeess of urbanlzation in that country. In addition, two specifie dimensions,

consldered important ta this study. are analyzed ln detail. They are rural-urban migration and sorne theories

on cultural change.

Chapter 2 Is about the.Brazillan rural envlronment. Flrst, there Is a brlef description of the physlcal

organlzatlon of the rural society. Some major cultural aspects of the typical rural person of the lower classes

ln Brazil are also presented. This Is followed by a short revlew of sorne case studles on cultural change of

rural societles. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the urban and rural values of Brazilian society

and how these values affect housing. This last topic of chapter 2 Is the commonplaee between this chapter

and the prevlous one, and it also Introduces the main tapie of the thesis.

Chapter 3 beglns with an Introduction to the Northeast, whlch Is one of the five geographical regions

of the country. Then, the issue of tradition and change of the Northeastem society is briefly addressed.

Most of the chapter describes. however, the typical rural housing type of the poor ln the Northeast and in

the state of Rio Grande do Norte.

A case study in Northeast Brazil is the subject of chapter 4. This chapter presents the findings of

a field survey done in a spontaneous settlement of the city of Natal, capital of the state of Rio Grande do

Norte. It also presents the procedure used for the data collection and the recent urban growth of Natal.

The settlement surveyed 15 then Introduced ln the context of the city of Natal. Finally, there ,a description

of the dwellers's socloeconomic and cultural state, and of the dwellings' uses and physical characteristics.

The results of the comparative analysls, presented ln chapter 5, Indicate the physlcal aspects

attestlng to bath the permanence of tradition and change of the dwellings surveyed. This Is accomplished

ln two steps: flrst, the dwellings are sim ply compared to the rural dwelllngs, the similarities and differences

between them being pOinted out. Second, there Is an attempt ta Interpret the signs of tradition and change

of the dwelllngs within a socio-cultural perspective.

The Conclusion, which constitutes chapter 6, summarizes the research. This chapter also presents

the study's main findings. It ends with sa me reflexions on tapies related to the theme of the research. The

2

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end notes of ail chapters and bibliography are listed at the end. Drawings of the dwellings surveyed. the

urban location of the settlement and the questionnaire used for the Interviews make up the appendix U nless

otherwise stated, ail drawings, figures and tables, as weil as translations trom sources wrrtten ln a langu.lge

other than English, are the author's work

The research goes from the general to the specifie, from the macro ta the micro level Tile tOplCS

discussed are broad at the beginnlng, but narrow as the reading progresses. In geographical terms, tl1e

study beglns at the national terrltory level and ends at the few square meters oecupied by the dwellings

To avoid a dichotomie and simplistic approach, social, eeonomieal, and political concerns are olten

referred to, however briefly, throughout the research. The eomparatlvp nature of the study has lirnited tlllS

effort though.

There is no need to stress the relevance of alternative solutions to the problems of housmg dellclt

in countries poor ln economic resources. Despite the evenastlng controversy of whether user-made

solutions to housing should or should not be eneouraged, this Is the rea/istlc means found by millions 01

human belngs around the wond, and ln Brazil ln partleular. 1

Migration is another releva,,~ and al 50 related consideration to examine. Slnce rural-urban migration

is so manifest in the Brazilian urbanization pro cess, an understanding of informai urban hOUSll1g Qnd ItS

relation to migration seem quite pertinent How do rural migrants to the city resolve thelr hOUSlllg need')'}

How do they conceive, bUild and use thelr dwellings in the city? What is the rural blas lound ln them? Ttlese

are only sorne of the significant questions that could be raised, Therefore, an understandlng of Ille

phenomenon of rural-urban migration and its relation to informai urban housing IS an important startlng

point to set any policy in the field. The pr~sent study is an effort in this direction.

1. - AZEVEDO et aL, 1982: 113-116

3

CHAPTER 1 THE BRAZILIAN URBAN ENVIRONMENT

Urban settlements have exlsted ln Brazll slnce the 16th eentury. However, for more than four

hundred years Brazillan society was baslcally rural, with an i:tgrarlan-export economy, while the great

landowners held the local politlcal power.

It Is only ln thls century, and partlcularty over the last forty years, that the urbanizatlon process has

taken place at an unprecedented rate. Oeep and comp/ex changes ln more recent tlmes have turned

Brazillan society Into an urban-Industrlal one, wlth an estlmated 75% of the country's total population living

ln urban arass, by the year 1990.1

1.10 A BRIEF HISTORY OF URBANIZATION IN BRAZIL

The historical process in Latin America should be analyzed in the context of the western capitalist

expansion slnce the 16th century. One specifie aspect of this process--urbanization--is better understood

withln thls general framework. The dependent eharacter of the reglon's nations ln relation to the European

metropolls Is an essentlal feature ln the formation and deve/opment of an urban network ln the region.2

The relation between the economlc cye/es ln Brazillan hlstory~eveloped as a functlon of extemal

markets-and the geographlcal location and emergenee of the tlrst urban centres Is a first step ln

understandlng the country's urbanlzatlon process. Wlth the sugar economy flourishing in the first two

hundred years of Srazi/ian hlstory (l6th and 17th centuries), the cilles appeared along the coast. This

location eased the contact with the Portuguese kingdom. They served as mi/r~:1ry posts against pirate

incursions, and as entre pots between the agrarian production of the countryside and the metropolis.3

The urban centres at that tlme could hardly be called "citles." Each settlement was rather "an

agglomeratlon of Independent mestizos,

together with sorne mechanlcs and

'peddlers' of European origin.4• This

condition contrasted with a flourishing

agrarlan. patrlarchal and slave-based

society, 'he wealth of which overflowed

into the city houses of the Lords of the

Sugar Mills. St.

ln the 17th century. a secondary

but necessary economlc cycle ta the

development of the sugar economy waa

responsible for the penetration into the

backlands of what is today the Northeast

region of the country. Cattle ralsing

forced the settlement Into the Interlor.

thereby forming new towns.6

ln the 18th century, the discovery

of gold and diamonds in the southem

region of the country gave birth ta several

settlements and citles ln the mlning areas.

The foundation of some of these citles

resulted from Portugal's explicit orders.7

For several decades. the production of

preclous metals ln the southern provinces

of the colony accounted for almost half of

e li PLORAfiON AND URBANIZATION Il'· CE NTURY

a-

, .f. on ..... , ,." ,JO

-­_=..r--_. rlI----. ........... ..., • t_

Fig 1. Source. GARDNER, 1971

ElC~ORATION AND URIIAN.ZAT/ON. 17TW CENTURY

'-..... .', ....... ~ ( ........ ~, ~ .... ~~

, • , • .• .) l-' \ v ~./) ~ / ..r ,? ~r- ' .. _ ...... .

-I:::! -. Mt

J~.\ ~~ ~ .. - ••.•• . , ...... ·...........,b ,," ( ' • .,' ~ , ' 1, ;/

\..

... "

.. e .... . '-_ :l:'':'':-.'' - ..-~ ........... , ......... c.", ., '''- Fig 2. Source GARDNER. 1971

the world's production at that time.S No wonder some cilles in the mining reglon attalned great cultural and

artistlc achlevements during this period. In 1762, the colony's capital was transferred from Salvador to Rio

5

1 de Janeiro, from where the metal ~xport activity could be controlled. The change of capitals also had to

do with the expansionist policies in the

South.9 This Is one of the causes of the

great commercial development this city

experienced since the end of the 18th

century.10

The 18th century was also a

perlod of grest expansion of the Brazillan

EXPlORATION AND URBANIZATION. 18'H CENTURY

territory. The main motivations that led • 1 • ,

the organlzed expedltions Into the

Interlor, called bandeiras, (lit., -flags")

were the sesrch for Indlans to enslave,

and the search for preclous metals.

However, thls process had been taklng

place slnce the prevlous century. Such

enterprises have greatly contributed to

the country's current geographical

configuration. 11

ac_ .'­-~~,--ŒJ ................. ..,.,-

Fig. 3: Source: GARDNER, 1971

...

Since the end of the 16th century the Jesuits' reduçoes (Indian villages) in the extreme North

facllitated the afterward foundation of small towns and cilies ln that raglon. The senlement and occupation

of the extreme South, however, were basicaJly a military enterprise. The colonizatlon of that raglon aimed

at ensurlng strategie geographlcaJ areas for the Crown, areas that Spanlards coveted as well. 12

The commercial development of sorne cilies a/ong the coast characteri2.es the 19th century. Singer

wrote that ln this perlod. . .

. . . As sorne cities get richer, the facilities and enticement of the urban life attract big landowners, who begin ta move into them, spending a considerable amount of their incarne in urban services. The city becomes, finally, the centre of the colonial political life and the cradle for the moveme~ts toward independence, in the first 25 years of the 19th century.1

6

1 Rio de Janeiro is undoubtedly the best example of the changes descrlbed above, taklng place at

that tlme. Sorne other cities along the coast were also experlencing slmllar changes Such transformations

were confined, however, to only a few urban centres. The bulk of Brazillan society was still rural, wlth an

agrarian-export economy, and the great landowners domlnated the political. social and economic spheres

The main citles had regional areas of influence, whlch were economlcally more linked ta Europe, through

the citles, than among themselves.

Since the end of the 18th century

(but malnly after 1810), England, the

leadlng nation ln the Industrlal capitallst

expansion at the time, replaced Portugal

as the metropolitan centre of Brazn,14

with the support of the Brazilian dominant

agrarian class. The Engllsh flnancial

investments in the South, partlcularty

slnce 1850, were one of the causes for

the important changes the country

underwent during this period. These

changes also affected its urbanization

process. 15 It Is a tlme characterized by

a considerable growth of sorne citles ln

South Brazil, especially since the

century's last decades.

ElCI'LO"ATION ANO S!TTLEIoII!NT 1801-11ZZ

Dc_ .. -.. ~, ... ~, ........ " œJ..--.. ..... 1'''''''' • '-

Fig. 4 Source' GARDNER, 1971

After 1850, coftee plantation became the new economlc cycle of the country. The complex relations

between the coffee economic cycle and the Industrializatlon of the South led to an intense urbanization of

the country in the 20th century. It will not be possible ta trace these complex changes ln a limlted work

such as this. Sorne points, however, can be briefly made.

The great urban growth of some cities in Southern Brazll, and especially Sao Paulo. was a direct

consequence of the coffee boom and the favourable international markets. Sao Paulo presented, at the

7

1 16 turn of century, some basic elements that allowed the flrst Industriallzatlon efforts to take place. The

Introduction of typically capitalist labour relations, the liberation of labour from the countryside, high

International Immigration, the accumulation of capital for the first Ume within the country's limits, as weil as

the government's raie and policies created the basic conditions allowing the industrialization and the intense

urbanlzatlon that followed.

It Is dlfflcult to detsrmlne when such developments started though. Most scholars would agree,

however, that the 1930 Revolution was the tumlng point of the process. The socloeconomic and politlcal

bases created with the Revolution were crucial to the hlstorlcal process of uri:utnizatlon ...

. . . the 1930 Revolution represented the dlsruptlon of the agrarian-export model. which Is replaced by the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. This resulted in the growth of an urban market of goods and services, and ln a more active participation of the govemmAnt in the social and economic spheres. These three aspects. but not only them. ~termine the content. the form and Intensity of the urbanlzatlon process.

ln the followlng decades. urbanlzatlon Increases. The ·Import substitution· policies that ranged from

the Wortd War 1 to the 1950's allowed a considerable Industrlallzatlon of the South. This Industrlalization,

however, occurred at the expenses of the other regions of the country, ln partlcular of the Northeast. 18

ln other word~. this period--that corresponded to the country's Industrial Revolution--marked the deepening

of the reglonal imbalances By setting policies aimed at developing the country's means of communication.

at disorganizing separate local economies of oligarchie nature and at opening of new frontiers--a true

national Integration effort-othe govemment created the conditions required for the industrial expansion of

the Southeast region. The construction of BrasRia. the inclustrializatlon policies toward the Northeast in the

1960'5 and the Transama,:oniôn Hlghway lIIustrate thls effort, even though several other reasons for such

policles can be added. 19

These changes accelerated the urbanizatlon process even more. il received a boast from the

Introduction, on a large scale, of International and mainly American capital since the second half of the

1950's.2O The "nationalist" Ideology of Industrializatlon was substituted by an alliance of the national

industrlal bourgeoisie with the Westem hegemonical centres, through an authoritarian political regime, in

1964.21

The present urban network of the country reflects this more profound articulation of the national

economy with the international one since the 1960's, by reinforcing the leading position, at the nationallevel,

8

of citles IIke Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. These citles serve as the main linkage and drainage points

between those economies.22

This analysis of urbanizatlon ln Srazil Is very schematlc. However, il is enough to show how. in a

roughly deflned period of around six decades (considering 1930 as the turning point), an agrarian-export

country became an urban-industrlal one. The Industrializatlon has spread its economic and social effects

over the entlre national territory. As a result of that, even non-Industrial cltles, ln a strict sense, have been

the final destination of great migration flows ln recent decades.23

The country's industrlalizatlon has not kept pace. however, with the much hlgher urbanlzatlon rate

under way. This mode of urbanlzatlon, highly grounded on the population growth of the clUes, constitutes

what SANTOS caUs a "demographic· urbanizatlon, instead of a technological or economic one 24 Brazil

represents a typical case of this mode of urbanizatlon, whlch results in the large urban marginalizatlon of

Es raz il lan cilles.25

One specifie dimension of thls urban marginalizatlon is the houslng shortage in the Brazillan cilies

of today. The houslng deficit ln Brazil will be of 15 million Unlts ln the year 2000. One and a half (1 5)

million units will have to be built every year, if that target 15 to be reached within the r1ex1 ten years That

would mean an investment of U.S.$ 11.7 billion per year, in housing al one. In the same period. between

U.S.$ 17 and 20 billion would have ta be invested in urban infrastructure 26

As most of the Brazilian population lives in crUes, sheltering needs are greater in the urban

environment than ln the rural one. Sin ce the provision of housing through the formai means--hke the offiCiai

and private institutions-ois not enough for such a large population, the people have to devise thelr own

·solutlon.· This is a major aspect of the provision of houslng through the Informai secter.

The Brazillan city has become the place for the shantytowns and siums, usuaUy lecated in the

perlphery of the citles, and far from the most privileged urban areas. In this respect. some figures furnishing

the percentage of the population living ln siums and squatter settlements in five major Srazillan cltles.

according to table No. 1 below. can provide a partial picture of the magnitude of the problem The

information on the population of the cities and its percentage living in siums and squatter settlements come

from different sources.27 They should serve only as an approximative data

9

t

1

SLUMS AND SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS AS PERCENT OF CITY POPULATION, IN rIVE MAJOR BRAZILIAN CITIES - 1970

CITY

R10 de Janeiro Belo Horlzcnte Rec l te Porto Alegre Brasilla

POPULATION

4 ;:51 918 235 030 060 - 0 l 885 5~5 537 492

Table No. 1

\ LIVING IN SL~XS

JO 1-: 50 13 41

It Is very IIkely that the percentage of those living ln siums of the Brazillan citles has Increased over

the last twenty years, slnce the data above were obtalned (1970).

The specHlc historical evolutlon of each city has, of course, an important role to play in the formation

and development of the siums. T/'I's Is why dHferent percentages can be found for different cities. Sao

Paulo can be cited as an example. The biggest Brazilian city presented, in 1979, a considerably lower

percentage of!ts total population living ln siums, ln relation to Rio de Janeiro or Salvador.28 Half of RecHe's

population Ilved ln siums ln 1910, and thls has also somethlng to do with the historlcal evolutlon of that city.

Its location ln the Northeast region Is also a slgnificant fact. In any case, the squatter settlements are a

common scenery ln countries of belated industrialization, like Brazil.

Thn general figures presented above only reinforce the need for a serious policy in the field of

housing ln Brazil. Housing is undoubtedly a major ·problem· the country has to face, both in rural and

(malnly) ln urban areas, at the closlng decade of the century. There Is a profound relation between rural­

urban migration and the emergence and growth of siums ln the city, as the abounding literature on thls

subject shows.

1.20· URBANIZATION AND MIGRATION

For the last two decades, the study of the urban and reglonal Issue in Brazil has emphasized sorne

of its specifie traits. They Include polarizatlon, migration, accelerated urbanization, poverty and urban

marginallty.29 Because of its relevance to this study, thls topic explores the phenomenon of migration.

10

Internai migration Is, flrst of ail, a social process, and occurs in a historical context. MllCh more than

a simple move ln a geographical space, it Is 'he transition of the agent, alone or ln groups, from one society

ta another.ao• More precisely, internai migration Is a ·soclal process resulting from structural changes ln

a certain country, causing a horizontal mo"e of persans of ail social classes, who, for different

reasons, leave the Ir home county and establish themselves ln a newone.31•

Each major socloeconomlc change ln BrazUlan hlstory was followed by considerable migration,

somet/mes from abroad. The formation and growth of clties Is a direct result of t"ls migration. Therefore,

ail the economlc cycles, from the sugar economy ln the 16th century to the Industriallzatlon process ln the

20th, have had direct Influence on mlgration.32

Another aspect deeply related to migration 1$ the country's regional Imbalances, as dlscussed ln

2.20. Migration results greatly from the polarizatlon that exlsts between a developed South, on one hand,

and other reglons ln precarious situations, of whlch the Northeast Is certalnly the best example ln this

respect, the Northeast has become the national provlder of cheap labour, and for the South ln partlcular,

after the Wortd War Il.33 A slmllar process takes place at the reglonallevel, between the countryslde and

the state capitals or metropolitan centres of the Indivldual reglons, includlng the case of the Northeast

CI/VEN states that "a significant data about the volume of migration in Brazil is that, in the 1970

census, almost one third of al/ Brazilians were living in a different place from the one in which they were

barn. 34. He pointed out several processes through which Brazifian society has become more and more

urban. Sorne of them are:

1) The Incipient penetration of capitalist relations in the countryslde. This results in the formation of

wage workers ln agriculture. forcing the poorest ones ta head for the city ln se..trch of work;

2) The implementatlon of sanitary and hygienic improvements caused a population growth, allowlng

increased pressure on the land. The population surplus has to leave the rural environ ment because

of /ts social and physical limitations;

3) The attraction that the city exerts on rural populations. through the expectatlons of a better life ln

the city. The means of communication play an important role in its propagation 35

The rate of migration into the cities accelerated considerably after 1940 The table No 2 below

shows bath the urban and rural growth of the Brazillan population slnce the 1940'5 Accordlng ta this

11

1 table. the constant decrease. In percentage values. in the Brazllian rural population over the last flve

decades was corresponded byan increase in the urban population. The latter grew from 31 % in 1940, to

68 % in 1980 ln the penod ranging from 1950 to 1980. the urban growth rate was of at least 9 % per

decade The actual decrease in the absolute rural population between 1970 and 1980 is

another strong indication of the same phenomenon.

URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION IN BRAZIL

Census Urban Populatlon Rural Populatlon

Total , Total \

1940 12 880 182 31.00 28 356 133 69.00

1950 18 782 891 36.00 33 161 506 64.00

1960 Jl J03 304 45.00 38 767 423 : 55.00

1970 52 084 984 56.00 41 054 053 j

44.00

1980 80 436 409 68.00 38 566 297 32.00

Table No.2 - Source: IBGE: 1987-1988: 58-59

The census estlmates an urban ~"!SENT ~I"ULATION IoIIO"ATION T"END F"Oloi "U"AL TO IoIET"O~ITAN A"EAS ANO LARGE CITIES sv 1990 population correspondlng to 75% of the

total. for 1990.36 It al 50 estimates that 80 '-..... ~u... l f", l ,. ', .... '\ " .. .,- \!: ... .. ..

-", ... ~ f- ~ v~/ % of ail Brazllians will be living in the

cities. In the year 2000. The considerable

rates of natural growth of the urban

population itself play an important role in

this increase. There is no doubt,

however, that migration Is aise an

Important tactor behlnd such a growth.

Besldes rural-urban migration, the

reinforcement of an urban life-style Is

another chmacteristlc of the urbanization

process in Brazil, and it is influencing

~,J ..",. (' ".- 1:

••• '0_

....., 'i \ '! ' ) .. ".,.~ 0\ _, J .. ,. ~ ~

i l. --..

Fig 5 Source. GARDNER, 1971

12

1 more and more the j'ural areas.37 Scholars who deal with urban issues in B raz il , however, seem to have

lost their interest, in recent years, in cultural change issues. The reasons for this attitude lie in the

assumption that such studies have often contributed to distortions of the perception of the social

phenomenon. As a result, there has been, in recent years, an aimost total abandonment of this issue. whlch.

in sorne of Its aspects, 15 still very much worth studying.38 Cultural change constitutes an Important aspect

that should not be neglected ln urban studies, particularty ln a country where migration is extremely

Important to the urbanlzatlon process under way. Since cultural change Is very much reflected in houslng,

a theoretlcal consideration and crltlclsm of cultural change Issues will be dlscussed in next topic

1.30 - URBANIZATION AND CULTURAL CHANGE

"Among the features which contrlbute most powerfully toward the production of culture, the

development of the city Is one of the most Important.39. The role the city plays on the production of cultural

phenomena Is undeniable. Cultural change Is often seen as the result 'Jf the Immigrant contact with the city

life, as will be dlscussed later ln this work.

One difficulty in the literature on cultural change derives from the meaning of the word ·culture"

itself. OUVEN affirms that its idea is "sa large that one can almost agree that culture IS anyth.ng done by

human beings.40" AZEVEDO makes a simllar remark After differenllating between "clvillzatlon" (French

usage) and ·culture" (Anglo-american), he analyses several concepts of the latter, among whlch the one that

defines culture as 'h~ whole social mode of life, or the mode of life of a people in general 41. There is no

attempt here to elaborate on its definitlon in detail.

The present work considers culture wlthin the general idea stated above. Bath the "folk" behaviour

of a certain social group and the socloeconomlc dimensions of its life-styte are considered. In other ward s,

cultural change and socioeconomic change refer basically to the same thing. This approach IS preferable,

since any separation between cultural and socloeconomic aspects is aiways artificlal

There Is abundant literature available on the subject of cultural change, particularty about the

"marginal" groups of society These groups have been largely studied from the social. economlC. polltlcai

and cultural points of view The relation between these different aspects is fundamental ta an understanding

13

1 of culturaJ change.

Two levels in which the study of cultural change has been approached are the individual and the

group or soclallevel. The Indlviduallevel emphasizes the psycho-sociological aspects of cultural behavlour

by Individuals coming to the city Robert Park, Stonequist and RobM Merton, among others, best represent

this school. They have ail studled the cultural reactlons and attitudes of new-corners to the city.42

The sociallevel constitutes the main concem of thls work. Important schoals of study at thls level

have been developed throughout the years, among whlch the modemlzation theory.

For decades, the modemlzatlon theory was strongly Inftuential among latin American scholars.

Its roots are ln Western Europe and in the United States. Its basic concem relates to the issue of

development, and the IWo notions--modernlzation and development-are inseparable in this theory. In other

words, the adoption of "modern" attitudes Is e flrst and necessary requlrement for development to occur.

Social change, therefore, Is essential ln those societies that lack such attitudes.

PIE points out the characteristics of a modem society: ·scientiflc and rational outlook; higher levels

of technology; urban and Industrial settings while embracing 'the spirit of the Enllghtment'; 'human values'

coupled with the acceptance of rational-Iegal norms of government behaviour.43• Other variations can be

given by different authors, but the basic traits remain. On the other hand, PERLMAN summarizes the

attitudes that are obstacles to modernization: "Iack of control over nature; feelings ot fatalism and religiosity;

a distrust of science, technology, and innovation; an inability to plan for the future; a lack of 'empathy' and

an authoritarian, non-achlevement-oriented personality type, ail tied in with family, clan, and kin

relationships.44. In the process of modernlzation, mass media plays a fundamental role. For SCHRAMM,

economlcs and the media are the prlmary movers of development. Cultural changes occur as a result ot

them.45

A strong crltlclsm to the modemization theory has been developed ln :ecent years. The theory sees

hlstory as a Unear and progressive series of events, ln which the capitallst developed countrles have reached

the top and the "developing" ones are on the way to the top. In its self-defensive ethnocentrism, the West

is seen as the model of development Western values are held as "Universal," instead of Western, needing

to be followed by the other nations The theory encourages the development of capitalism ln the world, for

the benefit of the Western hegemonical centres. It generates cultural dependency, since a "modern"

14

1 (Western) culture is essential for development. Technologlcal, cultural and psycho-social elements are

regarded as being the real cause of social and economlc changes. Flnally, the Impact of modernlzation on

the whole of society Is seen as somethlng uniform. The theory does not conslder the dlfferent social classes

on which society Is structured, and their different reactlons to the Impact. 46

1

Other theories of social or cultural change can be grouped under the general "folk-urban" (or

"rural-urban·) continuum school. There are two variations of thls school.

The first one conceives the squatter settlements ln the city as self-contalned units, comlng from rural

areas and culturally distinct from the urban environ ment ln whlch they live. In thls variation, urban

marginallty results from the ·perslstance of rural Gustoms and Institutions ln an otherwlse urban settlng,·

or to 'he absence of the Internalizatlon mechanlsm of the rural communlty.47.

The second variation of the folk-urban continuum estabJlshes a certain scale of cultural traits whose

extremes range trom a completely folk to a completely urban society. Ail socletles are located somewhere

between these two extremes. This school, highly Influential in the United States, has Robert Redfield as one

of Its great representatives.

Critlclsm of the folk-urban continuum Is based on Its evolutive and a-historie approach ln the flrst

variation, the cause of marginality is the rural traits of the community, and not the socioeconamic structure

of society. The second variation implies that cultural change is caused by ecological characferlstics. such

as the contact with an urban setting. Some studies have shown. however. that cultural or social

disorganization does nat necessarily Increase with urbanizatian, as Redfleld pastulated. In other words.

cultural change is not an automatic result of an ecologll'-al torm-the city-and its physical characteristics,

such as density and slze. Social systems, and not citles, should be the basls upan whlch a theory of cultural

change should be developecl. Finally, the Idea of an ·urban culture· Implled ln the theory does not make

sense, at least under certain clrcumstances.48

A thlrd and last theory of great Influence ln the study of marginality Is the ·culture of poverty.49.

It postulates that the poor demonstrate a set of cultural traits that dlstlngulshes them trom the rest of

society. Furthermore, these cultural traits, characterized hy ail sorts of negative attItudes and behaviour,

are self-perpetuating, and constitute an independent or distinct entity, that is, they axist apart trom the

economic condition of the poor (although Oscar Lewis, who best represents this school, recognized the

15

l

1 economic effects on the poor's culture). Lewis' theory has been greatly used ta justlfy marginality, since

it Implles that It Is the negative characteristlcs of the poor's C':ulture that perpetuate marginality.

The theories above have ail been under sharp critlcism. They have been often used as an

ideologlcal Instrument for the justification of the dominant classes at ail levels. However, sorne of these

theorles' findings have proved thelr validity ln several cases. For example, cultural differences do exist

between rural and urban life-style!, thereby Imposlng a certain ·cultural change· on the migrant. The poor

of rural orlgln living ln the city do show evldence of a subculture (but alse cultural assimilation) in relation

to the upper dasses. Because these theorles often put aslde fundamental aspects such as the

socloeconomlc dynamics of society and Ils social dass structure, Ils approach should be questioned.

Disregardlng these and other features have often produced studies that provide only half-truths about cultural

change Issues, often with self-perpetuating justification of the establishment's status quo. In short, culture

alone cannot be the explanatory cause for poverty, marginal/ty and underdevelopment, and vice-versa. This

premlse should be adopted in any study dealing wllh cultural change.

16

CHAPTER 2 THE BRAZILIAN RURAL ENVIRON MENT

. . . One of the dlstlngulshlng traits of Brazll Is the distance that separates the Brazil of the Industrlal, commercial and administrative metropolls from the rural Brazil . . . the developed Brazll functions as a pole of attraction rather than a pole of development . . . if this was true a quarter of a century ago, this outline has not lost its valldity today.'

MONBEIG's statement sumnlarizes weil the great dlfferences between the urban and rural

envlronments of Brazil. From the country's blggest citles to a village of small huts, somewhere ln the

backlands, the dlfferences ln mentality, Ilfe-style and technlcal, economic, and even hlstorieal

development can be striking.

2.10 THE PHYSICAL SPACE

Three levels of human occupation in rural Brazil can be distlnguished, accordlng to the scale of

the physlcal space's organizatlon:

1) The scale of the rural land itself, where three basic settlement patterns are found;

2) The small towns and villages;

3) The rural houslng types.

2.11 RURAL SETILEMENT PATIERNS

SMITH, who studied Brazillan rural society in detail, identifled three major settlement patterns in

rural Brazil: the Village. the Line Village and the Scattered Farmsteads.2 Their main characteristics are

the following:

The Village: Village settlements are those ln whlch the homes of the cultivators are grouped

Into a cluster, away from the land ln whlch they work. On private, large pleces of land, this nucleated

form of settlement ("quarters" or "colonies" of rural workers) is the standard. This is especially true on

the coffee and sugar estates, but less

true on cotton plantations and on cattle

fazendas (farms).

The Une Village: ln the Line

Village pattems, the homes of the

cultivators are in rather close proximity

to one another, with each farmer living

on his land Here, the land plots are

long and narrow, and are laid out side

by side Ali plots front on a common

IIne of departure, such as a road, a

stream, or a coast. Ail dwellings are

construcled at the same &nd of the

holdings T: lis pattern is surprisingly

widespread in Brazil, and can be found

ail over Its territory. SMITH does not

know Its origln.3

The Scattered Farmsteadl:

When farmers live on the land amid the

fields, the scattered or isolated

farmstead pattern of settlement

emerges. The use of thls type of

settlement is also widespread ln Brazii.

6.a) The Village

6.b) The Une Village

.,...

6 c) The Scattered Farmsteads

Fig. 6: Settlement Patterns ln Rural Brazii

18

1 SMITH also gives a geographlcal distribution of these settlement patterns ln the country He

believes that the Brazilian rural settlement patterns descrlbed above are a complete break with the

Portuguese tradition, that is, the colony did not follow Portuguese ways. 4 He states that the three

settlement patterns described above are not definitive, and that a final pattern of rural settlements ln

Brazil has not been fully developed yet.

2.12 SMALL TOWNS AND VILLAGES

The large number of descriptions of the Brazilian smalt towns and villages, provlded by travellers

and scholars bath ln the past and ln recent tlmes. provldes a basic portrait of thelr physlcal

characteristlcs. Though some descriptions were made decades ago. the basic features of these towns

and villages remain valld today.5

The main feature of the small towns ln Brazil Is: the main square. It Is the centre of the city's

social 1 Ife. and the place where most movimento oceurs (fllrtlng. datlng, evenlng strolls, polltical rallies

and so on). From the main square the streets provlde aceess to the rest of the town. The main

buildings. like the Catholic church and the Town Hall-the former usually imposing in size--are built

around the square. The public market and the weekly teiras (fairs) are paramount There mlght be a

cinema, an elementary or a secondary school. or a health centre in town. The houses are usually one

storey high, and the on es whose characteristics make them more similar to rural dwellings are located

on the outskirts of town. The small towns often lack some basic services and infrastructure They also

depend heavily on agriculture. and suffer from the consequences of out-migration from field workers

The villages are even more precarious. There Is usually no pavement on the main street, which

is often the only one existing. There may be electricity. but no sewerage systems. The houses appear

more rural. giving a general Impression of somethlng temporary. and the dwellers depend entlrely on

agriculture. mining or fishing. They visit the town on sorne special occasions.

With the development of communication and transportation systems over the last three decades,

these small towns and villages are losing their isolallon.6 They are influenced by the Iife-style and culture

of the big cities.

19

2.13 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RURAL HOUSING TYPES

The very large number of rural housing types in Brazil are simply a reflectlon of the great size of

the country, and its variations ln cllmate, vegetation, economic activities and cultural types CaST A et al

studied the main rural housing types found in Brazii. 7 According ta those authors, the rural house

reflects social stratification in the organization of the space and in its functions. The rural house is not

only a place for living. but also a place for storage and other production funetlons. The sail and the

vegetation are the main source of building materlals for the construction of the rural house. This is how

COSTA et al. dlstrlbuted them ln rural Brazll:

E!!I Plantation Ateu t::::I Primitive Catte Ralsing in the C. Plateau _ Central Plateau's varlous plantations

1Z.t2J Old Coffee Plantation Areas E3 Tranzamazonlan Hlghway s::::::::J Primitive Cattle RaISlng Areas lIm::I Improved Cattle Ralsmg Areas 553 Areas of Sm ail and Medium Rural Settlements = Vegetal extraction Areas

Rural Houling Types

1 • The sugat complex 2 • Coff" fatm from the slavery time 3 • Cocoa 'atm 4 • Cattle ralalng 'atm ln the Northeutem sertiO 5 • Cattle ralalng 'atm ln the Central Plateau 5 • The mud hou .. 7 • Cattle tIiaIng farm of the PantanaJ MatoglOSMns. 8 • Cattle ralalng fatm of the southern fields 9 • The lump hou ..

10 • The standard hou .. 11 • HouM of the lIaIian vine cropper 12 • HoUM 0' German origln 13 • HoUM of Azorian Orlgln 14 • The tilled plain house 1!5 • The hou se of the Japanese cropper 16· INCRA's standard house 17 • The rubber gatherer's house 18 • House of the babassu grove 19 • The thatch house 20 • The indian hOUle 21 • Farm of the Paulista's plateau Fig. 7: Geographical Distribution of Rural Houslng Types

20

1 As the above figure shows, COSTA et al. dlstributed the rural houslng types ln the country

accordlng to the criterium of the predominant economlc activity of the place in which they are found

Thus, they classified five main rural economic activities found in Brazil. For each activity, one can find a

social organization and a specifie relation pattern between human beings and land The rural Unlts

reftecting such economic organizations also reveal rural housing types, whose varlet y ranges Irom a hut

bullt on stllts, in the North Region, to a house of German or ltallan orlgln, ln South Brazil. In splte of ail

thls variety and Importance of rural housing ln Brazll, there Is very Ilttle study on the subject.

2.20 TRADITION AND CHANGE IN RURAL BRAZIL

The present topic is divided Into two sub-topics. The tlrst deals with tradition and the second

with cultural change in rural Brazil.

2.21 CABOCLO: THE TYPICAL RURAL DWELLER OF BRAZJL

There Is much to be salet about the Brazillan rural society. However, It 15 the most traditlonal, the

most ·prlmitive" cultural type in this society, if evaluated by Western standards. which are 01 interest in

the present work.

The typical poor rural dweller in Brazil is the caboc/o. The word initially meant a mlxed race

resulting from Portuguese and Indian cross, that Is, a mameluco type. Today, the term reters to the

backwoods people in general.8 Dp.splte regional variations among caboclos, sorne baSIC charactenstlcs

are observed natlonwide. WATSON revlewed the main traits of the caboclos' culture.9

The caboclos are usually underfed and Improper1y nourished. Tarefas or designated jobs are

common. A1though not formally soclally organized, there Is evidence of group behaviour (self-help)

They usually live on a subslstence basls, on slash-and-bum agriculture, huntlng, tishing, and gathering

activitles. Chlckens, pigs, ducks or cows are some of their domestlc animais They are not known to

rnake charming or useful handicraft items.

Caboclos' clothing is very simple and often home-made The social organization IS usually the

family unit-parents, children and sometimes close relatives. The amasiado (common-Iaw unions)

21

1 occurs often. Besides the usual home tasks, women can joln the men ln the fields. Children are very

useful in agricultural activities, tao. The compadrio system, which is a traditional pattern of social

relations ln rural areas, is of great importance to the caboclos. The scattered settlement pattern is by no

means a proof of their individualism and isolation. Caboclos' culture shows evidence of the mood of the

community.

The caboclos' dwelling and furniture are very simple:

Caboclo houses actually run to more than a single type, if one is quite specifie, but broadly speaking they are much the same, involvlng materials ready at hand and no machine processes nor, commonly, much hardware . . . The dirt flocr Is widespread . . . The hou ses are generally chimneytess, the kitchen being either a little structure adjoining the house or slightly apart . . . Fire for cooking or warmth is typically made on a bed of earth or clayon a raised table or platform and the smoke may be left to find its own way out, serving in the pro cess ta keep the roof, if of thatch, somewhat freer of vermin . . . caboclo fumiture does not demand much carpentry skills, belng limited to a few crude benches or chairs, a table and perhaps a storage box or trunk ... the bed is often rudlmentary . . . or Is replaced by hammocks, specially ln the North . . . cans of Kerosene sometlmes do for chairs . . . Kitchen equlpment may Include an Iron pot or two, a kettle, a frying pan, in many parts a caftes pot, a small basin, a few cheap utensils, plates, a cup or a few gourds, and the Indispensable mortar and pastle . . . caboclos ln certain areas still make pottery. . . . if fences are needed, ordlnarily to keep stock out rather than in, they can readily be erected from posts ffild rails of local trees . . . fastened with strips of vegetal cortices .

Caboclos hardly use money. The local store provides them with goOOs from outside. In other

words, they are nct yer fully capitalized. Because of the usual lack of contact with the Catholic Church,

there is religious syncretism and superstition. Ideas such as ·progress-time,· "accumulation," "future

investment" are not present ln the caboclo's culture. Ail the traits described along thls sub-topic make

up what can be called a ·folk culture· for the caboclo.

WATSON belleves that "the caboclo culture Is a statlc culture; besides being relatlvely slow­

changing, its values are statlc ones. 11• He states, however, that the contacts with the more

"westernlzed" Brazil will bring about changes ln the caboclo culture. He also makes an important

distinction between what he calls the "circum-urban" and the "Isolated" caboclo. In the first case,

westernization is more influential than in the second one. His work ends with a significant discussion on

whether the "decaboclization" of the caboclo will effectively bring about a change for the better in the

22

1 caboclo's life-style and culture:

A point which must weigh heavily upon the shoulders of those who would instigate or accelerate the "decaboclization" of the caboclo IS thls as he ceases to be a caboclo, what is he to become? His mode of living may not Impress us as rich or ennobling but the Itkelthood IS great that relatively it measures up ta the expectations caboclos hold. The other part of the question holds us even more: regardless of how satisfactory to caboclos caboclo life may be, what better prospect for them as non caboclos does the future hold? Perhaps the urban favelas or corti,:os (siums) Is not appreclably better than the uru,?~s (lit. 'oadsto()l," and symbol of caboclo life, accordlng to the author).

2.22 CULTURAL CHANGE: CASE STUDIES

There are several case studies on cultural change for the caboclo QUEIROZ, for exarnple.

studied the rural districts of southern Brazil. 13 Accordlng to thls author, one of the characteristics of the

rural district is its almost total non-existence of social stratification, as weil as its distinction frorn the

global society of which il is a part. With the growing influence of the global society over the rural dlstnct,

this distinction tends to !Je blurred, with the assimilation of the former's cultural values by the latter

A typlcal example of cultural change caused by the influence of a big urban centre ln a rural

district is SHIRLEY's case study, done in Cunha, Sao Paulo. 14 The author first descnbed the tmdllloJ1cll

life of the rural commumty in the Cunha County He th en explored the profound social. culturClI ulld

economic changes ln that county caused by the influence of the metropolis of Sao Paulo The tille uf Iw,

book-OThe End of a Tradition--speaks for itself. PIERSON. in a similar case study done ln another Village

in Southern B raz il , obsel'Ved that social change in that community was minimal due ta Isolation. but Ihal

ln the near future, Sao Paulo's influence would be felt (the survey was done in 1947) 15

MARGOUS, whf) studied another southern Brazilian communlty (Ouro Verde), compared her

findings with previous case studles. She found similaritles, like the same SOCial class diVISion, and

differences. like the lacl< of a clear correlation between rural residence and lower-class status She

visited the community some years after her study, and observed changes in the town's SOCial structure

and patterns of SOCial mobility 16

Similar surveys have also been made ln the Northeast region One of the rnaln hndtngs Irl

HARRIS' case study of Minas Velhas, ln the Northeastern state of Bahia, 15 the distinction that he

23

observed between the townspeople and the villagers, or between the rural and the urban way of life.17

He concluded hls work with a discussion on urbanlzatlon and cultural change ln Latin American

countrles.

HUTCHINSON undertook simllar research, done ln the same state of Bahia. 18 ln his study, the

author observed the permanence of very oId, colonial traditions existlng in that community. The

introduction of factorles (modem sugar mills) , however, caused sorne changes, particularly in the old,

patemalistic and patriarchal human and labour relations.

The two earlier studies were done in the 1950's. FORMAN did a more recent research. 19 He

studied the tradition and changes taking place in a typlcal Northeastem fishing community. An

important flndlng of his survey is that reslstance to change can occur when those involved do not see

any benefit for themselves. In other words, occasionally, poIitlcal and socioeconomic facts prevent

peasant societies from going through social and economlc changes. Shown an effective way to

Improve thelr condition, they will readily accept innovation and change. P.s also rejects the "culture of

poverty" theory to explaln wldespread poverty.

The case studies mentioned above are a very good depiction of the several aspects of the

Brazllian rural communitles and socletles. Unfortunately, the I!mitations of the present work impede

elaborations on each study.

2.30 URBAN VALUES VERSUS RURAL VALUES: CONSEQUENCES ON HOUSING

ihe dwelling Is much more than the physlcal space in which one lives. It is also a social and

cultural entlty, thus. it reflects. perhaps better than anything else, the cultural change a certain society or

social group may be undergoing. RAPOPORT put it this way:

The house Is an institution, not just a structure, created for a ~omplex set of purposes. Because building a house is a cultural phenomenon, its form and organlzation are greatly influenced by the cultural milieu to whlch It belongs . . . a house Is a human fact, and even with the most severe physical constraints and limited technology man has bullt in ways 50 diverse that they can be attributed only to choice. whlch involves cultural values ... Socio-cultural forces, therefore, become of prime Importance ln relating man's way of life to the environment.

24

The present topic presents a brief discussion of the attitudes of Brazillans concernlng the urban

and rural environments. The purpose here is ta see. mainly through some concrete examples. how the

relation between the urbé'~ and rural values of Brazilians has affected houslng in Brazil. in urban.

suburban, and rural areas.

The first chapter presented brlefly some theorles on cultural change (see 1 30) According to

those theories, the urban envlronment--or the clty-has a1ways been assoc/atOO wlth the attitudes

consldered as "modem" and "sophlstlcated." The rural envlronment, nevertheless. was characterlzOO by

a set of attitudes considered "traditlonal.·

Westemlzatlon, with ils values seen as modem, 15 an urban process ln the prec;ent urban

network of Brazil, the big metropolilan centres, partlculariy Rio and Sao Paulo, are the first receptacles of

westernizatlon. These and other major cilles reproduce westernizatlon at the national levaI, by spreadlng

western values and Judgements, throughout the national territory. Mainly through mass media, thls

process reaehes aven the very small towns and villages. This Is one of the charaeterlstlcs of the Worid

City concept, of whieh Rio and Sao Paulo are a perfeet example.21

The present attitudes of Brazillan society in relation ta the urban and rural environments are, ta a

great extent, a result of the initiai considerations presented in the above paragraphs Therefore. the

accelerated urbanization process in the country, and the predominantly western set of values and

judgements that characterize the urban environment are fundamental for the present analysis

SMITH, two decades ago, Hatly exposed the general tendency in Brazilian society about the

urban and rural worids. He asserted that "throughout the nation, an attitude has developed ln which

everythlng ruralls dlsparaged, whereas the urban mode of existence Is extolloo.22•

MARTINS studlad thls phenomenon ln datal!.23 He affirms that the nation, whlch was becomlng

more and more urban slnee the end of the prevlous eentury, was a1so the place for the formation of what

he calls an ·urban ideology." Aeeordlng ta thls Ideology, the rural envlronment was the "negatlve" slde,

while the urban one seemed ta hold ail favourable or ·positive" aspects of social life Today this

tendeney has not changed Technicians, scholars. and politlcians see the rural as something "outslde:

contrary ta the modern urban environment. The rural "problem" will be solved once Il Integrates the

urban life-style and eeonomy.

25

,

1

The core of the urban Ideology can be seen in Brazillan literature and sociology. MARTINS gives

the example of a famous character in the Brazillan literature--"Jeca Tatu"--created by the well-known

Brazilian writer M. Lobato Jeca Tatu is a lazy caipira (a southern version of the caboclo), who is

constantly sick and wastes hls time drinking pinga (a strong alcoholic beverage).

The rural wortd may be of great value for some people though. For instance, the rural life was

very much pralsed in Ils stability and ·purity", against what the rural society saw as the loosening of

values and marais that followed the tirst decades of sic Paulo's rapid urban growth. However, the

·urban Ideology,· uslng MARTINS' expression, Is by far the wlnner over the rural values ln the Brazillan

society of today.

The point now is to see how this visible aspect of cultural change-othe growing reinforcement of

an urban Ilfe-style and values--has aftected housing ln Brazil. MARTINS himself gives a valuable example

of confllct of values-urban versus rural--vlsible ln a house on the outskirts of a city:

Durlng a visit ta a house of one of the workers ... some features of the urban culture were perceived. LIving in the periphery of the city, almost ln the IImits wlth the rural zone, the dwelling . . . presented some characteristics of the rural house,especially the kitchen . . . The women were gathered ln this place, ~round an aven l'T''lde of taipa. But the front room . . . used as a living and dlnlng rooms for visitors, tried ta show off some furniture acquired in the city shops . . . On the walls there were picture~ of movie actors. These two wonds were separated by a curtain, which is a furniture item hardly seen in rural areas, in an attempt to hide the rusticity of the other room. It was even possible ta notice a conflict of values between tMese two wonds, and expressed in the relationship of generations. The children highly esteem urban life . . . their father, however, does not share the same view . . . as his wlfe heard him speak cheerfully of his rural past, she rushed into the living room ta oppose herself ta his Ideas ... the whole family tried ta convey ta the interviewer, including with accusations of mental illness, that the famUy head was unable ta rnake decisions that concemed the interests and desires of the household.24

Such an attitude Is not new. FILHO, writing about the residentlal urban architecture in Brazil,

between 1920 and 1940, made a similar rernark. In that period, there was already a signlficant migration

flow from rural areas. As he describ:,d the resldences being built during this period ln the cities, he

pointed out the reminiscent details of the still recent rural past of most of the Brazilian population. Trees

and backyards were some of these elements found in the urban dwellings of that period. He then

concludes that. .

26

1 . . . The convenlent place for these thlngs that were Irtlmate with their rural wor1d. and that revealed some vestige of the slavery tlmes were placed not on the sides, but ln the back of the hou se, lest the cntical eyes of visitors and passers-by flnd the slightest chance for condemnation of the owner's (rural) habits.25

HARRIS, who stressed the existence of an urban ethos ln tt,- small town of Minas Velhas. made

the followlng remark:

ln the last twenty years a radlcally new tradition whlch has almost replaced the colonial Ideal of the beautlful house has Inflltrated Minas Velhas. The new style Involves ralslng the facade above the level of the roof tUes sc that the latter becomes Invisible from the street. The false front 15 ~ed plat/banda and Is gready admlred as a symbol of modemity.

SHIRLEY's case study provides another example of the prestige of urban valu<ls visible in

housing. He presents two examples of the traditlonal types of houses. a colonial house and the

wldespread mud house. Accordlng to him, the "Amerlcan" style Is replaclng those traditlonal types of

houses ln the county of Cunha:

ln the 40's a ·chalet" style of construction was brlefly popular and a dozen or sa examples st!11 exlst. The most popular type of home bullt today, however, Is ln the ·Amerlcan" style ... some of these are rather Impressive but they are exceptionaJ and bel~p'g for the most part ta professlonal people and wealthy businessmen. "

As for the hou ses of the poor, he affirms that ...

A major change has also taken place in the type of residence of the poorer citlzens of Cunha ... The traditlonal inexpensive house in Cunha, ln both the urban and rural areas, Is a simple hut, of two or four rooms, generally not larger than twelve square meters. The walls are made entlrely of wattle-and~aub. Sometlmes the house Is whitewashed, but more commonly It is not. The floor Is pounded earth and the roof is usually made of sapé, (grass) although It may occaslonally be of tile The sticks for the framework can be obtalned from a nearby woods; sapt; grows ln many valleys ln Cunha, and mud Is aJways ln excess suppiy ... such houses are no longer belng built ln Cunha. It Is, in fact, UlegaJ to build houses of wattle-and~aub ln the centre of town and they are no longer belng put up even in the sub-urban zones . . . The typlcal Inexp3nslve house belng bullt in Cunha at the present tlme has, at the very leai' brick walls and a tile roof. It Is, moreover, usually"American" in style.

SHIRLEY be/leves, however, that these changes are also likely to be the result of changes in

labour and economic patterns in Cunha. The general physical aspect of the town is also changing.

27

1 The pralse of the ·modem,· the ·urban· or the ·Amerlcan· (Western) type of house-terms that are

closely related, almost synonyms ln thelr use here-also affects the evaluatlon of the tradltlonal, rural-like

type of hou se. The latter has become more and more an object of scom and disclain by most of the

population. PHELPS, an Engllshman who travelled throughout Brazll ln 1970, provldes a good example

of thls attitude. The reader should pay attention to the way he descrlbes the hut and thg expressions he

uses:

... From a distance mud walis can appear nsat and compact . . . Close to they looked as If thay had been made by chlldren dabbllng ln ordure: the damp, acrld smell, and the files and wasps that buzzed round relnforced the Impression. They were pitted with tiny hales, some produced by alr-bubbles durlng the mixlng of the mud, others by Insects-among them the one that causes Chagas' disease . . . Bits of straw, used as a blndlng agent, protruded trom the walls IIke chatt from drled horse-dung. If 1 scraped the walls wlth my flnger-nall or preferably a pen-knlfe (1 shuddered at the thought of direct contact), the mud would crumble away as easKy as sand runnlng down an hour-glass. Palm leaves, drled to the same calor as the walls, formed a damp, shaggy thatch. The overall effect was of a terrible, hopetess drabness. My heart sank at the thought of human belngs forced to live behind such wi's . . . When 1 gat Inslde the hut 1 dared nat to look around me ...

A partial explanatlon for such a merclless description, ln whlch the shortcomlngs of thls hut ln

North Brazll are sc heavlly emphaslzed, Is that he was a forelgner, and that he had recently arrived in the

country. Simllar attitudes, however, are alsa found among Brazilians themselves, as il will be discussed

further ln thls work.

An Important clarification should be made here. By showlng the example above of a true

prejudlcial attitude against the traditlonal houses, the reader should not prematurely conclude that the

author Is ln tact proposlng that they are the model. In thelr present state, such dwelilngs cannat be the

Ideal type of house for rural BrazH. Thelr shortcomings are many, and PHELPS presented sorne of them

accurateiy ln hls description. The crltlclsm here goes to the "form· of the de~rlptlon, which reveals a

profound preJudice. The total absence of comments on the advantages that these houses do provlde Is

another Indication of thls attitude.

A preUmlnary conclusion of the present discussion Is that the traditlonal houses of Brazil are

undoubtedly under ·cultural pressure·, sa to say, and that they will tend ta dlsappear saon. In thls

28

1 context, it Is understandable that scholars, Includlng architects, have glven little attention ta thelr study.

As if ta confirm the hypothesls of the Imminent extinction of the traditlonal houses found ln Brazil,

COSTA asserts that . . .

. . . Some of the traditional types of houses tend ta disappear from the Brazi/ian rural scenery, under the impact of JBe transformations imposed by the development process of the country.

The Intrlnsle dimensions of thls development process-Industrlailzatlon, urbanlzatlon and

westernlzatlon-explaln, to a great ment, the existence of thls threat. A closer analysls shows, however,

that the hypothesls of an Imminent extinction of the rural houslng types, if ever formulated, would have

ta underestlmate two basic facts:

1) the strength of tradition itself;

2) the state of poverty in whlch lives a great portion of the Brazilian population.

ln many cases, the houses under ·cultural pressure" only appear to "forsake" thelr cultural

heritage. What happens often 15 an underground, semetlmes unconsclous reslstance to the Imposer.l,

extemal values and symbo/s. This produces, as a result, a hybrld type, whlch dlsplays signs of bath the

"traditlonal" and "modem," of the "rural" and ·urban" values. Moreover, much of the population Is poor,

and this literally forces the permanence of the traditional house types. These houses are atfordable, and

the building materlals and techniques are very often on hand.

Although the above process occurs bath in the rural and in the urban environments, it is

probably ln the latter that it Is better perceived. Here, the forces of change are st ronger. In thls context,

the urban, user-made envlronments--such as the squatter settlements-become a fertile land for a study

of tradition and change of the dwel/lngs. This Is especlally true when their occupants have a rural or

semi-rural background. Studles IIke this can be S6en as being part of an effort Into understanding the

nature of squattlng, a process that Is very Important in countrtes of be/ated Industrlallzation, IIke Brazil

29

..

CHAPTER 3 THE NORTH EAST REGION

3.10 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE REGION

The Northeast is one of the five geographical regions of Brazll. Il Is sub-divided Into three main

geographical zones The Zona da Mata is a hot-humid zone located on the littoral area. Its fertile land,

together with goOO ralny conditions throughout the year, allows for the full development of the crops.

The Zona do Sertao is located in the semi-Rrid hinterland. This hot-dry zone represents about 90% of

the region's surface and is, therefore, the largest Northeastern sub-region. Finally, the Zona do Agreste,

that is an intermediary zone between the two previous ones, has characteristics which are common to

both of them. 1

The Northeast consists of 9

Federation states: Maranhao, Piaur,

Cpara. Rio Grande do Norte. Paraiba.

Pernambuco. Alagoas. Sergipe and

Bahia

The historical development of

the region was referred ta ln 1 10 That

tapie reviewed briefly the settlement of

the reglon. the formation and

development of the tlrst cltles on the

coast, and thelr military and commercial

functions, Cattle ralslng was greatly

responsible for the occupation of the

8J Zona da Mata

~ Zona do Agreste

o Zona do Sertio

l '. 1

, , ~ .

1 / - ' :. _ J 'J": '-" - ' , -" !J Paraiba

,.- 1- '\ ..... ~"",' r .. ~:--l

'

1 Piaui _ . ..,~. ' •• ,- pernambuco " ' ... . . ,,~"'" 1 ,_ ,,'" ' .. )1 .".\.: .... {.:~=::-;:j

~ .- ,,::.·);~·r Alagoas ~ , , ,~

'\. . ..".-- , .. ,: Bahia A. Sergipe

Fig, 8: The Northeast Region

1 backlands.

The Zona da Mata has been associated with the sugar economy: the Zona do Sertào with cattle

raising and cotton plantation: the Zona do Agreste was tirst occupled through canle raising. 2 Later on. it

became a zone where diversitied agriculture and cattle raising are practised

The land division ln the Northeast reflects the dual social class system whlch characterlzes Its

soclety.3 Most of the Northeastem land is concentrated ln the hands of a few, while the great majorlty

has no land ownershlp rlghts. This state has been the cause of social tensions bath ln the past and ln

the present, ln addition to belng dlrectly related to the socloeconomlc problems of the reglon.4 ln the

Zona do Agreste, however, the sma" and medium land ownerships predominate.5

The region's economlc Importance has aiways been great in the past, even during the gold

cycle, in the 18th century. Its economlc stagnation began ln the second hait of the 19th century,6 while

the coffee economy was boomlng ln the Southeast. The following statlstlcal data demonstrate the

extreme poverty that characterlzes most of the raglon's po"ltliatlon today. The percentage values refer

to the entlre country. 50, in the Northeast are located:

51 % of the iIIiterate Brazilians over 10 years of age:

45 % of the Brazilian workers earning up to 1 minimum wage:7

54 % of the workers eaming up ta a haif of the minimum wage:

45 % of the sub-normal dweilings of the country.

The average life expectancy was 52 years in 1980, 10 years less than the average for the

Southea,t.8 These data only express the regional Imbalances referred to in 110. The regional

lm balances were favourable for the Southeast ragion, at the expenses of the other ones. Additionai data

could be Included,9 but the data above are sufflclent to provlde a gllmpse of the raglon "problem" of the

country, as it Is often referred to.

There 15 a long IIst of studles that deal with the several govemment pollcies aimed at developing

the reglon. They generally critlcize the relatively small results of these pollcles They aiso question the

motivations behind th6m, since these policies usually end up favouring the big landowners and

industrialists of the region (in the latter case, from outside the region as weil) 10 Sorne progress.

however, has been made.

31

Flnally, it Is Important to mention the droughts that occur periodically ln the Northeast. They

take place mostly in the Zona do Sertao, the semi-arid zone covering 90 % of the region's surface. The

literature existing on the subject, and the government pollcies dealing with it, are abundant. As for the

drought ·problem,· it cannot be considered a problem as far as the amount of water existing in the

reglon Is concerned. 11 The reasons for !ts presence should be searched elsewhere. CERQUEIRA

summarlzed the whole Issue with the followlng statement: ·a natural adversity becomes a social calamity

only when the social, politlcal and economlc conditions favour it.12..

3.20 TRADITION AND CHANGE IN NORTHEAST BRAZIL

Oeallng with cultural change in a country that has been going through a period of profound

transformations over the last decades Is not an easy task. The process Is very dynamic, and yet, much

of the past seems unchanged even nowadays. Uke the rest of the country, the process of tradition and

change Is also present ln the Northeast reglon.

Many forelgn vlsitors who travelled through Brazil ln the 19th century--includlng several

Englishmen13 •• left rich, varied accounts of Brazillan society. In an excellent book, AQUINO gathered and

organlzed the impressions of the foreigners who travelled ta the Northeast region. 14 It would be enough

ta compare those impressions with recent studies to confirm the complex process of permanence of

tradition and change in the Northeast society, as AQUINO himself concluded. 15

3.21 AN OVERVIEW OF TRADITION IN THE NORTH EASTERN SOCIETY

Agriculture Is perhaps the best example of the force of tradition in the Northeast. In spite of its

Importance ln the reglon, agriculture Is a hlghly traditlonaJ activity, and it Is practised today as il has

been for centuries. 16 The single family unit Is greatly responslble for thl3 activity. They work on a

subslstence basls and use traditlonal methods of agriculture. They are caboclo familles, keeping much

of thelr ·folk culture,· as described by WATSON, ln the previous chapter. 17 It 15 true that agriculture has

been modernized ln the region, but thls is confined to the coastal areas, and usually takes place on the

big landowners' properties Despite the importance of the small peasants' activity, they are usually left

by themselves. They also sutfer the most from the effects of the droughts in the region. 18

32

1

.'

The modernizatlon of agriculture affects the Northeastem caboclo not only by causing out­

migration, but also by changing labour relations. Whereas in the backlands the labour relations may not

involve cash as a way of payment, the boss-employee relation and the small peasant working on a salary

basis become more frequent as one approaches the coast, where the state capitals are. 19 This is an

Important aspect of cultural change.

3.22 CULTURAL CHANGE IN NORTH EASTERN SOCIETY

As ln the rest of Brazll, the changes and transformations taklng place ln thls century have al 50

fullyaffected the Northeast. Urbanlzatlon, with ail the cultural changes that It Indlrectly brlngs. has also

been visible ln the reglon.2O The major changes take place ln the urban envlronment

A consclous reaction to preserve the reglon's culture and tradition appeared as far back as ln

the 1920's. It was a clear Indication of the deep changes already golng on at that tlme. Both Intellectuals

and people of humble origin formed what became known as the Movimento Regionalista (Reglonalist

Movement).

A Regional/st Manifesto was written in 1926.21 Accordlng to thls document, the movement did

not aim at tuming the region into a separatist, anti-national or anti-international geographical and SOCIO-

cultural space. It did not intend to deny the positive effects of modemization either The main purpose of

the Regionalist Movement as stated by FREYRE, the author of the Manifesto, is the followlng

. . . We st rive to protect these values and traditions from the threat of being completely abandoned, by the neophyte fury of the leaders who, to us, are seen as advanced and "progressive", once they imitata the forelgn fads bUndly and dlssolutely. The 'oraign fads ln general. In partlcular, (those) in the states and provinces (I~ate) what Rio and Sao Paulo consecrate as "elegant" and "modern" ...

The remainder of this "colonial" attitude of the Brazilians-still visible nowadays--makes the

Reglonallst Manifesta a document for the present tlmes.23 It Is in thls complex context of permanence of

tradition and change in Northeast Brazil that one should understand the attitudes about the folk

architecture, or more specifically, folk housing in the reglon. The last IWo tOplCS of the present chapter

deal with vemacular housing They descnbe a specifie housing type, bath ln the Northeast reglon and ln

the state of Rio Grande do Norte, where a case stuoy is presented in the next chapter

33

1 3.30 MUCAMBO: THE RURAL HOUSING TYPE OF NORTHEAST BRAZIL

The great authority on the subject of rural housing in Northeast Brazil is not an architect, but a

soclologist. FREYRE was probably the first scholar ta deal with the subject in detail Rather than

attempting ta expose new or unveiled features about the Mucambo, the present topic takes the modest

position of revlewing FREYRE's writlng on the subject, along with some additional information from other

sources.

The orlglns of the Mucambo (or Mocambo) go back to colonial tlmes. It can be seen as one of

the Afrlcan contributions to the Brazillan culture. RAMOS states that ...

. . . The Negro peoples Iorought to Brazil with the slave trade possessed a rich artistlc background. Agrarian peoples of fixed habitat, they constructed their shelters of mud walls and thatched roofs, usually rectangular ln shape ... pottery making was developed, and their artlstry ln maklng clay vessels as weil as straw baskets and other objects for domestlc use Is well-known. Thelr domestlc art Included Iron utensils, huntlng and f1shing Implements.24

And referrlng to two specific African groups:

ln architecture, Yoruba and Angola survivais are plalnly visible ln the construction of the pegi~ and ln the adobe huts frequently met ln the Northeast of the country. 5

SMITH, however, attributes an Indian origin ta the Mucambo.26 The contradiction is just

apparent, since bath races contributed substantlally ta this housing type. FREYRE summarized the three

main cultural Influences found in the Mucambo:

ln its differences of building techniques, there Is a preponderance, either of the Indlan culture, or 0trthe Afrlcan one. The influence of the Portuguese hut also perslsts.

The word Mucambo has an African orlgin, and meons a hlding place.28 This explains why

Mucambo was also a synonym of Quilombo, or small settlements of runaway slaves in colonial Brazil.29

Because construction was simple and building materials available, the Mucambo was the type of

house used by the Bandeirantes (pioneers) for their journeys into the intenor, in the 17th and 18th

centuries.30 Throughout their history, the Mucambo suffered very few changes, and became a great

34

1 witness of the force of tradition ln Brazlllan society. 31 The major modifications started to occur only ln

J

this century.

ln spitc of the great variation of

housing types in rural Brazll, it would

not be an exaggeration to consider the

Mucambo as the "national houslng type"

for the poor ln thls country. Its use Is

widespread in the whole national

territory.32 The high migration rate of

the Nartheastern population partly

explains this phenomenon. As

discussed eartier, migration from the

Fig. 9: The Afrlcan Origin of the Mucambo Partial reproduction of

Rugendas' Housmg of the Blacks

Northeast ta other reglons has been signiflcant, especially ln this century, and that cantributes to spread

the use of this housing type in the national territory.

There are some basic variations in the Mucamba hausing FREYRE identitied four different types

in Northeast Srazil, classified according to the building materials used. The distinguishing element for

their classification is the type of tree used in its construction: Carnauba, BUflty, Bamguda and the Indlan

Coconut tree, on the coast. 33 The most frequent type, however, is the one wlth mud walls, wlth a

roofing of straw, assu grass or zinc, commonly known as the mud house.34

PIERSON gave a long and detailed description of the mud hou ses he found in Southern Brazll

The following Is a description of the building techniques and materlals used for those hou ses They are

just the same for the houses ln Northeast Brazll:

A Pau-a-Pique (wattle-ancl-daub) house 15 built of puddled earth spread over a framework of sticks. Four strong pales are set vertically in the grouncl ta form the corners of the building and four other po/es are laid horlzontally ta connect them. Cipo (a vegetal cortice) or more frequently ln recent years na ils, are used ta fasten the peles together Longer uprights are then set in the ground at the center of each of two sides and a ridge pole is laid upon them (fig 10.a) Parallel ta the uprights, smalter pales are placed until the sides are entirely filled in. the pales not being set in the graund but merely supported by it At nght angles ta these smaller pales, long, narrow sticks are tied on at short intervals wrth ci po both on the inside and outside At the points where a

35

~

~

~ 1 ~ 10.

li.

door or window Is to appear. poles and sticks are Interrupted tn leave the necessary open spaces (fig.10.b). From the ridge. poles are then suspended as rafters and other smaller pales are laid over these at right angles and the whole covered over with a thatch of sapé or tile (fig. 10c and cf) . . . a shallow excavation Is then dug ln the ground near the structure. and earth and water are mixed ln it to form a thick mud which is then slapped over the framework inside and out. and left to dry (fig. 10 e and 1). The walls of most houses of brick and a few of those of pau-a­pique are cavered over with ,ebaque. a plaster made of lime. earth and water. Sorne are then calclmated on the autslde ln IIght yellow or white, especlally at the front. If thls 15 not done. the dried mud of a pau-a­pique house gradually wears or bJfaks off sc lhat after a few years the house Is ln considerable dlsrepalr.

1C.d)*

~

lOb) 101)

-

10.C)

10 e)"

Fig. la: BUilding Technique and Matenals of the Mud House

• Based on photograph. Respective Sources: SMITH. 1972 and PERLMAN. 1976

36

1 On soft ground, a foundatlon made with ail sorts of materials may be built before the erectlon of

the walls, and the floor 15 usually of bare earth 36 The rooflng of the mud house usually has two slopes.

and the materials used may be sape grass, straw, palm leaves or even tiles. There is no celling or

chimney.'37 The houses are often built on a mutirao basis (self-help).38

The design of the house is also very simple:

Its plan Is usually rectangular, with smalt dimensions, the frontage belng larger than the back. The basic rooms are the living room, the bedroom and the kitchen. Sometlmes there are two bedrooms. In the Northeast, the puxado, whlch Is a terrace ln the back of the house, close to the kltchen, can be found. It Is built wlth wood sticks and thatch .. there 15 no bathroom. Showers are taken ln the kitchen, by uslng a bowl, or ln a nearby river. Physlological needs are often met ln the bush Sometimes one can find a small building, apart from the house, bUilt with wattle­and-daub, mud or straw, with a wooden floor opening to a pit. Sometlmes a smaller place 15 bu lit ror showering . . . gardens are not f9Nnd . . . sometlmes there are annexes for raislng domestic animais

The drawings below show three basic plans of the Mucambo:40

1 - Terrace Plan 1 Plan Il

2 - Uvlng Room

ill r:n 3 - Bedroom

4 - Hall ~41 5 - Kitchen\dlning room

Drawmgs by M Bandelra ~ 1 1

~-'

Fig. 11: Three BaSIC Plans of the Mucambo

Plan III

~ 2 J

The Importance of the backyard ta the Mucambo, where sorne crops are raised, is not ta be

torgotten. Some Mucambos may be surprisingly blg.41 The available literature on the subJect, however,

usually attests to its tlny dimensions. LEONARD's survey done ln the Northeastern state of Pernambuco

can certa/nly fumish an approxlmate basls for the dimensions of the Mucambo After studying 112

dwelllngs ln three different sub-reglons of that state, he concluded that "In each one of these three

regions, the dwellings generally measured 5 m ln width by 8 m in length, no matter the number of

households.42• The bu lit area would then be 40 m2. These measurements are not constant or Inflexible.

of course, to ail rural dwellings throughout the region They can serve. nevertheless. as a generai pOint

of reference ta the usual proportions or dimEmsions of the Mucambo.

37

,

r 1

Except for the wooden

structure, some Mucambos may be

completely made of thatch or straw,

including their components. like doors

and windows. This type is more

commonly found ln the fishlng villages

along the coast. 43 The skill with which

straw Is used ln both the house Orawin; by M. Bandelra

construction and ln furniture Is an art Fig. 12: A Mucambo mad~ entlreiy of thatch

form. PHELPS was amazed with one of suc.h huts, but he rushed out of it because he found out that it

mlght be condemned because of a disease.44 Still some Mucambos can be made of wood, with a

thatch roofing.45

One of the major European

contributions ta the Mucambo was the

Introduction of wooden doors and

windows They are often painted with

strong colours. 46 Other European and

North American contributions are brick

f100rs and walls. tlle roofs. and the use

of lime and cement. 47

The doors and windows are

simply wooden panels. without glass.48

The doors, usually two, proteet the

Interlor of the house from the outslde at

the front and back.49 They are

two-panel or lattlced doors (fig. 13a).

The latticed door has the great

13 el

Fig. 13: Doors and Windows

advantage of allowing the door to turn into a window, while preventlng domestic animais and dust from

38

1 entering the hou se. 50

PIERSON also descnbed sorne characteristlcs of the doors and windows of the mud tlOuse.

often seen ln the Northeast (see fig 13.b. d and el'

Doars alwavs open Inward They are fastened shut wlth a wooden bar. dropped into Iron cleats set ln the lamb Most of the front doors are also eqUipped wlth a latch and a lock windows are merely openings in the wall At night or on ralny days. a shutter of unpalnted boards which opens inward. is swung shut and fastened on the Inslde wlth either a wooden catch whlch pivots on a na Il driven Into the lamb. or a wooden bar passed through Iron cleats set in the frame. 51

The features descnbed above apply to the more traditional cases The user's access ta

industrialized components will determlne their

permanence or not

The typlcal facade of a Mucambo Includes

one door and one or two windows. There are few

openings to the outside. and sometimes there is no

wir.dow at all.52 The Windows are usually placed

high above the ground.53

The furniture of a Mucambo is very simple

Sorne examples found in Northeast Brazll are given Drawlng Dy M Bandelra

below:

Baiano):

Fig 14 The Mucambo's Typlcal Fdcade

HUTCHINSON descnbed the mud hou ses ln tha Northeastern state of Bahia (Reconcavo

The houses are small. usually conslsting of a front liVing room. a corridor wrth one or two bedrooms. a small dlnlng room. and a kit chen The furnlture is scanty--a miscellany of chairs. benches. and tables. an occasional dlsh closets the ever present plctures of saints, one or two beds. and clay dishes 4

HARRIS. descnbed the hou ses of the poor. In M Velhas

Their houses have one or two rooms ln an advanced state of dlsrepalr, wrth few WindOWS. leaky roofs. and earthen ftoors Illumination IS provided by smoky. open-wlck lamps. and chairs and tables are ranties If there IS a bed. It is Iikely to be used by four or live adults and children 1!10st sleeping IS done on a mat on the floor There 15 no kitchen. ~5

Important furnlshings and accessories can also include hammocks, clay pots and vases, plctures

and shnnes on the wall, a charcoal-burning Iron and a wooden mortar and pestle; the kitchen stove with

lirewood, a straw mattress or a bed,

lamparmas (kerosene lamps), a water

IIlter on a little table, a shelf for hanging

pans on the wall, and so on. Other

descriptions of mud houses, although

located outslde the region, confirm

mos! 01 the furnishings above 56

One aspect influencing change

in furnlture is the Introduction of

electncity ln many rural areas of

Northeast Brazil, ln recent decades.

hammock

crucifix

This means that sorne of these a jlfewocd stove

lurmshings may have a very restricted

use or ,la use at ail. On the other hand,

this also has allowed the access to

kerosene lamps

o ".,poI

.J

mortar and pestle ~

I~~ ci? l-::--

[ ~ --~ 11\/'1'"

,1 l,

water Mer on little table

Fig. 15 Sorne examples of Furnlture

industrial appliances, like radio or, less often, the televislon. These changes, however, probably apply

more ta the Mucambos located closer to an urban environment.

As for rts common location, FREYRE affirms that. .

The Mucambo tends to be bUlIt: in rural zones, isolated fram one another and always respectfully away from the Big House bullt with stone and lime or tBipa. In towns and villages, theyare located in the less desired zones, bullt almost over each other, in an a~rent effort to preserve land--which is sometlmes mud or swamp areas.

The location of the rural-like houses bUilt by immigrants on the outskirts of the Brazilian cities-­

bath ln the past and in the present58--ls a well-known fact It constitutes one of the characteristics of

what is technically known as the urban fringe.59

The present exposition has already mentioned sorne of the shortcomings of the Mucambo. The

40

.~, most frequent defects of the shantles can be summarlzed as follows:

1) The precariousness of the building materials and techniques, contributlng to Its fast deterioration

in tlme;

2) The number and size of rooms, which are usually small for the number of persans living ln them;

3) Thatch and straw are inflammable building materlals;

4) ~~9 building materials are the home for the barbeiro, an Insect whlch causes the Infamous

Chaga's dlsease;

5) The unhyglenic nature of the Mucambo, due ta the lack of basic infrastructure, Is ta be

mentloned.

The shortcomings of the Mucambo, with ail the existlng cultural pressure from many urban

Brazilians, have turned the most traditional rural houslng type of Northeast Brazil Into an abject entlty.60

It Is true that the Mucambo is not, in its present condition, the Ideal rural houslng type for Northeast

Brazil. Its advantages, however, hardly perceived by those who are biased agalnst it, should not be

despised. In this regard, FREYRE developed one of the most systematic apologies for the Mucambo,

found throughout hls comprehensive work. The essence of his arguments, however, can be summarized

in the following paragraphs:

The ideal house for the tropical areas of Brazil would be one which did not eschew the materials used by the natives and the Africans, nor ~.leir building design, but which made better use of the native and African experience. Those who . . . look upon the shanty or the hut as the greatest misfortune we have ta contend with, and who ln their solution to the problem of cheap housing in the North of Brazil rule out the use of thatch in the building of small houses, are presenting the problem in terms which are completely anti-Brazilian and anti-ecological. The shack made hygienic, with proper sanitary facilities and flooring, would seem ta be the intelligent answer ta this problem in the form in which il has confronted the authoritit ~ ·or many years, that is ta say, demanding an Immediate solution. Not only an intelligent answer from the point of view of our present economic resource~i but from the point of view of setting, climate, and regional landscape.

FREYRE states that due ta climatic conditions, the problem Is more difficult ta be solved in the

South of Brazil. He adds:

It is unfair ta judge the thatched shanty by ils disfigurations and ils shorlcomings. By the defects of ils location-mudftats, mangrove, swamps, beside a brook, where il ~ ordinarily built-and not by the advantages of ils material and design. 2

41

The precariousness and short life span of the Mucambos can be partly explained by the high

mobility of the rural population. In such cases, the hut is just a periOOic shelter, and the dwellers may

not see any need for a goOO construction or constant repairs. The taperas--which are abandoned and

highiy deteriorating houses--are a

common sight in rural Brazil.63

However, there are buildings

erected wlth traditlonal methods in

Brazll that have lasted for

centuries.64 Moreover, experiments

attempting to combine traditional

and modern building techniques

have shown several advantages, as

opposed to the formai govemment

popular housing programs.65

Fig. 16: The Abandoned Rural Dwelling or Tapera

Partial Reproduction of Percy Lau's Tapera

The present exposition has concentrated mostly on the Mucambo in Its mud variation. The

reason for this approach Is that it Is the most trequent type found ln Northeastern Brazil. Moreover,

recent studies show that other

Mucambo types, like the onttS

completely made of thatch, are

dlsappearlng. They are being replaced

by the mud types, even on the coastal

flshing communltles of Northeast

Brazll. 66 A more racent change is the

growing use of bricks ln the Mucambo

construction. This means more durable

houses, although, with these new

materials, the ecological advantages are

somehow jeopardized and the initial

Fig. 17: The mud House. wlth a Front Terraee and a Tlled Roof

42

1 costs are hlgher.67

The Mucambo is not only the caboclos' dwelling. It Is also a typlcal example of what can be

denominated a Tropical architecture. It is also "folk", and ln this sense, it should be preserved as a

typlcal Brazillan or, more specifically, Northeastern cultural manifestation. Its shortcomings do exlst, but

they can be fairly reduced, under certain circumstances. As long as there Is not a more effective solution

ta houslng, it will be stubbornly present in the rural, sub-urban and even urban areas of Brazll.

3.40 RURAL HOUSING IN THE STATE OF RIO GRANDE DO NORTE

The State of Rio Grande do Norte is one of the nine states that make Llp the Northeast Region of

Brazil. The settlement of its surface followed the general outlines already sketched for the reglon. The

three geographical zones that sub-divide the region appear here tao. The scheme below shows the

zones' distribution ln the state, as weil as the towns and cities mentioned throughout this tOpiC. For the

sake of avoiding repetitions, the initiais for the state's name (RN) are used from now on.

Zona do Agreste

) Monte Alegre

Fig 18: The State of Rio Grande do Norte

Like for the rest of the country, very linle work has been done on rural houslng ln RN The little

Information available is very fragmented, and is usually provided by travellers who did not have housing

as their main concern. Despite these obstacles, it is still pOSSible ta make some general comments on

the subject.

43

KOSTER, whlle travelling throughout the state ln the flrst hait of the 19th century, matie

references to the small towns, Indian villages and houses he found along his joumey. The Mucambo

was very much present ln several of hls descriptions, like the one he makes of a small town by the name

of A~u:

The town of A~u Is built ln a square, and conslsts of three hundred Inhabltants; It has two churches, and a town hall and a prison ... the houses have only the ground floor; some of them are plastered, and whltewashed, but the mud of whlch others are composed, remains ln Its dlatural color, both wlthln and without, and the floors also are of earth.

CASCUDO descrlbed ln detail the sest (main dwelling) of a typlcal cattle ranch in the semi-arld

sertao, ln the mld-19th century:

The house of ta/pa (wattle-and-daub), covered wlth tlles, was unpretentlous and was not separated from the front thatched shade roof whlch protected the gatherlng and conversation area whlch also served as a place to rast and to cool the saddles. There ln the shade was a long narrow smoothly wom hardwood bench, made of peroba, aroeira, or Jacarandtl, whlch beckoned one to sit down and calmly dlscuss the chonts and details of the daily routine. The house Itselt was a very simple and unreflned dwelling, and very uncomfortable by modern standards. For those who regard the seat of a fazenda with the eyes of city dwellers . . . the slmply homely comforts and accommodations of a fazenda Ilfe will elude them. A doorway opened from the front porch into the front room, or living room. In the front room were a table, wall pegs to support leather animal trapplngs. wooden chairs, another long bench, a soft leather chair for special vlsitors, ceremonies and protoco!. A corridor led back to the kltchen-dinlng room, . . . th us taklng advantage of the cozy flre during the damper, cooler nights ... Because there was no cold spells in November, the kitchen gained added space and became the living room, or family room, for the members of the tamlly . . . relatives, and close friends. Off the corridor were the small wlndowless bedrooms wlth their hammocks or beds. On the poorer fazendas were cruds cots which had straw or reed mattress and were covered with a thinner layer of beddlng. The first steel bedsprings . . . were not readlly accepted by the oId traditional senhoras (ladies) . . . the children slept in the small bedrooms, and the parents in the large bedroom. That master bedroom was also part storage room. It was the repository for . . . trunks for clothes, and butter jars. There was also hldden ln some comer a money box. Most houses had only two doors, a front door and a rear door leadlng out of the kitchen. Utensils for the dinlng table included knlves, and spoons, but few forks. The food was cut with knlves and eaten with the hands, as was done at the table of the king, Dom Joio Il of Portugal . . . Behind the main house was the fenced area for goats and sheep . . . to one slde of the front of the house was a corral of Interwoven sticks and branches, with agate leadin~o the dalry cattle. Drinking water came from a weil or a flowing spring.

44

1 The design of the house attests ta the Portuguese Influence (Colonial style). Just like ln sa many

flouses of today. It is very similar ta the second plan of the Mucambo. shawn in 3.30 The furnlshlngs

and the location of the activities in the house. as descrlbed above. constitute relevant aspects for the

present study. DE LA RUE somehow confirmed the main characteristics above. as he also descnbed

the seats of the fazenda. One has ta bear ln mlnd, however, that he 15 refarrlng ta one hundred years

later. This Is undoubtedly another slgn of the force of tradition ln RN:

Except for sorne rare cases, the fazende/ro (rancher) dwellings are. In the Northeast, modest buildings . . . ail those where 1 have baen IOOged were rustic, convenlent, but without the slightest slgn of luxury, aven when hls 0'f~er possessed a large domaln, Just IIke 1 saw around Parelhas ...

The rare exception~ he refers ta above may have become not 50 rare over the last thirty five

years, sinee he wrote his book. He also described the huts and the sftios in RN:

The poorest among the nordest/nos (persan from the Northeast) usually live ln small huts made of mud, covered with thatch. Some of them have Iittle brick houses with a tile roof, but very sm"'!. The dwelling of a slightly higher-ineome sertaneJo Is the sft/o, . . . with a more rectangular disposition. lac king a fronton and with a double-pitched roof however, in several places ln the Rio Grande (RN). especlally ln the Carnauba valley . . . there are big sttios with a long roof surpassing the facade. These dwellings are made of brick and curved tiles. They are often whltewashed. at least the main facade is. The houses on the humid coast are quickly covered by blackish spots. whereas the ones in the sertao remain clean and neat. and their heavy tiled roofs stay beautifully red. because of the dry climate?

ln a neighbouring state, and close ta the border of the RN, DE LA RUE observed the only stone

dwellings he saw during his long Journey throughout the Northeast reglon.72 Certainly. he was referring

ta the paar's dwellings, since the Big House of the powerful sugar mill lord, for example. was bullt often

with saUd stone.73 It Is the socioeconomlc state of most Brazillans that ex plains the large use of building

materlals like mud, ln a land rich ln stone, lime and wood. 74

ln the semi-arid zone of the RN, the wood usee! for the framework of the huts Is anglco. aruera.

and imbabura. DE LA AUE also referred ta the artisan-made brick used for the buildings in the state

(adobe). and the large use of Carnauba wood. in the A~u valley 75 Carna';ba constltutes one of the four

main woods L1sed for the Mucambo. as mentioned in 3.30. Because of rts great usefulness. HUMBOLDT

45

1

called ft the "Tree of Llte.76• The Carnauba tree abounds ln some central portions of the RN, where it Is

also used for housing. FREYRE explained:

It Is everything for the shelter and domestlc comfort of man; it Is the house-through the framework, the roof or the fence; it is the mat that covers the ground; .. it Is the broom that sweeps the floor of the dwelllng; ft is the hat that follows the dweller ta the street or ta the bush, shelterin~ hi m, as if it was a piece of the house, from the sun and from the raln.

The use of Carnauba ln houslng seems to be decreaslng though. Its use Is belng limitetl to

some elements of the structure, IIke rldgepoles and posts.

The Indlan coconut tree represents ta the coastal area of the state what the Carnauba represents

ta some areas in the Interior. The coast is the habitat of the Cai~a,a, or the fisherman of the RN. The

flrst flshing villages appeared in the 18th century, ln different places along the coast. 78 They settled on

the land ln the IIne village pattem.79 Located among the sand dunes and coconut trees, these huts

provlded a typlcal tropical scenery, a perleet combinat Ion of human belngs and nature.

The use of palm trees for the huts was paramount. In its most primitive type ...

. . . The fisherman's dwelllng Is made of thatch, except for the wooden poIes, beams and rldgepole . . . it Is small, square-shaped, with a floor of beaten earth and a double-pitched roof. The straw is taken from the cocon ut trees After being eut, folded, and dried in the sun, the leaves are then tied with ci po ta the wood en framework on the roof and walls. The roof extends beyond the external walls. The door and wmdows are plaeed in the facade, and are made of wood or straw. The dwellings have a living room and a bedroom. The furniture is very scaree: only rustle wooden chairs, boxes, and sometimes a small table. The mattress and hammocks are largely used for sleeping. Cloth Is hung on the walls, through pins and cabides. There are no sanitary facilitles . . . clay pots and pans, and adapted metal obJects constltute other furnishings .. . food Is fixed on a cooklng sto~, which uses wood or chareoal as fuel, ln the backyard of the dwelling.

T oday, however, the exlstlng f1shlng communitles--Ilke Zumbl-are building their homes more and

more wlth wattle-and-daub, or pau-a-pique.81 Severa! villages of brick summerhouses for the middle­

class are replaelng, nevertheless, this tropical scenery ln recent years. These villages, located at several

points along the coast of RN, have grown considerably over the last decade. These little urban

settlements are being bUilt with little or no regard for the environment. and their urban aspect is, for the

most part, rather chaotic 82

46

1

1

-Fig. 19: A Tropical Sight: A Fishing Village in Northeast Brazll

Based on photograph. Source: FORMAN. 1970.

From the eastern coast and going into the state's terrltory sorne huts are found sparsely on the

land, in the sugar cane plantation areas. Massapé mud and the sugar cane tre9 itself are sometimes

used in the building of the huts.83

The present exposition has already made sorne descriptions of the Mucambo ln the seml-arid

zone of the state. Most of them mentioned the use of a front porch or terrace. The author hlmself has

been to sorne areas in that zone where these front terraees appear The data avallable do not provide

enough grounds to eonclude that the terraee is a characteristle of the huts found in the semi-arid sertao

of RN. It would not be surprising, nonetheless, if such an assumptlon eould be scientifically proven The

terrace has an Important funetlon as a thermal eomfort element for houses l.:>cated ln hot-{jry climates

Besldes, and at least in the past, the terrace had an Important social functlon ln the reglon S4

TAVEIRA undertook a very reeent study on houslng in RN (1982). He studied the hou ses of three

very small towns ln the hinterland of RN. Monte Alegre. Carnauba dos Dantas and MartinS Llke most

towns of the state of RN. the three towns are highly dependent on agriculture The colonial Influence ln

the dwellings' design. and the references to the French Neoelassiclsm. seen on the plat/banda and other

elements of the facade. relnforees other deSCriptions of the small towns in the state 85 The Mucambo.

47

----- -- ~-------

t however, does not constitute the main concern of his work. He only mentioned its existence in the

outsklrts of one of the small towns surveyed. The most relevant aspects for the present study, described

in his work, is the location of the activities ln the houses surveyed. The description of the famllies' lite-

style and customs is also important.

The hou ses and households surveyed by TAVEIRA were located mostly in towns, that Is, in an

·urban· environ ment. In spite of that, the description ot their uses can give a partial view of how and

where act/vltles take place ln the rural ones. The characterlstlcs of the srnail towns he surveyed provide

the grounds for thls assumptlon.

ln 1970, 84 % of the working population of the town of Monte Alegre was employed in

agriculture. This "typically rural characteristlc· of that town did not change one decade later, when it

th en had a population of thirteen thousand people.86 The two other small towns had 80 % and 75 %,

respectively, of the working population in agriculture and/or cattle raislng. The rural environ ment

sometlmes mlngles with the urban envlronment ln such towns, not only because they are the home of

rural workers, but also because plantation fields themselves can be found withln their urban Iimits.81

As a later discussion ln this work will show, towns like those of TAVEIRA's study constitute

intermediary stages along the migration process to the city, being very often the birth place itselt of

those who migrate One way or another, those who migrate to Natal have been influenced by both of

these "sub-cultures," that is, the caboclos' folk culture, as described by WATSON,88 and the more

westernized culture of the small towns in RN. In any case, this study also makes references to the

houslng types of such towns, when necessary.

TAVEIRA's conclusion on the typo/ogy of the houses in the Interlor of RN is worth mentloning:

ln spite of the geographic and c1imatic heterogeneity, a certain similarity in the way the dwellings in RN's hinterland are used has been found. This homogeneity Is presented as a characterlstic of the traditlonal values il their dwellers, bath ln the way they build and use their houses.

Two other considerations should be made. The first of them regards the existing variations in

the Mucambo type of rural housmg. Its classification into four different types is according to the bUilding

materials used for Ils construction, and not according to its design. The different species of trees used

48

t

,-

for the Mucambo's construction Is the only criterium adopted by FREYRE for that purpose, as dlscussed

above.

The second point is that much of the information on the last two topics of this chapter 15

considerably old, sorne ot which dates trom the tirst hait ot this century. The reader probably notlced

the author's constant concern to update thls Information, ln an attempt to display the changes that might

have occurred slnce then. This 15 not ta say that the information available is not valid today, but to

assert that the Mucambo has undergona sorne change, especlally ln terms of the building materlals

used. As ln any process, change Is sometlmes hard ta be followed wlth precision.

The most basic characteristics of the Mucambo, dlscussed ln the ~resent chapter, can be

summarized according to five items. The first three of them deal with the Mucambo's deSign The other

two items refer to its building materials, furniture and uses.

The physical Space:

1 ) Th~y have around 5 m of frontage and 8 m of length;

2) They are rectangular, with the frontage tendlng to be wlder than the back,

3) They have around 40 m2 of area;

Number and Type of Rooms:

1) The number of rooms varies tram 2 to 6 rooms;

2) The traditional rooms are the tront (or back) terrace; the living room, a COrridor, one or two

bedrooms, a kitchen;

3) A traditlonal dweUing does not have more than 2 bedrooms;

4) The bathroom, when available, 15 usually a separate facility tram the rest of the house.

Design of the Dwellings:

1) See examples of basic plans of the Mucambo given ln thls chapter;

2) The arrangements of rooms from the facade to the rear are basica"~' a front terrace (when

existing), a living room, a corridor linking the living room ta the kitchen/dining room There may

al 50 be one or two bedroom(s) along the comdor, and a back terrace (If avallable)

3) A typical facade of a tradltional rural house includes one door and one wlndow (sometlmes no

windo",,) There is usually a tronton on the top of the hou se, detined by the si opes of the roof,

49

J

4) A tradltlonal roof is double-pitched. The slopes are perpendlcular ta the longer side of the

dwelling. There is no ceiling, and the internai walls do not reach the roof;

5) The traditional rural houses usually have problems of natural Jight and ventilation. No ventilation

windows are found. There are very few doors and windows, and the latter are seldom plaeed in

the bed room.

Building Materlals and Components:

1) The traditlonal building materlals are: earth for the floor; wattle-and-daub for the walls; thateh for

rootlng;

2) One-panel windows and lattlced doors. The tradltlonal doors and windows have no glass or Iron

grlds to proteet them;

3) The tradltlonal location of the wlndow, whlch Is usually small, Is ln the facade. Their location is

usually hlgh above the ground. There are no Internal doors ln a traditlonal rural hou se.

Fumlture and Uses:

1) The furnlshlngs and accessorles more commonly seen ln rural areas are the following: rustic

wooden chairs and tables, straw mattress, hammocks, and beds; nails on the wall or sometimes

wooden shelves (cabides) for hanging cloth. Tin containers and bowls, wooden or paper boxes

for keeping things, clay pots and vases, cages for birds, wooden mortar and pestle, clay dishes.

The arrangement of a water filter or radio on a Jittle table; a metal or wood en shelf for hanglng

pans on the wall (bateria);

2) Furnlshlngs with a symbolic funetlon: pietures of family members on the wall, pictures of

poIitleians, shrlnes and Images of saints; crucifix;

3) Uses: The chapter 5 deals with the uses of rural dwellings.

The various sources of Information on the Mucambo type of rural housing attest to the basic

characterlsties presented above. Sorne variation may exlst, partlcular1y ln terms of the building materials

and dimensions This does not compromise, however, the description of the most elementary version of

the Mucambo, summanzed above. Finally, let FREYRE, the authorrty on this subject, give the final words

for the present chapter'

50

1 With ail its primitiveness. the Mucambo Is a reglonal value. and by extension, a Brazilian value. More than that. it Is a value of the Tropics .. It is a value for what it represents in terms of aesthetlc harmonization that between human construction and nature: it Is a value ln terms of hygienic adaptation the human shelter adapted to the nature of the Tropics: it al 50 represents a value as an economic solution ta the problem of the poor's house ... there are people who can hardly look at the Mucambo, whereas the MucaliBbo has precious lessons ta teach to architects. to hygienists. to artists.

A Oouble-Pltched Roof, made wlth Thatch

Structure of the Roof

A Fronton

One·Panel Window, wlthout Glass

\ 1

Internai Walls do not Aeach the noof

A Whitewashed Facade ___ --tH- Wattla·and-daub Walls

No Internai Door (!) living Room

@ Bedroom

Earth Aoor @ K1tchen

A Latticed Ooor ® Hall

® Back Terrace

Fig. 20' Basic Characteristics of the Mucambo

,., l

51

,

CHAPTER 4 A CASE STUDY IN NORTH EAST BRAZIL

The present chapter 15 a case study undertaken ln the city of Natal, capital of the state of Rio

Grande do Norte, ln Northeast Brazll The following pages present the findings of a field survey carried

out ln a community of Natal.

4.10 METHOD FOR THE COLLECTION OF DATA

4.11 INITIAL CONSIDERATIONS

There were several reasons for selecting that partlcular settlement, which Is introduced in 4.22.

The first reason was that the author was \ 't. ry familiar with the settlement, because he had been involved with

it before Not only had he some information about it already, but the community knew him tao, thereby

becoming even more wllhng ta cooperate

A second reason was that it was a community of only 88 houses or hLt.c.;, at the time of the field

survey. This means that the sample ta be drawn from would not be tao large.

The thlrd reason for choosing that community 15 related to the research questions formulated in the

Introduction of the present work (see pages no. 1 and 2). The community seemed ta provide enough

grounds for a study of this nature, even though only the development of the study would demonstrate ta

what extsnt this was true.

Because of the reasons stated above, the field survey could take place in a short pF3riod of time.

Thus, during the Christmas and New Year's holidays, the author went back home in arder ta collect, directly

from the field, the necessary data for developing the research. There were thlrteen days available (from

December 21st , 1988 to January 2nd ,1989). Ten out of the thirteen days were actually spent in the field.

The other three days were used to find other sources of Information. that is. books and maps. The field

survey was carried out on a daily basis. in the morning from 800 to 11.00. and in the afternoon from 3 00

to 5:00 Thirty-four hou ses wero surveyed during the ten days The author had someone to help him wlth

this task.

The data collected can be classified in Primary and Secondary Data. The former refer to the

Information collected on the site itself, that Is, during the vlsits to the households of the communlty The

latter reter to the Information obtained off-site. that Is, outslde the community.

4.12 COLLECTION OF PRIMARY DATA:

Three strategies were employed for the collection of Prlmary data:

Informai Interviews: This was the first step taken in every hou se surveyed Atter a brief

identification and statlng the reasons for the vlsit, a set of question! were asked to the family head or others

in the household. Although a questionnaire had been previously established, the interview was rather

informaI. The questionnaire served only as a general guide. with the evolt.tlon of the conversation

determining the direction taken along the interview (see the appendix for the questionnaire)

Drawings: With the permission of the family, a sketch of the house was made The drawlngs of

each dwelling were accompanied with many important notes and observations The information collected

through the drawings is the following. general lay-out or design of the hou se. furnlture. actlVltles ln each

room of the house, components (doors and windows), building materlals (floor, walls. roof). every important

detail or specifie use, ceiling heights, and finally. intelligent solutions to spa ce shortage (see the appendix

for the drawings).

Photographs: Photographs were taken as a supporting source for the information already gathered

from the interviews and the sketches. The number of pictures per house varied accordlng to necessity.

As for the sampling, there was no specifie number of houses to be vlsited. Instead. as many houses

as possible were surveyed at random Because of the intervening variables of the research. thls approach

was more reliable. according to professionals in statistics at McGili University

53

4.13 COLLECTION OF SECONDARY DATA:

The Information collected in the several visits to public offices and bookstores was the following:

a map from 1982, ln the 1 2000 scale, showlng the community and its surroundings; literature on: the

problem of droughts in the region; internai migration; housing typology in the hinterland of the state. The

Information collected also Included: historical, social, economic and political aspects of the Northeast region

and the state, a hlstory of Natal and the official housing poUcy toward the urban poor in Brazil.

Both the Prlmary and Secondary data were Improved later on, since additional data from the

community was mailed to the author, as required. Much of the Secondary data was obtained through either

Inter-ilbrary loans, or through Mcgill University's librarles themselves.

4.20 THE CITY OF NATAL

4.21 A BRIEF HISTORY AND RECENT URBAN GROWTH

Natal is a typlcal example of the tirst coastal citles created for milltary reasons, to protect the land

from non-Portuguese invaders and pirates. With the expulsion of the French, a fortress was built and the

city was founded. in 1599 1

For centuries. the "city" was only a small agglomeration of houses, even though it came ta be

called the "New Amsterdam: during the Dutch Invasion (1633 to 1654).2 KOSTER, who visited Natal in

1810, sald that "if places like this are called citles, what must the towns and villages be.3" It is only in this

century, and partlcularly wlth World War Il, that Natal started its rapid growth. The main reason for the city's

growth at that tlme was ils strategie geographlcal location for the American Air Force, during its campaign

ln Europe. In the 194O's the flrst city slums emerged, a process that accelerated ln the following decades.4

SOUZA studled the migration to Natal ln recent times. He affirmed that the pattern of rural-urban

migration to Natal reflects the same trends and characterlstics observed for other state capitals in the

Northeast region Migration ta the city of Natal, especially since the 1960's, results fram two baSIC facts.

on one hand. the crisis of the agrarian structure in RN since the 1950's, expelling rural workers to the small

towns and to Natal, and on the other hand, the concentration of investments in the city of Natal, brought

54

l on by the Industrializatlon effort that characterlzed the 1960's and onward. These two elements explaln the

high migration rate to this city sinee then Natal was the third state capital of the Northeast reglon to receive.

in relative terms, the largest migration flow in the 196O's.5

Another indication of the city's population growth Is that, from 1967 ta 1978, the National Houslng

Bank (BNH) flnanced 25 housing estates in the city, amountlng to 19 207 housing units. If one estimates

flve persons per household, he will conclude that one hundred thousand people live ln these houslng

estates, that Is, one flfth of the county of Natal's population. And yet ln 1977, there were ten thousand huts

ln the city, shelter/ng around fifty thousand people.a The table below shows Natal's population growth ln

the per/cd 1920-1980:

PRESENT POPULATION IN THE COUNTY OF NATAL - 19:0-1980

9/1/1920 9/1/1940 7/1/1950 9/1/1960 9/1/1970 9/1/1980

30 696 54 836 103 215 160 253 264 379 416 89B

Table No. 3 - Source: IBGE, 1987-1988: 59

The process has not changed during the 1980'5, because the dlfference in living conditions between

the state's rural and urban environments has Increased. In 1985, Natal's population was estlmated ta be

510 106 persons.7

SOUZA presented a detai/ed portrait of the migrant coming ta Natal, aecording ta hls or her class

position. The present study uses part of that information. Despite the importance of migration in the present

work, it does not constitute the research's main focus. It Is rather the permanence of the socio-cultural

linkage with the mlgrant's past, as expressed in housing, whlch Is the focus of attention. In this regard,

SOUZA's reformulatlon of the word "migrant: based on hls case study to Natal, is another Indication of the

permanence of tradition maintalned by those comlng to thls city:

We now define the migrant as the Individual, belonging to a certain social class, who left his home county to establlsh himself ln a different one, without immediatfljy breaking the soclo-cultural relations that he maintained before. (the emphasis is added)

55

1 4.22 THE SETTLEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CITY

. 1

The prevlous chapter discussed the phenomenon of the rural-like zones, located in the urban fringe

of the city and made up by immigrants from rural areas.9 Natalis no exception ta this rule. CASCUDO

described how the open land around the city of Natal was slowly occupied, in an unplanned way, to become

later an officiai district of the municlpality:

The formation of districts ln the city takes place spontaneously. They are later on turned Into an officiai district by the munlclpality . . . It Is usually a marginal settlement, a poor zone made up of workers who constantly upgrade the buUdlng materlals of thelr house and Improve the public space, creatlng small centres ... these centres are then artlc~lrted by the main urban nucleus, th us reflectlng a certain social mobillty.

The same author refers ta the most populous district of the clty-Alecrlm--as a -district of sertanejos"

(rural people) ln the flrst decades of thls century. He also mentlon.s the very flrst "wattle-and-daub houses,

wlth no plaster, and with a thatch roof, called capuabas,· found ln that area.11

The settle",ent studled illustrates the process observed for the eider districts of Natal. Its urban

upgradlng and Integration ln the main city Is slmllar to CASCUOO's description above. It is true that the

settlement Is tao small ta be seen as a district. This, however, does not invalidate the fact that is a fraction

or a remnant of this process.

The very tirst hut in the Community of the Tree, as it will be referred to from now on,12 appeared

in 1951. At that tlme, the area that would become the district of Lagoa Seca was just a land of coeonut

trees, mangos and small wild cir"limals. The owners of that land Ilved ln the city. There were some sparse

dwellings on the land. The graduai senlement of that area oceurred over the 1950's and following decades,

so that ft became a district, or an effective part of the urban envlronment of Natal. As for the Community

of the Tree, It was an establlshed community of Immigrants nlne years after the flrst hut appeared.

The emergenee of the Community of the Tree was probably not a unique or isolated case at that

tlme. Several other spontaneous senlements must have appeared around the city during the 1950'5 and

beginnlng of the 1960's, growlng considerably throughout thls decade. As mentloned above, Natal reeeived

great migration flows tram the 196O's and onward .

56

1 The tlrst Immigrants bullt thelr huts around the IImlts of a prlvate land. Later, the city hall bought

that land, for the construction of the Nestor Uma elementary and secondary school (see fig no? at 4 23)

The first efforts to re'ocate that small settlement of rural migrants living ln the area occurred in the early

1960's, during the school's construction However, Aluizio Alves, who was the governor at that tlme,

bestowed a strip of land 2 or 3 meters wlde along the wall of the school for the people already living ln that

area.13

Accordlng to the flrst dwellers, the Community of the Trse usad to be blgger, but pressures from

the city hall durlng the years followlng the A1ves administration forced many people to move out. Several

dwellers spoke of Eliseu, who would come unexpectedly to tear down the huts of spontaneous settlements

ln the city, Includlng those in the Community of the Tree. He worked for the city hall. 14 No dweller seemed

to know preclsely, however, wh en he used to appear.

More recent attempts to relocate the remnant population have bean made by the owners of shops

and stores built around the area in recent years. The Hiperbom Preco shopping center Is perhaps the best

example of this effort.

There are four reasons that can posslbly explain the permanence of this poor community ln Lagoa

Seca. a district which is showing some signs of an upward social mobility·

1) The community occupies a very distinct spot· in the back of the shops and stores facing the main

streets and avenues of the city, and in the back of the school, which also faces a large street They

are, therefore, "hidden" from the main avenues, and do not occupy the most valuable piece of urban

land (see 4.23 below);

2) Although they are undesirable, they are not a big enough concem for the City Hall or buslnesses.

Besides, for the latter they may represent cheap labour for actlvitles IIke washing cars and the like;

3) There Is a certain awareness ln the people of the community about the advantages of living rlght

in the urban space today; 15

4) The community's removal has perhaps beco:ne more difficult because of Its apparent social mobllity,

or at least because of a better urban Integration or adaptation This last point is an important aspect

in the present study

ln short. this Is the context in which the Communlty of the Tree evolved. originally rural, the dwellers

57

1 of the Community of the Tree came to Natal during a period of large rural-urban migration trom the Interior

of ,he stata of RN. They bUilt their huts or shacks in the urban fringe of the city, repeating a well-known

pattern ln the urbanization of Brazll With Natal's growth, part of the community had ta moye out. The

remnant of the community stayed, for reasons stated aboye. Still physically distinct, the community tends

to be integrated with the urban structure of the city.

4.23 PHYSICAL CONDITIONS OF THE SETTLEMENT:

Sorne aspects related to this pOint were aiready pointed out above. This item proYides some

detailed information on the physicai

characteristlcs of the settlement

Location: The settlement is

located in the district of Lagoa Seca (fig.

21). The scheme shows the generai lay-

out of the settlement and its surroundings

(see appendix for tht:J drawlng in scale)

The Community of the Tree used

to be blgger, as the diSCUSSion on its

hlstorical davelopment showed (see 422)

Many dwellers had to move out. mostly ta

what IS now the district of Mae LUlza

Unlike the rural dwelilngs, the

ones of the settlement studled are row

houses. As mentioned by FREYRE, in the

previous chapter, the Mucambos, when

located ln the City, are bUilt "almost over

each other, ln an apparent effort to

preserve land. 16•

1

L Bernardo Vieira Av.

, .. ·d. -------~,~ .~,----------------------~

School 62 :

1 ... -------- ___ 1

Hiperbom Preco Shoppl~g Centre

Fig 21 The Urban Location of the Communlty of the Tree

ln the tlrst years of the settlement, the building of the dwellings occurred on Natal's urban fringe,

58

1 There was no major urban land pressure then. Over the years, with the city growth and the increasing

value of the urban land, the high density of occupation of the urban space became reallty The present state

of the Community of the Tree's dwellings confirms FREYRE's statement above By the way, this explalns

why 50 many dwellers had ta move out. The dwellings surveyed also used ta be located on the least

desirable plece of land, with the drainage problems mentloned by that author.

The general urban lay-out of the dwellings resembles, ta some extent, the line village pattern found

ln the rural areas. Its present configuration, nevertheleES, results from pressure on urban land, caused by

its growlng value. For this reason the areas occupled by the Indlvldual dwellings tend ta be smaller

Because of the goOO urban location of the Community of the Tree at the present time, most dwellers

do not want ta move out. Most of them have already been given offer, which they rejected, ta sell thelr

houses. This Is a proof of bath the increasing value of urban land ln the area and of their determinatlon to

remain in piace.

Infrastructure: The precarlousness that characterlzed the initiai years of the settlement made of It a

favela, or a typicaJ Brazillan sium. The dwellings were just shacks, with no urban infrastructure (electriclty,

sewerage, piped water, publiC illumination). They also faced frequent 1IoOOing on rainy days, because of

serious drainage problems on the streets. Many shacks collapsed on such days

With the upgrading process of the indlvidual dwellings and the urban Improvements, the seUlement

can no longer be seen as a tavela tOOay, although it is still in a precarious state Dunng the Interviews, sorne

dwellers were eager ta emphasize this aspect. Even 50, it is not surprislng ta find people liVing ln the nearby

area refer ta that settlement as a favela.

At the level of the dwelling units, the present infrastructure 15 the following:

Piped water: ail dwellings have plped water. Most of them have only one water tap

Electricity: ail dwellings have electrical power. For the rented houses of the settlement, c1ustered next

ta the central yard, the electricrty cames from a single house, since these rented dwellings belong ta one

persan. ElectricaJ appliances IIke record players, television sets, Irons, radios, refrigerators and gflnders

are frequent.

Toilets. 11 out of the 34 familles surveyed do not have a tOllet ln thelr house (more than 32 %)

Four of them use the toilet of a neighbour, who is a close relative Five familles live ln rented houses owned

59

by one persan. There Is one toilet available to these flve familles. The two other families without a toilet

ln their houses use the frlends' toilet next door.

Most of the existing toilets are very precarious. They are always in the back of the house or

separate from it, when thls IS possible. Sometimes it Is no more than a simple pit and a water tank The

dwellers take water from this tank with a sma" container, for either flushing or showering There is also a

place for hanging c1othes. Septlc tanks are common.

When the toilets are ln the open backyard, privacy may be a problem, since they are usually

rooftess. Also, for showering, the back docr of the house (often the kltchen door) has ta be locked to

provlde necessary privacy Otherwise, the person taking the shower can be seen from inside the house.

At the urban level, public lights and, very recently, paved streets make up the basic infrastructure.

The pavement of the streets has partia"y solved the drainage problem on rainy days. However, there is no

sewerage system of the conventional type.

Hou •• S1z8: The dwellings are very small, usua"y havlng between three and rIVe rooms (65.57 %

of a" the houses, according to a prevlous field survey). The built areas are very small too, and the biggest

ones have up to about 60 square meters. The dweillngs of the settlement are discussed in detail ln 4.40.

4.30 SOCIOECONOMIC AND CULTURAL ASPECTS OF THE DWELLEAS

ln May 1988, research on the social and economic conditions of the Community of the Tree's

households was carried out. At the end of December 1988 and beginning of January 1989, another field

survey, done specifica"y for this study, was carried out. This last field survey provides most of the

information presented here. Some references, however, are made to the previous field survey, when this

one provldes the same klnd of information. Both sl.rveys were carried out at different times, for different

reasons and with a different size sample And yet, the results are fairty similar, and sometimes, almost

coincide. This is a good indication that the findings are quite reiiable.

ln the first field survey (FS 1), sixty-one houses were visited. In the second field survey, done specifically

for this work, (FS 2), thls number became thirty-four The purpose of the present topic is to provide a

socioeconomlc and cultural portrait of the community as a whole

60

t 4.310RIGIN

ln arder ta provide a better view on the orlgln of the dwellers in the Communlty of the Tree, 68

households were interviewed specifically for this sub-topic, instead of havlng the survey IImlted ta the 34

households of the sample The parents of the households answered the questions asked When the

traditional two-parent family was not the case, the oldest persan in the househald was in charge of

answering them.

ln the 68 dwellings, 114 persans answered the questions about thelr orlglns Twenty-flve persans,

or 21,92 % of the total number of the people interviewed, were barn in Natal. Seventy-seven persans, or

67.56 % of them were barn in the interior of the state of RN. Twelve persans, or 10 52 % were barn ln ather

states. These figures show that the Community of the Tree is nat completely made up of rural migrants,

at least at the present Two basic reasons can be given ta explain this reality

1) Sorne people were barn, grew up and got rnarried withou1 moving away fram the settlement,

2) Most important of ail, many early dwellers have sold thelr houses ta the poor from the city of Natal

Itself. As for those barn in other states, most of them came from the neighbouring state of Paralba

It is partlcularly important for the present work ta trace the origin of those who have come tram

the hinterland of the state of AN First of ail, most migrants in the Commumly of the Tree h~ve come trom

places in the state of AN itself, thereby conflrmlng rrevious studles on mlgralh~'"' 17

The seventy-seven persans

included here have come tram ail over

the state. Their distrlbu1ion in the three

zones of the state of AN is the following:

Twenty persans (25.97 %) have come

tram the Zona do Sertào Only ten

persans (12.98 %) have come fram the

littoral, or Zona da Mata Forty-four

persans (57 14 %) have come from the

Zona do Agreste The blrth places of Fig 22 The Ongln of the Commun't" of the Tree ~A''Jfants

Accordlng to RN 5 Geographlcal Zones

those who have r:.ome tram the last zone are located araund several small towns and Villages not very far

61

1 from one another. Figure 22 shows their location in the state of RN, in relation ta Natal.

Migration fram the typlcally rural areas in the state of RN ta the capital rarely takes place ln one step

Usually, the migrant moves ln stages, from the rural areas ta the very small towns. and then ta the city

Thus. most of those wh') have rrllgrated ta the Communlty of the Tree have had an "urban" expenence

before, even If, as It 15 ottep the case, it was only a very small town

SOUZA's case stuay on migration ta Natal provides a good evidence of thls point. Accordlng ta

the table below, around 15 % of those who migrated ta Natal were barn in rural areas (including the

villages) Onlya linle more than 10 % of them came ta Natal without a previous "urban" experience

The present study cannat adopt literally the above values, since they refer ta the entlre city of Natal

However. these values do glve an approxlmate Idea of the ongln of the Communlty of the Tree s dwellers.

ln terms of the type of locallty and of prevlous "urban" expenence

The hlgh percentage 01 urban-barn migrants may be deceiving It is likely that the former "clrcum-

urban" caboclos--to use WATSON's expression--were more inclined ta see themselves as "urban", for the

sake of status, than they were as rural people, when answering a questionnaire on their ongin Moreover,

the very small towns hlghly dependent upon agriculture do not differ substan~ially from the more tYPlcally

rural areas around It ThiS la::;t point deserves a more careful discussion The table below Illustrates the

population range of the countles where the immigrants ta the Commumty of the Tree were barn

62

J PERCENTAGE OF IMMIGRANTS ACCORDING TO THE POPULATION RANGE OF

THEIR COUNTIES OF ORIGIN

Populatlon Range of Nu~bet" of \ i The County of Ot"lgln I~rllgt"ants

Cp te sooe 4 5 . , . , 5001 - ~C020 .. Jl 1 (\ ..

10001 - :5CCC 18 :3 3' :5001 :caoc 4 ~ , , ., 20001 - :5000 6 - ..... 25001 - 3':000 4 5. ~,) Over 30000 14 18. 18 1

Unknown 3 3.90

TOTAL 77 100.00

Table No. 5

59.73 % of the Immigrants in the Community of the Tree at present have come from countles whose

population Is up to 15 000 people. This data Is very significant if one considers the following points

1) the data on the population of the counties were for the year 1985 If the data were based on the

years of migration of each Individual. the number of immigrants coming from countles within this

range (up ta 15 000 people) would be hlgher;

2) the population data refer to the countles. which may include more than one locallty (a town. a

village. and the dispersed rural population withln the geographical limlts of the county).

3) most counties ln the state of RN depend on agriculture and/or cattte ralslng ThiS IS partlcularly

true of the small towns located ln the countles of up ta 15 000 people (see 3 40)

Therefore. even if the dwellers were barn ln towns. or even if they have arnved and !lveel for a whlle

ln a town before migrating ta Natal. the rural environ ment was at least very famlhar ta most of them ln any

case. the next chapter also makes references to the houses of the small towns ln the state of RN. whenever

they are necessary.

The table no. 6 below illustrates the lime of arrIVai of the 77 persans considared for the present sub­

topic. The tlme of arrivai refers to the tlme they arrived ln the city of Natal Almost ail the dwellers have

lived ln at least one different place. around the city IImits. and sorne far away from the City. befora

establlshing themselves in the Community of the Tree. Only a few have come directly ta the settlement

studied.

63

TIME OF ARRIVAL AT THE CITY Of NATAL 8Y THE IMMIGRANTS OF THE COMMUN ITï OF THE TREE

per lod of Arrlval No 'li

Betore 1950 5 6.~9

1950 1959 14 18. :ô 1960 - 1969 20 25.9-

1970 - 1979 26 33. --1980 - 1989 10 12.9" Ln'nown 2 0.6,:

TOTAL 77 100.00

Table No. 6

Between 1960 and 1979, almost 60 % of ail the migrants of the Community of the Tree arrived in

Natal. These ffgures reffect, as dlscussed ln 4.21, the Increase ln the migration flow ta thls city since 1960.

This percentage would probably be higher if some of the first dwellers had not moved out. The drastic fall

of almost two thirds in the number of migrants since 1980 is due ta the absence of physical space, since

the community was now right in the city. Moreover, those who have migrated in the 1980'5 could hardly

come ta thls community, unless. 1) they could afford to rent or even buy a dwelling in a well-Iocated,

upgraded settlement, or 2) they had a relative or friend willing ta hast them. It Is likely that those who came

ta the community since 1980 are in the last category. The migration flow ta the city has not decreased over

the last decade though, as discussed in 4.21.

4.32 FAMILV SIZE:

ln the 34 houses surveyed, 52,94 % of ail families had 4 to 6 households (54,6 % in FS 1) This means

that the average nuclear tamlly is made up of the parents, two, three or four children. The second large

percentage corresponds ta familles with 1 ta 3 members (31.25 % and 35.29 % for FS 1 and FS 2,

respectively) It Is common ta find a cousin, an uncle or other relative living with the nuclear family.

4.33 FAMILV STRUCTURE

Only four out of the thirty-four families interviewed were of the extended type. The term extended

family here reters ta more than one nuclear family living in the same house unit (e.g., married son or

daughter) It Is not unusual, however, ta find close relatives living either in the next house or somewhere

around ln the senlement

As mentloned above, the familles have up ta 6 members, being very traditlonal in their form (parents

64

1 and children). Although this is the most common case, there Is also a considerable number of one-parent

families. widows and at least one case of a family without parents (both dead)

The average age of the local dwellers is over twenty-five for nearty half of the total population of the

communlty (3960 % in FS 1 and 44,26 in FS 2) Age groups ranging from 0 ta 10 and 11 to 20 have

approximate percentages (around 27 % and 25 % respectively, in both FS 1 and FS 2)

4.34 UTERACY

The number of lIIiterate people. includlng those who can only write their names. amount to 36.81 %,

whlch Is more than one third of the population (in FS 1 this percentage was 40.95 %)

School drop-outs are very high 37 58 % of ail dwellers have studled up to the pnmary school years

(four academic years) , but most of them have dropped out somewhere before the completion of thls

basic education. Only 21.48 % of ail dwellers made it to high school, with the same hlgh drop-out rates

observed for the primary schoel. The struggle for survival Is one major explanation for these figures

Also, the parents are from a generation where receiving an education was much marc difflcult than It is now

Most of them have come from the interior of the state, where the quality of et 1ucation IS precanous and

where the living conditions are even harder

4.35 EMPLOYMENT AND EARNINr.

This is probably the l'ardest topic to analyze. Empk'vment types range greatly, and earmngs

usually change on a weekly baSi5 The dwellers work both for the formai and informai sectors

Those who work for the formai sector have working papers and are protected by the working

legislation. They also have a constant monthly Income. The most frequent jobs are in the textile industry

(mainly among women), janitors in public buildings (school, for example), night guards, workers ln shops

and ln the building activity. The salaries are of 1 Minimum Wage for ail these cases 18 There are only 28

out of l'he 149 persons of the sample (FS 2) in this category Sometimes two or three workers are ln the

same famlly, and sometimes there is just one supporting the whole famlly on a regular baSIS

Those who work for the informai sector make up a casual labour force They have no lagal

protection and work on a temporary baSIS They are highly explolted. acceptlng vlrtually any kmd of

65

1 actlvity. This Is a typlcal biscate working situation. as they cali. Both the mother and the chiidren are often

mvolved in this process It is difflcult to classify such activities here. due to their great range They can vary

from washing cars on the streets to washing clothes for the middle class or worklng ln their hou ses as

ma Id servants These activltles help ralse the famiiy's low income. There is a high number of people earning

pensions These pensions are usuaily less than 1 Minimum Wage. and are also a way of raising the famiiy

1

Income.

Basad on the tirst data collection (FS 1). almost half of ail the families in the settlement have only

one persen to support them (49.18 %). This person is usually the father. 34.42 % of them have two

persons working and only 6 55 % of them have three persons helplng ln the family income Since the se

percentages Inctude both the formai and informai sector workers. they become very dlfficult ta define with

precision. They s"ould be seen as an estimate only.

The total family inceme of the settlement ranges from 1 to 3 Minimum Wages (65. 57 %). with a high

percentage of familles living with less than 1 Minimum Wage (21.31 %). Agaln. this should be viewed as

only an estlmate The economic standard of living of these familles Is. therefore. very low and they can

hardly afford their basic material needs

4.36 SOCIO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF THE DWELLERS

There is a goOO relationshlp between the members of the communlty. A vIsible feeling of mutual

help and fellowshlp among them predominates. Statements iike"we are ail brothers hereu ."one helps the

other". "we live ln a good feilowship· were cam mon. There were sorne who complained of the noisa

at nlght. of the drunkards and 50 on However. most of the comments were rather positive

The economic and social difference from the rest of the families living in the nearby area contribute

greatly ta thls fellowship. The physical characterlstlcs of the community spac~ reinforces even more this

feeling. The community. although very smail. has a certain identity that distinguishes it trom the

5urrounding area.

SlmplicJty and informai relations among their members characterize thelr community life For

example. there IS no need to inform before a VISlt. that may take place at almost any tlme of the day and

mght They are receptlVe to strangers and usually welcome them weil The social actlvlties in the dweilings

66

J usually take place at the house extension (front of the house) living rcom and kitchen ln thls la st room. the

visitor talks to the woman as she cooks.

The woman has a great responsibllity when it cornes to the education of chlldren Women are

the ones who are supposed ta mest the school principal and teachers in school assemblies. fe': example

ln tlmes of communlty organizatlon for a certain pur pose (to have the street pavement dons, for example) ,

the participation of women is visibly greater. This is perhaps because the men are often out, trying to make

sorne money to support the family.

Most of them say they are Cathollcs, but there Is no concrete commitment to the religion Most

dwellers hardly go ta church on Sundays. Sorne might attend a Protestant church, when invited They are

not Indifferent to religion, though. Several elements in the houses show that spiritual concerns are an

Important part of thelr lives However, these concerns do not seem to be Important enough to change their

secular vlew of the wond. There are also sorne Protestants in the communlty There are very few who

openly admit that they are spiritualists, or that they are hlghly Influenced by spiritualistic ideas They prefer

to be sean as Cathollcs, because this may be more socially acceptable

Their attitudes toward both the urban and rural environments are almost unanimous in favour of

the former. It is true that most of them could na me sorne advantage while living in the rural or seml-urban

envlronment, wh en they were there However, they are pleased to live ln the city. and only one dweller

expressed the deslre ta return from where he had corne Based on prevlous readlngs. thls attitude IS qUlte

understandable. No questions about this particular point were asked to the urban-born, second generatlon

dwellers (chi/dren), since they do not have a persanal basls for camparlson

If on one hand they are content wlth living in the city and particularty in that location, on the other

hand they express, almost unanimously, a certain dlscantent wlth their dwellings The main camplaint is that

they are too smaJl for the number of households and furniture. The constant concern with upgradlng the

building materials of their houses Is another indication of that feeling

67

.. 1

SOC la-CUL TURAL ASPECTS OF THE DWELLERS

ITEM THE FIELD SURVEY FINDINGS OBSERVATIONS

ORIGIN 6756% OF THE DWELLERS SURVEYED MIGRATED TO NATAL THE NUMBER OF MIGRANTS FROM THE

FROM THE INTERIOR OF RN INTERIOR OF RN WAS CERTAINLY HIGHER IN

" MOST OF THEM (57 14%) HAVE COME FROM THE ZONA DO THE PAST

AGRESTE "5973% OF THESE MIGRANTS HAVE COME FROM SMALL ~OUNTIES 'ALMOST 60% OF ALL MIGRANTS CAME TO NATAL BETWEEN 1960, AS PART OF THE GREAT MIGRATION FLOW TO THAT CITY SINCE THE~

FAMILY SIZE 5294% OF ALL FAMillES HAVE BETWEEN 4 AND 6 HOUSEHOLDS

FAMILY ONL Y FOUR OUT OF THE THIRTY-FOUR FAMillES INTERVIEWED THAT IS, THERE ARE AT LEASTTWO NUCLEAR STRUCTURE ARE OF THE EXTENDED TYPE FAMillES IN THE SAME HOUSE

LlTERACY "3681% OF THE INTERVIEWED DWELLERS ARE THE STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL IS ONE MAJOR ILLITERATE EXPLANATION FOR THESE FIGURES AND FOR '3758% OF THEM HAVE STUDIED UP TO THE THE HIGH RATES OF SCHOOL DROP-OUTS PRIMARY SCHOOL '21 48% OF THEM MADE IT TO HIGH SCHOOL

EMPLOYMENT "ALMOST HALF OF THE FAMillES HAVE ONL Y ONE PERSON TO THE DWELLERS WORK FOR BOTH THE FORMAL AND EARNING SUPPORT THEM (49 18%) AND THE INFORMAL SECTORS

"THE TOTAL FAMIL Y INCOME RANGES FROM 1 TO 3 MINIMUM WAGES

SOCIO-CUL TURAL "THEllE IS A GOOD RELATIONSHIP AMONG THE MEMBERS OF

ASPECTS THE COMMUNITY 'SIMPLICITY AND INFORMAL RELATIONS CHARACTRIZE THEIR COMMUNITY LlFE 'THE WOMAN HAS GREAT RESPONSIBllITY WHEN IT COMES TO THE EDUCATION OF CHILDREN "MOST OF THEM SAY THEY ARE CATHOLlCS, BUT THERE IS NO REAL COMMITMENT TO THE RELIGION, THEY ARE NOT INDIFFERENT TO RELIGION THOUGH "THEY LlKE THE URBAN ENVIRONMENT IN GENERAL AND ESPACIALLY THE SPECIFIC LOCATION OF THE SETILEMENT THEY DISLIKE THEIR DWELLINGS

---~

1 MOST OF THE DATA 18 BASED ON THE FIELD SURVEY FOR THE PRESENT STUDY (FS2) FOR THE ITEM ORIGIN, A LARGER NUMBER OF HOUSEHOLDS WERE l''JTERVIEWED (68 DWELLINGS) THE DATA FOR THE EMPLOYMENT AND EARNING IS BASED ON A PREVIOUS FIELD SURVEY (FS1)

ta

!

t 4.40 USES AND PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DWELLINGS

ln arder ta allow for a better analysis, this tapie Is divided Into five sub-topics. for the sake of

presentation. The present exposition considers on!y 22 out of the 34 houses surveyed. since they were

the ones built by their present dwellers. A code Is used here to identify the streets of the settlement (see

4.23). The table below shows the five sub-topies consldered for the present discussion.

USES AND PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DWELLINGS

No TOPIC ASPECTS CONSIDERED

Occupation Frontage and Length 1 ot the PIQt Built Area

Frontage/Lenqth RatIO

BUllding Materlals Upgradlng Proee55 2 and Components The Present BUIldIng Materials

Doors and Wlndows

Number and Type of Rooms 3 House Deslgn General Lay-out of Rooms

Natural Ventilatlon and Light

Ov.rall Lay-out and 4 Furniture Type

Compatlble Uses ln the same 5 Usas Room

Prl.vacy

Table No. 7

4.41 OCCUPATION OF THE PLOT

The settlement grew spontaneously on vacant land. Thus, there was no land subdivision before the

arrivai of the tirst dwellers. And yet, their dimensions are very similar. Only the houses on the street A2..

most of which are reeent, had to be built on smaller plots (for the street codes, see (ig. 20 See appendix,

for drawlngs ln scale). Dimensions of the plots ln terms of trontage (m), length (m), bUilt area (m2) and

frontage/length ratio range accordlng ta the table below:

OCCUPATION OF THE PLOT

STREET CODE FRONTAGE LENGTH BUILT AREA ,

FIL RATIO , ,

Al 2.55-6.92 6.00-8.00 10.47-57.6 0 80-3.47

A2 2.80-5.20 ! 3. 89-6.19 7.25-28.0 : 0.74 -2. )" . B2 and C2 2.23-2.88 5.90-9.11 11.50-22.4 2.04-).60

,

Table No. 8

68

,

1

Fronuge and Length: The houses on street Al have the largest frontage, but they are not long

ln length (from 6 ta 8 m only). The houses on street A2. have a shorter frontage than that of the previous

houses. They also are not long in length Oust two houses with more than 6 m of length). On streets 82

and C2, the frontage is very narrow (2.23 ta 2.88 m), although these houses are the longest in the

Community.

Bullt Area: The hou ses on the street Al have the blggest built area in the senlement. Some have

a backyard, but most of them occupy 100 % of the plot. The slzes of the bullt areas for the houses on street

A2. tum them Into the smallest houses of the settlement. One or two-room dwellings with no backyard

predomlnate on thls street. Those on streets 82 and C2 have a smaller built area than the on es on street

A l, although they have the largest plots (a big backyard).

FIL Ratio: Through the FrontagejLength ratio, the basic shape of the hou ses in the senlement

can be Identlfled. On street A l, most of the dwellings are rectangular. but some tend ta be square. A few

assume a dlfferent shape from these two prevlous ones. The very small houses on A2. are usually square,

and the dwellings on 82 and C2 are rectangular.

4.42 BUILDING MATERIALS AND COMPONENTS

Upgrading Process and Present Building Materials: Most of the houses of the senlement have

gone through a long upgrading process. Different building materials were used, or new rooms were added.

Three general upgrading periods for the building materials took (or are still taking) place.

The first period corresponds ta the time they

arrived ln lhat area and immediately after. In this phase.

the migrants used cardboard. corrugated sheets. plastic,

clay. wood, paper, and other avallable waste materials. ta

bulld thelr hou ses. The precariousness of such dwellings­

-or shacks-was evident. Some "advantages· of the Fig. 23: The First Upgrading Phase of the Dwelhngs

shacks can be pOlnted out, though. They are: rapidity of

construction, inexpensive materials, f1exibllity and portability.19

ln the second period, they built their dwellings with mud or clay. Walls were bullt in a grid-like form

69

1 of wood sticks, bound fogether with straw and later covered with wet clay. They made the roof wlth dry

straws, from tropical trees like the cocon ut, that were abundant ln that location. Sometlmes the dwellings

had a tlle roof. The floors were usually bare ground.

ln the third and last period, where most of the houses

are now, the building materlals have also changed. Most

houses have cement floors, brick walls and clay tlles for

the roof. A wooden structure supports the roof. There Is

a void between the Internai walls and the roof, slnce the

former do not reach the same helght of the latter. Wood

supports on these Internai walls sustain the other

elements of the roof structure, like the ridgepoles. Only

one of the houses surveyed had a celling.

The several building materials and components

stored by many households for future use ln thelr

dwellings show their deslre to keep the upgrad;ng

process. The dwellers obtain these materials through

several ways. They are given by a boss in exchange for Fig 24 The Second and Thlrd Upgradlng Phases 01 the Dwllllln!)~

work or just out of generosity. Sorne have admitted that

a Catholic priest has furnished them with sorne. In most

cases, however, these materials are given for political

reasons, that Is, ln exchange for a vote ln the next

electlons.

Even today, when the building materials

mentioned ln the last period predominate, the three

per/ods are still vls/ble in some houses. There are still

hou ses built with both wattle-and-daub and with bricks.

Some dwellings still have materlals ot the tlrst phase. Fig 25 The Internai Walls

Other studies have described a similar upgrading

70

1 process.2O

1

Coors and Windows: As for the components, there is no door between two internai rooms. It is

often replaced by a curtain Ooors are placed only in those rooms leading to the public space, for obvious

reasons, and 50 are the windows The doors are usually latticed,

that 15, they are divided into a superior and inferlor plan. The

window is only one wooden panel, rotating on one of its lateral

sldes. A few hou ses have industrlallzed doors and windows,

sometimes contrastlng with the precarlousness of the rest of the

hou se.

Fig. 26 Doors and Windows of the Dwellings Survcyed

4.43 HOUSE DESIGN

Number and Type of Rooms:

The table below summarlzes the discussion on the number and type of rooms:

NUMBER AND TYPE OF RCOMS

Nt.::.1BER OF ROOMS C:.ASS IF ICAT I 8:1

Llvlng rocr.l

Llvlng rOOM 2 Store room

Llvlng room J Store room

Bathroom

Llvlng room Bedroom

4 Kltchen Bathroom

Llvlng room Bedroom

5 Kltchen Lateral hall Bathroom

Llvlng room T'NO bedrooms

6 Kltchen Lateral hall Bathroom

Table No. 9

71

1 1) The basic rooms are the living room, the bedroom, the lateral hall. the kltchen. and the bathroom

The number of rooms ranges mostly from 3 to 5. as mentloned earller

2) Obvlously, the one-room dwellings have to adapt ail the necessary uses to a single room This

room has been classified as a living room here, although il is ln tact a mlxed-use space The

dweller uses the neighbour's bathroom

3) The store room is a covered space ln the back of the house fo!' storlng ail klnds of things. There

15 often the Intention to upgrade il ln the future.

4) The two-room dwellings get a third orle when the store room is sutxlivided. ereating a balhroom

5) Very few houses have 2 (or 3) bedrooms

General Lay-out of Roams: The

lay-out or distribution of rooms in the

house is greatly related ta the

frontagejlength ratio. In the houses wilh

FIL ratio greater than or equal to 2

(rectangular plots), there is a typical

lay-out of rooms.

The arrangement of rooms can

be exposed accordlng ta tunetional

areas: the social area is the living room.

Wilh a direct access ta the street, this

room is the tront room of the hou se. The

Intlmate area is the bedroom, which is the

second room of the dwelllng, in relation

to the street The service area comprises

the kitehen and the bathroom. There is a

visible tendency to separate the bedroom

trom the house.

Intimate

Area

Service Alea

Intlmale Area

Social Alea

Service Area

Social Aria

Fig 27 The Arrangement of Rooms Accordlng ta Funcllonal Areas

72

Inllmate Arca

1 The houses that have a FIL ratio of

around 1 (Square plots). show greater

variation ln this distribution. although

some characteristics remam the same

This lay-out can be a social area in direct

contact with the street and with the

service area. In thls case, the intimate

Inllmate Alea Service Alea

Social Alea

Fig. 28. Th, Arrangement of Rooms Accordlng 10 Functional Aleas

area can be on erther sides of these two previous ones. Sometimes the intlmate area can also be in the

back of the house. next to the service area. The scheme of the general pattern of room lay-out is the

followlng living room + bedroom + kitchen + an eventual open backyard + bathroom

Natural Ventilation and Light: It occurs through the front and back of the house (see schemes

abova). In the back. the service a rua , that includes the kitchen, the bathroom and a sink ln one single

space, Is better lit or ventllated naturally when there 15 an open backyard. When this is the case. bath the

bathroom and the sink are located ln this open space. Sometimes small pre-fabricated openings can be

found in the back wall of the house. The dweilers sometimes devise clever solutions to Llilow for the

penetration of natural hght and ventilation The last two cases constrtute 14 7 % of ail the dwellings

surveyed

The intimate area, whlch is usually one bedroom. is the darkest and hottest room ln most cases.

because Il is usually placed ln the central area of the house. There is often a fan in thls room

Naturallight and ventilation reach the social area. or the living room, through the door and window

in the front of the house (facade) Most houses do not have a front terrace.

4.44 FURNITURE

General Lay-out and Type of Furniture: Sorne of the furniture of these houses are unique. Sorne

examples can be given' the use of wooden boxes or safes for storing; cages wlth birds; the frequent use

of hammocks. the famlly plctures on the wall, metal basins. clay or ceramic vases for stonng water. among

others Sorne of them can be seen in almost 100 % of the dwellings surveyed

73

1 COMMON FURNITL'RE ANI:' ACCESSCRIES IN ROO:-1~~

,,~OM fU,'lI TCRE ~------------------------- --- --

Llv,ng 1'00::1

Bedroom 1

Kltchen

Service Area

Ch31rs and ..:-r sofa. ~loset. rpCC'I i F~ '\l'~!

.3nd T\' set, -:r3jle or hM'..,O,';' ,..It 'l, 1~'~'

se',o/lng :ï.)C'h.~e .3nj or lron. l ..... ~',l('_~, ," \~ lt)_, famlly pl~tures on the w~ll

Beds, closets, ail sorts of bo'\es tût

cloth, toys, shoes and tools. T\ set, t,Hl

-- ----Stove, re fr 1gera tor, 5hel f , closet, SIn;', taole, lron, cha 1 rs, bowl

Slnk foe wa5hlng cloth: shelf {except .... hen service area 15 ln an open space

Table No, 10

1

There are several intelligent solutions to the problem of space shortage, like the hanging of furn:ture

accessories on the wall or from the roof, in the latter case through ropes Building matenals are also placed

between internai walls. because there is a vacant space between these walls and the roof

The appendix displays. together with the drawings of the dwellings surveyed, some sketches of

furniture, especially the ones with a unique aspect.

4.45 USES

Compatible Uses in the Same Room: The number and type of rooms are a very goOO Indication

of which uses the dwellers consider essential. The uses of each room vary accordlng to the nl.:mber of

rooms in the house and according to the household living in it. Most activltles are compatible (or have

to be, due to space shortage) with each other They may occur almost anywhere in the hou se. although

not at the same tlme, The living room Is the most important place ln terms of uses However, there is no

visible correspondence between the area of each room and its hlerarchy ln terms of uses

The table below indicates the most common actlvities that take place in each room of the dwellings

74

ACTI'lIn

Lelsure 5tudy ".' 1 5 l t Llsten to MUSIC Watch T'J Dance Eat Sleep Iron Hang Clothes To Dry Food Storage Cloth storage Cooklng Washlng Clothes And Dlshes Talk Storage Of Cooklng Appllance

POSSIBLE ACTIVITIES IN EACH ROOM

RCC:-! OPTrC'lS lst 2nd 3rd

:. r::;o;- Bedroc'" rcc-r::c", fltcren

1 IllCOMPA7I BLE "ITH

l-<atc!llng .... SleeFl~.q

1

L. room Bedroo:'l Kltchenl L. room lledroon L. room Kltchen L. room Bedroom Bedroom L. l."oom Kltchen L room Kltchen Bedroom Any'Where - often ln front of the house

Kltchen L. rom Bedroom

Bedroc.., Llvlng eoom

~ltchen Backyard Bedroom ~erVlce Front of the Area House

F. house L. room Kltchen Kltchen L. room

Table No. Il

Prlvacy: Privacy represents a serious problem in most dwellings Children over 5 yeam old

sometlmes sleep in the same bedroom as their parents do. The rooms are 50 small that any nOise.

particularly at nlghl. can easlly be heard ln the next room Adult children of both sexes complaln that they

need a place of lhelr own for actlvlties "ke. for example. dresslng ln one house. the mother slept ln the

same bedroom of her marned daughter and her husband. together wlth a teenager Sexual promlsculty

resultlng from shortage of space is known to bring about serious consequences on personallty development.

especlally among the children

Some precarious and yet Intelligent solutions are devised in order to deal with the issue of privacy

The most simple one is the use of the living rcom as a bedroom at night. Ths kitchen may also funct!·::,"

as bedroom. although less often Partitions of ail kinds can be found. tram a closet separating two rooms

ta a simple plece of clothing or fabric. whlch functions as a curtain. They are set up every lime there is a

need for prrvacy

A summary of the uses and physlcal characteristlCS of the dwelilngs of the Communlty of the Tree.

located ln the distnct of Lagoa Seca. Natal - RN. follows below Accordlng ta the followlng items. the

75

1 characterlstics of the dwefllngs are:

The Physical Space:

1) The dwellings' frontages range from 2.23 to 6.92 m, their length ranges from 389 to 9 11 m

2) Most houses are rectangular (73.5 %); some have a square shape (176 %) There are sorne other

variations (8.9 %).

3) The bullt areas vary trom 7.25 to 576m2.

4) Ali dwelllngs have piped water and electricity, most of them have sorne kind of sewerage system

Number and Type of Rooms:

1) Although some dwellings have 6 or even more rooms, this number usually varies between 3 and

5 (65.57 %); some dwellings are made up of a single room (11 4 %)

2) The basic rooms are: the living room, the bedroom, the kitchen, the lateral hall and the bathroom

3) Only a few houses have 2 (or 3) bedrooms.

Design of the Dwellings:

1) See appendlx for the design of the dwelllngs.

2) Ali dwellings follow a certain pattern in terms of the arrangement of rooms There are, nevertheless,

variations according ta the f/I ratio, that 15, according to thair shape

3) The facade is usually rectangular, with or witt ,out a plat/banda on top, ln the tlrst case. the roof IS

not visible from the street The facad9 is usually palnted in hvely colours, IIke yellow, green blue or

rose. It receives also some special treatments. includlng a brick fence in front of It There IS one

door and one window in most cases (sometimes, no window)

4) The roof is in one slope, leaning toward the facade There are variations though There 15 no

ceillng, and the internai walls do not reach the roof

5) The dwellings are dari< There are very few windows and openlngs to the extenor (sometlmes,

none); manufactured ventilation windows or devised solutions are found for natural ventilation and

light.

Building Materlals and Componenh:

1) There Is very littJe variation ln terms of building materials. In most cases, the dwellings have a

cement floor, brick walls and a tile roof. There are still dwellings wlth wattle-and-daub walls,

76

r

2)

3)

corrugated sheets, wood and cardboard.

There are both manufactured and rustic windows' the latter are a single wooden panel. Almost ail

the doors of the dwellings are lattlced and sorne are manufactured

The windows are almost always at the facade. They are usually high above the ground There is

usually no window ln the bedrooms, nor internai door between rooms; instead, curtains are used.

4) Building materlals and components are stored for Mure use in seve rai dwellings.

Furnlture and Uses:

1) Most households have a considerable amount of furnishings, in relation to the built areas of the

dwelllngs The table No 10 of this chapter has listed the most usual ones. Some are unique The

appendlx shows sorne examples

2) Electrlcal appliances like radio, television, fans and grinders are not unusual.

4) Sorne furniture Items seem to be incompatible with the households' socioeconomlc level, like 900d

stereos and little bars

5) The dwelllngs are used altogether, as a single physlcal space. Almost ail activitles can take place

ln any room, privacy is a problem; the only private room is the bathroom.

n

1

CHAPTER 5 A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

The purpose of the present chapter Is ta trace the permanence of tradition as weil as the signs

of change in the dwellings of the Communtty of the Tree. The results of this comparison are then

analyzed, within a socio-cultural perspective

5.10 INITIAL CONSIDERATIONS

There are sorne important points that one should bear ln mind before the comparative analysis

begins. For the sake of making the comparative analysis possible, thls chapter conslders only the most

crude and elementary version of the Mucambo If the few eXlsting vanatlons were taken mto account, no

permanent basis for companson would be made possible Most variations occur m the bUlldmg

materials used

The charactenstics of the Mucambo are defined obJectlvelv, since they resulted from several

studles done on that specifie rural housing type. There is a summary of these charactenstlC5 at the end

of the chapter ,J.

The comparative analysis does not aim at making Q cornpletely clear or "black and white"

distinction between what is "rural' and what is 'urban' Such a sharp dlfferentlation never existed

Instead. the reader should always see the classified elements as belng mostly associated to the rural or

ta the urban environment .Along this chapter, a code is used to refer to the dwellings of the settlement

the capital letter D followed by the number of the dwelling, according to Its arder ln the appendlx (For

example D 15 = Dwelling No 15. m the appendlx)

t 5.20 TRADITION AND CHANGE OF THE DWELLINGS

This tOplC compares the uses and physical charactenstics of both the dwellings of the

Commumty of the Tree and the rural dwellings It is limlted ta demonstrating what has remalned

constant and what has changed in the dwellings surveyed.

5.21 TRADITION AND CHANGE: THE COMPARISON

A brief glimps9 at the Iwo summaries made at the end of the last !WO chapters would be enough

to vlsuallze the pêrmanence of tradition and change ln the dwelllngs of the settlement studied. This is, in

fact, the purpose of the present topic, the only diHerence being that the companson is made in more

detail

ln order to allow for a systematlc comparison, the 34 dwellings surveyed were classified

accordlng to the number of rooms. Seven groups were made, varying trom the one-room dwellings to

the seven·room dwellings The open backyard Is not counted as a room The private bathroom is

counted as one, even if in some instances It is not shown ln the plans

The analysls of the groups of dwellings followed the same pOints of the summaries presented at

the end of the last IWo chapters (the physical space, number and type of rooms, deSign of the dwellings,

and 50 on) ln order to avold a long and monotonous companson, however, the present sub-toplc

displays only the results concernlng the elements of tradition and change for each group The next sub­

topic summanzes ~ome very repetitious items, like the urban infrastructure, furnlturc and uses, slnce they

arE slmilar ln ail the dwellings of the C'1mmJnity of the Tree.

Thlrj comparison includes the 12 dwellings not built by their present dwellers. Their similarity to

the 22 main dwell/ngs attests to the rural origln of their tirst users. The codes of each of these dwellings

have been underhned at the appendix. so that they can be identified.

One-room Owellings: 01 to 04:

The "dwellings" are too small for a better comparison There is not much in common in terms of

the physlcal space. although 03 is rectangular The rural dwellings are very small. but rarely wlth a

79

single room. 01 shows some vestige of the most typical or traditional building materials, but most

dwellings have conventionai ones 1 The very small number of COrT ,'nents and thelr type is also Simllar

to the rural dweillngs.

Two-room Dwellings: 05 to 07:

Uke the one-room dwellings, the dwellings of this group are still too small, with an area of

around 16 m2. They tend to be rectangular in shape, though. 05 and 06's frontage Is larger than the

back.

The design presents little in common with the rural dwellings, although the number, the type and

the arrangement 01 the rooms--the bedroom coming after the living room--Is somewhat simllar The

building materials are conventional, and they differ from the most typical materials ot the rural dwellings

Three-room Owellings: 08 to 015:

The blggest dwelling of thls group does not have 30 m2. They are rectangular The design

presents little ln common wlth the rural dwellings, especlally 011, whose lacade IS on olle ot Its longer

sides The number and type of rooms, their arrangement or order (liVing room + bedroom + bathroom)

have somethlng to do wlth the tradltlonal on es Notice that the bathroom IS separate tram the d'Nelling,

when an open backyard is avallable (012 and 015. The last one has a big backyard) The one-pltched

roof leans toward the facade

Ali dwellings have gone through the three upgrading phases in the bUilding matenals Now they

use the conventlonal ones. 014 has an earth floor and corrugated sheets for the roof This dwelling 15

very hot from 11:00 AM to 2.00 PM. forcing Its dwellers to leave tt'le house.

Four-room Dwellings: 016 to 024:

The dwellings of this group present great similaritles to their rural counterpart Although their

built area is smaller, they ail have a somewhat similar design to the rural ones ThiS IS specially true for

016. 017, 021 and 023 The number and type of rooms are also simllar, although the very tradltlonal

lateral corridor or hall along the bedroom is not physically distinct ln these dwellings It IS part of the

80

• bedroom itself

016 and 020'5 roof IS doubled-pitched, bu1 they lean toward the facade and toward the back of

the dwelling. Ali the other roofs are single-pitched, leaning towards the facade (except for 018 and D21,

whose roofs lean towards their longer side).

Most dwellings have conventlonal building materials, bu1 sorne exceptions can be found 019 is

very traditlonal, wlth an earth floor and wattle-and-daub walls. The facade, however, is built with brick,

whlle the roof Is conventlona!. 020 has bath brick and wattle walls. 023's roof is made of corrugated

sheets.

Five-room Owellings: 025 to 028:

Most dwellings here have an area of around 40 m2. Only 026 tends to be rectangular. The

number and type of rooms are similar to the ones of the rural dwellings.

Only 026 presents a very traditlonal design, Includlng the lateral corridor or hall, physically

deflned by the two walls The arrangement of rooms, with the living room as the first and the bathroom

as the last room, is also traditional in 026. The other dwellings have a square-shaped design They

have very IIttle in common wlth the rural dwellings It is likely, however, that they have been influenced

by tlle dwellings of the small towns of RN TAVEIRA found several of them in the small towns he

surveyed 2

Ali roofs are slngle-pltched, leaning toward the facade. iJ28's roof is the exception, wlth its

double-pitched roof leaning toward the centre of the dwelling. The buil':iing materials are conventional,

although two rooms of 027 have building materials of the flrst phase (corrugated sheets, cardboard,

wood, plastic, and 50 on). The front terrace ln 026 Is covered by canvas.

Six-room Owellings: 029 to 032:

ln terms of bull! area, the dwellings are close to the 40 m2 of the rural dwellings. Their frontage

and length are simllar tao, ln most cases 029 and 030'5 design is very traditional Notice the corridor

linking the lIVing room ta the kltchenjdlnlng room (or krtchenjbedroom) Off the COrridor, the entrance(s)

ta the bedroom(s) is (or are) located. The bathroom. as usual, is located at the far end of the dwellings

81

(in 030 it Is separate).

031 and 032 presents the same square-shaped design seen ln some dwellings of the previous

group 029's roof is double-pitched, leaning towards the frontage and backyard The roof slopes 01

these hou ses and thelr square-shaped design are not traditional, when compared wlth the Mucambo

The design Is frequent though in the small towns of RN, as dlscussed above.

The roofs are single-pitched in 031, leanlng toward the facade. 030's roof Is also double­

pitched, leanlng towards the longer slde of the dwelllng; that Is, It Is a tradltlonal roof 032's roof Is

·unlque,· as compared with ail the other dwelllngs of the settlement. It Is horizontal or sllghtly Incllned

toward the facade. Corrugated sheets are used. No ceillngs and Internai doors are found, except lo~

032 The internai walls do not reach the roof.

Because of few openings to the exterior, like windows and doors, bad ventilation and IIght is also

visible ln the dwelllngs of this group. The components are also usually traditlonal, especlally the lattlced

doors.

If the building materials for ail the dwellings are conventional and therefore not traditlonal, 032

is the least traditlonal of ail. The building materials of thls dwelling are more similar to those of the

dwellings of higher Income families This dwelling is one of the least traditional among ail the dwellings 01

the settlement

Seven-room Owellings: 033 and 034:

033's bullt area is very close to the 40 m2. Its frontage and length 15 also close ta the rural

on es. 034's area Is much bigger than the one found ln the rural dwelllngs, and its shape is not

traditlonal eithef.

Both dwellings present Innovations ln terms of the number and type of rooms There Is a bar

and a terraee for the customers in 033, and the existence of two living rooms in 034 is not usual There

are also three bedrooms in 034

033's design is fairly traditiona/. Notice the lateral cOrridor, even thaugh access ta the living

roam is through the bedroom 034's design has very linle in cam mon wlth the rural dwellings, especlally

its L shape. The square disposition of raoms can be percelved in the larger portion of the house (the

82

J

one where the two living rooms and the three bedrooms are placed). The arrangement of rooms ln 034

also follows the same pattern observed in almost ail the dwellings surveyed: living room + bedrooms +

kitchen/dining room + backyard + bathroom.

The roof of 033 is single-pltched. leaning toward the facade. The roof of 034 is also single­

pitched and leanlng toward the facade. The smaller part has a doubled-pitched roof. In short the roof

slopes are not tradltlona!. The front doors of 033 and 0-34 are lattlced. even though the one Inslde 034

Is not. There is an Iron fence ln 034. In the open backyard.

5.22 TRADITION AND CHANGE: ADDITIONAL NOTES

ln order to avoid repetitlon. the previous sub-topic did not mention sorne elements of the

comparlson. They are presented below, and refer ta ail the dwelllngs of the settlement.

The very few openings ta the exterior. the Intemal walls that do not reach the roof, the latticed

doors and the one-panel windows are ail visible slgns of tradition. Several dwelllngs have no window at

ail. The dwelllngs are badly ventilated and lit naturally.

Most doors are latticed, manufactured or not, and the windows are of one wood en panel. also

manufactured ln sa me cases Protective grids made of iron can be found. and this is one mare sign of

change observed The location of the doors and windows. nevertheless. is very traditional almost

always at the facade of the dwellings. rarely inside. Doars can be found at the back of the dwelilngs.

when an open backyard is available. The height of the front windows tends ta be traditional. since il is

not unusual ta see them fairly high above the floor.

The characterlstics of the doors and windows. together with the small dimensions of the facade.

offer a certain parallel ta the rural dwellings. Nevertheless. the facades are another visible sign of

change. slllce they differ conslderably from their rural counlerpart. In thu dwellings surveyed, the

facades are usually rectangular. They are palnted ln vivld colours. There Is no fronton on the top. A

plat/banda can be seen severa/ houses. They a/sa receive special treatments (ornaments. a chapiscado

wall) ln short. they do not resemble. at least QI first sight. those of the rural dwellings

The furniture is very simllar from one dwelling ta another It would be tiresome and monotonous

ta IIst them for each group The next paragraphs present a list with a few examples of the most common

83

1 furniture items ln the dwellings surveyed. They represent slgns of bath tradition and change.

Some of the traditlonaJ fumlshlngs and aceessories Inelude: clay fllter for drinking water on IIttle

table; rustlc wooden tables and chairs; tin containers and basins, boxes for keeplng ail sorts oi abjects.

clay pots for keeping water; wooden or metal shelf for hanging pans from the wall (bateria) , bird cages

and hammocks; abjects and cloth hanging from the roof or walls; shrines, icons and statues of saints:

family pictures; pictures of poIitlclans; crucifix.

Furnlshlngs and accessories attestlng ta change: electriCélJ appllances IIke radio, television sets.

grinders, irons, fans, and stereos; ward robes, living room cabinets, stands, and kitchen buffets (guarda­

roupa, estante, ba/cao, armario); beds, gas stove, refrlgerator, weavlng machines, curtains, sofa. abat­

jour; manufaetured tables and chairs; little trolley with alcohollc beverage; double-deck beds.

The activitles carried out ln the dwellings Indicate signs of tradition and change tao These

activities or uses have the followlng characterlstlcs:

1) The dwellings are used altogether, as a single space, rnixed-use spaces, like the same room for

both a living room and bedroom, or for bath a kitchen and bedroom. are very common This Is

typlcal of ail dwellings, but especially the ones in the flrst two groups, whlch are extreme cases.

See also plans of 010, 012, 017, 019, 026,028, 029,030 and 034

2) The activities taking place in separate rooms become better defined as the number of rooms per

dwelling grows, especlally from the four-room dwellings onward One should not forget.

however, that the number of households is very important ta the existence or absence of mlxed­

use spaces, as 034 iIIustrates. With one of the biggest bullt areas among the dwellings of the

settlernent, the number of households is also the highest: 13 persans live ln only 41 48 m2

3) There is a serlous privacy problem in most dweUings of the settlement, like in the rural dwellings

too. LEONARD found a simllar problem in his survey of the rural houses ln Eastern

Pernambuco. The shortage of space of the dwellings surveyed Imposed a mixed-use of roorns

He mentloned the use of the kitchen as place for sleep. This Is also true for the living room,

where there were more people sleeping than ln the bedrooms.3

The very small areas characterize both the rural and the urban dwehings surveyed in this study,

causing problems of prlvacy and forcing mixed uses for the rooms. In the dwellings of the Communlty

B4

• of the Tree, nevertheless, the problems of prlvacy and space shortage are caused by the greater number

of furnlshings than in the rural ones. In addition, the dwellings tend ta be smaller, sinee they are located

in an urban area.

Other similarities and differenees can be seen. Prevlous studles have also mentloned the visible

importance of the living room, where most activities occur, and the use of the kitchen as a place for talks

and visits, in the rural or seml-rural dwelllngs.4 Actlvitles like studylng, dancing, watchlng televislon and

listening to music, are certalnly not as frequent ln rural areas as they are ln the urban ones.

Storage activltles also show slmllarltles and dlfferences. Ail sorts of boxes and containers are

used ta keep things. ObJects hanging from the wall and from the roof Is also a slmilar characterlstlc ln

bath the rural dwellings and the ones surveyed. The storage room, which can be found in rural

dwellings, was seen in only a few of the dwellings of the settlement, especially in the two-room ones.

The dwellers of the Community of the Tres do not carry out production actlvltles ln thelr

dwellings elther, like it is often the case in the domestlc environ ment of rural households. Washlng or

weaving dothos for the middle class are domestlc activitles that somehow funetlan as a substitute to

these rural activltles, whlch are usually related ta agriculture and flshing. Even if several households do

not have a private bathroom in thelr dwellings, and even if the toilet is sametimes a single pit ln the

ground, this represents an improvement 1" relation ta the rural dwellings Sorne bathrooms displayed

fairly goOO fixtures.

The row house disposition characterizes the dwellings at the urban level. As discussed earlier,

the hlgh value of urban land Imposes thls urban arrangement. This, coupied with the smaller dimensions

of the dwellings, can be seen as slgns of change. Thus, the Community of the Tree does nat present

any close similanty with the traditionaJ patterns of rural settlements.

The urban Infrastructure of the dwellings of the seUlement Is aise a visible slgn of change. Ail

dwellings have plped water and electrlcity, but electricity Is not 50 rare nowadays ln the rural

envlronment of Northeast Brazil.

85

..... ... MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DWELLINGS SURVEYED

1 2 BUILDING GROUP OF DWELLINGS AREAS DESIGN MATERIALS 3 OBSERVATIONS

2 D CONVENTIONAL, WITH *THE ROOF IS USUALL y SINGLE ONE-ROOM DWELLINGS <15M SOME EXCEPTIONS -PITCHED, LEANING TOWARD

THE FACADE. *THE INTERNAL WALLS DO NOT

EJ HEACH THE ROOF. ARO~ND CONVENTIONAL *FEW OPENINGS TO THE TWO-ROOM DWELLINGS 16M EXTE::RIOR-MOST DOORS ARE

LATTiCED AND THE WINDOWS

ËJ MADE OF A SINGLE WOODEN-

<30M2

~ CONVENTIONAL, D14 I~ PANEL.

THREE-ROOM DWELLINGS B AN EXCEPTION *SOME DOORS AND WINDOWS ARE MANUFACTURED. THEY ARE USUALLY LOCATED AT

0

t!J0 THE FRONT.

<40M2

~ [j CONVENTIONAL, WITH *THE FACADE UNDERGOES FOUR-ROOM DWELLINGS SOME EXCEPTIONS SEVERAL CHANGES.

*FURNISHINGS AND USES SHOW SIGNS OF BOTH

ARO~ND tE êJ CONVENTIONAL, WITH TRADITION AND CHANGE. FIVE-ROOM DWELLINGS 40M SOME EXCEPTIONS

SIX-ROOM DWELLINGS ARO~ND ~ [§ CONVENTIONAL, 032 IS 40M AN EXCEPTION

SEVEN-ROOM DWELLINGS 40JOR tj ttr CONVENTIONAL MORE

1) APPROXIMATIVE AREAS; 2)MOST TYPICAL EXAMPLES IN EACH GROUP; 3)CONVENTIONAL=CEMENT FLOORS, BRICK WALLS AND TILE ROOFS.

1 5.30 TRADITION AND CHANGE OF THE DWELLINGS: A SOCIO-CUL TURAL PERSPECTIVE

The neX! step is an attempt ta understand why the process of tradition and change in \:,e

dwellings of the settlement, as discussed above is taking place. In other words, to discover why, after a

period of around 30 years, those dwellings still show signs of the rural background of their dweller3.

Similarty, it seems Important to try to understand why specifie changes have taken place. This analysls

Is made withln a soclo-cultural perspective.

Cultural (or social) change Issues have been referred to ail along the current research. In the

ehapter one, sorne theories on cultural change were dlscussed. In spite of their failure to provide an

impartial explanation for cultural change, neither those theories nor their study should be entirely

rejected.

ln the second ehapter, the folk culture of the typlcal poor rural person of Brazil was shortly

described, and several case studles on cultural change of rural socletles were revlewed. The chapter

ended with a debate on the urban and rural values of Brazillan society as expressed in housing.

The thlrd chapter evaluated sorne aspects related to tradition and change ln the Northeast

reglon, and the fourth one presented the socio-cultural and economic aspects of the dweilers of the

Community of the Tree.

The case studies have demonstrated that a rural population, once in contact wlth an urban

ellvironment, undergoes cultural change, at the same time that resistance to it may occur. Sorne of the

theor!es dlscussed relnforce this point. A comparlson of the caboc/o's folk culture with the findings of

the field survey conflrms the same dynamics of tradition and change.

The prevlous chapters provide enough evidence to condude that the dwellers of the Community

of the Tree, or at least theïr family heads, have also been golng through adynamie process of cultural

change, or of the assimilation of an urban life-style and values. This assimilation process, nevertheless,

is not so simplistlc as one may thlnk. It Is ln fact a dialectic of permanence of traditlo'l and change,

which is hard to grasp and whose limits are difficuit to be estabiished preclsely.5

As stated in the Introduction, the approach of the present work aims at expialnlng the cultural

causes for tradition and change of the dwellings, and not the other way around. Moreover, just like in

86

1

any sclentiflc work, the Interpretation of the data for the present study Is, at least ln part, a subjective

effort. Thus, the arguments presented for explalnlng tradition and change of the dwellings should not be

regarded as the ultimate truth on the subject.

Three main parts or variables constitute the present analysis. They are ail profoundly related ta

the cultural sphere. Thelr separation Is made only for academlc purposes.

5.31 THE FIRST VARIABLE: SOCIO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF THE DWELLERS

Perhaps the greatest sign of cultural ehange of the dwellers Is Inferred through the p(\~ition they

take concemlng both the urban location and thelr dwelllngs. They are quite satlsfled with the location ln

whlch they live: close to schools, work, hospltals, public transportation, and so on. Thelr complaints

about the dwellings, however, are numerous, and most of them would move to another dwel!ing, if they

eould. "But not to a distant place'" This attitude explalns why they seem to be so eager to upgrade thelr

homes.

The dwellers have well-grounded reasons to be dlscontent with their dwellings. They have many

problems, maklr.g thelr users devise Intelligent solutions to deal with them. This Is not, however, the only

reason for the dwellers' dlscontentment with thelr dwelllngs. Besldes their real problems, those dwellings

do present an extra one: they are closely tied ta their rural counterpart. For this reason they have also

been under "cultural pressure"--as discussed in 2.30--from the urban environment in which they are

located.

It Is obvious that no limits can be establlshed between the cultural reasons and the concrete

problems of those dwelllngs, in order to explaln the dwellers' desire for change. Instead, this desire for

change should be seen as a result of these two Intrinsle aspects: cultural change on one hand and the

real physlcal problems of the dwelllngs. on the other hand.

The cultural pressure. as weil as the force of tradition revealed ln those dwellings Is not

necessarily a consclous phenomenon. The dwellers would probably explain why they intend to upgrade

thelr dwellings based on the most Immediate and real problems the dwellings face. Nevertheless, the

previous discussions along this work give enough evidence for one to believe that there are also cultural

reasons Involved.

87

There are several elements ln those dwellings that can be greatly explalned withln a cultural

change perspective. The facade is one of those elements. When compared wlth the most traditional

facade of the Mucambo, the facade of the dwellings surveyed displays several elemants of change Vivid

colours, the recta'1gular shape, the quality of the components, the platibanda, and the ChBpiscado on

the front wall, ail represent a visible effort to give a "better" Impression for those on the streets, although

such changes make them look IIke the dwellings of the small towns ln RN. In rural areas, there 15 not 50

much concem for the aesthetlcs of the facade. Usually, they are only whltewashed.

A few dwellings have a fence, made of brick, ln front of the dwelllng, thus creatlng a prlvate

space at the front. In rural areas, lences are bu lit beslde the dwellings, not ln front On the ùther hand,

fences are very common at the hou ses of the wealthy or of those with a much better economlc

condition, for whom privacy is a major concem. It Is very likely that the dwellers look ta the rlch for

Inspiration, but it Is at least bizarre to see dwellings wlth a very short frontage and a fenced facade.

The upgradlng phases of the dwellings would never have taken place had there been no

prevlous aspiration for a better dwelling. Before most dwellings were shacks, made with ail sorts of re­

used materlals, now they do not differ 50 sharply from the surroundlng dwellings. In rural areas, this

con cern with upgrading them is less apparent, since, among other reasons, the rural dwellings are more

likely to be abandoned than the urban ones.

The concern with the living room can also have a cultural explanation It is the room where the

best furnlshings are found. It is usuaily clean and organlzed, and somehow contrasts with the other

rooms of the dwelling. This is an effort to give a good Impression, especially to visitors. The dwellings

located ln the srnall towns of RN present a slmllar phenomenon though.

There are some furnlshlngs that can be sean as an attempt ta demonstrate that the dwellers'

economlc status Is not that bad after ail. An example Is the falrly goOO quality of electrlcal appliances

like the stereo. In a few dwellings, the stereo and thelr powerful speakers seemed to be out of place

Another eloquent example is a trolley with little bar, found ln several dwellings. It is a small wood en

piece of furniture, like a stand, on wheels, where whisky and other beverages are proudly displayed Il is

important ta remind the reader that the urban-barn children have not gone through a rural-urban cultural

change, and that part of these changes may be attributed ta them, not ta the Ir parents

88

5.32 THE SECOND VARIABLE: ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE DWEUERS

It Is vlrtually Impossible ta separate economlc considerations from the cultural ones. Even sa,

an effort Is made ln this direction now

The economlc changes are more evident than the specifically cultural ones The dwellers of the

Community of the Tree today take part in an urban economy. That means significant changes in relation

ta thelr past, especlally ln the case of those who were bom ln typlcally rural aroas.

ln terms of worklng actlvlty, they are no more rural workers employed ln agriculture, and, for the

most part, they work for the Informai sector of an urban economy. This simple statement reveals

profound changes, which are not only economlc, but also cultural. The change of labour relations, the

Integration with a consumption and market economy, the adoption of a cash mentality, with the concern

for savlngs and future Investment, have undeniable effects on the cultural attitudes of the dwellers.

This Is a graduai process though. One should not forget that some learning has been acqulred

during the immigration process itself, slnce most of them have lived for a while in the small towns before

comlng ta Natal. It Is also Important to state that thls urban adaptation does not take place easily.

Without any qualification in most cases, the Immigrants try to make a living as best they cano They are

then subjected to a high degree of exploitation.

The women are often employed as dress makers, cloth washers, maids and other activitles

which make up the informai sector of the capitalist economy. Sorne attain a somewhat better position

by worklng, on a minimum wage basls, at a nearby textile industry (Gurarapes). According ta SOUZA,

the textile Industry in Natal employs most of the female labour force coming from the state's hinterland,

slnce it d08S not require major quaJiflcatlons.e

The men also work on a minimum wage basls, usually as nlght guards, Janitors and ln the

building actlvity.7

Children can help thelr parents by washing cars on tha street and the like.

ln spite of belng a very cheap labour force, the dwellers of the Community of the Tree are better off

there than are those living in the rural areas, and the socioeconomic improvements in the standards of

living are visible.

The cultural explanations given above for the changes taking place in the dwellings of the

Community of the Tree are also of an economic nature. The changes in the facade and the upgrading

89

1

1

of building materlals in the dwelllngs, for example, would not have been possible. had the building

materials not been more easlly obtained thr :>ugh the urban environment where they IIved The city and

its surroundlngs Is the place where the industries are located This has several advantages. Including the

reductlon of transportation costs. More important. however, is that the city oHers many waste mateflals

that the migrants lise for the building of the shacks, ln the flrst upgradlng phase. Other sources for

obtalnlng the necessary building materials are the rellglous groups, the generous employers. and, most

of ail, the polltlcal deals, through whlch most building materials are obtalned. The dwellers also buy

some of them.

There are two reasons that can explaln the upgrading process of the building materlals.

observed in the Community of the Tree's dwelllngs The first of thern is economic. the second. rather

cultural:

1) The availability of different building materials Is greater ln the city. This Is not the case ln rural

areas, where they usually build thelr typlcal Mucambos uslng the earth and vegetation only,

occaslonally building or rebuilding with brick;

2) As dlscussed eartier, the desire ta upgrade the dwellings ln an urban environment Is certainly

higher than in the rural areas.

The improved social and economlc status of the dwellers at the present tlme can be seen ln thetr

furniture. tao, in terms of bath quality and quantity. Like that of the building matenals, tradition .... ~u

change of the dwellings' furniture is also a result of both cultural and economic change

One should not ignore that ln spite of ail these slgns of change, tradition has been present tao.

as sean in the comparlson above. Even with a clear change of the dwellers' prevlous rural sub-culture.

and aven with a clear betterment of the economlc situation of the dwellers, the elernents of tradition are

also present, from the fumishlngs to the uses and design of the dwellings. A~ the last sub-tC'pic below

will show, the traditlonal values of the dwellers have been a major aspect ta explaln the physlcal

characterlstlcs of the dwellings.

90

5.33 THE THIRD VARIABLE: THE PHYSICAL SPACE

The cultural values of the dwellers play a great role ln an\{ attempt to explain the permanence of

tradition and change of the dwellings' physical space Tradition has been respected in several examples

It is worth mentloning that no land SL' division existed before the arrivai of the flrst dwellers in the

settlement. Moreover, they did not arrive at the same tlme. How come the dimensions are falrty similar,

especlally the frontage of the dwellings? How come most dwellings are rectangular? It Is true,

nevenheless, that the length of the dwellings had limitations (the school walls and the streets, for most

dwelllngs).

Another sign of tradition ln the physlcal aspects of the dwellings Is the very few openings to the

exterior. One could argue that row houses do not allow lateral windows This is obvious Several

examples can be glven, nonetheless, of dwellings on whose walls a window could be placed, without

Interferlng wlth the nelghbouring dwellings. Severa! dwellings have no window at e,l, not even at the

front (02, 03, 05, 06, 07,09. 015 and 017, are just some of the examples found).

A last example of tradition Is the design and arrangement of rooms. It is true that there is not

enough space for Innovations. The design, however. and partlcularfy the arrangement of r::loms (living

room + bedroom + kitchen/dining room + an eventual backyard + bathroom) is very repetitive. even in

the dwellings that are not rectangular

The adaptation ta the urban environment is the major cause for changes in the physical aspects

of the dwellings. The one-pitched roof, leaning towards the facade. Is one of them. The dwellings are

townhouses. The drainage of raln water Is preferably dlrected ta the facade, sinee on the sides there are

other dwellings. and the backyard. when available, would be ftooded on rainy days.

The absence of windows can alsa be partly explalned as an urban adaptation too. The shape

taken by some dwellings Is one more sign of change due ta the physicat spaee. 034 Is the bast

example. There are very few front or baek terraces in the dwellings of the Community of the Tree. The

shonage of space can perhaps explain their absence. The location of the bathroom inside the dwelling,

although at the far end, is another urban adaptation.

Thus, when Il cornes ta the physical space of the dwellings or their design, the permanence of

the traditional, rural values of the dwellers are determining factors. The changes. as observed above, are

91

1 basically a result of the urban adapta don of the dweUings.

Because of bath cultural and economlc elements of change, the dwellings undergo several

modifications, especiaily in tefms of building mate riais, the facade, and furnlture However. it seems

much more diificuit ta change the general concept of the dwellings. Thelr design and arrangemellt are

highly influenced by the dwellers' rural pasto

The present analysls leads ta the conclusion that the dwellings of the Communlty of the Tree are

a typlcal example of a hybrld type of house. If the Influence of the rulal dwellings is evldent enough ta

be denlad, the changes those dwellings have undergone over the years are sufflclent ta dlsfigure their

typically rural characteristics. The intrlnsic r.auses for such a mlxad or undeflned type of dwelling are

cultural, economic and partly explained by the physical urban space in whlch the dwellings are located

Uslng a metaphor, it can be said that the dwellings of the Community of the Tree are golng

through a cultural Identlty crlsls. In thelr physlcal aspects and characterlstlcs, they are nelther rural nor

urban, Or, theyare neither tradltlonal, nor -modem,- ln facto they seem to be bath, and none of them ln

partlcular.

92

• CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSIONS

The purpose of the present study was to examine tradition and change obsenred ln the physical

characterlstlcs of Informai urban housing. The si9nS of bath tradition and change of the dwellings

should be then explalned within a socio-cultural perspective. This chapter presents the general findings

of the case study done ln Natal RN. Then it analyzes a few lessons lhat can be learned from these

results. The chapter ends with some reflectlons on tapies related to the main theme of this thesis.

6.10 THE CASE STUOY'S GENERAL FIN OINGS

A. major conclusion of this work is tha! in the rural-urban migration process, the traditional, rural

values of the migrants persist in the domestic environment they build in the city. Even if the references

ta the rural past seem to disappear in the long run, they do not give in easily. This is why the term

"hybrld dwelllngs· summarlzes the general findlngs of the present research.

Ali the Items of the comparative analysis anest ta both the permanence of tradition and change

ln the uses and physlcal characterlstlcs of the dwelllngs. However, some of the items presented

characterlstlcs that applied more ta either the rural or to the urban envlronments. Based on this general

Judgment, two basic group:; of characterlstlcs can be determlned: 1) visible signs of tradition, and 2),

visible slgns of change.

6.11 VISIBLE SIGNS OF TRADITION

The present study demonstrated ~hat some physicaJ characteristics of the rural dwellings remain

in the urban dwelllngs built by immigrant~ of rural origin. Even when the urban dwellings undergo

l reforms. these characteristics go through Jittle change. They are the following:

1 The Plot:

Except when requlred by the constralnts of the urban space, the characterlstlcs of the dweilings'

physlcal space or plot show a great rural Influence. These characterlstics attestlng to tradition are

described below. The present description refers to average values. This approach alms at slmpllfylng

the exposition of the results.

The frontage: The measurements made ln the dwellings surveyed show that the rural influence

was present when its limits were laid. 61.76 % of ail dwellings have between 3 and 5 meters of frontage,

while the rural dwelling's usual frontage Is around 5 meters. Almost half of ail dwellings, however, have

between 3 and 4 meters of frontage (41.17 %). In other words, although the measuraments are close ta

the rural ones ln terms of frontage, the ones of the dwelllngs surveyed have undoubtedly shrunk, when

compared to the rural ones. This also means that the Internai rooms of the dwellings have also shrunk,

on the side parallel ta the the dwellings' frontage. The urban land value explalns thls tendency toward a

smaller frolltage, Sorne dwellings, however, have more than 5 meters of frontage (1765 %)

The length: The length of the dwellings surveyed Is alsa very close to the 8 meters of length of

the rural dwellings. They tend to be smaller too, and the largest group of dwellings Is between 5 and 7

meters (41 11 %). 61.7G % of ail dwellings are between 5 and 8 meters ln length. These results show

that the dwellers' traditional notion of how long a dwelling should be was partly responsibla for the aetual

length of the dwellings surveyed Agaln, the dwelllngs have also shrunk ln thelr longer side, du' to the

urban land pressures. As a result of that, the Internai rooms hnve also shrunk on the side parallel to the

dwellings' length.

The frontage/length ratio: The percentage values for the frontage and length dlsplayed above

are surprisingly slmilar. 61.76 % of ail dwellings have between 3 and 5 meters of frontage. 7he very same

percentage of the dwellings surveyed (61.76 %) have between 5 and 8 meters of length There Is som~

coincidence, even ln the other groupings made. The drawlngs at the appendlx furnlsh ail the

measurements of the dwellings, and these amazlng slmilarltles can be checked by the reader 1

The frontagejlength ratio shows that the usual dimensions of the dwellings surveyed are 4

meters of frontage by 6.5 meters of length. These two values are the average between 3 and 5 meters of

frontage and 5 and 8 meters of length, slnee both groups represented more than half of ail dweilings

94

• surveyed (61.76 %).

These average results show once more the rural bias of the dwellings' physical characteristlcs

Their dimensions are not only close ta the 5 meters by 8 meters of the rural dwellings. They have or tend

ta a rectangular shape. They shrank slmply because of pressure on urban land.

The area: The built areas of the dwellings are. of course. a natural consequence of the prevlous

considerations. The area of the Ilverage dwelllng ln the seUlement Is 26 m2 (4 meters x 6.5 meters).

The areas are. therefore. smaller than the 40 m2 ~ the average rural dwelling (5 meters x 8 meters).

proportions: Ail the items discussed above keep very similar proportions ta the rural dwellings.

A1though they ail present smaller dimensions than the rural ones~ue rnainly ta their urban location-·the

relation between frontage and length. on one hand. and the dwel!ings' area and rectangular shape on

the other, provlde enough grounds ta conchJde that. In terms of plot. the dwellings have been highly

Influenced by the dwellers' rural background. The sketches below summarize the points raised

concemlng the dwellings' physlcal space.

8/5 = 1 6 t 65/4':t 16 I~ E

URBAN lU) RURAL co

The same proportions

+ 4m Sm

Fig. 29: Proportion. of th. Rural Ow.lllngs and of the Urban [)wellin;s Surveyed

The Hou .. Design:

The nymber and type of rooms: The number of rcoms ln ~self 15 not slgnificant enough to

indlcate the rural influence of the dwellings. The smalt number of rooms is ... haracteristlc of Any poor's

housing. In both rural and urban areas ln any case. most dwellings have between 3 and 5 rooms. as

dlscussed previously. and this is a traditional aspect of the dwellings. This number of rooms is also

95

1 tradltlonal.

The same comment above also applies to the type of rooms. In the economic constraillts of the

poor, the rooms tend ta be the basic on es. like the living room, the bedroom and the kltchen These are

basic rooms also found in the rural dwellings.

The armngement of rooms: The number ancl type of rcoms alone do not prov'Cle enough

avldence of the rural Influence ln the dwellings surveyed. When ft comes to thelr organisation or

arrangement ln the space, however, the rural blas Is a date","lnlng element. Ali groups of dwellings

analyzed show, wlth dlfferent degrees of slmUartty, the tradltlonal arrangement ancl lay-out of rooms

founcl ln the rural dwellings. Even when tho shape ancl dimensions of the plot require adaptations. ana

even after reforms, tha generaJ lay-out of rooms perslst. The exceptions go ta the two 'Ïist groups (one

and two-room dwelilngs), slnee the small number of rcoms restricts the comparison.

The dwelllngs pre,ent a very

tradltlonal arrangement of rooms. The

flrst room 15 aJways the living room. A

corridor links the living room to the

kitchen/dining room. Between these

two rooms there is one or two

bedrooms (fig. 30. a, b). Sometimes, the

corridor 15 not separate tram the

bedroom, but it Is ln this rcom, due to

space shortage (fig.30.c). The

bathroom Is located ln the back of the

house. When the space allows, the

bathroom 15 separate tram the dwelling

(fig.30.b,d,. Few dwellings have a front

or back terrace. The absence of this

room is largely due ta the urban

location of the dwellings.

3

30 al 30 C)

30.cl ~1 ; U m OOdl

1) Uvln; Room 2) Bedroom 3) Hall 4) Kitchen 5) Bathroom

Flg. 30: Fou, Sketch .. of the Most Traditlonal Hou.e Designs.

Found ln the CommuOitv of th. Tr ••

96

f

Dcors and windows: The few openings to the exterior are a strong indication of tradition.

Several dwellings have no window at ail. even at the facade. Their location is also traditlonal. There is

usually one door and one window at the facade (sometlmes no window). There is one door at the back

of the hou se. Doars and windows are seldom found elsewhere.

The rustlc. one-panel windows and latticed doors are traditlonal. They tend to be replaced by

the manufactured ones though. Even when thls Is the case, the references to the rural dwellings seem

to perslst. The manufactured doors usually have two panels.

Internai walls: The Internai walls

never go up to the roof. but there Is

always a void between them. Some

small pales which support the roof are

placed on these walls. Some building

materlals are also stored between two

Internai walls. There Is no celling. Ail

these characteristlcs of the internai walls

are typlcal of the rural dwellings.

Other studies on the self-bu lit

domestic envlronments. located in other

citles. conflrm the assumption that the

rural Influence Is not a local

phenomenon elther.2

8.12 VISIBLE SIGNS OF CHANGE

Fig. 31: Internai Walls and the Structure of the Roof

Over tlme. however, the urban dwellings built by people wlth a rural background also dlsplay

slgns of change. The results of the present work have shawn that the changes occurred partlcularly ln

the following points:

97

Building Materials:

This element represents one of the most visible slgns of change. As discussed in the chapter 4.

three upgrading phases of the building materials occurred in the Communlty of the Tree. It is not

possible to make a clear sequentlal differentiation between each phase. since even today some dweillngs

still combine more than one phase. Generally speaklng, however, the three upgradlng phases of the

dwellings are the followlng:

The flrs!' ycgradlng phase: The users, recendy arrlved trom the state's hlntertand or from

another location around the city, built thelr dwellings wlth waste materlals. Re-used card board ,

corrugated sheets, wood, metal panels and other materlals easily found ln the city were employed The

dwellings had then a very transitory character. They constituted typical shacks, and the total absence of

urban Infrastructure at that tlme relnforced thelr weakness. The building technique was a simple

assembly of different parts through naillng, tylng and 50 on. This tlrst phase dld not last long, and the

dwellings of thls perlod can be sean only as an Immediate shelter for the recently-arrlved.

The second uDgradlng phas,: Generally speaklng, the building materlals and technique of this

phase are the same of the rural dwellings. The users built their dwellings with wattle-and-daub. The floor

was bars ground and the roof made with thatch, although tiles were also used. Although it has not been

possible to define the exact period for the three phases. it is certain that the dwellings remained 50 for a

long perk>d of time. Several dwellers affirmed that not long ago most dweilings were of wattle-and-daub

Th, third ypgrading phase: There are few exceptions to the building mate rials used in the

present phase. They are cement for the floor, brick for the walls and tlle for the roof. The dwellings,

although precarious, have a more soIld appearance now than bafore. Many dwellers have building

materlals stored for future use, and thls shows that the upgradlng phases are not completed.

1st Phase 2nd Phase 3rd Phase

Fig. 32: Th. Upgradlng Phases of the Dwellings. A Recapitulation

98

•

.(

The F.cade:

The facade is a great sign of change. In spite of the traditlonal one door and one window at the

facade, most of Its features attest to change.

The R1atlbanda: This Is one of th$ elements of change ln relation ta the rural dwellings. The

plat/banda Is a rectangular element bullt on the facade, whlch hldes the roof tram the street.

The chaplscado: This Is a rugged layer of cement that 15 put on the wall of the facade. It gives a

gray strlpe cave ring part of the facade's surface, and Is usually located on Its Inferior slde, close ta the

floor.

The front fence: This Is another element of change. A few dwellings have a fence ln front of the

facade, as if ta show that privacy Is also a major concem for low-Income families.

The facade's rectangular shape: Another slgn of change of the facade Is Ils rectangular shape,

aven when there Is no platlbanda. The

rural dwelllngs have a fronton on the

top. formed by the two lateral slopes of

the roof.

Furnilhings:

Uke ln ail tha other Items, the

dwellings' fumlshlngs show slgns of

tradition and change. Thelr inclusion ln

the aspects of change reflects only thelr

greater tendency to change.

Although the furnlshlngs and

Fig. 33: Changes in the Facade:

accessorles express a relatively high number of references ta the rural world, they are rather a sign of

change. Television sets, food grinders, radios and other ele,=trical appliances are common. Cabinets,

stands, kitchen buffets are also a visible slgn of change, ln relation ta the nJr~1 dwellings. The change in

99

1 furnlshlngs and accessorles 15 not only qualitative, but also quantitative. The dwellings have more

furnishings than their rural counterpart. This fact, together with the smaller dimensions of the dwellings, is

the main cause of the problem of space shortage of the dwellings. The change of furnlshings reHects

the improvement of the socioeconomic condition of the Community of the Tree's dwellers.

u ... :

Although some of thelr characterlstlcs have probably a rural orlgln, the actlvitles that take place

ln the dwelllngs are also a slgn of change. Most actlvltles that take place ln the dwellings surveyed, IIke

studying, dancing, watching televlsion and IIstening to music, are more common in urban dwellings than

in the rural ones.

The socioeconomic and cultural changes of the dwellers is the main cause for the changes in

the actlvitles that take place in the dwellings. In the rural or semi-rural areas from where they came, the

worklng activitles, the economic state, the lite-style itself was somewhat different. The changes related to

the urban environment where they now live not only affect that "folk" culture, but also the activitles in the

dwelllngs as weil.

A clear example of that is the change ln the production activities, carried out ln arder ta

supplement the family income. As discussed in the previous chapter, washing and weaving clolhes for

the middle class are very common working activities in the urban dwellings surveyed ln the rural

dwellings, these domestic activities would rather be related to fishing or agriculture The changes in

working relations and activities are only part of the process of the migrant's adaptation to the urban

envlronment, and this affects the way theïr dwellings are used. Therefore, ln spite of some simllaritles,

most actlvltles carrled out ln the dweUings surveyed are mostly a slgn of change.

The Urban Infrastructure:

The total absence of infrastructure characterlzed the first years of the settlemenl. One should not

forget that the settlement was located in the city limits at that time, where the urban infrastructure is

usually absent. Throughout the years, as the upgrading of the building materiais took place ln the

dwellings, the urban infrastructure was also supplled. These changes constitute a typieal example of the

100

urban Integration descrlbed by CASCUDO, for the oId districts of Natal.

According to some dwellers, piped water was installed in 1971. It was the first urban

Infrastructure the dwelllngs obtained. Before, they used to fetch water from a nearby weil, a common

practlce ln rural areas. In 1974, electricity was set up. Both the dwellings and the streets received light.

After years of demands by the dwellers, the City Hall had the streets paved. This took place very

recently, durlng the tlme of the field survey for the present study (1988/1989). There Is no conventlonal

sewerage system. Most dwellings use septlc tanks, usually located at the back of the house.

Other Signa of Change:

Although the changes above have Indeed somethlng to do with the physical constraints of the

urban space, they are much more a result of cultural and socloeconomlc changes of the Community of

the Tree's dwellers. Other slgns of change, however, are deeply related to the limitations of the urban

space. The prevlous chapter IIsted them. They are: the one-pltched roof leanlng towards the facade, the

absence of windows (at least ln part), very few front or back terraces, and the location of the bathroom

Inslde the dwelling. Again, other studles on the unplanned urban settlements in Brazil confirm the

aspects of change.3

6.13 THE SOCIO-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE

As dlscussed earlier, the complex process of cultural change makes it hard to define clear limits

for Il, or to grasp Ils dynamlcs wlth precision. It was with this assumptlon ln mind that an attempt to

explain the physlcal signs of tradition and change of the dwellings was made, wlthin a socio-cultural

perspective.

The physlca/ constraints greatly explaln the physlcal characterlstlcs of the dwellings surveyed.

Thelr form, however, has resulted prlmarily from the users' cultural background, slnce a margln of choice

among different options Is always possible, even when there are great physical limitations. This confirms

RAPOPORT's argument that the social-cultural forces play a determining role in hou se form, whereas the

physlcal constraints are rather modilying factors4. Ther~fore, the cultural values of the users constitute

the basls upon whlch tradition and change of the dwellings should be explained.

101

,

... '.

The upgradlng of building materlals, the betterment of the dwelllr,gs' facade, the special concem

with the living room, the change ln the dwelllngs' fumishings and uses were ail slgns attestlng to the

cultural change of the dwellers. Nonetheless, these physical signs of change would not have bean made

possible without a visible improvement of the dwellers' economic state. As discussed earlier, the

dwellers' economlc betterment has also deep Implications on cultural change. The quality and quantlty

of furniture Is also another sign of economic change.

The physlcal space or the design characterlstlcs of the dwellings show that, ln thls specifie

aspect, the tradltlonal, rural values of the dwellers were determlnlng features. The changes ln the basic

design of the dwelling seem hardly to occur, even when the dWellings undergo reform. There are mlnor

changes, though, and they are mostly due to an urban adaptation

6.20 LEARNING FROM THE RESUL TS

The purpose of the present study was IImitoo ta an understandlng of Informai urban houslng,

with the cultural aspect as Its main approach. In splte of that, the neOO to Include some brlef

considerations seems to Impose Itself, after ail that has been dlscussed throughout the prevlous pages

ln this regard, some lessons can be learned from this research

Perhaps the most significant lesson of the present study is that any houslng program for thls

target population should seriously consider what is retained in those domestlc environments Archltects

and professlonals of related fields have an Important lesson to learn ln thls respect. The same Is also

true for government agencies dealing with houslng for the urban poor.

As a result, the houslng programs for law-Incarne social groups ln Natal should consider the

tradltlonal elements IIsted at 6.31. Many (or maybe most) of the low-Income people ln thls city have a

strong rural background. Since the Mucambo 15 a reglonal value,-as put by FREYRE5-and since the

pattern of rural-urban migration found in this study Is slmilar ta the general pattern found for the whole

Northeast reglon, it would not be an oversimpliflcatlon to assume that the results of the present study

hava also a regional character. Other similar studies done in other stata capltals ln the reglon would

probably confirm the present findings. with a few variations accordlng to the specifie local context

102

ln addition to the flndlngs attestlng to what remains ln the urban dwellings built by rural

Immigrants to the city, and that constitute important points of consideration in any housing program, the

issue of change should also be considered. Housing, just like society itself, is something dynamic, and

thls basic fact can aiso teach something

This and other studles have demonstrated that change is a natural process in self-built housing.

Any action ln the houslng field for the urban poor should allow, therefore, for future changes of the

dwellings. The dwellers should be given the opportunity to express themselves, the (possible) changes

of thelr cultural values and economic condition through thelr dwellings. In thls respect, housing should

be seen as a "process·, rather than a f1nished prcxJuct. Moreover. this approach has undeniable

economic and cultural advantages. Sites and services projects seem to be a good strategy in this

regard. 6

The measures that could allow for both the preservation of tradition and for the possibility to

change in the low-Income houslng programs. discussed above. lead to a third relevant one: the

Importance of the user's participation ln houslng. By "participation." the author means the involvement of

the user not only in the actual construction of the dwellings-as it has been often the case--but in the

planning and evaluation phases of the housing programs as weil. Experiments have shown that the

user's participation in houslng is possible 7 Professionals in the field of housing, however, may not

appreclate this approach, since it questions their traditional role in the housing field.8 There may be

extreme cases. however. where the user may not be willing to partlcipate. Insisting on the users'

participation. when he is not interested to partlclpate. Is also wrong.9

Other considerations to make are related to the general approach made ln the tlrst two chapters

of the present study. Rural-urban migration represents one of the main traits of 20th century Brazil. with

no prospects of decllne or stagnation ln the near future. If Il Is true that the rural Influence ln the

dwellings bullt by newcomers to the city Is so evldent. the consideration of such traditlonal values in the

national houslng programs for the urban poor. many trom a rural background. becomes urgent.

The Brazilian housing shortage also requires inexpensive solutions. In this respect. the potential

of the traditional housing as one of the possible ways of approaching the issue should not be

dlsregarded. as dlscussed in the chapter 3. Although this idea is not new. it seems that very linle has

103

• been done in this direction.10 ln the Northeast, the economlc advantages of the Mucambo tum It into a

promislng asset. As put by FREYRE, the "African and Indian experience should not be despised· The

Mucambo is also "an intelligent answer" in terms of economic resources, sening, climate, and reglonal

landscape, at least for the Northeast reglon. 11 What Is perhaps lacklng is a systematlc and serlous work

to develop its potential. These recommendatlons are not only economical, but they have also a cultural

and ecologlcal nature. This and other measures, as suggested ln thls tople, would eertainly contrlbute to

a more culturally responsive houslng poIiey ln Brazil.

ln terms of researc,"" future studles with approaches slmllar to the present one could have

themes related to the followlng suggestions:

1) The same study can be developed ln another Northeastern state capital. Ils findings could be

compared to the present research. This would indicate to what extent the assumptlon of a

reglonal character of the present study Is conflrmed.

2) A slmilar study can also consider the time variable. Two field surveys, done in a brand new

unplanned urban senlement, and another in a communlty that has been senled years befora.

could lead to significant findings in terms of the speed of change. If possible, the field surveys

should be done with the same senlement. This would represent a probiem of time though, slnce

in this case. a period of many years between the two field survey~ should be allowed

3) Another study couid analyse how the users with a rural background adapt themselves ta the

dwelllngs provided by the low-cost houslng programs.

6.30 SOME FINAL REFLECTIONS

ln thls last topic, the author expresses his personal opinion on some Important issues related to

the thesls. The reflectlons are divided Into three main points.

6.31 TIME, TRADITION AND CHANGE

Time is essential in the analysis of tradition and change of informai urban housing Whlch

features contribute to the slowness (or acceleratlon) of change? Which ones play a greater raie? Ta what

104

1

extent are the changes seen ln urban dwellings, bullt by users who are orlginally rural, due to specifically

cultural change over tlme? Is not the graduai economlc betterment (although not always) of rural

dwellers the fundamental cause behlnd those changes?

It 5eems that there are no universal elements that can explain tradition or accelerate change, but

one can deflne them only within a specifie context. The concrete example of the settlement studied

shows that the dwellings have changed slowIy over time. Had the survey been done, say, ten years ago,

the slmllarltles to the rural dwellings would probably have been greater.

This pace of change could have been different, if new or sudden avents had taken place. If the

rural Immigrants had qulckly asslmilated the urban life-style, or if they had Improved their economic state

in only a couple of years, the dwellings would show, by now. probably fewer signs of tradition ln the

same way, If there was no desire to change the dwellings, and no economlc betterment for the dwellers

over tlme, the dwellings today would still look much IIke the rural ones. In short, the aspects that

contrlbute to slowness or acceleratlon of change can be avaluated only ln specific cases.

One should ask, nevertheless, how slgnificant Is the number of the tirs! dwellers who get any

benefit with thls changing process through the urban upgrading. The Initial dwellers. of a rura! origin.

often have to move out to the perlphery of the city--due to factors like. for example. the relocation

programs or the increasing value of the urban land. This was partly the case for the Community of the

Tree.

As for the question of which aspects play a more fundamental role in promoting change of the

dwelllngs, the author believes ft Is hazardous to make such distinctions. Westernization, industrializatlon,

urbanlzatlon, and modernizatlon are general spheres very much related to specifie consequences at the

micro level of the dwelllngs. Those aspects should be seen as a whole ln any study of socio-cultural

and economic change. An economlc or social change also has Important cul:ural implications, and vice­

versa.

105

1 6.32 MIGRATION AND INFORMAL URBAN HOUSING

The second point to be considered Is almost a natural development or a consequence of the

prevlous item. If migration to the city implies an Improvement ln the social and economic spheres of life.

Includlng the quality of housing, should migration be seen as a bad social phenomenon? Or. on the

contrary, should it be encouraged, slnce the slgns of change for the better seem to be the case?

This attitude can be sean as part of one of the three schools of thought concernlng the fate of

migrants ln the City.12 Accordlng to thls variation, migration Is a blesslng, aven If sometlmes ln dlsgulse.

Besldes, -Is It not preclsely the big city that Is ... the vehlcle of modemity? 13. In short, thls Is an

optlmistic or positive school of thought.

A closer look at the conservative assumptlons adopted by thls way of thlnking reveals sorne

problems: 1) It does not question the causes of migration. In other words, those who thlnk that way

wouJd hardly ses how essential the Improvements of the hard living conditions of the rural people are; 2)

the problem Is transferred to the urban envlronment, where It Is supposedly solved. This Is far from

being true.

ln terms of housing, the second assumptlon wou Id suppose better dwellings. 8ec-ause sorne

siums in the 8razillan cities stay the same for many decades, this assumption is not always true ln

addition, one should not forget the problems related to the incapacity of the city to recelve those coming

from the countryside. Finally, the rural migrants seldom come ta the city because they want to. they

mlgrate for survival reasons, because living conditions Ir. the countryside are very hard

6.33 HOUSING AND CULTURE

The present work has focused on informai urban houslng from the point of vlew of culture. Here

also, some questions are worth being ralsed: to what extent Is It necessary to preserve the tradltlonal

housing types of a culture? If there Is an apparent contradiction between the values of tradition and

concems like hygiene and thermal comfort, which one is more important? What is the role of

technology and industrialized building matenals in tradltional housing?

The country's development process MS greatly affected the traditional houslng types. as

discussed previously in this work. Not ail consequences of this process on the tradltional houslng types

106

f ..

are necessanly goOO or desirable though. It is beyond the author's competence to judge which changes

are goOO or bad, which changes should or should not be made However, a critical approach in relation

to change has to be developed. Since cultural change has profound economic implications, one should

ask to what axtent concrete changes are really necessary. Putting this issue in a broad perspective,

cultural change Is often stimulated to satisty selfish-and many tlmes distant-economic interests, which

brlng no benefit to most of the Brazillan populatlon. 1<4

Houslng, thls cultural phenomenon par ucel/ence, should always reflect the culture and

customs of a people, wherever they are. The accumulatlve experlence leamed through hlstory should

not be abruptly forsaken. Changes should be welcomed only when they are necessary. For example,

the few openlngs to the exterior are characteristlc of the Mucambo. This Is not acceptable, however,

from a cllmatlc point of vlew, although there may be a cultural expia nation for it. Hygienic and sanitary

Improvements, as weil as the use of higher technology and better building materials, should be

encouraged, as long as they are affordable for the poor. The essemlal features of the dwellings,

however, should remain. Moreover, the users should decide whlch changes are better, according to

their prioritles.

The present study has dealt with only a small fraction of informai urban housing in Brazil. The

housing field Is too extensive, and its implications are too broad to be treated thoroughly in a single

work. Aware of thls fact, the author focused on the cultural approach.

The closlng words of the present study are rather challenging: in the study of housing in Brazil,

there Is a need ta accommodate two (real?) contradictions: to incorporate the new, without suppressing

the cid, tradltlonaJ values of society; ta look for the future, ln the search for new and ur.explored

posslbllitles, wlthout forgettlng the legacy of the past. It Is ln this constant, vigilant and resolute effort

that Iles the very nature ",i the challenge. The knowledge of the past aise teaches what should not be

repeated ln the future. As wlsely put by George Santayana, "those who forget the past are condemned

ta repeat it •

107

l

ENDNOTES

CHAPTER 1

1. -IBGE,1987-1988:56-57

2. - QUIJANO, 1978.

3. - FARRET,1985:20-21

4. - AZEVEDO,1950:71

5. - Ibid ,71

6. - GARDNER, 1971 :32-34. CASCUDO listed several names of places, cOl.'nties, geographical elements. elc. Involved with cattle raising ln the country's hinterland. Some examples of countles, several of which having towns with the same name, are given: Capim (grass). Curralinho Oittle corral) in Para; Pastos Bons (goOO pastures) in Maranhio; Campo Maior Oarge field) in Piaur; Currais Novas (new corrals) in Rio Grande do Norte; Bezerros (heifers) ln Pernambuco; etc. See CASCUDO, as quoted by WEBB,1974 74

7. - DELSON,1979:15-28

8. - The exploitation of gold from the Brazilia'l mining region had far-reaching consequences such as belng a decisive factor in England's Industrial Revolution. HARRIS, 1956:13.

9. - HAHNER,1986:4; VELLlNHO,l968

10. - AZEVEDO, 1950: 77-78

11. - ELUS,l965

12. - VELUNHO,l968:26-27

13. - SINGER,1985:103

14. - JUNIOR, 1987: 123-131

15. - GRAHAM,l968:23-50

16. - SOUZA,1980:65

17. - SCHMIDT,1986,17.

18 -Ibid., 17

19. - MOREl RA, 1979.31-50. FARRET,1985:24-25, SANDERS,1973

20. - JUNIOR, 1987:313-322;348-349. For a more detailed study of foreign investment in Brazilln the 1950's and beginning of the 1960's, see BAKLANOFF, 1966.

108

21. - PEREIRA, 1978: 45

22. - FAISSOl et. aI.,1987.57-116

23. - FERREIRA,l985.47

24 - SANTOS, 1982: 31

25 - RIOS,1971 :273-277

26.- According to AZEVEDO, those figures, although hlgh, can be attalned. It la enough to say that the country pays a1most the same amount fIIIery year wlth the services of the Internai and extemaJ debts alone. AZEVEDO, 1990.

27. - For the population of those flve citles, see IBGE, 1987-1988: 59. For the percentage values, see GRIMES, 1976: 116.

28. - KOWARICK, 1979 75

29. - FARRET,l985:20

30. - MARTINS,1973:19

31. - Ibid., 33

32. - SOUZA, 1980: 43-70

33. - Ibid.,69-70

34 - OllVEN,l984:68

35. - Ibid ,67-68

36. - IBGE,l987-1988:56-S7

37. - Ibld_.273-277; GIOJA,1972:19

38. - OUVEN,l984:100

39 .• AZEVEDO, 1950:9

40. - OUVEN,l984:99

41.· AZEVEDO,l950:3

42. - PERLMAN, 1976:98-1 02

43 .. REES,l983 12

44 . PERLMAN. 1976: 111

'1 45 .• REES,l983:13

109

46.· OUVEN,1984:30-38; REES,l983: 15 and 18

47 .• PERLMAN,1976:106·107

48 .. OUVEN,1984:24-30

49 .• PERLMAN, 1976: 114-118

110

1

1 CHAPTER 2

1. - MONBEIG, 1983: 121

2. - SMITH, 1972: 245-256

3. - A typical example of a Line Village pattern was studied by VALVERDE, in the hinterland of the state of Rio G. do Norte. See VALVERDE et al. 1961: 3-13.

4. - The same cannot be said of the urban environment ln Brazil. The colonial cities in Brazi! were, to a large extent, a falthful eopy of the Portuguese urban rt10deis (OELSON, 1979;85-117). This influence contlnued durlng the 19th century, ln spite of the great Influence ln the Brazilian cities of English and French architecture, among others. Even though a typically -national- expression in architecture has developed slnee the flrst decades of the present century, becoming intemationally renowned, both the architecture and the clties themselves have not been fully able ta Irae themselves from thelr colonial past (FILHO.1978).

5. - NASH, 1969: 183-184; QUEIROZ. 1973:3-9; HARRIS. 1971; HARRIS. as quoted by SHIRLEY, 1971:69; PIERSON, 1973; AQUINO. 1980: 63-70; FORMAN, 1970; HUTCHINSON, 1957; MARGOLIS, 1973; CALDWELL, 1946: 100; SMITH, 1972: 428-456

6. - SAUNDERS.1971

7. - COSTA et al. 1978

8. - WATSON, 1953, 9·10; DE LA RUE. 1955. 30; and SMITH, 1972, 22-26. SMITH states that the main deslgnatlons for the country people ln Brazll are cabac/o, matura. roceiro, and caipira. ail of them with depreclative connotations. These deslgnatlons are used ail over Brazll. but he lists several names of a more local use: babacuara, muxuango, caboré, cafuso. homem da ro~a, mineiro, chapadeiro. bruaqueiro, mandioqueiro. pioca, cangussu. ca/çara, mand/, queije/ro, tapiocano. capiau. capuava, casacudo, tabaréu, casaca, corumba (curumba) , curau. piraquara. sertanejo, peao, guasca. bahiano, praiano the IIst does not end here.

9. - WA7S0N, 1953: 9-55

10. - Ibid., 15

11. - Ibid., 31.

12. -Ibid., 49

13. - QUEl ROZ, 1973

14. - SHIRLEY, 1971.

15. - PIERSON, 1973.

16. - MARGOLlS, 1973.

17 . HARRIS, 1971

18. - HUTCHINSON, 1957

11 1

e 19 .• FORMAN, 1970.

20 .• RAPOPORT, 1969: 46 and 48

21 .• FAISSOL et. al. 1987: 57·116

22 .• SMITH, 1972:225

23 .• MARTINS, 1975.

24 .• Ibid., 30-31

25.· FILHO,1978: 74

26 .• HARRIS, 1971: 33-34

27.' SHIRLEY,1971:163-164 "

28 .• Ibid .• 164·165

29. - PHELPS, 1971: 24

30. - COSTA et aJ., 1978: 10

112

CHAPTER 3

1. - FILHO et aL, 1988:15.

2. - CERQUEIRA, 1987: 36-38; FILHO et al.,1988:15-26

3. - This dual social system was characterized by the existence, at the top of the social scale, of the sugar mill lord on the coast and the coronel (old designation for farmers) in the backlands. The bottom position was occupied by a great number of free workers and slaves. Even though slavery has been abollshed and the sugar mil! lord replaced by the modem usine/ro, the dual social class structure perslsts. See FILHO et al. 1988:15-26

4. - PEARSON, 1969; ROBOCK, 1963; SMITH, 1974

5. - CHMATAUK, Marnia et al, 1987: 60

6. - CERQUEIRA, 1987: 44

7. - The minimum wage is the minimum salary with which the worker is theoretically able to meet the basic needs of the family. The reality reveals, however, that much more than one minimum wage would be necessary to meet those needs.

8. -PEREZ, 1987: 77

9. - ibid., 77; See also CERQUEIRA, 1987: 33 and FILHO et al. 1988: 26-27

10. - See, for example MOREl RA, 1979; ROBOCK, 1963: KATZMAN, 1977; FILHO et al., 1988; CPT.CEPAC.IBASE, 1987.

11. - See CERQUF.lRA, 1987. 34, where convincing data show that the "Iack" of water in the region is a myth. See also FILHO et al , 1988.

12. - CERQUEIRA, 1987.36.

N

13. - MELLO-LEITAO, 1937.

14. - AQUINO. 1980

15. - Ibid. 279

16. - BERNARDES, 1961; 378-381; 388-397

17. - WATSON's paper was written ln 1953. However, very recent studles on the subject demonstrate that the caboclo's folk culture remains nowadays. Sea, for example, CAVALCANTI, 1982:59,60 and MONTEIRO,1987:22-24.

18. - CHMATAUK, MarOia et al, 1987: 97-100.

19. - Ibid.

20. - Three out of the nine metropolitan centres of Brazil are locatea in the Northeast region: Fortaleza. Recife and Salvador.

21. - FREYRE. 1967.

113

__ 22.-FREYRE,1967:34

23. - See preface for the 4th editian of the Manifesta. See also FERNANDES, 1974' 34-39 and 48

24. - RAMOS, 1951: 130

25. - Ibid., 132

26. - SMITH, 1972: 16.

27. - FREYRE, 1937: 21

28. -Ibid., 20

29. - PEDREIRA, 1962

30.-FREYRE,1966:27

31. -Ibid., 170

32. - NASH, 1969: 173-174

33.-FREYRE,1937:24

34. -Ibid., 21

35. - PIERSON, 1973: 42-43

36. - FREYRE, 1937: 32

37. - COSTA et al., 1978; 30

38. - SHIRLEY, 1971, 37; SOUZA, 1959

39. - COSTA et al, 1978: 30

40. - FREYRE, 1937: see illustrations

41. -Ibid., 31.

42. - LEONARD, 1960: 52.

43. -Ibid., 36

44.-PHELPS, 1971:47~

45.-FREYRE,1937:29

46. -Ibid., 29

47. - LEONARD, 1960: 36

114

48. -FREYRE, 1937:30

49. - PIERSON, 1973: 47; CASCUDO, as quoted by WEBB, 1974: 72

50, - TAVEIR,." 1982: 29

51. - PtERSON, 1973: 43

52. - COSTA et al: 1978; 30

53. - LEONARD, 1960: 81

54. - HUTCHINSON, 1957; 112-113

55. - HARRIS, 1956: 104-105

56. - PIERSON, 1973: 4245; MARGOUS, 1973: 185

57. -FREYRE, 1937: 23

58. - ln the Northeastem cities of the 19th century, for example, 'he rural environment began right after the urban one·, afflrms AQUINO, 1980:134. In the BrazUlan c!tles of today • ... the favela (siums) or the mud house hasts the Immigrants, performlng the raie of mediator between the countryside and the city,... th e favela Is often consolldated, offering a substltute for the urban life, miserable and yet Intense·. LEFEBVRE, Henri, as quoted by FEUPE, J. Lacerda, 1988: 23. EVENSON made a simiiar remark: 'he favelas are thought to have been formed largely by migrants to the city, people in many ways still rural ln habits and ouUook, who were thrust Into the urban living by the prevaiiing poverty of the countryslde·. EVENSON, 1973: 21. She referred to these spontaneous settlements as "semi­rural",

59. - The urban fringe can be roughly defined as a gray or transitional zone between the urban and rural environments, thus keeping characteristics from bath. See MIRANDA, 1980: 272-275 and BEZERRA et al., 1982: 60-66

50, - FREYRE, 1979: 15. The problem Is not only limited to a dlsdainful attitude toward the Mucambo or the tradltlonal houslng types in general. It Is also revealed in the growing influence of North Amencan and European architecture. The ecological and climatlc lnadequacy of the built environ ment is only one of the harm:J it causes (ibid., 167-169).

61. - FREYRE, 1966: 169-170

62. - Ibid.

63. - SODRE, 1957: 437-439. See DE LA RUE, 1955: 36 and 126. On page 126, he refers to taperas in the state of Rio G. do Norte.

64. - NASH, 1969: ln: VASCONCELOS, 1975: 7. The use of taipa64. (wattle-and-daub) with cement produce more resistant walls. See LEONARD, 1960: 79,

65 - AZEVEDO et al., 1982 25

66 - COSTA et aL, 1978 58

67. - LEONARD, 1960.36-37,39

115

Il se.-KOSTER,1966:4546

69. - CASCUDO, as quoted by WEBB, 1974: 72

70. - DE LA RUE, 1955: 83

71. - Ibid., 82

72. - Ibid., 74

73. - COSTA et al., 1978: 12. See also quotatlon no. 57, ln thls chapter.

74. - NASH, 1969: 174

75. - DE LA RUE, 1955: 86, 123, 125. Concemlng the adobe bricks, Il has been a traditlonal actlvity in the rural areas of Brazil. See LEITE, 1956: 129

76. - NEMÉSIO, 1968: 76

77. - FREYRE, 1937: 26

78. - MESaUITA. 1961: 181-183

79. - SMITH, 1972: 250-251

80. - COSTA et al. 1978: 58-59

81_ - Pau-a-Pique and Ta/pa refer to the same wattle-and-daub technique, as the descriptions throughout thls work show. The ward Taipa may also refer ta a different technique, better known as the Taipa de Pilao. In this case, it corresponds ta the French ward Pisé. Other denominatlons for the same wattle-and-daub technique in the Portuguese language are: Pesco~iio, Tapona, Sopapo, Taipa de Mao and Ta/pa de Sebe. VASCONCELOS, 1975: 8 and 16. In South Brazil, however, and especlally in Sao Paulo, Taipa and Pau-a-pique may have different meanings. LEONARD, 1960. 77.

82. - TEIXEIRA, 1986.

83. - FREYRE, 1937: 26. DE LA RUE, 1955: 116

84. - GARDNER. one of the many travellers ln Northeast Brazil ln the 19th cent ury made the following observation. concemlng the rural houses in the Aracatl reglon: -Ail the houses ln this reglon which are not ln the city have a front terrace under which the travellers ask for a nlght stay, hanging their hammocks on the hooks which are there for thls very reason-. Since hospitallty was a major characterlstlc of the rural population ln Northeast Brazll at that tlme, as Il Is still today, il Is IIkely that such an observation could be applled ta many other rural areas ln the region. It Is he who also remarked that a front room was built ln the houses of Plaul ln arder ta be occupied by travellers along their Journeys. See GARDNER, as quoted by AQUINO. 1980.98-101. See also LEONARD, 1960.82.

85. - DE LA RUE. 1955: 76-77 described the small town of Parelhas, in the Interior of RN

86. - TAVEIRA, 1982: 11

87. - Ibid., 1982

116

88. - MONTEIAO referred briefly ta the cabocla's folk culture in AN. See MONTEIRO, 1987:22-24

89. - TAVEIRA, 1982: 46

90 - FREYRE, 1967: 37-38 and 64

117

CHAPTER 4

1 - CASCUDO, 1980:19-34

2. - Ibid., 41-50

3. - KOSTER, 1966: 36.

4. - SOUZA, 1980: 95.

5. - Ibid., 83-96.

6. -Ibid., 94-95

7. - IBGE, 1987-1988: 63

8. - SOUZA, 1980: 116

9. - See endnotes 58 and 59 of the previous chapter. There may be exceptions to this rule, though CORREA, 1976 maintained the hypothesis, in his study of Rio de Janeiro, that there is no specifie initial location for the Immigrant coming Into that city. BEZERRA, Vera M. d'Avila et al., 1982, concluded that if before the Immigrants coming to Rio first arrlved at the siums, then, ln the 1970's, at least, they were rather dlspersed ln the urban space, that is, with no deflnite location pattern.

10. - CASCUDO, 1980: 226.

11. - Ibid., 336-337

12. - This was the na me given by the team of Chrlstlans from a nearby Baptlst church worklng with the community. A big mango tree, placed in the central yard of the settlement, became the symbol for idenlltylng that community. The na me, however, is not adopted by its dwellers. The name is used in the present work only for convenience.

13. - This attitude is understandable, since the populist polilical policies, with their paternalistic posture toward the urban poor, characterized that period.

14. - Again, the Brazillan politlcal scenery in the period may issue a partial explanation for that, slnce Eliseu was not an isolated case in the authoritarian polle les toward the urban poor whlch characterlzed the mllitary reglme. A good example of a study on the govemment poIlcies toward the urban paor durlng the military reglme was done by Perlman. The study was done ln Rlo's favelas (siums). See PERLMAN, 1974 EPSTEIN afflrms that "the result of this (milltary) atmosphere has been ta chili any Initiatives from below, ln the labor movement and in such areas as land reform and possible squatter demands·. EPSTEIN, 1973: 131

15. - ln addition, there have been sorne efforts, ln recent tlmes, on the part of a nearby Baptlst church to help the community organize itself and improve its situation. The pavlng of the two streets of the senlement, for example, was partly a result of a joint effort of some church members and some dwellers.

16. - See quotation 57, of the previous chapter.

17. - FELIPE, 1988'70-71, SOUZA, 1980' 98-99; CAVALCANTI, 1982: 15-18

18. - A Minimum Wage is the minimum legal salary allowed to a worker High inflation rates cause thls value to change frequently, and it is hard to establish a correspondence with the American currency. At the tlme of the field survey FS2, it could be roughly evaluated around U S $ 50.

110

19. - EPSTEIN, 1973: 110. See also KOWARICK, 1983: 88.

20. _ PERLMAN, 1976: 38-39. The author described a very similar upgrading process of the houses. She al50 dlsplayed picture5

119

1 CHAPTER 5

1. - The term ·conventional" for the building materlals Is belng used here slmply to avoid repetltlon. slnce they are basically the same for the great majority of the dwellings. The conventional building materlals are: a cement floor; brick walls; a tlle roof.

2. - " ... Many dwellings are made wlth white brick, arranged in a square shape They are subdivided by two internai axes of perpendicular walls, forming 4 rooms·. TAVEIRA, 1981:9. See also pages 25 and 29 of the same work.

3. - LEONARD, 1960: 51 and 55.

4. - TAVEl RA, 1981:14 and 18. In LEONARD's survey, the living rcom was usually the blggest room of the dwelllng, and 'he familles, ln generaJ, prefer to renounce the space of the bedroom and kltchen for the living room-. See also quotatlon no 69, ln the chapter 3.

5. - There Is a long discussion related to the dynamics of tradition and change of culture. Regardless of the visible tendency to a more and more homogeneous society at the world level, grounded on a western set of values and views, signs of the tendency ta a more and more heterogeneous culture are also observed. See OUVEN, 1984: 75-82.

6. - He adds that 90 % of the workers ln the textile Industry are women. SOUZA, 1980: 92, 93. KOWARICK makes a pertinent theoretlcal analysls on the mlgrant's changing roles from a rural to an urban worker. He also dlscusses the wornen's inclusion, as workers, ln the urban economy KOWARICK. 1979: 99-114.

7. - The building activity has been an important source of work for the male Immigrant SOUZA. 1980: 94-95

120

, CHAPTER 8

1. - The author considered 0.15 meter of width for the wails. The open spaces like the backyard have not been included in these measurements. For the sake of easing the analysls, ail the smaller dimensions of the dwellings were considered as the frontage, although some of them did not correspond, in fact, to the facade.

2. - DRUMMOND's study of the Rocinha sium (favela da Rocinha), in Rio de Janeiro, offers an illustrative example. The user's inventive solutions and rural references found in the dwellings are indlcated, especiaily ln the case of the newcomers ta that city. DRUMMOND, 1981: 19-28. See also PERLMAN, 1976.

3. - Ibid. Bath studles descrlbe a very slmUar process of c~"1ge of the dwellings surveyed, especlally ln the upgradlng of the building materials and the urban Integration.

4. - RAPOPORT, 1969

5. - FREYRE, 1967: 37-3'8

6. - • ... Sites and services have proved ta be a step forward in the rlght direction; thanks ta the wide spread application of the approach, there Is not only praof that 'financkllly feasible and user-acceptable' solutions ta the houslng problem exlst for many more people than could be reached under prevlous approaches; alse these facts are now widely knowrl and accepted·. UNDEN, 1986: 140. Sites and services projects have been carried out in some Brazillan cltles, Includlng Natal. AZEVEDO, 1982: 106.

7. - CANEDO et al., 1985

8. - Archltects and other professlonals related to houslng should assume a more modest stance ln thls field. Although thelr contribution Is essentla', they should nat see themselves as the ultlmate autharity on the sublect. This attitude anly leads ta an Imposition of values whlch are aften external ta the users, for whom the housing programs are dev~oped. DRUMMOND, 1981. 5

9 - The best policy on the issue of the user's participation should perhaps begin by giving hlm the choice between partlcipating or not. In this case, he would be responsible for the finished product, no matter hls declsion.

10. - AZEVEDO et aL, 1982: 21. The Popular Houslng Foundatlon, created in 1946, Included the construction, repalr, and Improvement of the rural houslng types as one of its explicit objectives.

11. - FREYRE, 1966: 169-170.

12. - PERLMAN, 1976: 8-10

13. - Report of the Secretariat of the Ec~nomlc Comisslon for latin America on the Social Deve/opment of latin America, as quoted by PERLMAN, 1976: 9

14. - FERNANDES, 1974: 34-39 and 48

121

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123

• GRIMES, Orville F., Jr. Hoyslng for Low-Income Urban Familles. Published for the World Bank. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976.

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124

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126

APPENDIX NO. 1: THE DWELLINGS OF THE SETTLEMENT

One-Room Owellings: 01 to 04

Cl

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Two-Room Owellings: 05 to 07

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132

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133

Three·Room Owellings: 08 to 015

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137

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141 !

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1 Four-Room Owellings: 016 to 024

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150

APPENDIX NO. 2 . THE URBAN LOCATION OF THE SETTLEMENT

SCALE: 1: 2000 (Map of 1982).

161

~

t APPENDIX NO. 3 - QUESTIONNAIRE

1· FAMILY

General information'

Number of households .... Age and sex .. Single or extended famlly

Economie state

How many are employed on a permanent basis? which occupation? How many work on a temporary basls? what klnd of actlvlty? What Is the average monthly income?

Education:

liliterate .... Can wnte his/her name .... Elementary school: complete or incomplete Secondary school complete or incomplete

Religion'

Is this a religious family? whlch religion? Is there any religlous activity ln the house?

Origins:

How long have Vou lived here? Where did Vou live before? Is there any common feature between this house and the previous one? Why did you choose this place? would you rather be removed to another locahty, or you preler to live here? why?

II· HOUSE

Number of rooms Building matenals' floor', walls roof Did you build this house? Have the present building materials been the same since the tlouse 'lias built (or OCCUpled?) If not, which building materials were used before? the house was bullt gradulllly? which room(s) was (were) built first?

III • INFRASTRUCTURE

Sewerage system: yes: .... no: .. Plped water: yes' .. , no: .. .. Electricity, yes: .... no: .... Other: (paved street, public illumination)

III - COMMUNITY LlFE:

How do you get along with your nelghbours? Do you help each other ln tlmes of need? What do you know about the ongins of the community?

162