Boletn del Seminario de

Ao 5 N 17 Enero-Marzo 2015

TLLOC QU?

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Consejo Editorial:

Jorge Angulo Villaseor

Marie-Areti Hers

Alejandro Villalobos

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Estela Morales Campos

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Renato Gonzlez Mello

Director del Instituto de Investigaciones Estticas

Mara Elena Ruiz Gallut

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Mara Elena Ruiz Gallut

Amrica Malbrn Porto

Enrique Mndez Torres

Editores

Amrica Malbrn Porto

Diseo editorial

UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTNOMA DE MXICO

Las opiniones expresadas en Tlloc Qu? Boletn del

Seminario El Emblema de Tlloc en Mesoamrica son

responsabilidad exclusiva de sus autores.

Tlloc Qu? Boletn del Seminario El Emblema de Tla-

loc en Mesoamrica es una publicacin trimestral del

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Amrica: Las Primeras sociedades, del Instituto de In-

vestigaciones Estticas de La Universidad Nacional

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4

Presentacin

Tlaloc and a Mesoamerican Cosmology in the American Southwest Polly Schaafsma

Seres del agua en el Norte de Mxico Tobas Garca Vilchis y Nadia Giral Sancho

Los dueos de la tormenta y el rayo en la regin cantbrica Amrica Malbrn Porto

Sesiones del Seminario

CONTENIDO

p. 6

p. 8 p.53 p. 82 p. 93

5

PRESENTACIN

La revista Tlloc qu? Cumple con esta edicin cinco aos de produccin continua ofrecien-

do un espacio para conocer y aprender un poco sobre las deidades acuticas y de la fertilidad

en el mbito mesoamericano principalmente.

En esta ocasin presentamos tres artculos, el primero Tlaloc and a Mesoamerican Cosmolo-

gy in the American Southwest, por la investigadora Polly Schaafsma, quien nos ofrece un pa-

norama sobre imgenes de petrograbados de una deidad acutica equiparable con Tlloc en

la regin Suroeste de los Estados Unidos de Amrica, basndose en atributos similares a las

anteojeras del Tlloc del Centro de la Cuenca de Mxico, una tradicin cultural que se sobre-

puso a otros valores y persisti en esta regin, quizs como una influencia cultural del centro

de Mxico.

El articulo Seres del agua en el Norte de Mxico, de Tobas Garca Vilchis y Nadia Giral

Sancho tambin nos muestra un panorama del estado de Chihuahua donde se han encontra-

do imgenes de personajes que comparten elementos de Tlaloc sealando que hay una ma-

triz comn con las deidades del agua presente en Mesoamrica y el Suroeste de los Estados

Unidos de Amrica, como tambin lo ejemplifica Polly Schaafsma.

Cerramos este nmero con el trabajo Los dueos de la tormenta y el rayo en la regin Cant-

brica realizado por Amrica Malbrn Porto donde nos expone las caractersticas que tienen

los nuberos, estos seres fantsticos que debido a la modernidad estn cayendo en el olvido

en la regin cantbrica.

Esperamos que disfruten esta entrega.

Los Editores

6

TLALOC AND A MESOAMERICAN COSMOLOGY IN THE AMERICAN SOUTHWEST

Prologue

F or millennia in the North, rock art has been the primary medium for rendering ideologies and

cosmovisions in visual form, and rock art has had a major role in defining the cultural land-

scape. I propose that one role of images of rain deities and spirits carved on boulders and

cliffs of desert hills and ridges is to mark them as token water mountains, symbolic of the high moun-

tains themselves harboring vast stores of water. From a native perspective in the Southwest, spiritual

entities cannot resist being compelled by their images (e.g. Schaafsma and Tsosie, 2009:25). It follows

that masks and Southwestern Tlalocs, prolifically depicted were (and are) regarded as active agents,

attracted by their images. By means of these pictures, the landscape itself becomes empowered

through the perceived presence of the entities represented, and through these images communication

is established with the spiritual realm and offerings are made (Bunzel, 1932:489-492; Cushing, 1887;

Schaafsma, 2013a:24-25; Stephen, 1936:211; Young, 1988:159-167).

The annual rhythmic shifts between the dry and wet seasons are phenomena that prevail throughout

Mesoamerica and the American Southwest, bringing into being the need for reliance on supernatural

power or powers to ensure that the rainy season will arrive. In the American Southwest, however, sum-

mer rainfall is most commonly localized. Scattered thunderstorms pour down rain in restricted localities,

the result being that the fields of some villages receive adequate rain for the crops, while others fare

poorly. Due to such random distribution of life-giving rains, the deities in charge may appear to be se-

lective, favoring the fields of one village over anothers. It thus stands to reason that picturing rain dei-

ties, clouds, and katsinas on rocks throughout ones territory will be beneficial. Ritual competition for

Clouds favor is made explicit in an account of a Hopi ritual leader from the village of Shipaulovi in an

interview with Alexander Stephen:

He asked me whether Simo brought rain at his ceremony. I said no. No, said old Humi, Cloud

does not care for the Walpi ceremony, but me the Clouds desire, love And as evidence of the

efficacy of his song-prayers, he cited the heavy rain showers that had fallen here and around the

mesa since his ceremonies began (Stephen, Op.cit::744).

Polly Schaafsma1

1. Research Associate, Museum of New Mexico.

7

The packet of conceptual similarities shared

between the Southwest and Mesoamerica in

regard to rainmaking ideology from the past

into the ethnographic present has been ex-

plored in greater detail in recent articles than is

possible here. This paper builds on previous

research, however, incorporating new informa-

tion and chronological data in an attempt to ex-

pand the discussion. It focuses on the prehis-

panic image of the Southwestern analog of the

Mesoamerican Tlaloc, as well as on the associ-

ated cosmological and metaphorical relation-

ships present in the iconography that are

shared with the Tlaloc complex in Mexico

(Schaafsma and Taube, Op.cit.:231-235). A

wealth of ethnographic information from the

Pueblos in the American Southwest contributes

significantly to our understanding of the prehis-

panic imagery.

This Southwestern rain deity of alleged Mexi-

can derivation is represented by several hun-

dred rock art images across the landscapes of

southern New Mexico and adjacent parts of

Mexico and West Texas (Fig. 1). His identity is

based on his signature feature his goggle

eyes as well as on the rain-related visual

symbols with which he is repeatedly elabo-

rated. In addition to the horned and feathered

serpent, also with Mesoamerican origins

(Schaafsma, 2001), there is no other single de-

Introduction

Recently there has been renewed discussion

concerning the various aspects of religion and

cosmology in the American Southwest that

were derived from Mesoamerica (Gilman,

Thompson & Wyckoff, 2014; McGuire, 2011;

Mathiowetz, 2011; Mathiowetz et al. in press;

Schaafsma, 2000:146-157; 2001, 2014; Taube,

1986, 2001, 2010; Thompson, 2006, Wilcox,

1991; among others). Cosmology may be de-

fined as a broad interpretation of the world and

humanity that is held by a society. Such sys-

tems of belief are fundamental to religions, the

practices of which leave evidence in the ar-

chaeological record. The many shared relation-

ships between cosmology and rain bringing

that include the ancient Mesoamerican storm

deity, Tlaloc, and the related on-going Pueblo

katsina complex have been recurring topics of

interest (Beals,1943; Brew,1943; James,2000,

2002; Parsons,1939:1018-1019; Schaafsma

1980:235-237, 1999, 2009a & b; Schaafsma

and Taube 2006; Taube, 2010). In the Ameri-

can Southwest katsinas (in the plural properly

known as the katsinam) are masked rain-

bringing spirits representing the corporate an-

cestral community that function as intermediar-

ies between the people and the rain deities.

Beginning in the fourteenth century katsina im-

ages are pictured prolifically -by the thousands-

in Pueblo rock art.

8

ings in dark caves.

The Nahuatl name Tlaloc, is explored by

Thelma Sullivan (1974:217), who describes its

meaning as linked to the earth, mountains and

caves and the underworld sources of clouds

and rain. She proposes that Thus Tlaloc ap-

pears to be one with the earth, and it is possi-

ble that he was first conceived of as a dual god

of earth and water, and that his function as a

god of rain may have been a later develop-

ment. These associations are critical for un-

derstanding the cosmology surrounding rain-

making in Mexico and the American South-

west. What Tlalocs goggle-eyed analog was

called by the people in the Southwest who por-

trayed him in their rock art, and much more

rarely rendered his image in portable form as a

figurine, is unknown. Lacking any specific in-

digenous Southwestern term, I will continue

(see Schaafsma 1980, 1999) to refer to these

prehistoric representations of rain gods as

Southwestern Tlalocs. I see no reason to re-

gress to a more neutral purely descriptive

term i.e. goggle-eyed figure or simply

GEs (e.g. Crotty 1990), that divests this fi-

ity represented in the prehispanic iconography

of the American Southwest that is as pervasive

and distinctive (Fig. 2). While his petroglyph

image occurs along with a variety of other fi-

gures along exposed rocky outcrops, this go-

ggle-eyed being, with underworld associations,

is also found in proximity to springs, cracks and

rock depressions, all of which have symbolic

connotations alluding to the chthonic sources of

water. Within rock shelters his painted image

can be found where water flows over the rock

during rain storms. On rare occasions he was

actualized as a figurine and stashed with offer-

Fig. 1 Map showing general distributional of

Southwestern Tlaloc icons in rock art. The sites

and numbers of images are not indicated.

9

several thousand years ago (Farmer, 2001).

There are no cultural/historical connections be-

tween these art styles, and any resemblance

between the Barrier Canyon Style anthropo-

morphs and the Southwestern is coincidental.

Tlaloc, with ties to the earth, mountains, and

storms has ancient roots among farming peo-

ple in Mexico. In central Mexico the history and

cosmology encompassed by this deity begins

with the Olmecs, the development of which

was schematized by Miguel Covarrubias in

1946 (Taube, 2009). Beyond his Nahuatl desig-

nation, each region in Mesoamerica had their

own appellations for this widely acknowledged

entity who controlled the rains upon which suc-

cessful agriculture depends - Cocijo among the

Zapotecs; Chaac, among the Maya. In fact,

people of various regions even identified them-

selves with their rain deity:

Tan central fue el culto de la lluvia en la

antigua Oaxaca que varios grupos usaban

el trmino como gentilicio. Los vocablos

zapoteco y mixteco son ya una hispani-

zacin de nombres nahuas, pero la gente

de la region se autodenomino benizaa y

nuu dzavui: la gente del las nubes, la gen-

te de la lluvia (Urcid, 2009:30).

Just when his goggle-eyed rain god made his

debut in what is now the Southwestern United

States is under debate.

gure of its meaning and cosmological signifi-

cance. Further, in addition to its tacit rejection

of relationships to Mexico, the goggle-eyed

moniker allows confusion with other large-eyed

anthropomorphic figures in the Southwest rock

art repertoire, such as the Archaic shamanic

Barrier Canyon Style paintings in Utah created

Fig. 2. Petroglyph of a Southwestern Tlaloc with stepped motifs signifying clouds and/or lightning. The figure embraces a whole boulder, chosen for its ap-propriate shape, conforming to an idealized concept of the deitys appearance. Rio Grande Valley, South-ern New Mexico.

10

it is ancestral to the Rio Grande Style rock art

in the Pueblo North (ca. 1325-1600 CE), where

a continuation of this rain-making ideology ex-

pressed in the rock art is maintained to the pre-

sent day. In the Jornada Style itself, in addition

to the goggle-eyed rain god, other elements of

Mesoamerican derivation include masks and

the previously mentioned horned and feathered

serpent (Schaafsma, 2001). The multivalent,

pyramidal stepped or terraced mountain/cloud

is another essential rain-related element of this

Dates around 1000 CE have been suggested,

but based on newer evidence on ceramics;

claims are now made for an earlier appearance

(Miller, Loendorf & Kemp, 2012). More will be

said later regarding chronology.

The Southwestern Tlaloc (Fig. 3) is a key ele-

ment in Jornada Style rock art (ca. 1000-1425

CE) in Southern New Mexico (Schaafsma,

1992:64). This rock art style, with its complex

Mesoamerican-derived rain iconography, repre-

sents a significant break with the past. Further,

Fig. 3. Representations of Southwestern Tlalocs with torsos elaborated with stepped motifs reminiscent of clouds and lightning. Similar designs appear on textiles and ceramics. a.) Southern New Mexico. Juxtaposed stepped elements created negative space representing lightning. b.) West of the Rio Grande valley, in the Mimbres region, this unusual petroglyph with Tlaloc eyes attached suggests a floating textile pattern, as do the curlicues.

11

Mesoamerica and the Southwest: A Debate

It has long been recognized that in the Ameri-

can Southwest, maize agriculture beginning at

least 4000 years ago, had its origins in Mexico.

At the same time the more complex and intan-

gible aspects of Mesoamerican/Southwest con-

nections such as cosmology are viewed as elu-

sive and are less well understood and therefore

hotly debated. While opinions differ as to de-

tails, within the Greater American Southwest

the nature of Mexican and Southwestern inter-

action is complex and discontinuous over

space and time (Cordell and McBrinn,

2012:275-277; Haury, 1976; McGuire, 2011;

Mathiowetz, 2011; Mathiowetz et al. in press;

Schaafsma, 1999, 2014; Schaafsma and

Taube, 2006; Wilcox, 1991). Some archaeolo-

gists have subscribed to the idea that the adop-

tion of maize in the north was originally accom-

panied by the same ideologies associated with

it as in Mexico, even in the absence of any evi-

dence (Miller, Loendorf and Kemp, 2012:212).

Others offer the nebulous proposal that what is

visualized in Jornada Style iconography was

derived from an earlier prevailing pan-

Southwestern iconographic complex and world-

view involving caves, water, and rain, but again

there is no iconographic evidence for such a

proposal (Idem.).

Rock art, ceramic designs, and figurines are,

nevertheless, among the archaeological mate-

complex. This icon is occasionally graced with

the large eyes that are a signature feature of

the rain deity in the American Southwest as

well as in Mexico (Fig. 4). Despite the rarity of

the Southwestern Tlaloc figure itself in the

Pueblo context (and not withstanding easily

challenged claims to the contrary (Crotty,

1990), many fundamental formal stylistic conti-

nuities exist between Jornada Style and the ad-

joining Pueblo Rio Grande Style to the north

(see chart, Schaafsma, 1980, Fig.199). To-

gether these distinctive and closely related rock

art styles comprise the Rio Grande Tradition.

Fig. 4. Symmetrical terraced clouds topped with Tlaloc eyes, Southern New Mexico.

12

subscribing to the extreme idea of wholly

autochthonous developments following the in-

troduction of basic traits, i.e. maize and pot-

tery (e.g. Kidder, 1924; Martin and Plog, 1973),

as well as alternative, and equally as extreme,

models of direct intervention such as advo-

cated by Di Peso (1974). While isolationistic

objections to the use of a Mexican terms (e.g.

Brody, 2004) or denial of any significant rela-

tionships with Mesoamerica at all continue to

be advanced (Brody, 2004; Crotty, 1990:149;

Shafer, 1999:130), the data presented here

strongly support Mexican origins of this rain

god figure, although much later than the intro-

duction of agriculture itself. Further, although

beyond the beyond the range of this discus-

sion, the presence of a Mesoamerican rain

complex in the north cannot be regarded as an

isolated event (see Schaafsma, 2000, 2014 for

additional relationships).

The Prehispanic Southwestern Tlaloc: A

Rain God

The Southwestern version of the Meso-

american deity of rain and storms is a compel-

ling image (Fig. 5). Over 460 of these figures

have been documented by rock art interest

groups (Margaret Berrier, personal communi-

cation, 2014). My own data base includes a

total of 160 rock art examples: 114 from New

Mexico, 38 from Texas, and 8 from Chihuahua.

rial documents that reveal the systems of

thought held by prehispanic farming societies in

the American Southwest. Above all, rock art

alone provides an extraordinarily rich data base

with which to gain insight into conceptual pac-

kets of prevailing cosmologies. Prior to around

900 CE, rock art and other media lack evidence

of any Mesoamerican connections related to

rainmaking. In the lower desert of New Mexico

and adjoining regions, various pictorial and ab-

stract rock art traditions are testimonies to

other regionally indigenous worldviews

(Schaafsma, 1980:49-61, 187-199). To the

North on the Colorado Plateau picture texts

made by maize-growing Pueblo farmers up un-

til around 1300 CE have long regional develop-

mental histories going back into Basketmaker

times (i.e. circa 1 CE or before), and these

iconographic systems lack references to the

Tlaloc complex under discussion here

(Schaafsma, 2010; Schaafsma and Young,

2007). In Chaco Canyon, for example, there is

nothing in that rock art (ca. 500-1280 CE) to

indicate that the acquisition of singular im-

ported goods, such as chocolate, or macaws or

the sporadic copper bell, changed Chacoan

worldviews. Based on iconographic evidence,

Chaco worldviews conformed to those of con-

temporary Pueblo farmers across the Colorado

Plateau (Schaafsma, 2006, 2013b).

In sum, Wilcox (Op.cit.: 102) cautions against

13

Fig. 5. Southwestern Tlalocs bearing a variety of stepped designs on their torsos. a) Painted in black and white within a recess, this figure has large stepped cloud motifs attached to its head. Hueco Tanks, Texas. b and c) Paintings in black and white, Hueco Tanks, Texas (courtesy of Rupestrian Cyber Services). d) Southwestern Tlaloc with composite stepped cloud design, Southern New Mex-ico.

14

ity, with a cloud design on the torso, is depicted

lying across the top of a small jar-shaped

katsina mask (Fig. 6). Also in Kiva C at Picuris

dating between the 14th and 17th centuries, the

signature eyes are represented within a ter-

raced cloud (Crotty, 1999, Fig. 9.9).

While individually conceived, carved as petro-

glyphs at open air sites or painted within rock

shelters, these Southwestern Tlalocs share a

similar repertoire of diagnostic traits. Great at-

tention was commonly given to their produc-

tion, and they often dominate the pictorial con-

texts in which they are found (see Schaafsma,

1999:177-178 for additional description). A typi-

cal figure is a highly abstracted anthropomor-

While the Southwestern Tlalocs distribution

lies largely in Southern New Mexico and adja-

cent portions of West Texas and Chihuahua,

representations are present further West in

Northern Chihuahua in the Valle Ascension and

in the Piedras Verdes drainage West of

Paquime, both of which are culturally affiliated

with Casas Grandes. Figures of this deity have

not been noted, however, in the immediate vi-

cinity of Paquime itself (Schaafsma, 1997).

The Northern distribution of this rain deity ex-

tends into the Northern Rio Grande Pueblo re-

gion where a recently discovered Tlaloc was

found in Petroglyph National Monument near

Albuquerque. In this rare example, the rain de-

Fig. 6. Rio Grande Style petroglyph panel with katsina masks at Petroglyph National Monument, Albuquerque, North-central Rio Grande val-ley, New Mexico. In the lower left is a small bowl-shape mask with a Southwestern Tlaloc resting horizontally across the top.

15

see Schaafsma, 2009a:49). Typical are net-like

patterns and motifs consisting of right-angle

stepped triangles that resemble textile patterns

or pottery designs symbolic of clouds (Figs. 2,

3, 5, 9a, and 18). These occur on 40% of the

sample being considered. The metaphorical

significance of cotton textiles and pottery ves-

sels themselves in rain rituals will be reviewed

at length in the discussion to follow. The juxta-

posed stepped elements are commonly ar-

ranged to create a negative space that resem-

bles lightning. Another 20% bear designs, in-

cluding zigzag lines, curlicues and simple spi-

rals that allude to clouds or lightning without

particular reference to either pottery or textiles.

In sum, 60% of the Southwestern Tlalocs have

explicit symbolism on their torsos connected

with storms and rain. In addition to storm-

related torso patterns, lightning and clouds may

spring from their heads and shoulders (Figs. 9,

right and 10).

Deserving special consideration here is an ex-

tremely complex and finely executed figure on

a boulder situated next to a former spring, the

spring itself now destroyed by ranchers. This

petroglyph is a significant deviation from the

usual Southwestern Tlaloc in that it is a much

less abstracted figure and lacks the geometric

aspect of other Tlaloc depictions (Fig. 11). It

has an oversized head with the signature eyes,

below which is a possible tusk, a detail lacking

phic entity, commonly with a trapezoidal head

above a trapezoidal body, although many are

rectilinear in shape (Figs. 2, 3, 5a-d). Short ver-

tical extensions at the sides of heads of some

figures may represent feathers, although this is

not at all clear. Arms and even legs are occa-

sional features. The figures diagnostic trait is

the pair of closely-spaced, over-sized eyes.

Commonly framed within a rectilinear box that

may be centrally divided, the eyes are indicated

as dots with circles around them, or by simply

large dots within a circular or rectangular field.

The corners of enclosing squares are some-

times slightly rounded as if to indicate a more

circular outer-eye shape. Cloud symbols or a

series of vertical lines may occupy the lower

face (Schaafsma,1999, Fig.12.7). These lines

may symbolize fangs, teeth, or rain or any or

all of these simultaneously. Enclosed within a

rectangular frame, the eyes also occur by

themselves in rock art, suggestive of, but not

clearly, a mask (Fig. 7). Similarly the head

alone is represented on rare occasions.

The torso of the Southwestern Tlaloc bears

various patterns. A small percentage has a

simple vertically divided body with no other

elaboration (Fig. 8). In the case of two figurines

constructed of vegetal material, the right-hand

side is painted green, the other red, the colors

seemingly symbolic in their connotations, green

possibly referring to fertility (Fig. 14a, b, and

16

Fig. 7. A series of Tlaloc eyes represented as stand-alone elements. a) Enclosed in a rectangle, the eyes are placed so that the whole boulder be-comes the deity, Three Ri-vers, New Mexico. b) A pair of short vertical lines below the large boxed eyes suggest a neck, suggesting that the eyes represent a mask. (Photograph courtesy of Robert Preston). c) Set of boxed eyes painted in red, along the Rio Piedras Verdes, Chihuahua, west of Paquime.

Fig. 8. Southwestern Tlaloc with divided torso, Three Rivers, New Mexico.

17

Fig. 9. Southwestern Tlalocs, Southern New Mexico.

Fig. 10. Lightning Tlaloc, Southern New Mexico.

18

cially notable are the continuities in shape and

facial features between some Jornada style

masks and those from Teotihuacan.

Additional rain-related designs are often found

pecked or painted adjacent to Tlaloc figures in

Southwestern rock art. These include stand-

alone stepped motifs, complete textiles, and

projectiles representing thunderbolts. Spruce

sprigs are sometimes pictured in Jornada and

Rio Grande style rock art with masked katsina-

like persons (Fig. 12a-c). Spruce is an ever-

green tree alluding to the mountain homes of

the clouds and the masked, rain-bringing spi-

rits. This symbolic relationship is still very ex-

plicit in katsina plaza rituals wherein the katsi-

nas bear evergreen fronds in their costumes

and carry sprigs in their hands. Significantly

among the items in the Templo Mayor offering

102 that contains the remains of a Tlaloc mask

is an evergreen bough (Matos Moctezuma,

2014:58-59).

The signature goggle eyes of the Southwestern

Tlaloc also occur on animal life forms associ-

ated with water. There are at least three rock

art occurrences with fish, and in one case, the

in general in the Southwest, but common in

Mexico. From the body, depicted in profile, a

single line representing and arm and hand

holds lightning or a lightning serpent, a feature

characteristic of Tlaloc in Mexico. The short

body ends in a fringed garment, the fringe in

itself, appearing to symbolize rain (see Broda

2009, Fig. 1 for Tlaloc and tlaoques pictured

wearing similar attire). Overall its proportions

echo those of figures in Mexican murals and

codices. How to account for this unusual rendi-

tion in the Southwest is an unresolved issue,

although within the associated rainmaking com-

plex, other formal graphic similarities with Mexi-

can sources, while occasional, do exist. Espe-

Fig.11. Unusual figure of a Southwestern Tlaloc at the location of a former spring, Southern New Me-xico. He wears and fringed garment and holds a staff, perhaps a lightning serpent, in his hand.

19

Fig. 12. Masked figures with evergreen sprigs. a-b) Jornada Style petroglyphs, Southern New Mexico. c) Rio Grande Style Pueblo katsina above natural water tanks, Northern New Mexico.

20

rock art, rain god effigies have been found in

several dark caves in southern New Mexico

(Fig. 14; and OLaughlin, 2003:142-143, Fig. 5;

Lambert and Ambler, 1961; Schaafsma,

2009a:49), thereby underscoring this deitys

underworld associations in the American

Southwest. One figurine is a painted stone

spall and the others, mentioned earlier, are of

vegetal construction (OLaughlin, 2003). Ra-

diocarbon dates obtained from the black paint

used for the heads of these figures and associ-

ated archaeological materials have implications

for dating this complex, as will be discussed

presently. The heads of these effigies are con-

sistently painted black, with the large circular

fish itself is surmounted by Tlaloc eyes

(Schaafsma ,1997, Figs. 23, 24). In other in-

stances, goggle eyes are pictured on frogs, tur-

tles, and occasionally birds associated with wa-

ter (Fig. 13). Goggle eyes on owl-like birds

(Figure 13a) suggest burrowing owls, that in

Zuni oral traditions are said to dance with bowls

of yucca suds representing clouds on their

heads (Parsons, 1939:376). The burrowing owl

itself with its underground habitat abandoned

burrows of rodents and other animals -- is, of

course, linked with the underworld wherein

clouds originate (for more on its complex sym-

bolism see also Tyler, 1979:186-190). In addi-

tion to the graphic depictions in the regional

Fig. 13. Bird-like figures with Tlaloc eyes, Southern New Mexico.

21

Fig. 14. Iconography from dark caves: a and b) Tlaloc effigies constructed of plant fibers: (a ) is from U-bar cave in Southwestern New Mexico, and (b) Is from Central New Mexico. Below left is a black clouds in spattered black paint, Central New Mexico.

22

pots, there is a ceremonial scene on a Classic

Mimbres bowl (ca. 1025-1130 CE) in which a

participant in a procession holds a Tlaloc effigy

with a triangular body (Fig. 15b).

On another Classic Mimbres vessel, a burden

basket with Tlaloc iconography is carried by a

woman who also holds a crook (Fig. 15a).

Not to be overlooked is the symmetrical, trian-

gular, terraced cloud. The cloud as a stand-

alone element appears on Classic Mimbres

Black-on-white ceramics (Brody, 2004, Fig. 95)

and in rock art throughout the Rio Grande Tra-

dition. In addition to the examples with Tlaloc

eyes attached mentioned earlier, uniting the

deity and the cloud itself (Fig. 4), there are

other dramatic examples including a dense rain

cloud spattered in black paint in the vertical

depths of a dark cave, the spattering technique

appearing to allude to rain and mist (Fig. 14,

lower; and Greer and Greer, 2003). In addition,

below the edge of an overhang in a rock shel-

ter in the Casas Grandes hinterlands, a large

terraced cloud painted in black outline articu-

lates upside-down with a broad water streak

consisting of a black stain and white calcite de-

posits (Fig. 16). On several layers of the kiva

murals at the Rio Grande Pueblo of Kuaua,

stepped black clouds depict the essence of

summer thunderstorms and rain (Fig. 17).

eyes as negative elements within the black

field. Symbolic of dark rain clouds, black pig-

ment has an important role in rain symbolism

today in Pueblo ritual. Among the Pueblos,

black is associated with the dead and katsinas,

and sacred black paint from the underworld be-

longs to the Rain Chiefs. When added to ordi-

nary paint on prayer sticks, it makes them

finished, or precious (Bunzel, 1932:645, n.6;

Parsons, 1939:245; Stephen, 1936:333). There

is reason to believe, therefore, that black paint

was chosen for its symbolic import, bestowing

ritual sanctity on the prehispanic figurines dis-

cussed here. In Mexican codices Tlaloc or the

taloques and their personifications are pictured

with a black face and body paint (Broda

2009:Fig. 1).

Supplementing the 160 examples in the rock

art data set under discussion are life forms on

bowls in the Mimbres series beginning around

900 CE, or possibly earlier, that bear the signa-

ture goggle eyes. Notably in most instances

these occur on species associated with water

and include frog-like beings or turtles (Brody,

2004, Fig. 155). More commonly, however,

they are found on sharp-winged birds that are

ambiguous as to specific identification, al-

though some appear to represent swallows,

martins, or swifts, that also have water associa-

tions (Ladd, 1963:15). In addition to these su-

ggestions of Tlaloc iconography on Mimbres

23

Fig. 15. Terraced cloud with rainbow painted in black outline upside-down at the edge of an overhang where water during storms has created black and white deposits, Casas Grandes region, Southwestern New Mexico.

Fig. 16. Black thunderhead raining above west-wall kiva niche as lightning shoots out in all directions. The bordering ceremonial figures are believed to be pouring water from hand-held vessels (compare Figure 20, left). Plaster deterioration has destroyed the details in this part of the mural. Kuaua Pueblo, Northern Rio Grande Valley, New Mexico.

24

allude to cotton textiles and pottery vessels.

Both have metaphorical roles in this rain-

making cosmology in Greater Mesoamerica,

including the American Southwest. Cotton in

many forms has a symbolic relationship to

clouds, while clay vessels in the form of jars

and bowls symbolize springs, the chthonic wa-

ter sources from which mist rises to produce

rain clouds. Pottery vessels are also the means

by which water is lifted from the earth to the

sky to fall as rain. Both cotton and pottery ve-

ssels continue to be employed in todays rain-

making rituals by Pueblo people.

Today and in the American Southwests ar-

chaeological past, cotton and cotton textiles

The Metaphors and Symbols of the Rain

Making Complex

The ceremonial and ritual practices of historic

Pueblo peoples in the north are indispensable

sources of information that cast light on the pic-

torial records of their ancestors and related

groups. As well, the insights that Pueblo eth-

nography provides are supplemented by other

archaeological resources and present beliefs

and oral traditions of various indigenous com-

munities in Central and West Mexico.

These sources help explain the redundant vi-

sual references to the Southwestern Tlalocs

associations with storms and rain, among

which are the multivalent abstract patterns that

Fig. 17. Textile petroglyph with stepped cloud attached. The curlicues suspended from strings also signify clouds, ca 1100-1300 CE, Little Colorado River drainage, Northeastern Arizona. Photograph courtesy of Jim Duffield.

.

25

92, Fig. 3.37), a symbolic unification of cotton

and smoke with reference to clouds. Teague

also points out that similar offerings have been

recovered from Pueblo sites on the Colorado

Plateau. Further: Very similar specimens have

been found in Post-Classic contexts on the Rio

Mezcala in Guerrero and in the caves of the

Mixteca Alta in Oaxaca (Johnson, 1975, 289).

Johnson compares the Mesoamerican exam-

ples with virtually identical ethnographically

documented Huichol cloths used as wrappings

for sacred bundles. The Huichol cloths are said

to express prayers for health, rain, and good

luck in hunting, weaving, and embroi-

dery (Teague, Op. cit.:92).

Textile-like designs are also present in the Ho-

hokam rock art and throughout Southern Ari-

zona, extending into Northern Sonora

(Ballereau, 1990; Schaafsma, 2013a). Julio

Amador Bech (2011:168-193) presents a well-

developed argument that the Sonoran exam-

ples may represent the labyrinthine patterns of

spiritual journeys. In Northern Arizona in the

middle Little Colorado River drainage, textile

patterns, some of which are representations of

whole weavings with strings attached, become

an outstanding component of Ancestral Pueblo

rock art around 1100 CE. Some are closely as-

sociated with or linked specifically to a terraced

cloud (Fig.17; and Schaafsma, 2013a, Figs. 6

and 7). One cannot discount the possibility that

play and have played a significant role in a

wide range of rain-making ritual contexts in-

cluding its use in paraphernalia, burial rites,

and in costuming in plaza performances

(Schaafsma, 1999:188-189; 2013a). It is possi-

ble that cotton has and has had a larger ritual

role in rain-making enterprises in the American

Southwest than it does or did formerly in Cen-

tral Mexico, although more research is needed

on this topic. Ethnographic data from West

Mexico demonstrate that cotton there has a

significant role in uniting concepts of clouds,

and ancestors, not unlike its role today among

the Pueblos (Mathiowetz, 2011:380-381). Cit-

ing Zingg (1938), Mathiowetz notes that among

the Huichol, cotton, smoke, rain clouds and the

souls of the deceased are closely related, all of

which are familiar associations to Pueblo peo-

ple today. This complex would seem to have

had a long history in West Mexico. Evidence

also supports interregional interaction in regard

to weaving technology between the American

Southwest and West Mexico in prehistory

(Teague, 1998:156-158), and it seems appa-

rent that the symbolic meaning of cotton and

thus its ritual use was passed on along with the

craft.

In Southern Arizona miniature cotton sashes

attached to ceremonial cigarettes and other

miniature textiles were found in ritual caches

from post -1100 CE contexts (Teague, 1998:91

26

de raw cotton as well as both woven textiles

and string for ritual objects (Schaafsma,

199:188-189; 2013a). The white cloth signifies

a cloud (Stephen, 1936:119), and as a working

principle, like attracts like. At Hopi cotton and

cotton textiles are involved in preparations of

the dead for burial, since they are expected to

join the anonymous populations of ancestors

who as katsinas or masked supernaturals

manifest their presence among the living as

rain clouds. Among the various procedures fol-

lowed to ensure their return as rainmakers is

the Hopi custom of placing a mat of cotton as a

cloud mask over the face of the deceased in

preparation for their journey to the cloud-

generating San Francisco Peaks where they

will reside (Parsons, 1939:70, 92; Schaafsma

and Taube, 2006:261). A womans wedding

garment, the owa (in this case devoid of pat-

terning), is in itself symbolic of clouds, assuring

her a place with the rainmakers in the hereafter

(Fig. 18). As clouds, wrapped up in their owas,

the rain drops through the owas and also from

their white rain sashes or belts (Voth,

1905:117). Loosely woven or netted cotton fa-

brics allow the rain drops to fall through them

from the white clouds that they symbolize

(Parsons, 1939:172). Netted cotton leggings,

rain sashes, and dance kilts currently worn by

plaza dancers in Pueblo villages have symbolic

connotations as ceremonial attire. That similar

the meaning of these designs varied regionally,

or that simultaneous but alternative meanings

are also possible. Based on ethnographic data

and archaeological evidence, throughout the

Greater Southwest, these carefully delineated

designs most likely represent intricate cotton

textiles incorporating cloud and lightning sym-

bolism, and that they were pecked on rocks at

open air sites to attract rain (Schaafsma,

2013a). This being the case, designs on South-

western Tlalocs torsos and whole textile pat-

terns pictured in close association with them

would have had a similar function (Figs. 2, 3, 5,

and 18).

On another archaeological front, attention is

drawn to cotton cached in pots in the Pinaleno

(PinaleZo) Mountains of Southern Arizona, as

well as to cotton string and other the ritual re-

mains from U-Bar Cave in the boot heel of

Southwestern New Mexico (Haury and Huckell,

1993; Schaafsma, 2009b:683-684; Lambert

and Ambler, 1961). Although heavily looted

prior to the arrival of archeologists, among the

findings by Lambert and Ambler was the Tlaloc

figurine described previously (Schaafsma,

2009a:49). Later research in the dark section of

U-Bar Cave recovered a shell necklace as well

as balls of dyed cotton string (Schaafsma,

2007).

The use of cotton in Pueblo ritual contexts to-

day is well documented, and these uses inclu-

27

are wearing a cotton garment. Thus they, like

the cliffs and boulders clothed with carved

textile patterns are wrapped in clouds and un-

der the open sky commanding the rain clouds

to appear. A reference in the Florentine Codex

(Sahagun, 1950-1982, Book 1:7) to Tlalocs

netted, sleeveless cloud jacket certainly sup-

ports the metaphorical synthesis proposed

here, although a specific reference to cotton for

the jacket as such is lacking: He had a

sleeveless cloud-jacket of netted fabric; he had

a sleeveless dew-jacket of netted fabric, nets

in themselves alluding to moisture symbolism.

It is significant than many of the Southwestern

Tlaloc torsos also bear net-like designs. Fur-

ther Sahagun (Idem.) adds foam sandals to

Tlalocs attire, that in footnote 24 are described

as de algodn flojo y blando. Thus, while not

specific to his shirt an association with cotton

is made. In addition, it appears that cotton fa-

bric comprises a significant component of the

Tlaloc mask (offering 102) recently excavated

at the Templo Mayor (Matos Moctezuma,

2014).

Sahagun and ofrenda 102 aside, there seem to

be only an occasional reference in Central

Mexican written sources mentioning an asso-

ciation between Tlaloc and cotton. Cotton,

attire was worn in the prehispanic past is well

documented in kiva mural paintings (ca. 1350-

1600 CE), from Pottery Mound and the Hopi

mesas (Smith, 1952, Webster 2007). Just as

ritual objects wrapped with cotton string attract

rain clouds, so do dancers and masked per-

formers clothed in cotton. A crocheted cotton

shirt from Oke Owinge, a Northern Rio Grande

Tewa village, has lightning patterns and fringe,

the latter representing rain (Rodee, 2003:159,

Fig. 1).

Bearing in mind late prehispanic and ethno-

graphic Pueblo practices, it is not out of line to

suggest that the patterned rain gods, the

Southwestern Tlalocs in Jornada Style rock art,

Fig.18. Hopi bride with woven white cotton wedding dress and carrying rain sash (from Connelly, 1979:Fig. 17).

28

pelling and more comprehensive than the cot-

ton analogy. Rain traditions involving water

container symbolism are ancient in Meso-

america, and bowls, jars and ollas occur in nu-

merous archaeological contexts that signify

their use in rain-bringing rituals. Further their

metaphorical significance as springs and there-

fore sources of clouds and likewise, passages

to the underworld, is perpetuated today in oral

traditions and ceremonial practice in both areas

(Geertz, 1987; Lujan, 2009; Olivier, 2009; Par-

sons,1939:376-377; Schaafsma, 2002, 1999,

2009b; Schaafsma and Taube, 2006:235-239;

Urcid, 2009; among others). In the American

Southwest Tlaloc images located in association

with cracks and natural tunnel-like passages,

rock hollows, tinajas, and springs are spatially

explicit statements of his association with

chthonic water sources symbolized by the pot-

tery motifs on his torso (Kirkland and New-

comb, 1967:190-191; Miller et al, 2012:201).

The Tlaloc resting horizontally across the top of

a small vessel-shaped katsina mask at Petro-

glyph National Monument near Albuquerque

New Mexico (Fig. 6) is a powerful visual syn-

thesis of these cosmological relationships.

The late prehispanic kiva mural art, while lac-

king rain god representations--with the single

exception of a goggle-eyed cloud terrace in a

mural at Picuris Pueblo noted previously

(Crotty, 1999, Fig. 9.9)nonetheless dramati-

however, is connected with female deities of

earthly fertility and abundance, concerns

closely related to Tlaloc (Anawalt, 1982; Sulli-

van, 1982). Anawalt (1982:58) describes a

Toltec representation of Tlaloc, a male deity,

wearing a cotton quechquemitl as if to empha-

size his role in earthly fertility cults. Tlazolteotl-

Xcuina who, like Tlaloc are associated with

earthly fertility, have cotton symbolism as part

of their repertoire (Sullivan, 1982).

In summary, in the American Southwest, cotton

plays a major symbolic role in rain-bringing ri-

tual today and in the past, and cotton textiles

and textile patterns are one of the multivalent

messages conveyed by the designs on the tor-

sos of the Southwestern Tlaloc. Both archaeo-

logical evidence and strong ethnographic paral-

lels regarding the ritual use of cotton by West

Mexican and Southwestern societies suggests

that this component of the rain-making cosmo-

logy in the American Southwest was derived

from West Mexico and added to the repertoire

of the central Mexican deity. This is only a ten-

tative suggestion, however, in light of the de-

scription provided by Sahagun.

The second interpretation of the designs on the

Southwestern Tlalocs torso is that they also

allude to pottery motifs. This metaphorical com-

plex, that is linked to springs and underground

water sources and thus the landscape itself,

has wide ramifications and is equally as com-

29

swallows fly around this stormy scene (Fig.

19b). In addition, paintings around the West

wall kiva niche symbolizing the portal to the un-

derworld depict emerging clouds accompanied

by lightning bolts (Fig. 20). At Pottery Mound

also, clouds emerge from or surround kiva

niches, symbolic of the passage to their under-

world source (Schaafsma, 2009b, Figs. 2, .6, 7,

8, 9, 16). In sum, the Mesoamerican rain com-

plex in Pueblo kiva murals is represented in its

Southwestern regional mode at its metaphori-

cal best.

Sub-floor ceremonial caches of miniature pot-

tery ollas dating from Pueblo IV have been de-

scribed from rooms of Rio Grande sites, and

similar caches have been found within a land-

scape shrines (Gunnerson, 1998; Kidder and

Shephard, 1936; Kidder, 1958; Nelson, 1914;

Preucel, 2000; Schaafsma and Taube, 2006:

cally depicts this metaphorical complex. At Pot-

tery Mound (ca. 1340-1500 CE), clouds and

lightning emerge from bowls and jars carried on

the heads of female ceremonial participants

(Schaafsma, 2009b:fig. 13). At Kuaua Pueblo

multiple layers of painted murals, dating from

the early prehispanic 16th century, show water,

lightning and perhaps seeds spewing from

black ollas symbolic of springs, some of which

rest on a broad black band representing the

earth (Fig. 19a, b; and Dutton, 1963, Pls. XVI

and XXII). Accompanying ceremonial partici-

pants hold miniature vases from which water

gushes to the ground. These scenes include

large paintings of terraced storm clouds, some

of which shoot out lightning. One cloud has a

black pottery jar on top, and abstract designs

with reference to cotton and pottery occur in

the body of the terrace. Birds that appear to be

Fig. 19. Prehispanic Kuaua murals showing water pouring from ollas and hand-held vessel. Early 16th century.

30

Fig. 20. Niche as portal to the underworld bordered by paintings of emerging stepped clouds and lightning. Various mural layers, Kuaua Pueblo.

31

and Taube, 2006:235-259). In Mexico, the

tlaloques have clay vessels from which they

pour four different types of rain (Olivier,

2009:43). Leonardo Lopez Lujan (2009:57) il-

lustrates a carved box on which a Tlaloc flying

through clouds holds a vessel from which spills

ears of maize and water: una olla de la cual

emergen mazorcas y chorros de agua remata-

dos con cuentas de piedra y caracoles. In the

American Southwest, water pouring by super-

naturals is described in accounts from Hopi,

Zuni and the Rio Grande Pueblos. The Zuni

specify that the rain-bringing ancestors collect

water in vases and gourd jugs from the six

great waters of the world, and pass to and fro

over the middle plane, protected from view of

the people below by cloud masks, the clouds

257-259; Wolfman and Dick, 1999:101-105).

Many of the little jars are decorated with cloud

and lightning imagery (Fig. 21). Miniature offer-

ings such as these are paralleled by miniature

offerings to Tlaloc in Mexico (Schaafsma and

Taube, 2006:256-259). Comparable offerings,

although not miniature in size, are described by

Lujan (2009:56-57) from the Templo Mayor in

which a globular vessel was deposited in a

tipped position as if pouring water into a bowl;

in the bowl were green stone beads symboli-

zing rain drops. As material statements of the

belief that like produces like, these offerings

compel the rain deities to produce the desired

results. Along similar lines, oral traditions in

both the American Southwest and Meso-

america share the idea that burying an olla cre-

ates a spring after a period of time a spring

will appear where the pottery was buried. As

expressed by Lujan (2009:57) to bury an olla is

to siembra el agua. The Hopi place vessels

with water in their cornfields to attract rain

(Stephen, 1936:483). Further, if a vessel is bu-

ried with the idea of creating a spring, it is re-

commended that the olla to be planted con-

tain a small horned serpent (Geertz and Lo-

matuwayma, 1987:178-179).

A further dimension to the water jar metaphor is

its role in lifting water from its terrestrial origins

to the sky to be poured out as rain (Schaafsma,

1999:179-184; 2009b:684-685; Schaafsma

Fig.21. Miniature ollas as offerings from a sub-floor cache, Picuris Pueblo, Northern New Mexico. (Drawing after Wolfman and Dick 1999:Fig. 5.7).

32

countenance differs significantly from the

masks of katsinas and proto-katsinas in rock

art in that the latter lack goggle eyes and ex-

hibit an inexhaustible amount of diversity that

changes over time.

Jornada Style masks, precedents to the rain-

bringing katsinas in the Pueblo world, far out-

number rain deity depictions. They are situ-

ated, however, in similar topographic locations,

signifying their link to water and rain. At Hueco

Tanks, Picture Cave, Limonite Cave, and Drip-

ping Springs in Southern New Mexico and

West Texas near El Paso, both Southwestern

Tlalocs and masks may be located not only in

recesses suggesting the underworld origins or

portals to the sources of rain and moisture, but

they have also been painted within water

streaksconflating the image with the path of

the flowing water. In the course of centuries

these paintings have often been nearly oblite-

rated by water and calcite deposits

(Schaafsma, 2002, Figs. 11, 12; Miller et al.,

2012, Fig. 5.27).

As katsinas are thought of as inhabitants of

mountain lakes and springs, the sources of

rain-bringing clouds--and in ritual practice,

springs are represented by pottery vessels--

prehispanic Pueblo katsina masks in rock art in

the shape of jars, bowls, and even canteens

are thus easily explained (Schaafsma, 2002,

Figs. 2-6). They visually synthesize and com-

being produced by smoke (Stevenson,

1894a:315). Also among the Zia, Stevenson

notes that the rainmakers stay hidden behind

their cloud masks:

The cloud people are careful to keep be-

hind their masks, which assume different

forms according to the work being done; for

instance, Hennati are white floating clouds

behind which people pass for pleasure. He;!

sh are clouds like the plains [i.e. flat clouds]

and behind these the cloud people are la-

boring to water the earth. The water is

brought from springs at the base of the

mountains in gourd jugs, and vases, by the

men, women, and children [of the cloud

people] who ascend from these

springs (Stevenson, 1894b:38).

In both Mexico and the American Southwest,

masks are an integral part of the rain god com-

plex. In the narrative just cited, clouds function

as masks, hiding the rain bringers. The con-

struction of the cotton cloud mask of the Hopi

deceased who become rainmakers ritualizes

this link. In Mexico rain, thunder, and lightning

are portrayed in numerous media as masked

beings (e.g. Urcid, 2009). Judging from the

masked rain god in Mesoamerica, it is likely

that the goggle-eyed Southwestern Tlalocs

were also perceived as masked. As such, his

mask is standardized and is a point of identity

for this specific deity. Importantly, the deitys

33

them. As noted also, a similar analogy between

smoke and clouds exists in the North, and

clouds, katsina faces, lightning bolts, and frogs

were similarly pictured on late prehispanic

Pueblo pipes in the American Southwest

(Kidder, 1932:156-182).

In summary, Mesoamerica and the American

Southwest, after ca. 900 CE or possibly a little

earlier, shared complex, detailed metaphorical

concepts pertaining to rainmaking and overall

cosmology. The ambiguity of the earliest dates

for the Mesoamerican rain god complex in the

pound the fluid concepts that exist between wa-

ter, clouds, containers of water and the ances-

tors. Cloud designs were often added to masks

for special emphasis (Fig. 22). In Mexico the

practice of representing Tlalocs mask on pot-

tery vessels, is an ancient precedent and es-

sentially the same thing with roots in the Late

Formative Period (Schaafsma and Taube,

2006, Fig. 14.b). In addition, in Mexico Tlaloc

masks appear on censers, the latter connected

to the complex in that they emit smoke sym-

bolic of clouds and thus are said to attract

Fig. 22. Pueblo katsina masks in the form of water jars, ca. 1350-1672, CE, Central New Mexico.

34

(Krupp, 1994, Fig. 3). Positioned thusly, it is

reminiscent of many Tlaloc representations in

the American Southwest, carved on rock faces

or between cracks consistent with the shape of

the figure, thus transfiguring the stone itself into

the deity. Although one might expect to find

Tlaloc in Postclassic rock art in West Mexico, a

review of the available literature indicates re-

presentations are scarce. According to Mount-

joy (2000:105), Post-Aztatlan rock paintings

and petroglyphs along the Southern coast of

West Mexico appear to depict Tlaloc, but no

illustrations are provided. A review of the rock

art (Foster, 2000, Fig. 12.12; Lazalde, 1987;

Mendiola, 1994; and Mountjoy, 1974) lacks any

possible Tlaloc representations. Mention is

made of a Tlaloc effigy at the site of Molino in

Central Durango (Foster, 2000:214). While re-

cognizing that these sources hardly represent a

comprehensive survey, currently the apparent

scarcity of these images in West Mexico adds

to the question of Central Mexico/American

Southwest connections. Multiple avenues of

interaction are likely.

Chronology Chronology is essential for understanding the

history of religions and cosmologies. The ques-

tions raised here are concerned with when the

ancient rain cosmology with Tlaloc as its focus

becomes apparent in the American Southwest,

North not withstanding, it is useful to consider

that following the fall of Teotihuacan, Meso-

american societies fragmented into smaller

groups facilitating cross-cultural exchange (e.g.

Ringle et al., 1998). The earliest plausible

dates indicated for the Mesoamerican rain

complex in the north are not out of sync. The

details of Postclassic interaction between the

American Southwest and Mexico are not well

understood, and the social mechanisms opera-

tive between Mexico and the American South-

west that promoted the spread ideas into the

North from the South need to be identified. It

remains obvious as well that much more work

on dating is needed as indicated by the time

gaps and dating inconsistencies with which we

are currently presented. It also remains to be

pointed out that rock art imagery of Tlaloc ap-

pears at this time to be scarce in Mexico, al-

though Tlaloc has been pictured prolifically in a

variety of other media over perhaps nearly two

millennia. As rock art, however, there are a

couple of notable examples, both from Central

Mexico. A Tlaloc face is carved on a boulder at

the summit of Tezcotzingo, a hill enhanced with

elaborate water works constructed by Netza-

hualcoyotl of Texcoco in the fifteenth century

(Krupp, 1994, Fig. 9; Schaafsma and Taube,

2006:242-24). Another example, on Cerro

Maravillas west of Teotihuacan, features a

petroglyph Tlaloc situated on a rock column

35

american rain complex appear in the North?

The dates of the earliest Southwestern Tlalocs

and associated iconography in the American

Southwest are still under investigation. Notably,

Classic Mimbres black-on-white ceramics (ca.

1025-1130) depict a few goggle-eyed figures

that compare well with those on the more ab-

stracted representations seen in rock art (Fig.

22). Goggle-eyed life forms occur, however,

earlier and throughout the Mimbres ceramic

sequence for which dates are reasonably well

established. These depictions, while limited,

are valuable for establishing the earliest evi-

dence for this rain complex in the American

Southwest. A recent review of a few goggle-

eyed figures on Mimbres Bold-face (Mimbres II,

900s to 1025 CE) and earlier yet, Mangas

Black-on-white (Mimbres I, 750- to the 900s

CE) (Brody, 2004:72), indicates that 10th cen-

tury dates are likely. Although one might argue

for even earlier dates, more supporting evi-

dence is needed.

Radiocarbon dated paint from rock art masks

and Tlalocs at Hueco Tanks also support a 10th

century presence with earlier dates possible

(Hyman et al., 1999, Table 2; Miller et al.,

2012, Fig. 8.8; Sutherland, 1996:43). From

Chavez Cave, North of Las Cruces, New Me-

xico, OLaughlin (2003:144-145) suggests

dates between 700 and 900 CE, for a painted

Tlaloc figurine carved from a limestone slab,

replacing regional views, initially among desert

farmers and eventually among the Pueblos in

the North where it persists today, although

modified in form. The evidence presented here

consists of radiocarbon-dated rock art, paint

samples from figurines and dated ceramic se-

quences on which relevant imagery appears.

Ritual use of caves is an ancient practice in the

American Southwest and elsewhere in the

world. In Southern and Central New Mexico,

ritual cave use, beginning in pre-agricultural

times and lasting into the thirteenth century and

possibly later, has been documented through

findings of caches of ceremonial paraphernalia

and rock art (Cosgrove, 1947; Ellis and Ham-

mack, 1968; Greer and Greer, 2002; Martin et

al.,1954; Lambert and Ambler, 1961; OLaugh-

lin, 2003; Sandberg, 1950). Archaeological evi-

dence of ritual cave use, however, does not in-

dicate the presence of the greater Meso-

american rain complex explicit in the iconogra-

phy of the Rio Grande Tradition under discus-

sion. Lacking such evidence, one cannot as-

sume or argue that it is present. As reviewed in

the previous discussion, the many commona-

lities shared between the Tlaloc complex in

Mexico and the cosmology of rain in the Ameri-

can Southwest are much too specific as to de-

tails to have been generated independently.

The question thus remainswhen does the

earliest unequivocal evidence for the Meso-

36

not be eliminated (Hyman et al., 1999:86).

Similarly Miller et al. (2012:211) conclude that

A conclusive determination of the rock art of

Jornada Style iconography will require addi-

tional dates. Currently would appear that the

depictions of the goggle-eyed Southwestern

Tlaloc figure on Mimbres ceramics are the most

reliable for dating purposes, leading to the rea-

sonable proposition that the Mesoamerican

rain complex is present in the American South-

west by the10th century.

The cosmology of the Tlaloc-related rain com-

plex with its distinctive iconographic expre-

ssions does not appear in the Pueblo world to

the North as a complete and integrated icono-

graphic system until the 14th century. In this

case unbroken continuities between the Eas-

tern Pueblo Rio Grande Style with the Jornada

Style are evident (Schaafsma, 1980, Fig.199),

both of which include masks in great numbers,

stepped cloud terraces, and horned and fea-

thered serpents. Along with this rain-related

content, large outlined portrayals of life forms

and profile human faces are new stylistic ap-

proaches without regional precedents. In other

words, when this rainmaking cosmology ap-

pears in the American Southwest, it replaces

older worldviews that had been developing re-

gionally for centuries (e.g. Schaafsma, 2010).

In the Eastern Pueblo case, these changes ap-

pear to have been relatively rapid, accompa-

based on the associated ceremonial materials

within the cave. Problematic are dates of black

paint samples obtained from an effigy from Lin-

coln County (660-780 CE) and another from U-

Bar Cave (1220-1260 CE (Myles Miller, per-

sonal communication, 2013). The U-Bar Cave

dates are consistent with the Casas Grande

Medio Period context in which the figurine was

found (Lambert and Ambler, 1961). Fn.1. Ex-

cept for differences in shape, these figurines

are very similar (Schaafsma, 1999, Fig. 12.16),

and it seems unlikely that there could be six

hundred years or more difference in their ages.

Likewise radiocarbon dates from organic mate-

rial in the cotton cache in the Pinaleno Moun-

tains show a disparity of 600 years, between

600 CE and the 1200s (Haury and Huckell,

1993:115-119). A second cotton cache from

the Rio Grande valley is dated to the 1500s

(Huckell, 1993:191).

Due to the current ambiguities, most resear-

chers agree that it is too early to draw conclu-

sions, and more testing is needed (Miller et al.,

2012:209). Further, caution needs to be exer-

cised when interpreting any charcoal-derived

radiocarbon age. The old wood pro-

blem (Schiffer, 1986) applies to pictograms as

well as other archaeological charcoal. The pos-

sibility that the ages obtained are older than the

archaeological event being dated, the time of

production of the rock painting in our case, can-

37

only the Rio Grande Pueblo religion but that of

the entire Pueblo world beginning in the 14th

century (after ca. 1300), at which time the en-

tire Pueblo world underwent extraordinary reor-

ganization and social change.

What Happened to Tlaloc in the American

Southwest?

Even gods are not immune to change at least

in their material expressions. In reference to

the divine concepts pertaining to lightning and

rain, Javier Urcid (2009:31) observes that

within Mesoamerica, the surprising persistence

of beliefs is marked by significant discontinui-

ties in the forms through which they are ex-

pressed: ...una asombrosa persistencia en las

creencias apuntadas a la vez por significativas

discontinuadas en las formas mediante las

cuales se expresaban (Urcid,2009:31). These

observations are useful here as well.

The Tlaloc image itself as seen in the prehis-

panic rock art of Southern New Mexico, Chi-

huahua, and West Texas was no longer pic-

tured by the end of the Jornada Mogollon (ca.

1425 CE), and while present in the prehispanic

art in the Pueblo North, is extremely rare. Ter-

raced clouds with faces in Pueblo rock art ap-

pear to maintain a conceptual as well as a cer-

tain degree of visual continuity with the Jor-

nada style Southwestern Tlaloc, although as

Pueblo productions, they lack the signature

nied by substantial changes in ceramics, and

social organization following a migration out of

the Four Corners region of the Colorado Pla-

teau.

Before the 14th century, indications of the pres-

ence of this rain ideology in the Pueblo region

are limited, and when elements of it appear in

the ceramics of the Western Pueblos, they are

incorporated into the traditional matrix of re-

gional art traditions. Stepped cloud terraces de-

picted on late thirteenth century pottery on the

Colorado Plateau merge with traditional de-

signs. At the same time, a few masks appear

on Western Pueblo ceramics similarly inte-

grated with older motifs. These occurrences on

Cibola White Wares are dated to the mid to late

1200s, although an earlier exception is a Jor-

nada Style mask on the handle of a Reserve

black-on-white pitcher dating between 1000-

1125 CE (Hays, 1994:54-55). On balance, it

appears that while these representations are

documents of new ideas gradually introduced

into the Western Pueblo region by virtue of in-

teraction with the Mimbres region, these ideas

did not displace regional traditions. The cotton/

cloud symbolism, a possible separate introduc-

tion from West Mexico, was simply added to

traditional Western Plateau Pueblo rock art as

well. In contrast, the Jornada Style is seen as

the source of the main thrust of the Meso-

american rain cosmology that transformed not

38

they may be confused, conceptual boundaries

being notably fluid. At Hopi and probably else-

where, --as they enter the plaza carrying abun-

dant gifts of food for community distribution,

masked rain-bringing katsinam dramatize the

links between their homes in nearby

mountains of sustenance -- the San Fran-

cisco Peaks in the Hopi case. Among the Rio

Grande Tewa (Ortiz, 1969:18-19), inside the

four mountains of the directions-- each with a

sipapu [symbolic access to the underworld] and

each associated with lakes and ponds--live the

souls of Tewa who achieved spiritual status in

their lifetimes as well as all the deities of the

Tewa that were present before the Emergence:

A whole host of spirits belong to this category,

which is the Tewa counterpart of the more fa-

miliar Kachina of the Hopi. Like the Hopi Kachi-

nas, they are represented by masked imper-

sonators in certain rituals (Ortiz, 1969:18).

However, the more remote Pueblo rain deities

also exist--their cosmological associations re-

markably unchanged from those pertaining to

Tlaloc in Central Mexico. They are known, of

course, by other names specific to different lin-

guistic groups. As in Mexico, these deities have

a key role in overseeing a quadripartite cosmos

described by a cosmogram marked by moun-

tains of the four directions with color designa-

tions (Schaafsma and Taube, 2006, Fig.6).

Each direction is presided over by a rain deity

goggle eyes (Fig. 23).

While in the Pueblo North, the rain deities al-

most ceased to be represented, the Jornada

Style masks underwent modification by the

Pueblos. As they continued to be prolifically

represented, the masks gradually changed in

detail. Recognized today as the katsinam, they

depict the mountain-dwelling intermediaries be-

tween the living community, distinct from the

rain deities themselves. Nevertheless at times

Fig.23. Pueblo Cloud person (ca. 1350-1525 CE) North central New Mexico.

39

rent mountain, each responsible for a different

form of moisture (Idem.). Among the Keresan

speakers at Cochiti, Lange (1990:229, 286)

states that shiwana is the word used to for

katsinas, clouds, or rain clouds and that they

are interchangeable. Parsons (1939:965) notes

that Chiefs of the Directions, the Cloud Chiefs,

and some katsinas and the dead overlap con-

ceptually among the Pueblos in general. Al-

though she goes on to state, At Acoma, Isleta,

Taos, and Hopi the Chiefs of the Directions are

mountain, lake, or spring spirits, rain or

weather spirits with no association with the

dead a distinction that would seem to separate

them from katsinas, a least on occasion. At Zia,

also Keres, according to Stevenson

(1894b:37), the cloud, lightning, thunder, and

rainbow peoples followed the Sia into the upper

world, making their homes in springs, similar to

those they had occupied in the lower world;

these springs are also at the heart of moun-

tains with trees on their summits.

Within these complex schemes the mountains of

the four directions each with their associated

springs, ponds, and lakes harboring rain deities

and katsinas, stand out in importance in Pueblo

cosmology (Fig. 24). Throughout its wide distri-

bution, the Mesoamerican cosmovision related

to rainmaking is fundamentally an ancient moun-

tain cult, as so aptly observed by Johanna Broda

(1991:79): The mountain cult was intimately

of the appropriate color. In addition, the appro-

priately colored corn, birds, and animals also

have a place within this directional scheme

(Nicholson, 1971; Riley, 1963). Contemporary

Hopi altars are arranged on this basic pattern

with a bowl at the center with four stepped

mountain/clouds rising from its sides (Geertz,

1987, Fig. 1).

There is a great deal of flexibility and thus am-

biguity among Pueblo people in how directional

rain supernaturals are described. Native con-

cepts, contrary to the expectations of Western-

ers, are not set in stone, and understandings

on the part of early ethnographers have been

subject to limitations. Nevertheless, there is

some solid ground. Following Bunzel

(1932:513, n.42), at Zuni the Uwanami are wa-

ter spirits associated with the six directions (the

four cardinal directions, plus the zenith and na-

dir). Frogs are their children. Bow priests of the

Uwanami are associated with storms and sud-

den tempests, thus uniting the concepts of war,

weather, and lightning, a parallel with the Mexi-

can Tlaloc. The Uwanami are equivalent to the

shiwanna among Keres speakers at Acoma

and on the Rio Grande. At Acoma, these cloud

people or rainmakers are prayed to and pic-

tured with clouds with faces in murals (White,

1932:66). In addition, however, named sepa-

rately are the rainmakers of the four cardinal

points that are in turn associated with a dife-

40

and interchangeable in that the cloud deities

may be represented as katsina, but in the final

analysis they are not the same thing. This an-

cient and widespread cosmology concerning rain

making remains vibrant today among the Pueblo

farming communities of Northern Arizona and

New Mexico. The conceptual bases in which this

Mesoamerican Tlaloc cosmology is grounded

has been maintained through time in the Pueblo

North, and although the expression given to

these ideas have been subject to change, the

continuities remain strong.

connected to the cult of rain, water, and the

earth, and is one of the oldest elements of pre-

hispanic religion, the roots of which go back to

Preclassic times.

In conclusion, evidence strongly supports the

suggestion that the Pueblo rain deities and

masked katsinas are a Northern form of the cos-

movision centered around Tlaloc in Meso-

america, and that the deity, quadripartite Tlaloc,

himself survives in the North variously known in

plural form as the Cloud Chiefs, the Uwanami,

or the Shiwanna. As described by Parsons

(1939:170-174), the conceptual relationships be-

tween these cloud people and the katsina is fluid

Fig.24. Summer rain clouds merged with the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, northern New Mexico.

41

Anawalt, Patricia.

1982 Analysis of the Aztec Quechquemitl: An

Exercise In Inference. In The Art and

Iconography of Late Post-Classic

Central Mexico, edited by Elizabeth

Hill Bone, pp. 37-72. Dumbarton Oaks,

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Ballereau, Dominique.

1990 El Arte Rupestre en Sonora: Los Petro-

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Beals, Ralph L.

1943 Relations between Mesoamerica and

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Acknowledgments

To Julio Amador Bech I owe a multitude of

thanks for inviting me to participate in this semi-

nar on Tlaloc, and for taking on the tasks of

translating and presenting this paper. Mil gra-

cias, Julio! In writing this now third paper ad-

dressing the topic of rain, I have had the oppor-

tunity to further up-date my research on a sub-

ject that is of never ending interest. Over the

course of these investigations a number of peo-

ple graciously shared images and information:

Kurt Anschuetz, Margaret Berrier, Evelyn Billo,

Jim Duffield, Kelley Hays-Gilpin, Robert Mark,

Michael Mathiowetz, Myles Miller, Peggy Nel-

son, Scott Nicolay, John Pitts, Robert Preston,

and Karl Taube. Marie Areti-Hers took us to

Tezcotzingo where we were greeted by thun-

der. To Curtis Schaafsma I am indebted for his

patience and assistance scanning slides when I

needed them for digital presentation. Thank

you all!

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