tibetan ulleti · 2018-08-13 · in march 2008 monks and nuns from a number of monasteries in lhasa...

TIBETAN

may - june 2010Volume 14, Issue 3

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4 TIBETAN BULLETIN MAY - JUNE 2010

According to the 2009 report onTibet by the US StateDepartment, the PRC has

dramatically restricted freedoms ofspeech, religion, association, andmovement following the March 2008Lhasa uprisings and subsequent unrestcontinues to occur across the Tibetanplateau. Authorities commit serioushuman rights abuses, includingextrajudicial killings, torture, arbitraryarrests, extrajudicial detention, andhouse arrest. The preservation anddevelopment of Tibet’s unique religious,cultural, and linguistic heritagecontinues to remain a concern.

In March 2008 monks and nuns from anumber of monasteries in Lhasa and otherTibetan communities mounted peacefulprotests to commemorate the anniversaryof the 1959 Tibetan uprising. After fourdays, the protests and security responseturned into rioting and a violent policecrackdown in Lhasa.

The following section elaboratesspecific human rights issues in the PRC:

Deprivation of lifeFollowing the outbreak of protests in2008, the government reported that 22persons were killed in the Lhasauprisings, including 18 civilians, onepolice officer, and three ‘rioters’. However,outside observers, including Tibetan exilegroups and non-governmentalorganizations variously placed thenumber of persons killed in Tibetan areasdue to official suppression that beganMarch 10 at between 100 and 218.

China continues to lead the world in thenumber of executions of prisoners,which different estimates put at between3,000 and 10,000 annually, despite anofficial policy of reducing the number.

Arbitary detention and arrestsAs per China’s laws, police may legallydetain a person for up to 37 days withoutformally arresting or charging him/her.Following the 37-day period, police musteither formally arrest or release thedetainees. Police also must notify therelatives or employer of an arrestedperson within 24 hours of the arrest.However, in practice, police frequentlyviolate these requirements. The number

of reported arbitrary arrests anddetentions are mind boggling. Officialstate media reported the detentions of4,434 persons in Tibetan areas (1,315 inLhasa) between March and April 2008,although in November 2008, officialmedia reported that approximately 1,317persons were arrested, 1,115 of whomwere released afterwards. Overseasorganizations and the Tibet government-in-exile placed the total number detainedat more than 5,600.

The Chinese authorities are arbitrarilyarresting Tibetan intellectuals under theallegations of them being involved inpolitical activities.

According to a report from the CTA, astudent and writer named Tashi Rabtenfrom Northwestern Tibetan NationalitySenior School, who is a native of Dzoge,was detained without any charges in April2010. Also taken into police custody for

not committing any offence was Sangchucounty’s Drongbhu, who is also a studentand writer at the same school.

According to reliable information receivedby the CTA, a Tibetan school teacherLhamo Kyab in Tibet’s Nagchu Prefecturewas sentenced to 15 years in jail in January,2010 after being arrested in mid-2008 forher alleged involvement in politicalactivities when she was teaching at aprimary school at Driru County in Nagchu

Following is an analytical review of the current human rights situation in the People’s Republic of China(PRC) with special emphasis on Tibet by summarising several independent reports such as the Human RightsWatch Report 2010, Amnesty International Report 2010, U.S. State Department report on Tibet and reportsreceived by the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA).

Karma Samdup, Tibetan environmentalist and 2006 Philanthropist of the Year, was arrestedin January and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment in June following a court trial which theHuman Rights Watch termed as ‘miscarriage of justice’. Karma Samdup who hascomplained of repeated torture by the police for extracting confession is ironically seen hereat the United Nations headquarters in New York.

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Prefecture. The source said officialsfrom China’s intelligence bureauarrested Kyab on the third night of herjoining the school, and was whiskedaway with her head covered with a blackscarf to her home in Nagchu. Theyraided her house before taking her to asecret detention centre in Sangyib,where she was kept and interrogatedtill she was given the harsh prisonsentence in January 2010 withoutfollowing any legal process and havingdenied her right to a fair trial.

In Machu County, the local governmentauthorities expelled a group of Tibetanmiddle school teachers, detainedstudents and fined around 21 teachers.Moreover, teachers of Machu primaryschool and around five teachers of

Barkham teacher training school werealso arrested for no apparent reason.

Freedom of expressionChina’s journalists, bloggers, andestimated 338 million internet usersare subject to the arbitrary dictatesof state censors.

Liu Xiaobo, a prominent intellectual,originally detained in December 2008,was sentenced to 11 years’imprisonment on December 25 for

“inciting subversion of state power”.His lawyers were given only 20 minutesto present their case, in a trial that lastedless than three hours.

The Internet blog of well-knownTibetan poet and journalist, TseringWoeser, remained inaccessible toInternet users inside China due toofficial Internet filtering.

On March 24, 2009, government censorsblocked the YouTube site after a videopurporting to show police beating aTibetan monk appeared on the site.

On February 26, 2009, police in MachuCounty, Kanlho (Ch. Gannan) TibetanAutonomous Prefecture, arrestedKunchok Tsephel Gopey Tsang, owner

of the Tibetan cultural and literary Website “The Lamp,” which was taken off theInternet for several months. In Novemberhe was sentenced to 15 years in prisonon charges of disclosing state secrets.

According to the Dui Hua Foundation,Gonpo Tserang was sentenced in Dechen(Ch. Diqing) TAP, to three years in prisonfor “inciting separatism” by sending e-mail and text messages about the March2008 protests. The verdict from the trialstated that “Gonpo Tserang used the

Internet to deliberately fabricaterumours, distort the true situation toincite separatism.”

On April 23, 2010, Tagyal, who goes bythe pen name Shogdung, a prominentTibetan scholar, was arrested in Siling.Tagyal, aged 45, is a Tibetan writer andstaff member at the TsongonNationalities Publishing House.According to New Tang DynastyTelevision, Tagyal and seven otherTibetan intellectuals signed an openletter on April 17. The letter urgedcitizens to donate food and clothes tovictims of the recent earthquake—butwarned against possible corruption byofficials. It said, “just as the news fromthe mouthpiece for the [Communist]Party organisations cannot be believed,we dare not believe in the Partyorganizations.” It’s unclear whetherpolice arrested Tagyal specificallybecause of the letter. Earlier this year hehad also published a book critical of theChinese regime’s actions during the 2008peaceful protests in Tibet.

Foreign correspondents in China alsocontinue to face restrictions and arebarred from visiting Tibet freely.

Freedom of religionWhile the law provides for freedom ofreligious belief, the level of actual religiousfreedom remains poor. The governmentmaintains tight control over the teachingand practice of Tibetan Buddhism. TheCCP continues to discredit the Dalai Lamaas a religious leader and links reverencefor him with political opposition to thegovernment and the CCP.

Independent reports suggested thatcontinued tight government controls onreligious practices and places of worshipin Tibetan areas, in addition to social andeconomic factors, were among the majorreasons for the build up of resentmentsthat led to the widespread protests thatbegan in March 2008. Althoughauthorities have catiously permitted afew traditional practices and publicmanifestations of belief, they promptlyand forcibly suppressed activities theyviewed as vehicles for political dissentor advocacy of Tibetan independence,

Shog-dung whose real name is Tagyal, 47, was arrested from his office on April 23less than a week after he signed an open letter urging people wishing to help victimsof the April 14 earthquake in Kyegudo to send relief items and money directly totrustworthy contacts.

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including openly worshipping the DalaiLama. Government officials closelyassociated Buddhist monasteries withpro-independence activism in Tibetanareas. Authorities have locked downmany monasteries across Tibetan areas,detaining and physically abusing anunknown number of monks and nuns orexpelling them from their monasteries. Atyear’s end more than 500 monks from otherTibetan areas outside of the TAR whowere expelled from monasteries in Lhasain 2008 had not been permitted to return.

Human rights defendersHuman rights defenders (HRDs),including lawyers, journalists,environmental activists , andproponents of democratic reformcontinue to be arbitrarily detained,harassed, subjected to house arrest,held in incommunicado detention, andimprisoned. In late May, Beijingjudicial authorities, without giving anyreason, refused to renew theprofessional licenses of about a dozenof China’s most prominent civil rightslawyers, leaving them unable topractice law.

The authorities continue to use vaguelaws governing the use of “state secrets”and “subversion of state power” toarrest, charge and imprison HRDs. Eventhe family members of HRDs, includingchildren are subjected to harassmentincluding long term house arrests.

Discrimination: Gender, persons withdisabilities, ethnic minoritiesGender Discrimination: Although theEmployment Promotion Law prohibitsdiscrimination based, among othergrounds, on gender and age, womencontinue to experience discrimination,unequal remuneration, sexualharassment, unfair dismissals, demotionand wage discrepancies. Manyemployers prefer to hire men to avoidthe expense of maternity leave andchildcare. Although Chinese lawprovides for equal pay for equal work,discrimination in remuneration continuesto exist, with women earning only 65 percent of men’s compensation and in ruralareas this percentage is reported to beeven lower.

Persons with Disabilities: Chinese lawprohibits discrimination against personswith disabilities. Nonetheless,unemployment of disabled persons is aproblem. Although the EmploymentPromotion Law expanded the legalprotection of disabled persons, it seemsthat the implementation of the law is lax.With respect to employment, out of 83million persons with disabilities only 21.7million are employed and another 10million receive social protection benefits.Official data demonstrate that almost 25per cent of disabled persons live inextreme poverty and that children withdisabilities have far higher illiteracyrates when compared to the nationalaverage. Moreover, universities canlegally exclude persons withdisabilities otherwise qualified tofollow their programmes.

Ethnic Minorities: Government policyprovides members of recognised ethnicminorities with preferential treatment inbirth planning, university admission,access to loans, and employment.Nevertheless, in practice minorities areoften discriminated against in terms ofaccess to equal education opportunitiesand employment. Discrimination is thesource of deep resentment in someareas, such as in the Xinjiang UyghurAutonomous Region (XUAR), the InnerMongolia Autonomous Region, theTibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) andneighbouring areas. In the TAR andsurrounding Tibetan autonomousprefectures and counties, there arefrequent claims of discriminatoryemployment practices and economicopportunities which favour the HanChinese and disadvantage Tibetannationals. Unemployment in some areasamong Tibetan youth has been put ataround 70 to 80 percent.

Child labourChild labour is prohibited by law andrestrictions are in force for those agedbetween 16 and 18, legally named“juveniles”. The law permits subjectionto fines and revocation of licenses ofcompanies that fail to apply the law.However, child labour is widespread. Itoccurs in construction, brick kilns,forced begging, street vending, cotton

farming, food production, mechanicalwork, or in electronics, toys, textiles andother factories that produce for export.On April 1, 2009 the governmentestablished a reward system toencourage reporting of child labourcases. Nonetheless, China does notpublish any data on child labour or ontried lawsuits and other investigations.The penalties prescribed by the law arealso not stringent; measures againstoffenders are limited to fines and forcedreturn of the children to their parents.

In April 2008 a major scandal involvingforced child labour was uncovered aftermedia brought it to the authorities’attention. The authorities broke up achild labour ring that forced childrenfrom poor, inland areas to work in thePearl River Delta and rescued more than100 children aged between 13 and 15,and some as young as nine, fromfactories in the city of Dongguan, oneof the largest manufacturing centers inthe south. The children were found tohave been working up to 300 hours amonth for pay of around $0.50 an hour.

Freedom of movementFreedom of movement, particularly formonks and nuns, was limited severelywithin Lhasa and throughout the TAR,and in Tibetan areas of Qinghai, Gansu,and Sichuan provinces. In some casesTibetan students with scholarships toforeign universities could not studyabroad because authorities refused toissue them a passport. It has beenobserved that the government restricts themovement of Tibetans during sensitiveanniversaries and events and increasescontrols over border areas at these times.There have been reports of arbitrarydetention of persons, particularly monksand nuns, returning from India and Nepal.Detentions have generally lasted forseveral months, with the authorities failingto bring formal charges in most casesagainst the prisoners.

Foreign nationals who are grantedpermissions to visit the TAR, XUAR andother such regions have theirmovements closely monitored and areonly permitted to go on chaperoned tripsto specific areas.

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Findings

The Chinese government strictlycontrols all religious practicesand represses religious activity

outside state-approved organisations.Unregistered religious groups, or thosedeemed by the government to threatennational security or social harmony, facesevere violations, including fines,confiscation of property, imprisonment,and the destruction ofreligious sites.Religious freedomconditions for TibetanBuddhists, UighurMuslims, Catholicsand Protestants areworsening in the PRC.

Although senior-levelgovernment officials,including President HuJintao, have praised thepositive role ofreligious communitiesand articulated a desirefor religious groups topromote “economic andsocial development”, atthe same time, the government has issueddirectives warning against foreigngroups ‘‘using religion’’ to ‘‘interfere”in Chinese affairs, supported extralegalsecurity forces to suppress the activitiesof so-called cult organizations, andseverely restricted online access toreligious information and the rights ofparents to teach their children religion.

On January 1, 2008, the governmentissued implementation guidelines for theNational Regulations on ReligiousAffairs (NRRA) in the TibetanAutonomous Region (TAR). These

regulations assert state control over allaspects of Tibetan Buddhist belief andpractice, including more specific controlover the movement and education ofmonks and nuns, the building orrepairing of religious venues, and theconducting of large-scale religiousgatherings. When the newimplementation guidelines were issued,official media reports indicated that they

were intended to “resist the DalaiClique’s separatist activities.”

In September 2007, the government alsoissued regulations allowing it tointerfere directly in the selection ofreincarnated lamas, an essential elementof Tibetan Buddhist religious practice.These rules appear to be intended toensure government control over theselection of the next Dalai Lama. Underthe regulations, government officialsmust approve the choice of allreincarnated lamas and no individual orentity outside the country can influence

the selection process. Depending onthe importance of the reincarnationitself, candidates must receivepermission from either provincial levelgovernment officials or from officials inBeij ing. Monasteries must seekgovernment permission to search for areincarnated lama and to maintain onein residence. These regulations are partof the Chinese government’s

l o n g s t a n d i n gcampaign todiminish the statureand influence of theDalai Lama amongTibetans.

Zhang Qingli, partysecretary of theTAR, during theclosing ceremony ofthe Olympic torchrally in June 2008predicted that Chinawould “smashcompletely” theDalai Lama’s“separatist plot.” Hethen referred to the

Dalai Lama as a “wolf in monk’s robes”and “a devil with a human face but theheart of a beast.” He dismissed theexiled leader’s supporters as the “scumof Buddhism” and ordered monks,nuns, students, government workers,and business people throughout Tibetto participate in patriotic education andpublicly denounce the Dalai Lama. Aspart of an “anti-crime” crackdown inearly 2009, police searched homes andbusinesses for “illicit” images, picturesof the Dalai Lama, as another part oftheir patriotic education campaign.

The US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) is an independent US GovernmentCommission with the sole mission of reviewing and making policy recommendations on the facts andcircumstances of violations of religious freedom globally.

This annual report is a synopsis on the USCIRF’s findings on the People’s Republic of China, focusingon its atrocities against Tibetans, the justification for the PRC’s designation by USCIRF as a ‘Countryof Particular Concern (CPC), and priority recommendations for action. (Excerpts)

Monks of Rebkong monastery peacefully call for the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lamato Tibet in Gardze town on March 17, 2008

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Monks and nuns who refuse todenounce the Dalai Lama or to pledgeloyalty to Beijing are expelled from theirmonasteries, imprisoned, and tortured.Phurbu Tsering, a prominent TibetanBuddhist religious teacher, was detainedon May 19, 2008 after police arrestedmore than 50 of his students for staginga peaceful protest against requirementsthat they denounce the Dalai Lama andtheir teacher. In December 2009, he wasgiven an eight-year sentence forpossessing weapons. His lawyermaintains that he confessed to thecharges after being tortured by beingdeprived of sleep for four days.

USCIRF has also received the followingreports from Tibetan researchers andhuman rights organizations:· In July 2009, Jamyang Tenzin,a Tibetan monk from Lithang County,Kardze (Ganzi) Prefecture was sentencedto three years’ imprisonment foropposing a patriotic education campaignat his monastery.· In May 2009, monk TsultrimGyatso was sentenced to lifeimprisonment for allegedly“endangering state security” byorganizing a peaceful protest opposingreligious freedom restrictions.· Gonpo Tserang was sentencedin Dechen, TAP to three years in prisonfor reportedly “inciting separatism” bysending e-mail and text messages aboutthe March 2008 protests.· In November 2008, DorjeKangzhu, a nun from Kardze TAP, wassentenced to seven years in prison forallegedly “inciting secession” afterbeing arrested for distributing Tibetanindependence leaflets and shoutingsupport for the Dalai Lama in May 2008.· In March 2009, Public SecurityBureau (PSB) personnel beat to death amonk from Drango Monastery in Kardze,Sichuan province after he passed outleaflets supporting the Dalai Lama onPSB property. In the same month, twonuns were arrested and beaten afterstaging a protest in the Kardze Countymarket square.· In July 2009, a XiningIntermediate People’s Court sentencedTibetan filmmaker Dhongdup Wangchen

to six years in prison on charges of“inciting separatism” for producing thedocumentary film “Leaving FearBehind,” which criticized Chinesegovernment policies in Tibet.· Kunga Tsayang, a monk fromthe Amdo Labrang Tashi KyilMonastery, was sentenced in lateNovember 2009 to five years in prisonon charges of disclosing state secretsin his Internet writings.

The Chinese government continues todeny repeated international requests foraccess to the disappeared 19-year-oldGedhun Choekyi Nyima, whom the DalaiLama designated as the 11th PanchenLama when he was six years old. No onehas seen him since, nor have anyindependent or transparent interviewstaken place. Government officials claimthat he is in fact alive and being “heldfor his own safety.” The Chinesegovernment insists that another boy,Gyaltsen Norbu, is the “true” PanchenLama, one of the most revered positionsin Tibetan Buddhism and a religiousfigure who will play an important role inselecting the next Dalai Lama. Thegovernment continues to take activesteps to pressure Tibetans to acceptNorbu as Panchen Lama.

During a visit to Beijing in November 2009,President Obama expressed publicly hisdesire for China to lift Internet restrictionsand to re-start negotiations withrepresentatives of the Dalai Lama.

However, the Chinese governmentcontinues to denounce the Dalai Lama andaccuse him of fueling unrest in Tibetanareas. It has also extended programs toweaken the devotion of Tibetan Buddhistmonks and nuns to his leadership.

Priority recommendations by theUSCIRFThe U.S. Government should:· Develop and distribute proventechnologies to counter Internetcensorship and protect Chinese activistsfrom arrest and harassment· Negotiate binding humanrights agreements at the U.S.-ChinaStrategic Dialogue

· Reinvigorate a process ofmultilateral cooperation on human rightsand technical assistance programmeswith allies who conduct bilateral humanrights dialogues with China.· Urge the Chinese governmentto allow a U.S. government presence,such as consulates in Lhasa, Tibet andUrumqi, Xinjiang which could monitorreligious freedom and other humanrights conditions· Publicly offer to facilitatemeetings between Chinese officials andenvoys of the Dalai Lama and seek tobroker trust-building agreements to endreligious freedom restrictions in Tibetand Tibetan areas.· Urge the Chinese governmentto end its current crackdown on religiousand spiritual groups throughout China,including harassment, surveillance,arrest, and detention of persons onaccount of their religion or belief, tortureand illtreatment of persons in prisons,labor camps, psychiatric facilities, andother places of confinement, and thecoercion of individuals to renounce orcondemn any religion or belief;· Urge the Chinese governmentto release all those imprisoned, detained,or disappeared on account of theirreligious belief, activities, or religiousfreedom advocacy· Urge the Chinese governmentto improve the law of rule in China by:

a) amending Article 36 of theConstitution to protect explicitly the rightnot only to believe but to manifest one’sreligious belief without state interference;

b) amending or repealing Article306 of the Criminal Procedure Code,which has been used against attorneyswho have vigorously defended therights of their clients

c) Abolish the system of re-education through labor (RTL) campsand all other administration andextrajudicial detention centers

Although the U.S. Administration haspublicly sketched out three general humanrights priorities with China - minority rights,freedom of religion, and freedom ofexpression; the Administration’s successin advancing these three priorities remainsdifficult to assess.

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According to the annual report bythe International Federation ofJournalists (IFJ), during the time

leading up to the 2008 Olympics inBeijing, a significant loosening ofcontrols on local and foreign media wasobserved which led to some optimismthat China was moving towards a morefree media environment, albeit at a veryslow pace. However, following theOlympics, Chinese authorities revertedback to their tactics of restricting pressfreedom and started issuing newrestrictions on journalists and mediaorganisations including online content.

Journalists continue to face risks suchas assault, threats, harassment and evenimprisonment under thepretext of “divulgingstate secrets” and areoften put to forced labourwhile in prison. Thecommunist party hasmarshaled massivefinancial and humanresources to keep controlover news. Mostinternational radio newsprogrammes in Chinese,Tibetan and Uyghur arescrambled via hundredsof aerials positionedthroughout the country.Thousands of websitesare blocked and tens ofthousands of cyber-police and cyber-censorsconstantly monitor theWeb to purge it of“immoral and subversive”content. A toughcrackdown has beenapplied in Tibet andXinjiang against anyoneattempting to get out

news, particularly footage, showingviolence by security forces. Scores ofTibetans and Uyghurs have beendetained, some of them given lifesentences, for sending informationabroad or trying to provide newsdiffering from the party line.

Anniversary aversion:2009 marked several significantanniversaries such as the 50th

anniversary of Tibet’s national uprisingagainst China, the 20th anniversary of theTiananmen Square massacre in June, the60th anniversary of the PRC and the oneyear anniversary of the Sichuanearthquake in which a high number ofschool children died which brought into

question the quality of the constructionof the school buildings. In preparationof these events, the Chinese authoritiesimposed a drastic censorship on mediaoutlets. On the eve of thecommemoration of the 20th anniversaryof the Tiananmen Square events, adozen websites such as Twitter,YouTube, Bing, Flickr, Opera, Live,WordPress and Blogger were blocked.Prior to the anniversary of the People’sRepublic of China, censors redoubledtheir efforts to prevent Web users fromusing anti-censorship software such asFreeGate, by blocking thousands offoreign IP addresses suspected ofparticipating in this network.

Following is a summary of three independent reports on violations of media righst in the PRC. Thestudied reports are: Reporters Sans Frontières’ 2010 country report on China, Reporters Sans Frontières’2010 report titled ‘Internet enemies - China’ and the International Federation of Journalists’ annualreport on China titled, ‘China clings to control’.

C for China; C for Censorship. Google search engine shows censored results when searched ‘tiananmen’ fromwithin China on the left as opposed to a similiar search outside China as shown on the right.

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Media-related discriminatorytreatment towards Tibet:Two Tibetan websites hosted in China,Tibet (http://www.tibettl.com/), knownfor hosting the blog of popular writerJamyang Kyi and ChodMe (http://www.cmbpd.cn/index.html), are nowinaccessible in most of the country,especially Tibet. In August 2009, websurfer Pasang Norbu was arrested byChinese authorities in Lhasa for havingvisited the Radio Free Asia’s website(http://www.rfa.org/english/). InNovember 2009, Tibetan writer andphotographer Kunga Tseyang wasgiven a five-year prison sentence foroffenses that included publishingarticles on the Internet. Two daysearlier, the founder of a literary Internetwebsite, Kunchok Tsephel, got fifteenyears in prison for “dissemination ofstate secrets.”

Tashi Rabten, a Tibetan writer fromRuoergai county in Ngaba, SichuanProvince, and editor of the bannedliterary magazine Shar Dungri (EasternSnow Mountain), was arrested on July27, 2009. Tashi was reportedly undersurveillance while studying at theNorthwestern Minorities University inLanzhou. It is believed he was detainedbecause of his recent book, Written inBlood, a collection of political articleson democracy, freedom and equality, aswell as his participation in thepublication of Shar Dungri, which dealtwith the suppression of protests inTibet in 2008. He is reportedly held at adetention centre in Ngaba.

Restrictions on foreign journalists:The foreign press is supposed to enjoyfreedom of movement and interviewrights - one of the very fewachievements of the Olympic period -but as soon as foreign correspondentsbegin to take an interest in delicatematters like Tibet, dissidents or the Aidsepidemic, they find themselvesobstructed and even the target ofviolence. The Foreign Correspondents’Club of China (FCCC) recorded 178cases of interference with foreign mediaduring 2008, 63 of which were duringthe holding of the Olympics.

The authorities threatened severalforeign correspondents with non-renewal of their press visas at the end of2009. In tandem with this, the nationalistdaily Global Times led a press campaignagainst foreign media, particularlyGerman and French, accusing them ofhostility towards China.

Although the reporting of violationsagainst foreign media declined due totheir reduced presence after theOlympics, foreign journalists stillencountered many obstacles anddifficulties through 2009, including actsof violence, destruction of workmaterials and equipment, prevention ofaccess to public spaces, surveillance

and reprimands. Sources, potentialinterview subjects and Chineseassistants and drivers were especiallytargeted in actions to obstruct foreignmedia reporting on events in China.

In 2009, the FCCC received reports of16 incidents of assault on foreignmedia personnel. The most prominentcase was that of two Japanesejournalists and their Chinese assistant,who worked for Kyodo News Agency.The three were assaulted at a Beijinghotel on September 18, duringpreparations for the National Dayparade on October 1. When the mediapersonnel opened a balcony door to

their room, a group of people, some inuniform, stormed in. The attackerskicked and beat the three workers. Onewas held on the floor, while the othertwo were forced to kneel as theattackers destroyed computers. Kyodoreported that it had not received anyorder that day, although the ForeignMinis try had ordered newsorganisations not to take photos of aparade rehearsal on September 6.

In August, China’s authorities made anunprecedented promise to all foreignpress regarding the right to accessinformation. According to the ChinaDaily on August 13, governmentministries would be required to give

better access to foreign journalistsunder a pol icy known as “zerorefusal”. Guo Weimin, director of theState Council Information Office(SCIO) press department, explained:“Zero refusal means that the ministriesmust designate people to deal withcalls and interview requests fromforeign media and that they have togive a response within 24 hours or theperiod they prescribed, no matter whatthe result is.” However, a Japanesejournalist said the policy was a “joke”.He filed a question to the informationofficer asking for the precise dates ofa visi t by the Central MilitaryCommission Vice Chairman, General Xu

Dhondup Wangchen was sentenced to six years in prison on December 28, 2009 for makinga documentary, ‘Leaving Fear Behind’ highlighting Tibetans’ views on human rights inTibet. His trial was held in secret and he was denied access to a lawyer of his choosing.

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Caihou, to the United States inOctober. He did not get a reply forthree days. On the fourth day, theanswer was “no comment”. Meanwhile,BBC journalist Michael Br istowqueried the policy after he submitted aseries of quest ions to variousgovernment departments about theNat ional Day celebrations butreceived no reply nor was he providedwith adequate information.

In its earlier report on press freedomin China, the IFJ had recommended theCentral Government “issue directivesto government departments, policeand officials ordering an end tointe rceptions, intimidat ion,harassment and punishment ofjournalists and their interviewees, andthe confiscation of journalisticmaterials.” However, frequentinterference and obstruction continuedthrough 2009, with officials andauthorities adapting their methods toharass not just journalists andinterviewees, but local sources.According to an FCCC survey, 45 caseswere reported in 2009 of intimidation ofsources, 11 cases of punishment ofsources, 23 incidents of summoning byauthorities for questioning, and 6incidents of violence.

Internet Censorship: The“Electronic Great Wall”:According to the authorities, China hasthe world’s largest Internet userpopulation: 380 million. Authoritiesrecognise that the internet has becomea powerful anti-government tool andhence has put in place one of the mosttechnologically advanced censorshipsystems. The system manages to blocktens of thousands of websites bycombining URL filtering with thecensoring of keywords ranging from“Tiananmen” and “Dalai Lama” to“democracy” and “human rights.” In2003, the Ministry of Public Security setup the Golden Shield Project’s censoringsystem, initiated as a firewall to blocksensitive information beingcommunicated online. However, 2009saw a marked further tightening ofcontrols. From early 2009 to December,

more than 130,000 non-registeredwebsites had been closed and 226service providers had been ordered toclose on grounds of carrying “vulgar or“pornographic” content, according toan announcement by central authorities.

Supervision of the Internet and tightersurveillance:The Central Government’s control ofthe internet requires consistentsupervision. Among the manygovernment departments monitoringthe cyber world are the Propaganda

Department’s Internet Bureau andBureau of Information and PublicOpinion; the Information Office of theState Council’s Internet PropagandaAdministrative Bureau and its InternetBureau; and the Computer Monitoringand Supervision Bureau of theMinistry of Information Industry andthe Ministry of Public Security.Numerous internet “commentators”have been t rained to conductmonitoring. The tasks of the variousdepartments include the following:

· Supervise and manage onlineinformation· Close websites or demanddeletions· Ensure restr icted newsar ticles are not uploaded orrepublished

· Ensure no one makes anycomment on sensitive topics· Instruct websites how andwhere to place articles· Permit the republishing ofonly about 200 newspapers andwebsites· Close websites or blogs, andissue warnings or fines as necessary· Train cyber-police to censoronline content

Cybercafés have also been placedunder close surveillance. Their

customers are required to produce anID and have their photo taken. A logof their connections is maintained andmade available to the authorities. Theiractivities are privately monitored in realtime by pressured café managers.

Individuals who want to create awebsite must register for it by bringingID papers to regulators in person.They must sign a self-regulatoryagreement which includes acommitment not to violate China’s lawsand to filter “harmful” messages.

Dealing with the tightening Internetcontrols:Netizens continue to find ways to getaround the imposed restrictions byusing proxies and VPNs to circumvent

Chinese po lice ra id an i l l ega l in ternet ca fe in Guangzhou

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censorship. They ask portals not topublish the name of the media fromwhere they get their news reports. Civiljournalists are mastering technologiesthat help them circumvent the GreatFire Wall.

They keep speaking out against thefailings of Chinese society andgovernment abuses, increasinglycompelling the official media to coverembarrassing scandals. The new ageonline media is thus helping thetraditional media to test the limits ofcensorship. As an example, theannouncement of the fire that damagedone of the towers of state-owned TVnetwork CCTV was first made via theInternet and Twitter - even though thestate-owned media (including CCTV)had received the order not to mentionit . Caught in the act , the latterultimately had to reverse course andprovide some form of coverage.

Judging by the IFJ report and otheraccounts summarised in this brief, theChinese authorities continue to violatemedia rights by controlling the pressand online media. There has been aparticular focus on curbing the risingpower of the Internet which hasbecome a means for social networkingand information sharing.

The IFJ in its report carried a list ofrecommendations for China’s centralgovernment inorder to improve pressfreedom in China. Therecommendations are as follows:

1. Central Government to order theimmediate release all jailed journalistsin China, and to issue orders to allgovernment levels that journalists andwriters are not to be jailed for doing theirjobs and serving the public interest.2. Central Government to order an endal l arbitrary and unexplaineddetentions of journalists.3. Central Government to order an endthe use of state security and social orderlaws to intimidate and silence journalists.4. Centra l Government to orderappropriate authorities to conduct full

investigations into acts of violencecommitted against local and foreignmedia personnel, including whereviolence is allegedly at the hands ofgovernment officials; bring perpetratorsof such violence to justice, and ensureall understand that attacks on the mediawill not be tolerated.5. Central Government to order officialsand police, at all levels of government,to end interceptions, harassment andpunishment of journalists, their localassistants (including drivers), theirsources and interviewees. Likewiserule tha t the confiscation ofjournalistic materials is barred.6. Central Government to orderappropriate authorities to implementfully the extended Regulations onReporting Activities in China byForeign Journalists (the Olympicregulations); issue orders to officialsat all levels to comply with the October2008 announcement that relaxedrestr ict ions in place before theOlympics remain in force.7. In line with the above regulations,Central Government to ensure officialsat all levels allow freedom of movementfor journalists to report in all areas ofChina, without entry restrictions.8. Central Government to orderappropriate authorities to rescind the2009 changes to entry permitrequirements for Hong Kong andMacau journalists so that they mayagain conduct journalistic work on theMainland without obstruction byloca l autho ri t ies; provincialgovernments to order local authoritiesto comply with revocation.9. Central Government to order arevision of the 2009 changes to theaccreditation system for Mainlandjournalists; rescind the newlyimplemented definition of a journalistas someone who works in a traditionalnews office environment.10. Central Government to orderappropriate authorities to implementmeasures to ensure no discriminationby officials at all levels (accreditationor otherwise) is applied againstjournalists who publish their workthrough traditional media outlets, new

media formats, or who independentlypublish their work, in recognition thatdefinitions of professional statusrequire adaptation in a rapidlyevolving new media environment.11. Central Government to rescind allregulations and orders introduced in2009 which c ite vague andsubject ive ly defined notions of“vulgarity” as a reason for censoringinformation and punishing journalistsand media workers.12. Central Government to rescind allother regulations issued in 2009concerning censorship of content,whether in a traditional or online format.13. Central Government to order an endto efforts to restr ict journalismconducted online, or otherwise re-published in online formats.14. Central Government to order authorities at all levels not to manipulate localor national t e l e c ommu n i c a t i o ns systems or impose communicationblackouts at any time, but notablyduring times when there is great publicinterest in receiving information aboutunfolding events.15. In view of President Hu Jintao’sremarks in October that his Governmentwould uphold the legal rights of foreignjournalists working in China, thePresident is urged to ensure all mediapersonnel in China enjoy the same rights;he is further urged to ensure all centraland provincial government departmentsand agencies are assisted to understandand respect the value of press freedomfor the wider public good.16. In line with the above, the CentralGovernment is urged to implement anawareness-raising program at all levelsof government and bureaucracy toassist relevant authorit ies tounderstand China’s constitutionalobligations to support press freedomvalues.17. The Central Government is urgedto encourage the enactment of laws atthe national and provincial levels toprotect press freedom and freedom ofexpression, in line with China’sconst itut ional obl igations andinternational instruments.

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The People’s Republic of China hasratified four of the eight core ILOlabour conventions. In view of

severe restrictions on trade union rightsand the prevalence of child labour andforced labour as well as discrimination,determined measures are needed tocomply with the commitments WTOmembers, including China have accepted.

I. Freedom of association and the rightto collective bargainingThe People’s Republic of China has notratified ILO Convention No. 87 onFreedom of Association and Protectionof the Right toOrganise or ILOConvention No. 98on the Right toOrganise andC o l l e c t i v eBargaining.

Freedom ofassociationWorkers are not freeto form or join tradeunions of theirchoice. Only the AllChina Federation ofTrade Unions(ACFTU) isrecognised in law.The ACFTUtherefore exercisesa trade unionmonopoly. AsArt.11 of the Trade

Union Law states: “the establishment ofany trade union organisation, whetherlocal, national or industrial, shall besubmitted to the trade unionorganisation at the next higher level forapproval.” Trade union organisations atthe higher level “shall exerciseleadership” over those at lower level.Organisers of independent trade unionswhich resist ACFTU assimilation aregenerally arrested, detained orimprisoned. On the other handorganising trade unions with “Chinesecharacteristics” is strongly encouragedby ACFTU officials. “Chinese

characteristics” comprise, according tothe official press agency Xinhua, “theprinciple of the leadership of theCommunist Party of China over theunions”, as well as “protecting workers’rights and interests in line with laws andin a scientific manner. Pursuit ofharmonious labour relations is anotherrequirement of building trade unionswith Chinese characteristics.”

The ACFTU is part of the governmentand party bureaucracy, and has the taskof assisting the government in ensuringsocial stability during economic

changes in theChinese industryand protectingworkers in thep r i v a t i s e deconomy whileworking toorganise theworkers beforethey organiset h e m s e l v e sindependently.

The level ofautonomy of mostunions atenterprise levelremains low, withthe majority ofofficials appointeddirectly orindirectly by theParty.

International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) issued a report for the WTO General Council Reviewof the trade policies of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) held from May 10 – 12 at Geneva.Following is a summary of the report titled “Internationally Recognised Core Labour Standards in thePeople’s Republic of China.”

China being the world’s workshop, respect of labour rights and observance of core labour standards inChina has a moral bearing on consumers throughout the globe.

The ITUC does not have affiliates in the People’s Republic of China, apart from in the Hong Kong SpecialAdministrative Region.

Several thousand workers at the Hong Kong-owned Alco (Holdings) factory in HoujieTownship, Dongguan, Guangdong Province went on strike on 27 November 2007

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Collective bargainingThere is no comprehensive national lawon collective bargaining procedures butrather a plethora of regulations whichgovern “collective contracts”. TheLabour Law only dictates thatenterprises “may” engage inconsultations, leaving this as an optionup to the management of eachenterprise. Several further regulationsincluding the revised Trade Union Lawhave provided guidance on thenegotiation process and content ofcollective contracts. The Minimum WageRegulations, Regulations on CollectiveContracts and Provisional Regulationson Wage Payments are non-bindingadministrative regulations.

In practice however, genuine collectivebargaining remains limited, as theACFTU engages in negotiations andrepresents workers in negotiations withmanagement and government withoutworkers having a real say and input inthese negotiations. At the same time theACFTU remains either nonexistent orineffective in much of the private sectorand workers, because of theimpossibility to organise independently,are unable to establish adequatecollective contracts.

According to ACFTU statistics for 2008,a total of 1.9 million enterprises havesigned 1.1 million collective contracts,covering 150 million workers. As ofSeptember 2008, 60.2 per cent of workerswere covered by collective contracts.However, many collective contractsreflect the minimum legal requirementsand do not cover enough areas to be ofmuch use to workers. There is little dataavailable on the number of sectoralcollective contracts.

Since late 2007, in Luoyang the localgovernment has executed a programmeof establishing a collective wageconsultation system in the city’senterprises. The ACFTU’s branch inLuoyang has completed a study whichfound that many entrepreneurs are notcooperating and prefer to stick to verbalagreements on wages with theiremployees. Others accompanied theimplementation of the collective wage

consultation system with creativeaccounting, such as counting in theinsurance contribution, in order to keepthe wages on the levels before theimplementation. The Luoyangprogramme revealed that trade unions’effectiveness of negotiating is limited bylack of access to company’s sheets onoperations and profitability, contrary tothe 1998 ACFTU’s Guiding Opinion onTrade Unions’ Participation in CollectiveWage Consultations. Trade unionleaders are reported to be dependent ontheir employers who often threaten andsack militant unionists for their activities.In addition to this, the law does notprescribe penalties for Luoyang’senterprises that fail to comply with thecollective wage consultation programme.

Labour Contract LawThe Labour Contract Law entered intoforce on January 1, 2008 after public andinternal consultation. The LabourContract Law “mandated contracts forall employees without exception,stabilised employment through the useof non-fixed-term contracts for workerswho were on their third contract and forthose who had worked at a singleenterprise more than ten years,strengthened penalties for non-compliance with existing labourregulations, and opened more space forcollective bargaining and consultationby the ACFTU.”

A survey by the National People’sCongress found that less than 20 percent of small-and-medium-sized privatecompanies had signed contracts withtheir workers before the law’s entry intoforce. The law provides specificpenalties for companies failing toobserve labour laws and regulationsconcerning contracts and relatedissues, such as providing writtencontracts and abiding by the terms ofthe contracts. However, the LabourContract Law does not provide supportfor increased worker participation innegotiating contracts or conditions ofwork apart from through the officialtrade union and does not contain anysanctions for enterprises that refuse toimplement a collective wageconsultation system.

Since entry into force of the law inJanuary 2008, companies have reactedin a variety of ways including use of morecovert ways to reduce employeenumbers such as increased use ofsubcontracted work; demotions of moresenior workers and so forth. Some havesought to argue that a number of exportprocessing firms have closed due to atougher operating environment due tothe Labour Contract Law (when inreality, it is mostly due to the globalfinancial crisis). In response to thecrisis, the Guangdong governmentissued an opinion stipulating that law

Novembr 2, 2009, Guangzhou, 16 workers climb onto Haizhu Bridge, to ask for unpaid wages.

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enforcers should exercise caution inprosecuting white-collar criminals andordering them not to arrest factoryowners and managers accused of crimessuch as corruption. By contrast, withregard to workers the opinion stressedthat “prosecutors should crackdown onany crimes that harm the legitimateinterests of enterprises or jeopardizeproduction.”

Dispute resolution and the right tostrikeThe right to strike was removed fromthe Constitution in 1982. The revisedTrade Union Law (Art 27) is not clearon strikes. While strikes have a tenuouslegal existence, in practice the numberof strikes continues to grow. In generalhowever, strikes are often repressedwith police force and are not supportedor endorsed in any way by the officialtrade union.

The only allowed action comes in theform of “health and safety workstoppages” which are foreseen in theWork Safety Law of 2003. Manyaccidents occur every year in China dueto a widespread disregard for basichealth and safety standards. As inprevious years mining remains adangerous occupation with severalreported instances where miners diedwhile working in unsafe environmentsafter they were forced to continue work.

The number of strikes bothspontaneous and planned, but alwayswithout the official recognition of theunion is increasing; figures suggestthat each day around 1,000 workers areinvolved in industrial action inGuangdong Province alone. The long-standing oppression of workers’ rightshas resulted to an unprecedentedradicalisation of incidents thatjeopardises the Chinese “harmonioussociety”. For example, in July 2009, asenior enterprise manager was beatento death in Tonghua and in August inLingang steel mill, a vice-director washeld captive for 90 hours. Localgovernments and employers often turnto violent repression of protests withlarge-scale deployment of armed riotpolice as well as ordinary publicsecurity forces.

In the majority of disputes at theenterprise level, the ACFTU appearsto be unwilling or unable to genuinelysupport workers and overall, directassistance to them remains limited. TheACFTU does not play a role in themajor ity of labour d isputes andcollective actions involving migrantworkers in manufacturing zones whereprivate businesses are located.

The main reasons for the increasingnumber of labour dispute cases includesubstantial longterm wages arrears,frozen wages, collective agreementbreaches, unresolved issues andreadjustment in private companies onthe pretext of the global economic crisisincluding wage and social benefitsdecreases and suspended overtimepayments. As in the state-ownedenterprises (SOE), such readjustment inprivate companies is generally notnegotiated with the employees.

Labour disputes are also on the risedue to the restructuring of SOEs. In2009, giving excuses of restructuring,corrupt officials, according to anarticle in the magazine of the officialXinhua News Agency, “declaredbankruptcy without properauthorisation, and sold off assetsdirectly linked to enterprise survival,disregarded the fate of the employees,and national interests, and in somecases, sold off national assets at belowmarket price.”

Scholars suggest tha t thegovernment’s traditional “control,governance and organisation”approach has failed to address labourdisputes which are on the rise.Whereas, NGOs and legal personnelassisting workers in court cases oftenface crackdown from the localgovernments. Labour rights groupsthat provide legal aid and training oftencome under intensified scrutiny,investigation, monitoring andharassment. Sometimes, paid attackerstarget agents and rights’ defendants.In one notorious example, thugsrepeatedly targeted a workers’ centrein Shenzhen in November 2007 and its

leading representative, HuangQingnan, was brutally stabbed.Although Qingnan’s assailants weresentenced to between one and fiveyears in jail, the court rejected hislawsuit claim for physical andpsychologica l compensation andawarded him compensation for medicalexpenses and loss of earnings instead.

ConclusionsWorkers do not have the right toorganise in trade unions of their choice.Legal trade unions have to be affiliatedto the ACFTU and accept its control.Although there have been some effortsto establish collective wageconsultation systems, the right tocollective bargaining is restricted as isthe right to strike, both in law and inpractice. The lack of properrepresentation is reflected in the numberof protests and labour disputes thathave been rising over the years.

II. Discrimination and EqualRemunerationThe People’s Republic of China ratifiedILO Convention No. 100 on EqualRemuneration in 1990 and ILOConvention No. 111 on Discrimination(Employment and Occupation) in 2006.

Gender DiscriminationGender equality has been an officialgovernment policy objective since 1949.However, women continue to experiencediscrimination, unequal remuneration,sexual harassment, unfair dismissals,demotion and wage discrepancies.

The financial crisis has reportedly hitwomen harder than men, as statisticsfrom Huangzhou province show;female unemployment increased by 40to 60 per cent during 2008 and 2009,while male unemployment increased by35 per cent. In reforming the SOEs,women have been the first workers tobe laid off or dismissed. Indeed,throughout the past decade womenhave suffered disproportionately fromlay offs and it is estimated that in someareas up to 70 to 80 per cent of the laidoff workers are women, especially inthe northeast of China.

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Lower retirement ages for women meanreduced pensions, which are based onthe number of years worked. The officialretirement age continues to set two agesfor men and women - 60 years for menand 55 for women.

In terms of re-employment, women workersfind it harder than men to find new jobs.Some figures show that about 75 per centof laid-off women are still unemployed afterone year, compared with 50 per cent ofmen still unemployed after one year.

Many employers prefer to hire men toavoid the expense of maternity leave andchildcare. For many women, becomingpregnant entails the end of their workinglife at a particular factory.

Laws regarding non-termination of workcontracts for pregnant and nursingmothers are often not enforced andwomen are dismissed.

Chinese law provides for equal pay forequal work. However, discrimination inremuneration exists; women earn 65 percent of men’s compensation and in ruralareas this percentage is reported to beeven lower. Women accounted for 60 percent of those below the poverty line inthe country. According to older statisticsaverage incomes of female executives andsenior professionals were only 58 per centand 68 per cent, respectively, of their malecolleagues’ salaries. Furthermore, it isdifficult for women to litigate a sexdiscrimination suit because of the vaguelegal provisions.

While i ll i teracy rates are officiallylower than 2 per cent, 2008 officialgovernment statistics show thatwomen comprised more than 70 percent of all illiterate persons.

Internal Migrant WorkersExtensive discrimination affects internalmigrants who make up an increasingshare of the labour force in urban areas.An estimated 130 million peopleoriginally from rural backgrounds areemployed in China’s cities or in otherbooming coastal areas far from theirhometowns and villages, comprising 35per cent of the urban workforce.

Workers from the countryside arediscriminated against in several ways.First, there are extensive restrictions onfreedom of movement brought about bythe “hukou” system, a form ofhousehold registration whereby eachfamily member is registered according tohis or her family residence. Onceclassified it is hard to change status. Themajority of rural residents, despite livingin urban areas, therefore keep their ruralstatus, which is passed onto theirchildren. Most migrants receive little orno local government support. Many ofthe millions of migrants living in urbanareas are illegal. This poses graveproblems, as residing illegally in anurban area makes one illegible to receiveeducation, access to medical care,housing and other public services. Evenlegally employed rural migrants living incities do not enjoy the same accessrights to health, medication andeducation opportunities as urbanresidents. For example the UNDP ChinaHuman Development Report of 2007/08showed that 74.8 per cent of migrantsare not covered by any insurance.

Persons living with HIV/AIDS andHepatitis BDespite provisions in the EmploymentPromotion Law, discrimination againstpersons with HIV/AIDS and hepatitis Bremains a problem. China is estimated tohave 93 million hepatitis B carriers anddiscrimination against this group inaccess to opportunities of employmentand education has been significant. InMay 2007, the Ministry of Labour andthe Ministry of Health enacted aregulation prohibiting tests for hepatitisB during recruitment and prescribing thatcompanies pay 1,000 yuan for demandingthe tests. The application of this law islax; according to a survey published inChina Daily in February 2009 stating that84 per cent of companies require such atest from their candidates.

ConclusionsDiscrimination is prohibited by lawhowever in practice it is prevalent.Women, ethnic minorities, migrantworkers and persons who live with HIV/AIDS and Hepatitis B suffer fromdiscrimination either in remuneration, or

in access to employment, education andpublic services.

In particular the institutionaliseddiscrimination against migrant workersfrom rural areas remains a seriousproblem, despite recent legislation.

III. Child LabourThe People’s Republic of China ratifiedILO Convention No. 138, the MinimumAge Convention in 1999 and ILOConvention No. 182, the Worst Formsof Child Labour Convention in 2002.

In China, child labour is prohibited bylaw and rules are in place for offendersincluding fines and revocation of licensesof companies that fail to apply the law.However, child labour is widespread.

China does not publish any data on childlabour or on tried lawsuits and otherinvestigations. The penalties prescribedby the law are not stringent; measuresagainst offenders are limited to fines andforced return of the children to theirparents. Criminal law provisions applyonly to cases of child trafficking,employing minors in strenuous orhazardous work, excessive forced childlabour and offering a child forprostitution or pornography.

There is substantial employment ofchildren under the age of sixteen inChina. Studies have revealed that childlabour is a result of the poor conditionsof the rural education system.

Education is supposed to be free andcompulsory for nine years, howeverinadequate resources are provided foreducation, which has resulted in a rangeof fees being demanded from parents.

Work-study programmes, which areregulated by the Ministry of Education,allow schools in poor areas to set upincome generating schemes inagriculture and manufacturing,employing children to earn money fortheir school fees as well as learn skills.

However, many of these programmeshave resulted in abuses such that childlabour is forced and used in dangerous

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and labour-intensive industries suchas agriculture , construction andfactories working long hours underharsh conditions.

According to Human Rights Watch(HRW) more than 400,000 middle andjunior high schools are running work-study schemes. One example, cited byHRW in June 2007, is the case of 500children from a middle school inSichuan working 14 hour shifts in afactory during summer.

ConclusionsChild labour, although prohibited underthe age of 16, is a serious problem inChina. Children are sometimes employedunder forced conditions or performingthe worst form of child labour.

Law enforcement officers often fail toapply the law effectively. Work-studyprogrammes, run under school auspices,frequently result in child labour andforced child labour.

IV. Forced LabourThe People’s Republic of China has notratified ILO Convention No. 29, theForced Labour Convention, nor ILOConvention No. 105, the Abolition ofForced Labour Convention.

Chinese law prohibits forced andcompulsory labour, including bychildren. However, the ILO’s CEACR hasdeemed the punishment for forced labouroffenses not stringent enough: penaltiesrange from an administrative fine to amaximum of three years’ imprisonment.

In practice, forced labour is a seriousproblem. Many employers withholdemployees’ payments until thecontract’s expiration, in order to avoidearly departures of their workers.

In May 2007 several hundred childrenand mentally ill people were rescuedfrom scores of brick kilns in Shanxiprovince, resulting in one of the biggestscandals in recent years. Despite thealleged strengthening of monitoring andoversight in February 2008, in Huangpia brick kiln owner was found guilty offorcing 20 mentally retarded people into

work. The “employer” paid the slavesthe equivalent of a week’s pay for thelabour of a whole year. In May 2009another brick kiln, in Anhui Province,was found guilty for forcing 32 retardedpersons into work.

Forced labour systematically occurs inChina’s penal institutions, with regard toprisoners sentenced by the criminaljustice system to “reform through labour”and those undergoing the administrativepunishment of “re-education throughlabour” which bypasses the criminaljustice system altogether.

Detainees in “re-education throughlabour” facilities are required to work,often for very long hours with little orno remuneration. Sometimes the

prisoners are contracted out to non-prison enterprises. There is no efficientcontrol over prison labour products tobar them from being exported and inrecent investigations the Chineseauthorities controlled all informationprovided. Such labour camp basedenterprises are a key economic player insome regions, such as Xinjiang wheremany such penal institutions are based.

Trafficking in human beings is prohibitedby law but remains a serious problem.The Trafficking Report of the USDepartment of Labor states that “therewere numerous confirmed reports ofinvoluntary servitude of children, migrantworkers, and abductees in China.”

There are reports of Uyghur children beingtrafficked each year to other parts of China.They end up in forced prostitution, drugnetworks or theft as well as begging,scavenging, newspaper selling and shoeshining. Reports show that Tibetanwomen are trafficked to Indonesia forprostitution, Vietnamese and North Koreanwomen are forced into sexual servitude,marriage, pornography and labour.

The government has not made muchprogress in punishing trafficking crimes,neither in protecting and assistingvictims of trafficking.

China has an inadequate number ofshelters and does not run any assistanceprogrammes for victims. Additionally itis reported that the government impedes

the work of several NGOs, dedicated toprotecting and assisting victims oftrafficking. Some foreign governmentshave reported the unwillingness of theChinese authorities to cooperate onfighting against transnational organisedcrime, including trafficking.

ConclusionsForced labour is prohibited in China butdoes occur in commercial enterprises.There is forced prison labour in the formof “re-education through labour camps”,including prison labour by children.Progress in prosecuting traffickers andin protecting and assisting victims oftrafficking, which affects women, menand children, has been limited so far.

Shaanxi Province migrant workers protested for their unpaid wages.

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Recommendations1. The Chinese government should ratifyILO Conventions No. 87, on Freedom ofAssociation and Protection of the Rightto Organise, and No. 98, on the Right toOrganise and Collective Bargaining. Thegovernment should allow the formationof independent unions.

2. Chinese law should provide for theright to collectively bargain and thegovernment should design policies toactively promote collective bargainingas the primary step for labour disputessettlement and labour relationsmanagement. The Labour Contract Lawshould provide support for increasedworker participation in negotiatingcontracts apart from through the officialtrade union and should containsanctions on enterprises that refuse toimplement a collective wageconsultation system.

3. The government should lift limitationsand impediments on independent labourrights groups, law firms, human rightsorganisations and workers’ individualefforts to pursue their cases through thecourts of justice. Those currentlyimprisoned for the peaceful exercise ofthese activities should be released.

4. The right to strike needs to berecognised and workers enabled toexercise it freely.

5. The Chinese authorities mustthoroughly investigate and effectivelyprosecute and punish those who commitviolence and other crimes againstprotesting workers.

6. Women’s representation in skilledposit ions should be increasedthrough more effective governmentequality programmes and wageequality must be promoted.

7. Law enforcers should investigatecases of sexual harassment effectivelyand take measures against offenders ina timely fashion.

8. China needs to amend its housingregistration system, “hukou”, in orderto allow to rural migrants to register and

enjoy the local governments’ socialbenefits and look for better employmentopportunities. The government needs toapply the Employment Promotion Law’sprovisions on the issue with a view toimproving the livelihoods of migrantworkers who live in cities.

9. China has to end discrimination inemployment against Chinese citizens ofUyghur, Tibetan or other origin inemployment opportunities, access topublic services, education opportunitiesand access to decision making.

10. State authorities have to takeaddi t ional measures in order toprovide equal oppor tunit ies ofemployment and education todisabled persons and children.

11. The government should takemeasures against companies which askfor HIV/AIDS and Hepatitis B testsbefore hiring, and which discriminate inany way against such persons.

12. The state should start gatheringstatistical data on child labour andpublicise lawsuits and prosecutionsagainst offenders.

13. The law prohibiting child labourshould become stricter and providedissuasive penalties for offenders. Itshould establish the age of 14 as theminimum age limit for apprentices to work.

14. The government needs to increaseexpenditure on education in order tomake it free and accessible to all,especially poor families. It shouldurgently stop the practice of work-studyprogrammes, which has been abused insome cases amounting to child slavery.

15. The government should ratify ILOConventions No. 29, on Forced Labour,and No. 105, the Abolition of ForcedLabour Convention.

16. The law prohibiting forced labourshould become stricter and enactdissuasive penalties for offenders. Wagewithholding and other measuresresulting in debt bondage should beexplicitly outlawed and punished.

17. China should abolish theadministrative punishment of “re-education through labour”. Penal workundertaken through “reform throughlabour” for prisoners and drug addicts,including the “custody and re-education” for children detainees,should also be ended.

18. The Chinese law on trafficking inhuman beings needs to be amended inorder to cover debt bondage, non-violentforms of coercion and offenses againstmales in the definition of trafficking.

China should become more efficient inprosecuting and punishing traffickers.It should closely cooperate with foreigngovernments on issues of trafficking andfacilitate NGOs in protecting victims. Itshould stop deporting migrants,refugees and victims of trafficking toNorth Korea.

19. The Chinese government shouldreinforce labour bureaus, inspectoratesand other authorities with financial andhuman resources, including training, inorder to achieve better, quicker and moreefficient law enforcement. Labourinspectors should be enabled torecognise cases of violations of the lawsregarding child labour, safety and healthregulations, forced labour, and equalityand thoroughly investigate them. Courtsof justice should be efficient and quickin prosecuting and punishing offenders.

20. In line with the conclusions of theSingapore and Doha WTO MinisterialConferences and China’s obligations asa member of the ILO, the government ofChina should provide regular reports tothe WTO and the ILO on its legislativechanges and implementation of all thecore labour standards.

21. The WTO should draw to theattention of the authorities of China tothe commitments they undertook toobserve core labour standards at theDoha Ministerial Conference. The WTOshould request the ILO to intensify itswork with the government of China inthese areas and provide a report to theWTO General Council on the occasionof the next trade policy review.

FEATURE


Years of negotiations with Beijinghave achieved little for theTibetan people, the Dalai Lama

said Friday, though he insisted thattalks still needed to press ahead andthat the Chinese leadership could —eventually — soften its stand on Tibet.

In an hour-long interview with TheAssociated Press, the Buddhist leadercriticized Beijing for its policies in hisHimalayan homeland while he held outthe possibility that some type of accordcould be reached.

“So far, dialogue failed, but that doesnot mean in future no possibility,” theDalai Lama said in his private compoundin this Indian hill town where he has livedsince fleeing Tibet more than fivedecades ago. While admitting he wasdeeply frustrated by the lack of progressduring nine rounds of talks, he also saidthere were clear signs of progress inBeijing. “They are realistic,” he said ofthe Chinese leadership. “They have theability to act according to a new reality.”

Among his reasons for hope: increasingsympathy for the Tibetan cause amongChinese intellectuals, the power oftechnology to bring news out of Tibetand vague signs from Beijing that someChinese leaders might be ready to softentheir stand on Tibet.

Some of the Beijing leadership believesthat “policy regarding Tibet now shouldbe more openly, more peacefully. I heardthat,” he said in his sometimes tangledEnglish. “True or not? We’ll have to wait.”

And patience, he added, is somethingTibetans understand.

It has been 51 years since he fled hishomeland. “Another 10, 20 years we canwait,” he said, breaking into laughter.

Talks between China and the DalaiLama’s envoys resumed in January forthe first time in 15 months but made noapparent progress on the Tibetans’demands for more autonomy. Beijingrefused to even talk about granting Tibetmore latitude, limiting discussions to thefuture of the exiled spiritual leader.

As to his future, the 74-year-old DalaiLama said some Chinese leaders weresimply waiting for him to die, hopingthe Tibet issue would fizzle once he isgone. In Tibetan Buddhism, each DalaiLama is believed to be the reincarnationof his predecessor. Because of this,turmoil often surrounds the death of aDalai Lama as religious elders look formystical signs that point them to thenext reincarnation.

The man demonized by Beijing, though,insists he is nowhere near death.

“Unfortunately, the demon — demonDalai Lama — looks very healthy,” hesaid, laughing loudly at his joke.

And, he noted, his death may make thesituation worse for China, as angryyoung Tibetans — no longer held backby his steadfast demands fornonviolence — could take to the streets.

It is a possibility he fears deeply.

“If some kind of violence takes place,then the Tibetan will automatically bethe victim,” he said.

There was no immediate comment fromBeijing, but Chinese officials have longaccused the Dalai Lama of being a“splittist” intent on sowing troublewithin Tibet. While the Dalai Lamainsists he only wants some form ofTibetan autonomy, Chinese officialssay he is secretly advocating forcomplete independence.

“The people understand more thatsplittism brings misfortune and ethnicunity brings happiness,” Hao Peng, theChinese vice governor of Tibet, toldjournalists visiting the region in March,during a tightly controlled visit.

Beijing, of course, doesn’t need to be asdiplomatic as the Dalai Lama.

While the Dalai Lama wields enormousspiritual influence across Tibet, where heis seen as both a living god and theTibetan king, Beijing has near-absolutecontrol of the region. China hasthousands of soldiers stationed there,manages a vast intelligence network andis flooding Tibet with ethnic Han Chinese.

Since 2008, when demonstrations flaredinto riots in Tibetan communities acrosswestern China, Beijing has imposedsmothering security on many Tibetanareas as it mixes government threats offurther crackdowns with economicincentives to gain support.

The Dalai Lama fled his homeland in1959, nine years after Communist troopsmarched into the Himalayan region.Beijing claims Tibet has been a Chineseterritory for centuries, but manyTibetans say they were effectivelyindependent for most of that time andthat migration to the region andrestrictions on Buddhism are threateningtheir culture.

Beijing denies all such accusations andChinese President Hu Jintao has publiclymade the creation of a “harmonioussociety” one of his top goals, trying tobridge the vast ethnic and economicdivisions across the country.

The Dalai Lama scoffed at that.

“So far, in order to develop harmony, themain method is suppression!”

Associated Press’ New Delhi Bureau Chief Tim Sullivan travelled to Dharamshala in May for an exclusive interview withHis Holiness the Dalai Lama. This article was published on May 7, 2010.

FEATURE


Question: Your Holiness DalaiLama, how are you? I want toask you about the religious

leadership of Tibet in the future. Whatis your view on the possibility of “twosuccessors”, as happened in the case ofthe 11th Panchen Lama?

His Holiness: In1969 I had officiallystated tha t theTibetan people willdecide whether theinstitution of theDalai Lama needs tocontinue or no t.Similarly, in 1992, Ihad issued an officialstatement in which Ihad stated that whenthe time comes forthe Tibetans in Tibetand in exile to bereunited, I would notassume any position.The people who arecurrently assumingresponsibi lities inTibet would have toshoulder that responsibility.

Then, since 2001, if we look at the exileleadership, a system has beenestablished to elect (in a five-year term)the leadership of the Central TibetanAdministration and this is beingpractised now.

Therefore , I do not p lace muchimportance on the issue of the DalaiLama. I will do whatever I can while I

am alive. I do not have any otherconsideration or responsibility.

It looks like the Chinese CommunistParty seems to be more concernedabout the institution of the Dalai Lamathan I. Thus, the situation could

become like that of the two PanchenLamas. It will be an additional problemwithout any benefit.

Question: What is your view of the11th Panchen Lama that the Chinesegovernment has appointed?

His Holiness: From what I have heardhe has sharp intellect and is greatlyinterested in religious matters. Butmany people have much suspicion

about him. Therefore, it depends onhim. It should be good if he turns outto be someone who embodies both theknowledge of the scripture and therealisation based on it, and upholdsthe teaching and practice of theBuddha’s doctrine.

Question: I wouldlike to ask YourHoliness about themeetings betweenthe Tibetangovernment in exileand the ChineseCommunists. Whyare these meetingsalways fruitless?What exactly arethe questions thathave been sointractable over thedecades?

His Holiness: TheChinese Governmenthas been officiallysaying that there isno Tibetan issue to

be discussed and that it is only thepersonal issue of the Dalai Lama. I donot have anything to ask for myself. Itis the issue of the basic rights of thesix million Tibetans, their religion,culture, and environment. These areissues that I am concerned about andneed to be discussed. If and when thetime comes when the CentralGovernment acknowledges that thereis a Tibetan problem, as they seem tobe doing so in the case of Xinjiang,

His Holiness the Dalai Lama, during his trip to the United States in May, sat down with well-known scholarand writer Wang Lixiong to tweet with Chinese people from mainland China.

Wang Lixiong had invited people to submit their questions for His Holiness on Google Moderator and also tovote for their preferred questions. Overcoming China’s Great Firewall, Wang informed that there were 1253people who posted 289 questions out of which the top questions were selected with 12,473 votes.

Following is the Englsih translation of the interview as posted on Wang Lixiong’s Twitter page wlixiong.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama presenting the 2009 Light of Truth award to Chinese writerWang Lixiong at a ceremony in Washington.

Sonam Zoksang

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and make an effort to resolve it thereis something to discuss. From my side,I will cooperate as I share the sameobjectives as the Chinese Government,namely the development of thecountry, stability, friendship. However,in terms of method, the ChineseGovernment seems to be adopting anapproach of force to establish stabilitywhile we feel that stability should comefrom mental satisfaction and trust.

Question: Hello, your Holiness.Regardless of what political path Chinatakes in the future, the gap betweenordinary Tibetans and ordinary HanChinese is getting bigger all the time.Many Tibetan people are simplistic insaying the problem is only Han rule ofTibet. In fact we Han people are alsovictims of the same dictatorial rule.How do you view this problem?

His Holiness: The Chinese-Tibetanrelationship did not begin in 1949-50 butis over one thousand years old. Duringthis period sometimes we had verycordial relationship while at other timesnot too cordial relationship. Currentlywe are in a period where we do not havecordial relationship. The cause for thisis governmental policies that havecaused the differences and not thepeople. Therefore, the people-to-peoplerelationship is becoming important.

In free countries where there areTibetans and Chinese, we have beenmaking efforts to establish friendshipassociat ions between the twocommunities and these have beenhaving impact. One main problem isthat Deng Xiaoping’s Seeking Truthfrom Facts is not being implemented.Hu Yaobang had made efforts tounderstand the real situation. Recently,Wen Jiabao has talked about HuYaobang’s work attitude of not relyingmerely on offic ial repor t butunderstanding the situation throughcontact with the people. There aremany drawbacks in China becausethere is no investigating into the realityof the issue in a transparent manner. Ifthere is transparency, it will help inreducing corruption.

Question: Another issue. Do you haveany way of maintaining good relationsbetween Hans and Tibetans?

His Holiness: I travel to many countriesand have always been adopting theattitude that we are all same humanbeings. This has enabled me to have goodrelationship. The Tibetans and Chineseare not only same as human beings, butalso have historical relationship. If we areclear and establish equal relationship, allproblems will be resolved.

I have been meeting regularly withpeople who come from mainland China.They are sincere and I am able toestablish close relationship. It becomesproblematic when there are doubts andsuspicions. This is not just with Chineseand Tibetans but throughout the world.This needs to be resolved.

Whenever I meet people, I tell them thatwe are the same human beings. Thedifference in religion, culture andlanguages are secondary. The mostimportant thing is we are all samehuman beings.

In 1954-55, when I was in Beijing, at thattime I had discussions on Marxism. Iliked the idea of internationalism.

Question: “I would like to ask yourHoliness about your “Memorandum onAchieving True Autonomy for AllTibetans,” in which you do not write

about how to protect the rights of Hanpeople who live in Tibet. Would you,after autonomy, recognise a right of Hanpeople who currently reside in Tibetanareas to continue living there?”

His Holiness: Even in the past, before1950, there were Chinese in Tibet. Forexample, in my birth area there were manyChinese, including Muslims. Therefore,in the future, too, the Chinese people willcertainly be there. What is pertinent tokeep in mind is that in the case of theInner Mongolian Autonomous Prefecturethe Mongol population has become asmall minority. If it becomes like that thenthe national autonomy’s characteristicsare not present.

Secondly, in the case of Tibet, in certaintowns, where there is a sizeable Chinesepopulation with fewer Tibetans, the

natural outcome is a change anddegeneration of the Tibetan languageand Tibetan tradition. We need toconsider this. Otherwise, there needs tobe a situation where the Chinese friendscan exist safely and in happiness. Afterall, we are same as human beings.

Question: I would like to ask the GreatTeacher why your description of Tibetin the past—as a harmonious Buddhistsociety—differs so radically from theChinese government’s description ofan evil slave society. Many drawingsand other visual materials document

Mike & Heather KrakoraHis Holiness and Wisconsin Governor Jim Doyle in Madison on May 16, 2010.

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the cruelty and iniquity of a slavesociety. Can you explain why thisdiscrepancy is so big?

His Holiness: It is true that the Tibetof the past, prior to 1950, was backwardand in general, feudal. No Tibetan saysthe former old society was like heaven.Today, no Tibetan, in Tibet andoutside, thinks or even dreams ofreviving the former old society.

On the other hand, the ChineseGovernment’s charge that the past oldTibetan society was like hell is anexaggeration.

In the past there were films made aboutTibetan history (by the Chinese). Somepeople told me that when these filmswere being shot, onlookers werelaughing because these were notconforming to facts. They said a verystrange film was being shot.

During the Cultural Revolution it wasbeing said that the Revolution was agreat success. Subsequently, whenthey could not cover the reality theposition changed.

Similarly, the Tiananmen issue is knownall over the world but the ChineseGovernment seems to maintain that itvirtually did not happen by saying it

was just a few (people). What isimpor tant is that you all shouldunder take scientifically soundobjective investigations.

I always even tell the Tibetans thatthey should not base (their decision)merely because I have said it, but thatthey should investigate . From aBuddhist practitioner’s perspective,we need to invest igate even theBuddha’s teachings.

Question: If the Chinese Governmentwere to allow you to return to Tibet,and were to grant self-rule to Tibet,

what kind of political system wouldyou like to see in Tibet?

His Holiness: That needs to bedecided by majority preference byTibetans in Tibet , part icular lyintellectuals, through seeking truthfrom facts. In exile, in the past 50 yearsour Adminis trat ion is run alongdemocratic lines.

Question: I would like to ask the DalaiLama a sharp question. The fiercestcriticism that Chinese governmentofficials level against you is that youdemand there be no troops in Tibet.This, they say, is evidence that you

“From a Buddhist point of view, the practice of Islam is evidently a spiritual path of salvation”. HisHoliness the Dalai Lama at the launch of a book titled ‘Common Ground between Islam & Buddhism’,inspired by meetings His Holiness the Dalai Lama had with Prince Ghazi bin Muhammad of Jordan. Thebook authored by Dr Reza Shah-Kazemi, was launched on May 12, 2010 in Bloomington, Indiana, USA.

are asking for independence indisguise. Are you maintaining yourdemand of no troops in Tibet?

His Holiness: I have always beenmaking it clear that under theautonomy Foreign Relations andDefence will be undertaken by theCentral Government. In the past, I hadexpressed my dream of making Tibet aZone of Peace in the future throughfriendship and trust with neighboringIndia and Nepal and others. This is notjust limited to Tibet but I have alwaysbeen saying that the entire world needsto be demilitarized. There is no needto be concerned over this point.

Question: In view of howthings stand at present, thechances of a peacefulresolution of the problem ofTibet during the Dalai Lama’slifetime seems almost zero.May I ask how His Holinessviews the current prospectsfor Tibet?

His Holiness: I divide theperiod since theestablishment of the People’sRepublic of China into foureras: Mao Zedong era, DengXiaoping era, Jiang Zemin era,and Hu Jintao era. These haveseen much changes based onthe reality of the situation.

Therefore, I feel there will be a changeto the nationality policy, and it needsto happen. I do not believe that it isnot impossible for a mutuallybeneficial solution on the Tibetanissue to come about. Secondly, I donot think this will take that many years.

Some Party members who have workedin Tibet in the past and who are nowretired, as also many Chinese scholars,have been saying that the presentnationality policy is not appropriateand have suggested that it needs tobe reviewed. Therefore, I believe thatthere will be a change and a decisionin the not too distant future.

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Question: Do you ever feel angryor outraged? —Kantesh Guttal,India

His Holiness: Oh, yes, of course. I’m ahuman being. Generally speaking, if ahuman being never shows anger, then Ithink something’s wrong. He’s not rightin the brain. [Laughs.]

Question: How do you stay so optimisticand faithful whenthere is so much hatein the world? —JoanaCotar, FrankfurtHis Holiness: Ialways look at anyevent from a widerangle. There’s alwayssome problem, somekilling, some murderor terrorist act orscandal everywhere,every day. But if youthink the whole worldis like that, you’rewrong. Out of 6 billionhumans, thetroublemakers are justa handful.

Question: How hasthe role set out for you changed sinceyou first came to be the Dalai Lama? —Andy Thomas, WalesHis Holiness: I became the Dalai Lamanot on a volunteer basis. Whether I waswilling or not, I [had to study] Buddhistphilosophy like an ordinary monk studentin these big monastic institutions.Eventually I realized I have aresponsibility. Sometimes it is difficult, butwhere there is some challenge, that is alsotruly an opportunity to serve more.

Question: Do you see any possibilityof reconciliation with the Chinesegovernment in your lifetime? —JosephK.H. Cheng, MelbourneHis Holiness: Yes, there is a possibility.But I think past experience shows it is

not easy. Many of these hard-liners,their outlook is very narrow andshortsighted. They are not looking at itin a holistic way. However, within thePeople’s Republic of China, there is widercontact with the outside world. There aremore and more voices of discontentmentamong the people, particularly among theintellectuals. Things will change - that’sbound to happen.

Question: How can we teach our childrennot to be angry? —Robyn Rice, ColoradoHis Holiness: Children always look totheir parents. Parents should be morecalm. You can teach children that youface a lot of problems but you must reactto those problems with a calm mind andreason. I have always had this viewabout the modern education system: wepay attention to brain development, butthe development of warmheartedness wetake for granted.

Question: Have you ever thought aboutbeing a normal person instead of beingthe Dalai Lama? —Grego Franco, ManilaHis Holiness: Yes, at a young age.Sometimes I felt, “Oh, this is a burden. Iwish I was an unknown Tibetan. Then

I’d have more freedom.” But then later Irealized that my position was somethinguseful to others. Nowadays I feel happythat I’m Dalai Lama. At the same time, Inever feel that I’m some special person.Same — we are all the same.

Question: Do you miss Tibet? —PamelaDelgado Córdoba, MexicoHis Holiness: Yes. Tibetan culture is not

only ancient but relevantto today’s world. Afterseeing the problems ofviolence, we realise thatTibetan culture is one ofcompassion andnonviolence. There isalso the climate. In Indiaduring monsoon season,it is too wet. Then, I verymuch miss [Tibet].

Question: What do yousay to people who usereligion as a pretext toviolence or killing? —Arnie Domingo,PhilippinesHis Holiness: There areinnocent, faithful peoplethat are manipulated by

some other people whose interest isdifferent. Their interest is not religionbut power or sometimes money. Theymanipulate religious faith. In such cases,we must make a distinction: these [badthings] are not caused by religion.

Question: Have you ever tried on a pairof trousers? —Ju Huang, ConnecticutHis Holiness: When it’s very, very cold.And particularly in 1959, when Iescaped, I wore trousers, like laypeopledressed. So I have experience.

Question: Do you believe your time here onearth has been a success? Les Lucas, B.C.His Holiness: Hmmm. That’s relative. It’sso difficult to say. All human life is somepart failure and some part achievement.

During his recent trip to the States, Time Magazine interviewed His Holiness the Dalai Lama for its‘10 Questions’ feature in New York City. The interview was published on June 14, 2010.

The Madison Youth Choir performs at the public dialogue on ‘Investigating HealthyMinds’ and presents His Holiness with a UW-Madison Badgers’ hat on May 16, 2010

Mark and Heather Krakora

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When I was a boy in Tibet, Ifelt that my own Buddhistreligion must be the best —

and that other faiths were somehowinferior. Now I see how naïve I was,and how dangerous the extremes ofreligious intolerance can be today.

Though intolerance may be as old asreligion itself, we still see vigoroussigns of its virulence. In Europe, thereare intense debates about newcomerswearing veils or wanting to erectminarets and episodes of violenceagainst Muslim immigrants. Radicalatheists issue blanket condemnationsof those who hold to religious beliefs.In the Middle East, the flames of warare fanned by hatred of those whoadhere to a different faith.

Such tensions are likely to increaseas the wor ld becomes moreinterconnected and cultures, peoplesand religions become ever moreentwined. The pressure this createstests more than our tolerance — itdemands that we promote peacefulcoexistence and understandingacross boundaries.

Granted, every religion has a sense ofexclusivity as part of its core identity.Even so, I believe there is genuinepotential for mutual understanding.While preserving faith toward one’sown tradition, one can respect, admireand appreciate other traditions.

An early eye-opener for me was mymeeting with the Trappist monkThomas Merton in India shortly beforehis untimely death in 1968. Merton toldme he could be perfectly faithful toChristianity, yet learn in depth fromother religions like Buddhism. Thesame is true for me as an ardentBuddhist learning from the world’sother great religions.

A main point in my discussion withMerton was how central compassionwas to the message of bothChristianity and Buddhism. In myreadings of the New Testament, I findmyself inspired by Jesus’ acts ofcompassion. His miracle of the loavesand fishes, his heal ing and histeaching are all motivated by thedesire to relieve suffering.

I’m a firm believer in the power of personalcontact to bridge differences, so I’ve longbeen drawn to dialogues with people ofother religious outlooks. The focus oncompassion that Merton and I observedin our two religions strikes me as a strongunifying thread among all the major faiths.And these days we need to highlightwhat unifies us.

Take Judaism, for instance. I firstvisited a synagogue in Cochin, India,in 1965, and have met with many rabbisover the years. I remember vividly therabbi in the Netherlands who told meabout the Holocaust with suchintensity that we were both in tears.And I’ve learned how the Talmud andthe Bible repeat the theme ofcompassion, as in the passage inLeviticus that admonishes, “Love yourneighbor as yourself.”

In my many encounters with Hinduscholars in India, I’ve come to see thecentrality of selfless compassion inHinduism too — as expressed, forinstance, in the Bhagavad Gita, whichpraises those who “delight in thewelfare of all beings.” I’m moved bythe ways this value has beenexpressed in the life of great beingslike Mahatma Gandhi, or the lesser-known Baba Amte, who founded aleper colony not far from a Tibetansettlement in Maharashtra State inIndia. There he fed and shelteredlepers who were otherwise shunned.

When I received my Nobel Peace Prize,I made a donation to his colony.

Compassion is equally important in Islam- and recognizing that has become crucialin the years since Sept. 11, especially inanswering those who paint Islam as amilitant faith. On the first anniversary of9/11, I spoke at the National Cathedralin Washington, pleading that we notblindly follow the lead of some in thenews media and let the violent acts of afew individuals define an entire religion.

Let me tell you about the Islam I know.Tibet has had an Islamic community foraround 400 years, although my richestcontacts with Islam have been in India,which has the world’s second-largestMuslim population. An imam in Ladakhonce told me that a true Muslim shouldlove and respect all of Allah’s creatures.And in my understanding, Islamenshrines compassion as a corespiritual principle, reflected in the veryname of God, the “Compassionate andMerciful,” that appears at the beginningof virtually each chapter of the Koran.

Finding common ground among faithscan help us bridge needless divides ata time when unified action is morecrucial than ever. As a species, wemust embrace the oneness of humanityas we face global issues l ikepandemics, economic cr ises andecological disaster. At that scale, ourresponse must be as one.

Harmony among the major faiths hasbecome an essential ingredient ofpeaceful coexistence in our world.From this perspective , mutualunderstanding among these traditionsis not merely the business of religiousbelievers — it matters for the welfareof humanity as a whole.

*Published by the New York Times onMay 24, 2010

By His Holiness the Dalai Lama*

TIBETAN BULLETIN 25MAY-JUNE 2010

NEWS BRIEF

To commemorate the 50thanniversary of His Holiness theDalai Lama’s arrival at

Dharamshala on April 30, 1960, the CentralTibetan Administration organised a two-day ‘Thank You Himachal’ event inDharamshala, Himachal Pradesh.

The event held on April 30 and May 1,2010 to express the Tibetan people’sgratitude to the people and Governmentof Himachal Pradesh was warmly receivedby the local government officials andpopulation, alike.

The first day of thespecial event held atthe nearby Dariground was graced byHis Holiness theDalai Lama and Prof.Prem Kumar Dhumal,Honourable ChiefMinister of HimachalPradesh as the chiefguest. GyalwangKarmapa, Kalon TripaProf. SamdhongRinpoche andHonourable IndustrialMinister, Mr KishanKapoor were alsopresent along with a battery of Indian andTibetan government and non-government officials.

Following the performance of the ‘Thankyou Himachal’ song by the artists of theTibetan Institute of Performing Arts, HisHoliness addressed the gathering.

Expressing profound gratitude to thegovernment and people of HimachalPradesh, His Holiness said that thefreedom enjoyed by the Tibetans in exilefor the last five decades has greatly helpedthe Tibetan community in highlighting theissue of Tibet throughout the world.

His Holiness remembered and offeredprayers for the local Himachal residentswho sincerely contributed in supportingthe Tibetan community.

His Holiness also advised the Tibetanpeople living in Himachal Pradesh tomaintain good moral behaviour and keepharmonious and cordial relationshipswith the local Indian communities.

As an expression of gratitude, KalonTripa in his speech announced that theCentral Tibetan Administration wouldoffer funds to help local governmentschools, science centres, organisationsfor the disabled and also contribute tothe Chief Minister’s Relief Fund.

The first day’s programme included afree medical camp by the Tibetan Medicaland Astrological Institute and alsofeatured a photo exhibition on MahatmaGandhi and His Holiness the DalaiLama’s message on ‘Peace andBrotherhood’ at the prestigious Museumof Kangra Arts in Dharamshala.

The second day of the ‘Thank YouHimachal’ event was dedicated tohonour local senior citizens for theirsupport to the Tibetan community duringthe last 50 years in exile.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama and MrVirbadhra Singh, Honourable UnionMinister of Steel, presided over thefunction held at the main temple courtyard of Tsug-la Khang.

Hundreds of local Indian residents,including many elderly people joined tocommemorate the occasion.

Expressing his gratitude to His Holinessthe Dalai Lama for acceptingDharamshala as his exile capital, theformer state chief minister Mr VirbhadraSingh said, “the local Indian residentshere must have earned great merits tohave the opportunity to host His Holinessthe Dalai Lama as an honoured guest”.

The HonourableUnion Ministercommended thatthe ideals of peaceand non-violenceof His Holiness theDalai Lama has wonthe hearts of peopleacross India andthe world.

Reiterat ing hisstrong support tothe Middle-WayApproach of theCentral TibetanAdministration, MrVirbhadra Singhexpressed his hope

and prayers for the realisation of theaspirations of Tibetan people.

Calling Tibetans as local residents ofHimachal Pradesh, he praised the unityand harmony between the Tibetan andIndian communities despite differencesin customs and religion.

The Honourable Minister further urgedthe state government to follow-up onthe regularisation of the benami landowned by Tibetans, a policy which hehad initiated as the chief minister ofHimachal Pradesh.

In his address, His Holiness the DalaiLama recalled the historical relation thatthe royal family of Rampur from whichMr Virbhadra Singh hails, had with Tibet.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama honours Chief Minister Prof. Prem Kumar Dhumal during the‘Thank You Himachal’ event as Kalon Tripa looks on.

www.tibet.net

TIBETAN BULLETIN 26 MAY-JUNE 2010

NEWS BRIEF

Reminiscing thepoignant memories ofthe difficultcircumstances underwhich Tibetans wereforced to flee Tibet, HisHoliness thanked thegovernment andpeople of HimachalPradesh for theirhospitality andsupport.

In another event onJune 15, the localIndian community ofUpper Dharamsalaorganised a prayerritual and communitylunch at the mainBuddhist temple.

Mr Ajay Singh Mankotia, president of theIndo-Tibetan Friendship Association inhis speech thanked His Holiness the DalaiLama and the Tibetan people on behalfof the local Indian people for the‘opportunity to grow together and learnfrom each other for the last 50 years’.

“The two communities have successfullyresolved minor differences andmaintained amicable relationship for thelast five decades. Dharamshala will everremain sanctified and make a specialplace in the world as long as HisHoliness resides here, ” he added.

As part of the prayerceremony, a group ofHindu priests fromChinmaya TapovanTrust conductedHavan (fire ritual) forthe long and healthylife of His Holiness theDalai Lama.

His Holiness thankedthe organizers and thepeople for the pujaand expressed hishope for continuedgood relat ionsbetween the twocommunities

For the past fifty years Dharamshalahas become a home away from homefor thousands of Tibetans. There arecurrently around 34,000 Tibetansliving in fourteen different Tibetansettlements across the sta te ofHimachal Pradesh.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama honours Union Steel Minister and former Chief MinisterMr Virbhadra Singh in the presence of Lok Sabah Member Smt.Chandresh Kumari

www.tibet.net

In a press conference held on June10, 2010 at Dharamshala, ChiefElection Commissioner Mr Jamphel

Choesang, declared that the preliminaryand the final voting dates for the nextmembers of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exileand Kalon Tripa shall be on the same days.

The upcoming elections will be for the15th term of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile since it was formed in 1960 whileelections for the next Kalon Tripa will befor the third term.

At the press conference, Mr Choesangintroduced the two additional electioncommissioners, Ven. Geshe RigzinChoedak and Mr Jeper Yangkho Gyal,who were recently appointed by HisHoliness the Dalai Lama as required bythe Charter of the Tibetans in Exile whichprovides for the appointment of twoadditional election commissioners toassist in the general election process.Geshe Choedak is the principal of the

Following are important dates regarding the upcoming general elections:

1. The mandatory Voter Registration will be done till August 18, 2010

2. Preliminary round of voting for Members of Parliament and Kalon Tripa will be conducted on October 3, 2010

3. Final round of voting for Memebers of Parliament and Kalon Tripa will be conducted on March 20, 2011

Dharamshala-based Dolma LingNunnery and Mr Gyal is a Tibetan scholarand general secretary of the MultiEducation Editing Center (Sheja KundueTsomdig) also based in Dharamshala.

The Election Commission of the CentralTibetan Administration is a two-tierautonomous body with the CentralElection Commission based inDharamshala.

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If one were to go by the recent barrageof official Chinese rhetoric, theelections held by the Central Tibetan

Administration are anything butdemocratic. Their reason for this: theNational Democratic Party of Tibet(NDPT), which they claim is the “onlypolitical party of the Dalai clique”, hasalready selected a list of candidates forthe coming elections of Kalon Tripa andTibetan Parliament-in-Exile.

In the latest article published byPeople’s Daily, an organ of theCommunist Party of China, it is claimedthat His Holiness the Dalai Lama’srecent comments on democraticelections in exile are only “skin deep”.The article, titled Dalai Clique’sdemocratic lies, turned out to be ashoddy translation of the original inChinese published earlier by ChinaEthnic News.

The assertion by the author of theoriginal article, Du Xinyu, that NDPT is“the only political party of Dalai clique”is of course open to debate. What iseven more absurd is the suggestionthat NDPT, by virtue of being “the onlypolitical party of Dalai clique”, is theone party that declares nominations forexile elections. The underlying messageapparently is a misperception, if notdeliberate misinformation, basedentirely on their own experience ofpseudo-elections in which people areallowed to vote only on candidateshand-picked by the Communist Party.

Those familiar with the rituals ofelectioneering in exile would also knowabout the conspicuous absence ofpublic hustings and competing politicalparties that are the central characteristicof elections in democratic countries.(This may have been a reason whyKalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpocheonce explained the Tibetan polity as “apartyless democracy”.)

Notwithstanding the lack of politicalparties in the usual sense of the term,the Tibetan elections are not totallydevoid of public campaigning. The exileNGOs and province/region-basedassociations that are autonomous ofgovernment engage in their own uniqueways of canvassing for polls, a highlightof which is the declaration ofnominations, usually by advertisingthem in the print media.

NGOs and region-based associationsthat usually propose candidates forevery election include NDPT, Gu-Chu-

Sum Movement, the associations of thethree traditional provinces of Tibet(Dotod, Domed and Utsang) and theirregional chapters, etc.

Furthermore, it would be pertinent tonote that even before NDPT made itsnominations public, the association ofDomed (Amdo) province of Tibet hadalready announced 13 nominations forKalon Tripa. According to theirannouncement on 16 March 2010, latercovered by Tibetan newspapers, “In aspecial general meeting of the Domed

association held from March 14-16, 2010,the executive heads and delegates of allthe regional chapters of the associationhave voted to propose nominations forthe election of Kalon Tripa in 2011. Thefollowing [13] candidates received thehighest number of votes. The photos andbiographies of these candidates willsoon be posted on our website.”

It is even more interesting to note thatthe Dharamshala chapter of Domedassociation later proposed a different listof five nominations for Kalon Tripa andten for the Tibetan parliament. Many

other NGOs and associations are alsoexpected to throw their nominations intothe ring for consideration.

This proposition of candidates is notmerely limited to NGOs and associations.Several prominent Tibetans, like formerTibetan Supreme Justice Commissioners,Kalons and MPs, have in their individualcapacities also proposed their choice ofnominations through the media. In fact,even an ordinary Tibetan, or a group ofthem, can propose candidates byadvertising in the print media.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama, head of the Tibetan Sate, addressing the Tibetan Parliament-in-exilewww.exilelens.com

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It would thus be wrong to suggest thatNDPT, or for that matter, the Tibetanadministration, carries any role infinalizing the election nominations.Every Tibetan election has a primaryround in which people are free tonominate any candidate they deem fit.In the final round of general elections,people vote on candidates shortlistedfrom the outcome of primaries. Thus, ina true democracy, there is no decidingfactor over and above the people’s vote.

The way Du Xinyu has spun this wholematter is, to put simply, jaw-dropping.He is convinced to the point ofcockiness, that the forthcoming Tibetanelections are headed for major failure. Heclaims that, of all the nominationsproposed by NDPT, one out of total threenominees for Kalon Tripa and 24 out of45 nominees for Tibetan parliament havealready “quit the election”.

The truth could not be more different.The reason behind a majority of thosewho withdrew their names fromNDPT’s nominations is not becausethey had refused to contest elections;it was rather to avoid any possibilityof conflict of interest. The partypresident Chime Youngdrung clarifiedto this writer that as many of thenominees are already active membersof other organisations, they decidednot to contest elections through orwith support from NDPT. (It musthowever be added that it was notunusual in the past elections to seeseveral organisations rooting for thesame candidate.)

Another possible reason forwithdrawals could have been themission statement of NDPT, which alsoincludes “to struggle for therestoration of Tibet’s rightfulindependence.” Those who withdrewtheir names from NDPT’s list ofnominations could have done so as astatement of their support to thepolicy of Middle-Way Approach,which seeks to achieve genuineautonomy for a Tibet within thePeople’s Republic of China.

In order to justify his bleak electionforecast, Du Xinyu also quoted somecooked-up figures of abnormally lowvoter turnout in exile. According tohim, the 2006 parliamentary electionsregistered a dismal turnout of 26.8%and “considering the fact that a monkcould have two votes, the actual votingrate would be even lower.”

According to the records of theTibetan Election Commission, the totalnumber of people registered (orel igible) to vote in the 2006parliamentary elections was 70,500. Atotal of 43,202 votes were cast in thefinal election. Since the monks andnuns are enti tled to vote in twoconstituencies, religious (each 2 seats)and provincial (each 10 seats), in orderto calculate the actual number ofpeople who have cast their votes, wewould have to deduct the votes castfor religious seats. In other words, ifwe add up the number of people whohad voted in the three provincialconstituencies of Dotod, Domed andUtsang (total 30 seats), North America(1 seat) and Europe (2 seats), the actualfigure would be 37,147, which meansthe turnout rate was 52.69%.

It must also be noted that thus far,parliamentary seats have not beenallocated for Tibetans in Australia andin Asian countries like Taiwan, Japan,Russia, etc. The Tibetan people inthese countries are however entitledto vote in the election of Kalon Tripa.

Furthermore, it is also pertinent thatduring the 2006 election, the popularexpectations of a record turnout didnot materialize largely because the pollwas, due to certa in unavoidablecircumstances, conducted at a timewhen the majority of Tibetans werescattered across India for the wintersweater business.

Generally speaking, the factorsaffecting turnout in polls are a subjectof extensive debate. A low turnout canbe attributed to a whole host of issuesranging from socio-economic andcultural factors, to institutional factors

and modalit ies of regis trat ion.Sometimes, even different methods inmeasuring voter turnout can causediscrepancies in the count.

It was as such quite amusing to seeDu Xinyu propounding a whole newtheory claiming that: “The voting rateis an important index for measuringwhether a government i s ademocratically-elected one or not.”Although the facts and figures citedearlier make it amply clear that theturnout rate was significantly higherthan what Du Xinyu has claimed inhis ar t ic le , there is a growingrealization that the voter participationshould be improved, particularly inview of the 2006 Kalon Tripa electionwhich registered a turnout of mere44%. The incumbent Kalon Tripa ProfSamdhong Rinpoche won thatelection with a landslide majority of29,216 votes (90.72%).

The fact that Tibetan polls a reconducted in a free, fair andtransparent manner needs nocorroboration. Furthermore , thepopular faith in democratic processes,or for that matter, the legitimacy of theCentral Tibetan Administration, hasnever been an issue for the Tibetanpeople. Thus, the low rate of voterparticipation is often summarilyattributed to logistics, low level ofpolitical awareness and at times, evento complacency.

As in times of previous elections, wehave been recently witnessing avariety of efforts from both theadministration and NGOs aimed atboosting voter participation. And ofall measures that could help in nudgingthe Tibetan people towards the ballotstations, what could be more powerfulthan giving them a dose of raw Chinesepropaganda slandering Tibetandemocracy. In that context, Du Xinyudeserves a pat on the back for hisvitriolic article, which is provokingTibetans to think about why theyshould vote.

O B I T U A R Y


By Sherab Woeser

An earthquake measuring 6.9 on richter scale struck the Tibetan area of Kyigudo (Chinese: Yushul) in the morning of April 14 with itsepicentre about 50km west of Kyigudo town. The two satellite images show the extent of devastation at Kyigudo.

It has been a difficult spring for usTibetans. The earthquake that struckKyigudo in mid-April left us heart-

broken and helpless. The death anddesperation of our people in Tibet andthe debility of those outside, againstthe belittling geographic and politicalgap, gnawed its tooth deep into ourexile wound.

The heart wrenching pictures of youngboys and girls lying dead on thepavements of Kyigudo town with theirschool bags still hanging on their feebleshoulders perhaps made many reassessthe political worth of this crushingphysical separation. Our hands couldn’treach their houses to lift a brick from therubble or wipe a tear from their crackedcheeks or throw a warm embrace aroundtheir cold shoulders.

We cried over television screens andcomputer monitors but we know that ourtears cannot bear the full impact of thistragedy as they do. We sat in holy

congregations and said prayers but weknow that only prayers couldn’t keepthem from the pain of broken bones andfamilies. We sang requiems and wrotearticles remembering the people andbeauty of Kyigudo but we know that theirmouths remain gagged with communistrhetoric and the land marred with tragicstories that might never get told.

The only consolation perhaps from thiscalamity was the re-emergence of theproud pan-Tibet identity that has forcenturies brimmed over the great plateau,defining in robust contours the socio-cultural boundaries of the Tibetan nation.Tibetans from all over the dismemberedparts of historical Tibet, now bifurcatedinto perverse-sounding Chinese areas,came together in deeds and prayers toshare the pain of Kyigudo.

Monks in thousands from thesurrounding areas rushed towardsKyigudo to lead the rescue and reliefefforts. Draped in their ‘crimson and

marigold’ robes, the monks labouredround the clock in harsh conditions topull out survivors from underneath therubbles of the flattened town – theircommitment and compassion making-upto whatever little they lacked in experienceand technical know-how. Survivors andvolunteers scurried through the desertedtown-lanes carrying the injured on theirbacks to the nearest makeshift medicalcamps. Tibetans from all over Tibet raisedfunds, collected food, water and clothingand sent truckloads of relief materials toKyigudo. As the roads leading-in toKyigudo remained heavy with traffic,words had it that there was no Tsampaleft in the markets of Lhasa, Tibet’shistorical capital, hundreds of miles tothe west.

Survivors of the tragedy - simple lay peoplewho have for generations looked-up to HisHoliness the Dalai Lama for leadership,spiritual guidance and solace, wrote anemotional appeal to President Hu Jintaoand Premiere Wen Jiabao on April 16,

O B I T U A R Y


According to Chinese official statistics the earthquake affected 100,000 people, leavingat least 2,064 dead and 12,000 injured. However, independent news reports quotedChinese officials from the People’s Procuratorate as well as local Tibetans as saying that total casualties were upwards of 10,000. Official figuresshow that ethnic Tibetans form 93 percent of the population in Kyigudo area.

Tibetan monks in their thousands were the first to arrive for rescue and relief work at Kyigudowhere more than 85 percent of the houses were destroyed. A week after the earthquake,government authorities ordered the monks to abandon their relief work and return.

According to Reporters Without Borders, journalists were told ‘not to focus too much on theefforts by Buddhist monks to help the victims’ in a set of rules issued by the PropagandaDepartment for covering the earthquake. Monks are seen here performing traditional ritesat a mass cremation in Kgiudo..

requesting a visit from His Holiness to‘fulfil their religious aspirations’.

Imploring them to find ‘compassion intheir hearts’, the quake victims,numbering over 100,000 expressed their‘deep faith in His Holiness the Dalai Lama’and declared that His visit in person tooffer prayers and condolences was the‘only way’ to heal their wounded hearts.

As the heavy cloud of dust settled overKyigudo, it seemed that the dead too hadspoken of their undying wish to beblessed by His Holiness. The ruins ofKyigudo revealed in grim reverence,pictures and thangkas of His Holinessthe Dalai Lama lying dearly amongst themud bricks and wooden beams. In Tibet,where possessing portraits of HisHoliness is a crime, numerous photos ofthe Dalai Lama appeared atonce on topof cars and trucks ferrying as ambulances.

Fifty years of persecution, indoctrinationand torture crashed against the walls ofTibetan faith and fell unceremoniously atits feet, once again.

In this time of tragedy, the Chinesegovernment denied us the last straw inhuman dignity of sharing our pain andsaying a prayer for the dead, together. Thecommunist overlords sent out a clearmessage that in their ‘harmonious society’,genuine aspirations of the minorities areto be trampled upon with contempt.

The government of the People’s Republicof China continues to commit a graveoffense not only against history but anoffense against humanity by separatingfamilies, and dividing a people who wishto be joined together.

When the indomitable Woeser in her blogwrites of the silent prayers of moistenedeyes that gaze at every aeroplane flying-in to Kyigudo, hoping it carries their ‘wishfulfilling gem’- His Holiness the DalaiLama – she captures in an agonisinglypalpable way the promise that is Tibet.

Even in the darkest period of our history,the unyielding faith and spirit of theTibetans inside Tibet shines forth withthe promise to endure and overcome thewrath of any brutal regime or calamity.

MESSAGE

I am deeply saddened by the loss of life and property as a result of the earthquake that struck Kyigudo (Chinese - Yushu) this morning.

We pray for those who have lost their lives in this tragedy and their families and others who have been affected. A special prayerservice is being held at the main temple (Tsuglagkhang) here at Dharamsala on their behalf.

It is my hope that all possible assistance and relief work will reach these people. I am also exploring how I, too, can contributeto these efforts.

DALAI LAMAApril 14, 2010

As I mentioned briefly soon after I heard the news, I was deeply saddened by the effects of the devastating earthquake in the YushuTibetan Autonomous Prefecture (Tibetan:Kyigudo) of Qinghai Province which resulted in the tragic loss of many lives, a greatnumber of injured and severe loss of property. Because of the physical distance between us, at present I am unable to comfort thosedirectly affected,but I would like them to know I am praying for them.

I commend the monastic community, young people and many other individuals from nearby areas for their good neighbourly supportand assistance to the families of those who have lost everything. May your exemplary compassion continue to grow. This kind ofvoluntary work in the service of others really puts the bodhisattva aspiration into practice.

I also applaud the Chinese authorities for visiting the affected areas, especially Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, who has not onlypersonally offered comfort to the affected communities, but has also overseen the relief work. I am very appreciative too that themedia have been free to report on the tragedy and its aftermath.

In 2008, when a similar earthquake struck Sichuan, Chinese central and local government leaders and auxiliary authorities took greatpains to provide relief, allow free access to the media, as well as clearing the way for international relief agencies to provideassistance as required. I applauded these positive moves then and appeal for such ease of access on this occasion too.

The Tibetan community in exile would like to offer whatever support and assistance it can towards the relief work. We hope to be ableto do this through the proper and appropriate channels as soon as possible.

When Sichuan was rocked by an earthquake two years ago, I wished to visit the affected areas to pray and comfort the people there,but I was unable to do so. However, when Taiwan was struck by a typhoon last year, I was able to visit the affected families and praywith them for those who had perished in that disaster. In providing some solace to the people concerned, I was happy to be able todo something useful.

This time the location of the earthquake, Kyigudo (Chinese: Yushu), lies in Qinghai Province,which happens to be where both thelate Panchen Lama and I were born. To fulfill the wishes of many of the people there, I am eager to go there myself to offer themcomfort.

In conclusion, I appeal to governments, international aid organisations and other agencies to extend whatever assistance they canto enable the families of those devastated by this tragedy to rebuild their lives. At the same time, I also call on the survivors of thiscatastrophe to recognise what has happened as the workings of karma and to transform this adversity into something positive,keeping their hopes up and meeting setbacks with courage as they struggle to restore what they have lost. Once again, I pray forthose who have lost their lives as well as for the well being of those who have survived.

DALAI LAMAApril 17, 2010

Edited by Sherab Woeser printed and published by the Secretary, Department of Information & International Relations, Central Tibetan Administration,Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamshala-176 215, HP, INDIA Printed at Narthang Press, Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamshala 176 215, HP, INDIA

His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s continuous efforts in preserving and disseminating the great value of Tibetan religiousand literary heritage remains a constant source of inspiration for all of us.

In our earnest effort to follow the great precedence shown and advice given by His Holiness the Dalai Lama, SherigParkhang has always taken initiative in whatever little ways it can, by offering special discount sale on religiouspechas, school books or other Tibet related books.

To mark the auspicious occasion of the 75th birth anniversary of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, SherigParkhang offers solemn prayers for the long-life and well being of His Holiness and is happy to announce specialdiscounts on its publications.

To celebrate this momentous occasion, Sherig Parkhang is offering special discount sale up-to 15% on all itspublications from July 6, 2010 to September 30, 2010.

Discount offered in respect with the Sherig Parkhang’s Catalogue:

6% discount on Shepar Catalogue* section [b]hP-[f]10% discount on Shepar Catalogue* section [Z]15% discount on all other sections of Shepar Catalogue*

* For details, please refer Sherig Parkhang Catalogue available at all below addresses.

Please Note Packing and shipping charges will be charged extra as & when applicable.

To avail special discount place your order at below addresses:

1. DirectorTibetan Cultural and Religious Publication CentreR-27 & 28, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar,Delhi - 110092Telefax: 011-22455634, Tel: 22453672,Director’s residence: 22013260Email: [email protected]

2. Sherig Parkhang (TCRPC) ShopHouse No # 179BTibetan Colony (Backside of Tibetan Day School)Manju-Ka-TillaDelhi 110054Tel: 011-23810830

4. Sherig Parkhang (TCRPC) ShopMcLeod Ganj Dharamsala Distt. Kangra (H.P)

3. Branch Manager,Sherig Parkhang (TCRPC)Session Road, K.B Dharamsala,176215 Distt Kangra H.PTel: 01892-222673

tibetan ulleti · 2018-08-13 · in march 2008 monks and nuns from a number of monasteries in lhasa...

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