this chapter may be cited as: ben sihanya (forthcoming
TRANSCRIPT
1
CHAPTER 4
PARTICIPATION AND REPRESENTATION IN KENYA AND AFRICA
This Chapter may be cited as: Ben Sihanya (forthcoming 2020) ―Participation and
Representation in Kenya and Africa,‖ in Ben Sihanya (2020) Constitutional Democracy,
Regulatory and Administrative Law in Kenya and Africa Vol. 1: Presidency, Premier,
Legislature, Judiciary, Commissions, Devolution, Bureaucracy and Administrative Justice in
Kenya, Sihanya Mentoring & Prof Ben Sihanya Advocates, Nairobi & Siaya.
4.1 Participation and Representation as a Component of Sovereignty in Kenya and Africa1
Participation and representation are closely linked to the concept of the people and popular
sovereignty in Kenya and Africa. They address substantive and procedural rights and liberties.
Significantly, Afro-Kenyan constitutional democracy and governance under the 2010
Constitution and relevant constitutions is supposed to be through direct participation and
representative or indirect through elections…Constitution of Kenya 1969 was founded on
representative democracy.
Sovereignty is the claim to be the ultimate political authority, subject to no higher power as
regards the making and enforcement of political decisions. It is the principle that establishes the
nation-state as an independent actor within the international system. It is noteworthy that for
states to claim sovereignty, the structure of the international system is by definition anarchic. The
culmination of the process of establishing the principle of statehood can be traced back to the
Treaty of Westphalia 1648.2
We adopt an Afro-Kenyanist perspective, theorizing and practice in analyzing participation and
representation in Kenya and Africa. We review the experience under successive constitutions
and administrations, including the Constitutions of Kenya (2010), South Africa (1996), Uganda
(1995), and Tanzania (1977 and Draft Constitution, 2014)3.Why and how have Kenyan debates
under the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) 2019 and 2020 addressed public or popular
participation and representation including Mixed Member Proportional Representation(MMPR)
into the future?4
1 Kenya under the 2010 Constitution is a participatory and representative democracy. Meaning? Significance? Thus,
even after electing representatives Kenyans still have the right and liberty to participate in constitutional, regulatory,
policy and administrative processes. Under the 1969 Constitution, it was essentially a representative democracy. See
also CODRALKA 1 Chapter 1 on Regulating and Administering Constitutional Democracy in Kenya and Africa;
and Chapter ….. on Regulating and Administering (basic, university, higher, legal education and TIVET?) in Kenya
and Africa. The US is largely a representative democracy. Greece was largely participatory by the standards of its
day. But the population and territory was small. More importantly, ‘‘person‖ meant white race, male, free (not a
slave)…..The Greece of the time would not be a constitutional democracy by contemporary standards….. 2 What are the objectives and outcomes of the Peace of Westphalia? A series of peace treaties signed between May
and October 1648 in the Westphalian cities in Germany largely ending the European wars of religion including the
Thirty years of War. The wars had killed about 8 million people. 3 Alawi Masare (2014) ―Tanzania Draft Charter Proposes Federal System, Vote Challenges,‖ Bloomberg, Tanzania,
January 29, 2014, at https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-01-29/tanzania-draft-charter-proposes-federal-
system-vote-challenges (accessed November 10, 2020). 4 Cf. BBI Report 2019, 2020; debate on amending the constitution of Kenya 2010 in the BBI context….
2
In modern international law, the principle of (external) sovereignty which goes hand in hand
with non-intervention is embodied in Art 2(7) of the UN Charter which provides as follows:
―Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters
which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to
submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the
application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII.‖5
Constitutional scholars including Prof Ben Nwabueze of Nigeria, Prof Issa Shivji of Tanzania,
and Prof Ben Sihanya of Kenya have clarified that popular sovereignty, which now undergirds
the Constitution of Kenya 2010, has three parameters: First, it entails the constitutive power
including constitution making, constitutional amendment. Second, it is the power to elect,
impeach or recall governors. Third, it is the power to monitor and evaluate government.6
All these powers of electing, impeaching, recalling, constitution making and amendment,
monitoring and evaluation of government repose in the people, since sovereignty belongs to the
people in a constitutional democracy, as provided for by the Constitution 2010.
4.2 Representation through the electoral system in Kenya and Africa
Representation is the action of speaking or acting on behalf of someone. Chapter 7 of the
Constitution of Kenya provides for representation of the people through the electoral system.
Election is part of sovereignty and constitutional government in Kenya. According to Prof Joel
D. Barkan an expert on African political systems, ―elections are but one event in the long process
of establishing a political culture and institutions supportive of democratic rule.‖7 As stated
earlier, elections are part of the three pronged typology on popular sovereignty under
constitutional government.
4.2.1 Principles of Kenya’s electoral system
The electoral system in Kenya is expected to comply with the following principles:8
(a) freedom of citizens to exercise their political rights under Article 38;
(b) not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public bodies shall be of the same
gender;
(c) fair representation of persons with disabilities;
(d) universal suffrage based on the aspiration for fair representation and equality of vote;
and
(e) free and fair elections, which are--
5 Cf. non indifference under AU‘s constitutive instruments.
6 See Ben Nwabueze (1974 Presidentialism in Commonwealth Africa , C. Hurst & Nwamife, London & Enugu
7 Joel D. Barkan (1993) ―Kenya: Lessons from a flawed election,‖ Volume 4, Number 3, Journal of Democracy 85-
99. 8 Articles 81, 86 of the Constitution. See also Chapter 2 of CODRALKA (Section on the Bill of Rights…)…;
Chapter 22 on Constitution Making, Amendment, Interpretation, Implementation in Kenya and Africa.
3
(i) by secret ballot;
(ii) free from violence, intimidation, improper influence or corruption;
(iii) conducted by an independent body;
(iv) transparent; and
(v) administered in an impartial, neutral, efficient, accurate and accountable manner.
Kenya has made significant steps to ensure that these electoral principles are upheld in our
constitutional democracy. However, there is still more that needs to be done by the relevant
institutions, officers and the civil society in order to eradicate divisive elections, ethnic
antagonism, to uphold inclusivity, transparency and accountability during elections, the rule of
law, equity and fairness in representation.9
These can be achieved through various measures including strengthening the institutional and
legal framework, constitutional reforms, and amendments as proposed in the BBI 2020 Report.
The BBI 2020 Report recommends the restructuring of the IEBC to ensure its effectiveness, and
to allow political parties to nominate commissioners to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries
Commission (IEBC) through an amendment of the IEBC Act, 2011 and the relevant electoral
laws.10
Some of the current IEBC commissioners including Chairperson Wafula Chebukati are
already opposed to the complete overhaul of the IEBC as proposed under the BBI 2020 Report,
and debates.11
4.2.2 Conceptualising electoral systems in Kenya and Africa
How can the electoral system secure equality of the vote and ensure that every vote counts? That
universal adult sufferage on a common role is real…? What is the meaning and significance of
the …BBI debates: one person, one vote; one person, one vote, one shilling; one person, one
vote, one kilometre? Consider Articles 81, 89, 90, 97, 98, 177…; and Art. 43, Chapter 12 on
public finance ….
Conceptually, there are two main types of electoral systems: open list system and closed list
system. An open list system is where voters are given a proportional party-list to choose from,
and hence they have influence in the order in which a party‘s candidates are elected.12
In a closed list system, only active members, party officials or consultants select and determine
the candidates who are placed in the party list.
Relatedly, there are other facets of electoral systems linked to the two above. First past the post
(FPTP) refers to the electoral system used to elect Members of Parliament (MPs) to Westminster.
9 Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) 2020 Report at
https://nation.africa/resource/blob/2486392/88e5205129241296af3755acd99809c1/bbi-report-data.pdf (accessed
November 20, 2020). 10
Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) 2020 Report at https://www.bbi.go.ke/legislative-proposals (accessed November
20, 2020). 11
Moses Odhiambo (2020) ―IEBC unveils own reforms, opposes BBI's proposed overhaul,‖ The Star, Nairobi,
October 28, 2020, at https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2020-10-27-iebc-unveils-own-reforms-opposes-bbis-
proposed-overhaul/ (accessed November 10, 2020). 12
Alina Rocha Menocal (2012) ―Why electoral systems matter: an analysis of their incentives and effects on key
areas of governance,‖ Overseas Development Institute, at https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-
assets/publications-opinion-files/7367.pdf (accessed 24/10/2019).
4
It is used in Canada, India, United Kingdom, among others.13
Basically, it is the system which
voters indicate on a ballot the candidate of their choice, and the candidate who receives the most
votes wins.
In a Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system, a candidate and/or political party wins
seats in proportion to the percentage of total votes they receive in an election.14
PR systems that
are commonly used can further be categorized into three: First, party-list Proportional
Representation. Second, single transferable vote (STV).
Where and how does the Constitution of Kenya 2010 address (mixed member) proportional
representation (MM)(PR)?....Article 90(1) states:
―Elections for the seats in Parliament provided for under Articles 97(1) (c) and 98 (1) (b), (c) and (d), and
for the members of county assemblies under 177 (1) (b) and (c), shall be on the basis of proportional
representation by use of party lists.‖
And Article 90(3) states:
―The seats referred to in clause (1) shall be allocated to political parties in proportion to the total number of
seats won by candidates of the political party at the general election.‖
Third, mixed member proportional representation (MMPR).15
Party-list system is where political parties form a list of candidates, and seats are won in
proportion to the percentage of votes received. In other versions of the system, candidates are
voted on directly with each vote also being counted towards their affiliated party.16
In Single Transferable Vote (STV), voters rank candidates according to their order of preference.
If a voter‘s first candidate is eliminated, his or her vote is then reassigned to other preferred
candidates on their list based on rules of the electoral system.17
In mixed member proportional representation (MMPR), each voter makes two selections on a
ballot: one vote for a candidate and a separate vote for a party. Some seats are first filled by
popular candidates with a high percentage of votes. The remaining seats are then filled in line
with each party‘s percentage of the total so they obtain proportional representation.18
Does Proportional representation work better in a parliamentary than in a presidential system?
But the political parties must be organised, efficient and equitable or fair.
MMPR can work in a parliamentary, a presidential and a hybrid system. Some seats are allocated
to parties, and some seats are contested one the basis of the credentials of the individual
13
Electoral Reform Society, at https://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/ (accessed 24/10/2019). 14
Joseph F. Zimmerman (1994) ―Alternative Voting Systems for Representative Democracy,‖ Vol. 27, No. 4,
Political Science and Politics…. 15
This is the open nomination or party primary system….that existed at independence and was limited during the
single KANU party rule (1969-1991). It was reformed under the 2010 Constitution which retains FPTP in all the six
(6) electoral seats. The debate is 2020 and BBI debate is on the party list…See below 16
Ibid. 17
Ibid. 18
Ibid.
5
candidates. It is more complex, but better especially where party politics is neither efficient nor
equitable like in Kenya and Africa.19
Prof Chege argues:
―In addition, Professor Nyong‘o makes the case for a party list proportional representation. Again
this is a sound proposal.‖ Under it party legislative strengths roughly reflects the percentage of
votes cast for the respective parties. Such representation also tends to be more gender and
minority friendly than first past the post majority system. Its drawbacks, as we can see from
South Africa, is that parliamentarians seek to serve20
and please the party that nominated them
more than the constituency that allocated them - ―if any.‖
Prof Chege adds:
―For that reason, Kenya might consider the Mixed-Member Proportional Representation (MMPR)
system under which voters get two votes: one to choose the representatives of their single seat
constituency, and the other for a political party. In my estimation, Lesotho presents the best
example under which one ballot is used to elect the constituency MP, and to indicate party
affiliation, the latter being then used to distribute non-constituency seats to parties in proportion
to the ballots cast for the. Party lists are publicly distributed prior to the polls.‖21
The Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) Report 2020 proposes some key amendments to Chapter 8
of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, First, the BBI 2020 Report proposes the restructuring of the
National Assembly by a proposed amendment to Art. 97 to secure the representation of the
special interest groups, especially women, persons with disability (PWDs), and the youth….22
The debate on the BBI Draft Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2020 focus on the
restructuring of the membership of the National Assembly in at least three ways. First, to 360
members elected by registered voters from the two hundred and ninety (290) constituencies.
Second, this is to cure the inadequacies of the First Past the Post (FPTP) system and ensure equal
representation and equity (Arts 81, 27….). Third, it is also to ensure that Kenya attains the
constitutional requirement that electoral boundaries should progressively reflect the equality of
the vote, registered voters, voter turnout (Article 81), voter population quota and land mass (e.g.
North Horr constituency) within the electoral boundaries (Art. 89).
Relatedly, BBI also recommends the inclusion of the Government in Parliament through creation
of the post of a Leader of Official Opposition under Article 97 who would also be a member of
the National Assembly, Cabinet Ministers (from Cabinet Secretaries) who are not members of
19
Cf. Prof Michael Chege (2019) ‗‘Foreword‖ in Peter Anyang‘ Nyong‘o, Presidential or Parliamentary
Democracy in Kenya? Choices to be made, Booktalk Africa, Nairobi, 7-10. Cf. other works and presentations by
Prof Michael Chege…Dr Patrick O. Asingu, of the Department of Political Science and Public Administration,
University of Nairobi… 20
…. 21
…. 22
Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) 2020 Report at
https://nation.africa/resource/blob/2486392/88e5205129241296af3755acd99809c1/bbi-report-data.pdf (accessed
November 20, 2020).
6
the National Assembly, and an Attorney-General as an ex-officio member of the National
Assembly.23
Second, the BBI 2020 Report proposes to restructure the composition of the Senate by a
proposed amendment to Article 98, Constitution of Kenya 2010 to ensure inclusivity in terms of
gender balance for the realization of the two-thirds gender rule under Arts. 27(8), 81(b) as read
with Art. 96(1) Constitution of Kenya 2010.24
The proposed changes in the BBI 2020 Report if
passed, approved and implemented, means that will have an additional 47 members (with one (1)
man and one (1) woman) being elected from each of the 47 counties.25
Third, the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) 2020 Report recommends the restructuring of the
composition of the County Assembly under Art. 177 Constitution of Kenya 2010. The Report
proposes an amendment to Art. 177 to introduce the nomination of candidates through a party list
rather than the number of seats won, as is the practice currently. The BBI 2020 Report also seeks
to align the terms of the MCAs to the election cycle.26
4.2.3 Elections under the Constitution of Kenya 2010
Article 38 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010 provides:
―(1) Every citizen is free to make political choices, which includes the right— (a) to form, or
participate in forming, a political party; (b) to participate in the activities of, or recruit members
for, a political party; or (c) to campaign for a political party or cause. (2) Every citizen has the
right to free, fair and regular elections based on universal suffrage and the free expression of the
will of the electors for— (a) any elective public body or office established under this
Constitution; or (b) any office of any political party of which the citizen is a member. (3) Every
adult citizen has the right, without unreasonable restrictions— Constitution of Kenya, 2010 29 (a)
to be registered as a voter; (b) to vote by secret ballot in any election or referendum; and (c) to be
a candidate for public office, or office within a political party of which the citizen is a member
and, if elected, to hold office.‖
Article 38 of the Constitution grants every citizen the freedom to make political choices.
Furthermore, every citizen has a right to free, fair and regular elections based on universal
suffrage and the free expression of the electors. It therefore follows that every adult citizen has
the right, without unreasonable restrictions, to be a registered voter; to vote by secret ballot in
any election or referendum; and to be a candidate for public office, or office within a political
party of which the citizen is a member and, elected, to hold office.
23
Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) Report 2020, at https://www.bbi.go.ke/post/bbi-report-october-2020 (accessed
November 10, 2020). 24
Ibid. 25
Moses Odhiambo (2020) ―BBI gender plan: Counties to pick 47 women senators,‖ The Star, Nairobi, October 19,
2020, at https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2020-10-19-bbi-gender-plan-counties-to-pick-47-women-senators/
(accessed November 10, 2020). 26
See the debates on the BBI 2020 Report, Kirsten Kanja (2020 ―Counties, women groups slam BBI report,‖
Standard, Nairobi, November 5, 2020, at https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/politics/article/2001392687/consult-us-
or-we-reject-bbi-proposals-mcas-now-warn (accessed November 10, 2020).
7
Significantly, Arts 3827
, 8128
and 8629
of the Constitution are clear that there is no
constitutionally mandated electoral system: FPTP, PR or MMPR. Kenya must abandon the FPTP
even though it is the easiest to implement.
The main types of elections under the 2010 Constitution are presidential, parliamentary and
county. This replaced the old typology of presidential, parliamentary and local government
elections under the 1969 constitution repealed National Assembly and Presidential Election
(NAPE) Act, Cap 7 and the repealed Local Government Act, Cap 265.30
How can Kenya implement the arguments regarding vote weighting and vote dilution including
one person, one vote; one person, one vote, one shilling (population quote and resource
allocation); one person, one vote, one kilometre (…?).
How should Articles 87, 89, 90, 97, 98, 177…be amended and implemented? When should
electoral units or boundaries be reviewed? after 8 years (IEBC 2020?) or after 12 years? After
reviewing the electoral system in terms of MMPR?
How should electoral units relate to constitutional (e.g. County), political (constituency), and
administrative units (e.g. regions, sub-counties…)
4.2.3.1 Presidential elections in Kenya and Africa31
In terms of occasion and procedure, a presidential election may be conducted as pure presidential
election or as part of a general election (Arts 136, 138, 139, 140). A person is qualified for
election as President if the satisfies Article 137 requirements. These include being a citizen by
birth; qualifying to stand for election as a Member of Parliament (Art 99); and being nominated
by a political party, or being an independent candidate.
The person must be nominated by not fewer than two thousand (2000) voters from each of a
majority of the counties (that is, at least 24 of the 47 counties). The Independent Electoral and
Boundaries Commission (IEBC) issues a certificate to a person who has met the foregoing and
related requirements under the Constitution, the Political Parties Act, 2011, the Elections Act,
2011 and the relevant Rules and Regulations.
The threshold for a presidential election is outlined under Article 138 of the Constitution 2010. A
candidate who receives more than half of all the votes cast in the election (50% + 1) and at least
27
…. 28
…. 29
…. 30
See Ben Sihanya (2016) ―Emerging Electoral Jurisprudence in Kenya and Nigeria,‖ Essay presented at The
Electoral Institute (TEI) and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of Nigeria, August 10, 2016.
See also Ben Sihanya (forthcoming 2020) ―Electoral justice in Kenya under the 2010 Constitution: Implementation,
enforcement, reversals and reforms,‖ in Ben Sihanya (2020) Constitutional Democracy, Regulatory and
Administrative Law in Kenya and Africa Vol.1: Presidency, Premier, Legislature, Judiciary, Commissions,
Devolution, Bureaucracy and Administrative Justice in Kenya, Sihanya Mentoring & Innovative Lawyering, Nairobi
& Siaya (herein, Chapter 24 CODRALKA 1)… 31
See also Chapter 9 CODRALKA 1 on President and Premier in Kenya and Africa….
8
twenty-five per (25) cent of the votes cast in each of more than half (or at least 24) of the 47
counties shall be declared elected as President.32
Consider the BBI 2019 and 2020 debate, proposals and discussion that in a hybrid parliamentary
leaning system, the President appoints the DP; who is not a running mate…33
4.2.3.2 Gubernatorial elections in Kenya and Africa
Article 179 states that the executive authority of the county is vested in, and exercised by, the
county executive committee which consists of the county governor, the deputy county governor,
and members appointed by the county governor with the approval of the assembly. The county
governor and deputy county governor are the chief executive and deputy chief executive of the
county, respectively.
Art 80 provides that the county governor shall be directly elected by the voters registered in the
county, on the same day as a general election of Members of Parliament, being the second
Tuesday in August, every fifth year. The governor is elected on the basis of a plurality of votes
rather than majority.
There have been debates on the dates of elections under the 2010 Constitution34
and even
before.35
There are no separate elections for the deputy county governor. Instead, each candidate for
county governor shall nominate a person who is qualified for nomination for election as county
governor as a candidate for deputy governor. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries
Commission shall then declare the candidate nominated by the person who is elected county
governor to have been elected as the deputy governor. Cf. Deputy President.
The legislative authority of a county is vested in, and exercised by, its county assembly (Art
185). Art 177 states that a county assembly shall consist of members elected by the registered
voters of wards and they are to be elected on the same day as a general election of MPs, being
the second Tuesday in August, in every fifth year. Moreover, the number of special seat
members necessary to ensure that no more than two thirds of the membership of the assembly are
the same gender; and contain the number of members of marginalized groups, including persons
with disabilities and youth, prescribed by an Act of Parliament.
32
The Supreme Court in Raila Odinga v. IEBC and 3 Others thus sought to amend this clause without citing any
authoritative source. The amicus curiae A-G Githu Muigai cited a dissent from Seychelles whose constitutional and
electoral system has no precedental value. Some of the (problematic) cases in Raila are: Abubakar v. Yar’Adua
[2009] All FWLR (Pt. 457) 1 SC, Akashambatwa Lewanika & Others v. Fredrick Chiluba [1999] 1 LRC 138; Bush
v. Gore 531 US 98 (2000); Buhari v. Obasanjo (2005) CLR 7(k) (SC), Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye v. Museveni Yoweri
Kaguta & Electoral Commission, Election Petition No. 1 of 2006; Jugnauth v. Ringadoo and Others [2008] UKPC
50; M. Narayan Rao v. G. Venkata Reddy & Another, 1977 (AIR)(SC) 208; Morgan and Others v. Simpson and
Another [1974] 3 All ER 722; Ojukwu v. Obasanjo (2004) 12 NWLR (Pt.886) 169; United States v. Michigan 940
F.2d 143, 164…. 33
…. 34
…. 35
Cf. debate on the dates of general, presidential, civic, and county assembly elections after 1963: 1968? Why
1969?....cite present and past elections date cases….and also the Ford K case on nomination timeline in the 1992
general elections….
9
Consider the three-pronged BBI 2019 and 2020 proposals and debates on the Deputy Governor
(DG). First, that the Gubernatorial candidate ―shall consider a running mate from opposite
gender‖…; that the Deputy Governor be appointed by the Governor and should not be a running
mate, to allow broader political negotiations and compromise. Second, that the Governor
appoints the DG from the opposite (or same?) gender…Third, that the Governor assigns or
reassigns the DG a specific portfolio…What about the role of the county assembly in the
disappointment of the Deputy Governor?36
4.2.3.3 Parliamentary elections in Kenya and Africa37
Article 101 provides that a general election of members of Parliament shall be held on the second
Tuesday in August every fifth year. Significantly, there was debate on the date of the first
election under 2010 Constitution. Why were general elections held in1969 and not 1968 (after
1963?).38
To qualify for election as an MP, one must be a registered voter; satisfy any educational, moral
and ethical requirements and be nominated by a political party, or be an independent candidate
supported by at least one thousand registered voters in the constituency in the case of election to
the National Assembly or two thousand (why?) registered voters in the County in the case of
election to the Senate.39
4.2.4 Right to Recall the Members of Parliament in Kenya and Africa40
Article 104 0f the Constitution of Kenya 2010 provides that the electorate under Articles 97 and
98 have the right to recall the members of Parliament representing their constituency before the
end of the term of the relevant House of Parliament.
Under article 104 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, the right of the electorate to recall their
representative applies only in respect of elected members of the National Assembly and the
Senate.
Section 45 of the Elections Act provides for the ground in which the electorate in a county or
constituency may recall their Member of Parliament before the end of the term in the relevant
House of Parliament.
A Member of Parliament may be recalled where the member-
36
…. 37
See also Chapter 7 CODRALKA 1 on Legislative Power and Process in Kenya and Africa. 38
The March 4, 2013 was identified after much debate whereby the Kibaki-Kenyatta faction that was controlling the
executive and government machinery appeared not ready for elections that should have been held by December 27,
2012 (after Dec 27, 2007)…. What about 2017? 2022?.....See also Chapter 9.CODRALKA 1 on President and
Premier in Kenya and Africa…. 39
Why? Cf. Registration of parties – some parties like TNA included non members in their lists. There were
complaints. What did RPP and IEBC do under the law? 40
Nzau Musau (2014) ―Why you have to wait until 2015 to recall your MP, and still it may not be that easy,‖
Standard Digital, Nairobi, October 18, 2014, at
http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/entertainment/article/2000138706/why-you-have-to-wait-until-2015-to-recall-your-
mp-and-still-it-may-not-be-that-easy?pageNo=3 (accessed 23/10/14).
10
a) is found, after due process of the law, to have violated the provisions of Chapter Six of
the Constitution;
b) is found, after due process of the law, to have mismanaged public resources;
c) is convicted of an offence under the Elections Act.
A recall of a Member of Parliament under section 45(1) of the Elections Act, can only be
initiated upon confirmation of any of the three grounds under section 45(2) by the High Court. A
recall can only be initiated twenty-four months after the election of the member of Parliament
and not later than twelve months immediately preceding the next general election.
The Elections Act also provides that a recall petition shall not be filed against a Member of
Parliament more than once during the term of that member in Parliament.41
A person who unsuccessfully contested an election under the Elections Act 2011 shall not be
eligible, directly or indirectly, to initiate a petition.
4.2.4.1 Petition for recall in Kenya and Africa42
A recall election shall be decided by a simple majority of the voters voting in the recall election.
A recall under section 45 of the Election Act 2011 shall be initiated by a petition filed with the
Independent Electoral Boundaries Commission (IEBC) and which shall be-
a) in writing ;
b) signed by a petitioner who-
i. is a voter in the constituency or county in respect of which the recall is sought; and
ii. was registered to vote in the election in respect of which the recall is sought;
c) The petition shall be accompanied by an order of the High Court issued in terms of section 45(3)
of the Elections Act which provides that a recall of a Member of Parliament shall only be initiated
upon a finding by the High Court confirming the grounds where a Member of Parliament may be
recalled.
d) The petition shall;
i. Specify the grounds for the recall;
ii. Contain a list of names of voters in the constituency or county which shall represent at
least thirty percent of the registered voters; and
iii. Be accompanied by the fee prescribed for an election petition.
The Independent Electoral Boundaries Commission if satisfied that the grounds for a recall are
met shall within fifteen days after the verification, issue a notice of the recall to the Speaker of
the relevant House (National Assembly/Senate). The Commission shall then conduct a recall
election within the relevant constituency or county within ninety days of the publication of the
question.43
41
Section 45(2) (5) of the Elections Act 2011. 42
See litigation and case law... 43
Section 46(8) of the Elections Act, Cap. 7.
11
Further, according to Part IV of the Elections Act 2011, the electorate in a county or constituency
have a right to recall their representative on only three grounds: violation of provisions of
Chapter Six of the Constitution, mismanagement of public resources and if convicted under the
Elections Act.44
See arguments by Jill Cottrell Ghai of Katiba Institute and University of Nairobi law scholar Prof
Ben Sihanya on recall of MPs.
4.3 Public, Popular and Stakeholder Participation in Kenya and Africa45
What is public or popular participation?46
How is it conceptualized or defined in the following, if
at all: Constitution of Kenya,47
South Africa, Nigeria, Uganda, Zanzibar; Public participation Bill
2018;48
cf…49
; policy public participation50
…Ben Sihanya has developed a conceptualized
framework, typology and methodology on public participation under the Constitution of
Kenya.51
The term public participation has been conceptualized and defined differently. According to
Smith, public participation encompasses a group of procedures designed to consult, involve, and
inform the public to allow those affected by a decision to have an input into that decision.52
The
World Bank Learning Group on Participation defines participation as a process through which
stakeholders influence and share control over development initiatives and the decisions and
resources which affect them.53
These definitions depict public participation as relating closely to the administrative principle of
consultation which demands that public bodies consult parties to be affected by a decision or rule
before making their final determination.54
Before such consultation, the public bodies must avail
44
Part IV of Elections Act 2011. See also Nzau Musau (2014) ―Why you have to wait until 2015 to recall your MP,
and still it may not be that easy,‖ Standard, Nairobi, at http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000138706/why-
you-have-to-wait-until-2015-to-recall-your-mp-and-still-it-may-not-be-that-easy (accessed on 29/6/2016)......... 45
See Chapter 18 of CODRALKA 2 on Public Participation and Public interest Lawyering in Kenya and Africa; a
revised edition from the article published in the LSK Journal as Ben Sihanya (2013) ―Public participation and public
interest lawyering under the Kenyan Constitution: Theory, process and reforms,‖ Vol 9 (1) (2013) Law Society of
Kenya Journal 1–32, ibid….. 46
Cf. George Githinji (2020) ―The legal framework for public participation in Kenya,‖ …. 47
from Githinji, Articles Article 69 (1) (d); Article 118: (1); Article 119 (1); Article 174 (c); Article 232(1) (d) ibid 48
…. 49
Cite e.g. from Githinji, ibid 50
…. 51
Ben Sihanya (2013) ―Public participation and public interest lawyering under the Kenyan Constitution: theory,
process and reforms,‖ Vol 9 (1) (2013) Law Society of Kenya Journal 1–32. 52
L.G. Smith (1983) Impact Assessment and Sustainable Resource Management, Longman, 1983. See generally
Gene Rowe & Lynn J. Fr (2000) Public participation methods: A framework for evaluation, Vol. 25, No. 1, Science,
Technology, & Human Values, 3-29………. 53
World Bank, World Bank Participation Sourcebook Environment Department Papers Participation Series
(Washington, DC: World Bank, 1995)…….. 54
David Pollard, Neil Parpworth & David Hughes, Constitutional and Administrative Law 4th
ed, (United
Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2007). See also Ben O. Nwabueze (1974 Presidentialism in Commonwealth
Africa , C. Hurst & Nwamife, London & Enugu.
David H. Rosenbloom, Robert S. Kravchuk, & Richard M. Clerkin, (2009) Public Administration: Understanding
Management, Politics, and Law in the Public Sector, McGraw-Hill, New York…...
12
sufficient information to the citizens being consulted to enable them to tender advice.55
These
parameters are important for democracy and constitutional government.
4.3.1 Public Participation under the Constitution of Kenya 2010
Public participation under the Constitution of Kenya 2010 is based on numerous theoretical
premises. Three of these are, first, the constituent power or the foundation of sovereign authority.
Second, the economic and administrative efficiency partly based on subsidiarity in service
delivery. Third, regulatory and procedural juridical due process.56
All sovereign power belongs to the people of Kenya and is required to be exercised only in
accordance with the Constitution.57
This is partly based on the premise and means that citizens
themselves should be the ones exercising power.58
Since not all citizens can directly or actively
participate in governance, they do so by means of elected representatives in Parliament, as well
as direct participation through mechanisms like referenda.
In summary, the Constitution of Kenya 2010 makes public participation a key concept of governance
under Article 1 (1) and 1 (2); Article 10(2) (a); Article 174; Article 33 (a); Article 69(1) (d); Article
119(1); Article 196(1); Article 174; Article 184(1) (c); Article 196 (2); Article 232....
Public participation is also emphasized under the following statutes: Public Finance Management Act,
2012 and the County Government Act, 2012….
See Public Participation Bill, 2018 (before Senate)………59
See various county Public participation Acts and Bills……
See cases on Public participation in legislation, taxation, Constitutional amendment
debate…….e.g. Gakuru v. Kiambu60
….(Justice Odunga……)….; the Coastal Kenya …. Case;
cf. Wilfred Manthi Musyoka v. County Assembly of Machakos [2019] eKLR; Omtatah v. County
Government of Kiambu [2018] eKLR61
where Justice Meoli held that public participation carried
out before the enactment of Kiambu County Alcoholic Drinks Control Act, 2018 satisfied the
test of effectiveness; Justice Weldon Korir upheld BBI 2019 on constitutionality of functions,
presidential power in public participation and appointment of members of the BBI Taskforce as
provided under Section 44 of the Interpretation and General Provisions Act, Cap. 2 in Moraa
Gesicho v. Attorney General, Building Bridges to Unity Task Force [2019] eKLR;
55
Paul Craig (2010) Administrative Law, Sweet and Maxwell, London. 56
See Article 47 of the Constitution on fair administrative action. Decisions that are economically and
administratively efficient, reasonable (rationality……) and procedurally fair. 57
Preamble, Constitution of Kenya 2010…. 58
Benjamin Obi Nwabueze, (1974) Presidentialism in Commonwealth Africa (: St. Martin‘s Press, New York);
Benjamin Obi Nwabueze, Constitutionalism in the Emergent States (London: C. Hurst & Co, 1973). Cf. Njoya & 6
Others v. A-G & 3 Others Miscellaneous Civil Application (No. 2) [2004] KLR….. 59
… 60
Robert N Gakuru & Another v. Governor Kiambu County & 3 Others [2013] eKLR; Republic v. County
Government of Kiambu Ex parte Robert Gakuru & Another [2016] eKLR 61
Okiya Omtatah Okoiti v. County Government of Kiambu [2018] eKLR
13
Further, Justice Mativo held that the powers and functions of the president as provided under
Art. 131, 132 and 252 are not contradictory but rather, that Art. 252 is general whiel Art. 131 and
132 are specific, in Thirdway Alliance Kenya & Another v. Head of the Public Service-Joseph
Kinyua & 2 Others; Martin Kimani & 15 Others (Interested Parties) [2020] eKLR62
; Justice
Mativo stated that:
―I do not think that it was the intention of the Constitution that any time the President performs
his functions he is required to subject his decision to public participation. Such an interpretation
would amount to unnecessarily constraining his constitutional functions.‖63
4.3.2 Forms of participation in Kenya and Africa
Public participation may take various forms. These may be in the realm of social and political
processes; administrative processes; and juridical processes, including litigation. These may
involve elections, referenda, public hearings or inquiries, parliamentary representation of
citizenry, public opinion surveys, citizen advisory committees, and focus group discussions,
among others.64
4.3.2.1 Participation in the legislative process in Kenya and Africa
The 2010 Constitution has opened space for the exercise of popular sovereignty in governance.
This has been done at three levels: first, legislative activity, whereby Articles 118 and 119
require Parliament to facilitate public participation and involvement in the legislative and other
business of Parliament and its committees……65
Previously, participatory lawmaking was achieved at a minimal level by the involvement of
consultative statutory and ―executive‖ legislative organs such as the Kenya Law Reform
Commission (KLRC), which routinely collects views from the public before drafting bills, and
various legislative task forces mandated to collect views from the public and draft bills. The
2010 Constitution now requires participatory legislative processes at all legislative levels,
including the Senate, the National Assembly, county assemblies, KLRC, the Attorney-General‘s
office (for Government Bills), ministerial offices, and constitutional as well as statutory
commissions with legislative mandates, e.g., the Commission on Revenue Allocation (Articles
215–219, 248). Who (actually) originates, processes or makes (most of the) laws…?
4.3.2.2 Participation in policy making and execution66
62
Mercy Asamba (2020) ―Court dismisses Aukot‘s case on BBI task force,“ Standard, Nairobi at
https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001362863/court-dismisses-aukot-s-bbi-task-force-case (accessed
November 10, 2020). 63
Thirdway Alliance Kenya & Another v. Head of the Public Service-Joseph Kinyua & 2 Others; Martin Kimani &
15 Others (Interested Parties) [2020] eKLR 64
See Ben Sihanya (2013) ―Public participation and public interest lawyering under the Kenyan Constitution:
Theory, process and reforms,‖ op. cit. now Chapter 18 CODRALKA 2….. 65
..To quote …………..in the text. 66
See Chapter 10 of CODRALKA 2, ―The Contribution of Academia and Civil Society in Development, Policy
Making & Budgetary Processes,‖ revised from the version published as Ben Sihanya (2009) ―The Contribution of
Academia and Civil Society in Development Policy Making & Budgetary Process,‖ in Peter Wanyande& M.A.
Okebe (eds) (2009) Discourses on Civil Society in Kenya, African Research and Resource Forum (ARRF), Nairobi,
Section I, Chapter V, 40-64….
14
The second is law execution and policy making, whereby Articles 10, 43, 129(2) and 232 of the
Constitution provide that the exercise of executive and public authority, and public policy
making, should be undertaken with popular participation and for the wellbeing of the people.
Third, Article 159, among others, opens up the judicial adjudicatory process for the people, in
terms of access to justice through broader capacity to sue (or locus standi).
Policy making has been integrated into the Constitution in at least three main ways: first, Article
10 articulates a set of comprehensive national values and principles of governance to bind all
state organs, state officers, public officers and all persons in making or implementing public
policy decisions. Second, Article 21 tasks the government with a mandatory duty of taking
policy measures to achieve the progressive realization of the comprehensive economic and social
rights guaranteed under Article 43. Third, Article 232 provides that the values and principles of
the public service include the involvement of the people in the process of policy making
4.3.2.3 Participation in constitution making, Constituent Assembly, and referenda67
As already indicted the constituent power includes constitutional amendment and review. This
may be through a referendum, constituent assembly, or parliament. Either way, the people
participate through directly casting of a vote or through their representatives. Kenya went
through this in the 1960-1963 Lancaster House Conference and in the 2008-2010 constitutional
review process that culminated in the referendum on August 4, 2010.
A referendum is defined as a direct vote in which the electorate are asked to either accept or
reject a particular proposal. This may result in the adoption of a new constitution, a constitutional
amendment, or a law. It is a form of direct democracy. In a referendum, the vote is usually a
choice of one of two options. A referendum may address one issue or many issues or may be a
choice between two documents: issues-based v. document-based. All participants in the process
have equal voting power (or influence) and the final outcome is binding on all citizens.68
Participation in a referendum is usually by all members of the national or local population
subject to existing legal limitations. Any Kenyan qualified to vote also qualifies to participate in
a referendum.69
Kenya has had two referenda votes since independence in 1963. The first
referendum was held on November 21, 2005 where Kenyans were asked to either vote for or
against the Proposed New Constitution of Kenya 2005 that was sponsored by the faction of the
Government led by President Mwai Kibaki, (the ―Wako‖ or DP Draft).70
58.12% voters led by
67
Cf Constitution of Kenya Review Acts, interim constitutions, final constitutions, …cf Uganda 1966, 1967; 1993-
95; Nigeria, (transition without end, until 1999 Constitution?) South Africa? Kenya? 68
Merriam Webster Dictionary (2012); Sylvia R. Lazos Judicial review of initiatives and referendums in which
majorities vote on minorities’ citizenship (1999) University of Nevada, Las Vegas, William Boyd School of Law
Scholarly Works Paper 479, Las Vegas. 69
Article 38(3)(b) of the Constitution of Kenya 2010. 70
Proposed New Constitution of Kenya, 2005 published on August 22, 2005 vide Kenya Gazette Supplement No.
63 by the Attorney-General S. Amos Wako. It had been drafted by or on the instructions of the Democratic Party
(DP) and its allies by excluding sections of the governing Coalition under the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC)
and most of the Kenyan people.
15
Cabinet Ministers Raila Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka voted against the Proposed New
Constitution.
The second referendum was held on August 4, 2010 for Kenyans to either vote for or against the
Proposed New Constitution of Kenya 2010. Over 67% of voters led by President Mwai Kibaki
and Prime Minister Raila Odinga approved the Proposed Constitution of Kenya, 2010. It was
promulgated on Friday, August 27, 2010.71
Kenyans may participate in another Referendum in the context of the post handshake Building
Bridges Initiative 2019 and 2020, and the Constitution Amendment Bill by the Third Way
Alliance.
4.3.2.4 Participation in protests, demos, picketing…in Kenya and Africa
Public participation is a substantive and procedural right and duty. The character of the rights
varies with contexts and the nature or people claiming it, for instance, whether citizens or
foreigners… Moreover, the people have a right and duty to participate in civil disobedience
hence disobey unconstitutional, unlawful and unjust laws and orders. Article 37 states:
―Every person has the right, peaceably and unarmed, to assemble, to demonstrate, to
picket, and to present petitions to public authorities.‖72
It is trite law that freedoms and rights under the Constitution of Kenya 2010 can only be enjoyed
subject to the limitations provided under Article 19(c), 24, and 27. The right to participation in
protests, demos and picketing has however, continuously, and generally been violated by the
State and state organs in Kenya,73
Tanzania74
, Uganda75
, Nigeria, and other African states,
especially before, during, and after electoral cycles.
4.4 Petitions and memoranda in the Kenya’s constitutional development76
The Legislative Council (LegCo) was established in 1907 in the era of protectorate and 13 years
before colonial status. The limited African membership, and petitions to it, contributed to
constitutional development. This was mainly because of agitation by white settlers and Asians.
71
Again, the Government was divided with some Ministers opposing the proposed Constitution. See Chapter One
on Reconstructing the Kenyan state and constitution. See also CODRALKA 2……….. 72
See also Article 1 on Sovereignty and Article 10 on Values and principles and equity, participation; and Article 38
on political rights…. 73
Human Rights Watch (2017) ―Not Worth the Risk: Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya‘s 2017 Elections,‖
Kenya, at https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/05/30/not-worth-risk/threats-free-expression-ahead-kenyas-2017-
elections (accessed November 10, 2020). 74
Kizito Makoye (2020) ―Tanzania arrests opposition leader ahead of protest,‖ AA, Tanzania, November 2, 2020, at
https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/tanzania-arrests-opposition-leader-ahead-of-protest/2027597 (accessed November
10, 2020). 75
Al Jazeera (2020) ―Uganda arrests Stella Nyanzi at protest over coronavirus response,‖ May 19, 2020, at
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/5/19/uganda-arrests-stella-nyanzi-at-protest-over-coronavirus-response
(accessed November 10, 2020). 76
…
16
Petitions and memoranda were sent to British colonial officers in Kenya and the metropolitan
Government in London, Kenyatta, Mboya, and Mbiyu Koinange played important roles in these
processes. In fact, Kenyatta was initially sent to London in 1929 by the Kikuyu Central
Association (KCA).
The Jo-memoranda (people of memoranda) of Nyanza who petitioned the Governor, the
Provincial Commissioner (PC), the District Commissioner (DC) and other colonial Government
officials.
Petitions and memoranda contributed to African political consciousness, and made the
international community like the UN, the US, among others as well as progressive British
institutions and people aware of Kenyans‘ grievances. These include(d) petitions in the context
of the Lord Devonshire White Paper of 1923, the Morris Carter Land Commission 1933; to the
East African Royal Commission of 1953-4 or Swynnerton Plan of 1954; to various Colonial
Secretaries, etc. as discussed below.
4.4.1 Devonshire White Paper, 192377
in Kenya
The Lord Devonshire White Paper of 1923 was the product of some negotiated settlement. What
were the three main recommendations of the Lord Devonshire Declaration?
First, it recognised and concluded that Kenya was a Black Man‘s country – not a White Man‘s
country. This statement was crucial at the time (in the 1920s….).78
. Remarkably, the settlers had
demanded that Kenya be a White Man‘s country.79
This was opposed by leaders like J.M.
Jeevanjee….80
Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa became a White Man‘s
country until independence and majority rule in 1980 and 1994, respectively. Second, the
interests of Africans were paramount and should prevail in the case of conflict with those of the
settlers.81
Third, the Paper indicated that the other racial groups (Europeans and Asians) should be given
due consideration.82
In reality, White domination and discrimination against Africans or colour bar or kalaba
continued into the immediate post-colonial period. Had the text and intention of or spirit been
implemented, Kenya would have been better, and perhaps independence should have come
earlier.
4.4.2 Morris Carter Land Commission 1934 and the Kenyan Land Quest
The Morris Carter Commission was appointed by the British administration in 1932 to look into
native land grievances which were threatening to erupt into violence. The Commission defined
77
See…. 78
Cf. Bruce Berman and John Lonsdale (1992) Unhappy Valley. Vol 1& 2. ..; Bruce Berman (1990) Control and
Crisis in Colonial Kenya….. 79
This is related to the development of zoning, physical plannig, land use, land control, policies, laws and
regulations…. 80
Jeevanjee Gardens in Nairobi‘s Central Business District (CBD) named after him…. 81
…. 82
….
17
the boundaries of the White Highlands for the exclusive use of White settlers and the native
reserves for Africans.83
The Carter Commission recommended, inter alia, that Africans had enough land but needed to
adopt better farming methods and consolidate fragmented land holdings.
4.4.3 East African Royal Commission 1953-54
The Commission was tasked with investigation of the conditions necessary for economic success
of the East African colonies, namely Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika.84
The Commission
recommended that the economic development of East Africa depended on colonial development
―achieved through cooperation among the various races.
the report of the Commission has been criticised for largely ignoring the demands and historical
accounts and narratives of the Africans who complained of historical injustices at the hands of
the colonialists.85
4.4.4 Swynnerton Plan 1954 and Agrarian Reform in Kenya
The purpose of the (RJM) Swynnerton Plan of 1954 was to intensify African agriculture in the
context of the ―second colonial conquest‖86
and secure land tenure. What were the policies,
strategies and tactics of the Swynnerton Plan? It was largely three pronged. First, land
adjudication. This involved establishing ownership instead of verifying who had what interests in
what land….eg access rights….87
Second, consolidation of fragmented land holdings. This involved giving up pieces of land
and/or gaining some to ensure the fragmented pieces could make economic sense….88
Third, registration of land titles. The registered proprietor‘s interests or rights would then be
absolute, and even if a leasehold, would defeat any other adverse claim….
Creating a yeoman or middle class…that would be indebted to the British and be a buffer against
(militant) nationalism. Disinheriting Mau Mau forest fighters….89
What were the actual motivations of the Swynnerton Plan?
83
See Douglas Kiereini (2018) ―Land Report set stage for Mau Mau,‖ Business Daily, Nairobi, at
https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/lifestyle/society/-land-report-set-stage-for-Mau-Mau/3405664-5097794-
ba4c7tz/index.html (accessed 29/10/2019). See also Chapter 3 of the CODRALKA 1 on Constitutional Founding if
the Kenyan and African State (on beginning, progress, decline of white settlements, reserves..segregation and zoning
based on white, Asian, African in towns, in agricultural land…. 84
…. 85
…. 86
See ES Atieno Odhiambo…After the War, Britain wanted the colonies to produce more to sustain themselves and
subsidize the empire….cf Berman and Lonsdale (1992) Unhappy Valley. Vol.1&2.... 87
H.W.O. Okoth Ogendo, ‗‘Terminological confusion in tenure relations in African agric…..‖HWO Okoth Ogendo,
―The Imposition of property law in Kenya…..‖, HWO Okoth Ogendo, ―The Tragic African Commons‖….. 88
….. 89
Cf leasing land for a….
18
What were the (unintended) consequences of the Swynnerton plan?...(Before the plan
agricultural and related development was largely the same in Central, Nyanza, Rift Valley and
…..parts of Kenya.90
How have Kenyans and Courts addressed the consequences of Swynnerton Plan, Registered
Land Act (RLA) 1963. These ―reforms‖ led to litigation on adjudication, consolidation and
registration, including Muguthu,91
… Sellah Obieroh v. Opiyo92
…
These land laws were later reviewed to the 2012 land laws. Some of these were subsequently
amended, namely the Land Act 2012, Land Registration Act 2012, and the National Land
Commission Act 2012.93
4.5 Political mobilisation through welfare associations, trade unions, political parties in Kenya and
Africa
Political movements and parties among many Kenyan ethnic groups and regions contributed to
political consciousness, the constitutional debate and settlement, and the attainment of
independence. The main argument here is that the organisation was more purposive, inclusive,
and efficient……
4.5.1 Social welfare associations and trade unions in Kenya’s and Africa’s Independence struggle94
The constitutionalists had a clearer idea on governance and the purpose or meaning of
independence than the radicals especially through parties and political movements.
The constitutionalists argue that the groups that helped in the fight for freedom mainly used
peaceful means, and especially negotiations, trade unionism and organising for welfare.95
These later evolved into (liberal) political parties. The organisations include Harry Thuku‘s EA
Association (EAA), Young Kikuyu Association (YKA), Kikuyu Central Association (KCA),
Kavirondo Taxpayers‘ Association, Young Kavirondo Association (YKA), and later Kenya
African Union (KAU).96
4.5.2 Political Parties in the Struggle for Kenyan and African Independence
90
BA Ogot & WR Ochieng‘(1995) ―The decisive years, 1956-63,‖ Decolonization and Independence in Kenya
(1995) 1940-93. London: J. Currey at https://www.worldcat.org/title/decolonization-independence-in-kenya-1940-
93/oclc/26720046. (accessed October 30, 2019)….. 91
… 92
... 93
The land question is one of the most complex and intractable issues in Kenyan, South African, Nigerian,
Ugandan, Tanzanian, and Zimbabwean political economy and constitutional sociology and democracy. The classes,
lectures and text books that address some of the questions include land law, property law, agricultural law, agrarian
law, land use law, and physical planning law… 94
There are three key problems. First, to relocate: the British always transferred power on the basis of a negotiated
constitutional and political settlement, founded on the Westminster Parliamentary and White Hall (admin
bureaucracy) …….model……Hence Ghana (1957), Nigeria (1960), Uganda (1962…) Second, there was a general
tendency that the transfer of power in settled colonies would happen after or in the context of militant or violent
struggle (as well as constitutional and political negotiations…..). Examples include Algeria (a French colony) (….),
Kenya (1963), Zimbabwe (1980), Namibia (1990), South Africa (1994)…….Third, the transfer of power in the
Lusophone (Portuguese) colonies was always preceded or accompanied by military or violence. Examples are
Angola, Mozambique…..How did the Belgians transfer power in the Congo (DRC)? 95
See discussion on the radicals or militants in Chapter 3 above….. 96
To unpack, under different sub sections, welfare associations, tax payment associations, trade unions, etc....
19
The political parties included Tom Mboya, Nairobi People‘s Convention (NPC) Oginga
Odinga‘s the Kenya Independence Movement (KIM) and CMG‘s Nairobi Peoples Party. Such
parties developed from urban interests, or free from major political movements among the Luo,
Kalenjin, Kamba, Maasai, Miji Kenda and Luhya, among others.
In 1944 Eliud Wambu Mathu became the first African nominated to LegCo.97
In a sense, KAU
was formed from the Kenya African Study Union (KASU) …to support his political
representation and related ......
Who were the other nominees to LegCo? The African District Councils.....(ADCs) played a
major roel in political participation and representation.98
In fact, some of the future nationalists
honed their skills in ADCs…..99
ADCs were partly a training and mentoring ground for future
national leaders….
In 1952 a state of emergency was declared.100
Kapenguria 6; Bildad Kaggia, Kung'u Karumba,
Jomo Kenyatta, Fred Kubai, Paul Ngei, and Achieng‘ Oneko jailed for seven (7) years with hard
labour.101
General elections were held in Kenya between 25 September and 2 October 1956. Only Indians
and Europeans could be elected.
Oliver Lyttelton Constitution: followed 1st elections where eight ―black constituencies‖ were
introduced for Africans to contest in 1954.
Table 4.1: The first 8 Elected Africans and Key Opponents
97
When was LegCo established? Why? Who were the earlier nominees to Leg Co to represent African interests?
Why Missionaries? Develop a matrix on LegCo size and representation by race from 1907 to 1963….when was
executive council established? How and when did it develop into the Council of Ministers? The Cabinet?........ 98
…. 99
E.g.…. 100
See Chapters 3 above on radicals, militants, Mau Mau, Kapenguria 6…. 101
Oneko was acquitted on appeal but still jailed… See Chapter 2 on ―Constitutional Founding of the Kenyan and
African State‖ CODRALKA 1.
Constituency Member Key Opponents Total Votes
Nairobi Tom Mboya CMG Argwings
Kodhek
Nyanza Central Oginga Odinga B.A. Ohanga
Coast Ronald Ngala
North Nyanza Masinde Muliro
Rift Valley Daniel arap Moi
Central Bernard Mate Eliud Wambu Mathu
20
The elections were race-based in forms of voting rights, voter registration, constituencies and
candidates….or multiracial democracy;‖ not a common roll…which would be introduced under
the Ian Macleod Constitution 1960…
Three issues. What were the votes cast in every one of the eight (8) constituencies? Second, why
were the votes few? e.g. TJ Mboya 2000 plus, CMG 1,700 plus (total 4000 plus, how?). Some
voters or electors had one, two, three votes depending on the …. Criteria:education, property,
Government official….102
Third, why did Mate defeat Mathu? Mathu had criticized Mau Mau
and recommended that they be brought to Nairobi from the forest and killed….Moreover,
Kikuyu voters were limited because they had not been cleared after being condemned wholesale
for Mau Mau….
The 8 formed African Elected Members Association (AEMO) which later changed to
Constituency Elected Members Organisation (CEMO).103
The Lyttleton Constitution provided for the replacement of the Executive Council with a multi-
racial Council of Ministers. It also provided for particular qualifications for African candidates in
terms of property and educational achievement but provided for separate electoral rolls for the
Whites, Asians and Africans.
Alan Lennox Boyd Constitution came just after 1957 elections an extra six (6) African elected to
the LegCo (making 14).104
These include Jeremiah Nyagah (Nyeri-Embu), Justus Ole Tipis
(Central Rift), Taita arap Towett (Kipsigis), Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano (Central Province), Francis
J Khamisi (Mombasa) and David Ngati Mumo (Ukambani)…..105
Table to indicate which earlier constituencies were being split.....
It should be noted that the British were unwilling to let their colonies go. Alan Lennox-Boyd
hosted a conference a conference of the three East African governors at which it was decided that
Tanganyika would get independence by 1970, Uganda would be the next while Kenya would be
independent in 1975. What happened in 1959? 1960?106
102
…. 103
The African members were joined by some non-Europeans, hence CEMO….. Then they agitated for the release
of Kenyatta under Kenyatta na Uhuru (Oginga Odinga) and Uhuru na Kenyatta (TJ Mboya) … 104
Lennox Boyd was the Secretary for Colonies…. 105
To create table for this; votes cast key opponents….split constituencies…. 106
Pressure by the constitutionalists (and millitants)…Second, pressure from the international community (US,
USSR, UN..) and public opinion in the UK on the empire, decolonization….Hence Harold Macmillan‘s
acknowledgment of the ―winds of change‖….
Ukambani James Muimi
South Nyanza Lawrence Oguda
21
Africans agitated in the 1950s – especially through the Oliver Lyttelton and Alan Lennox Boyd
led constitutional negotiations (1954, 1958) to ensure African majority representation in the
Legislative Council (LegCo) and in the Council of Ministers.
After March 1957 LegCo elections, African members of Parliament led by Tom Mboya formed
the African Elected Members Organisation (AEMO). The British always denied or delayed the
independence of colonies where Westminster institutions (like Parliament, civil service and
competitive party politics had not been deeply rooted. Significantly, (Francis) Kwame Nkrumah,
Kenyatta and other pan African leaders emphasized the slogan: ―seek ye first the political
kingdom.....‖107
By 1960, LegCo was a formidable institution and was part of the evidence of Kenya‘s
preparedness for independence.
The Kenya African National Union (KANU) and Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU)
were formed in 1960. Some biographies and creative works also capture the arguments
regarding the perspectives of the constitutionalists or liberals and the radicals on the struggle for and
meaning of independence.
4.6 Constitutional negotiations and reconstruction of the constitution and state
What trajectory did the reconstruction of the Kenyan Constitution and state take in 1960 and
beyond?
4.6.1 Lancaster House Conferences: I, II, III in Kenya and Africa108
The Lancaster House Conferences (Lancaster I, II, and III) played major roles in formulating the
Kenyan Constitution, in the attainment of independence and in reconstructing the (post) colonial
state.
Lancaster House Conference I (August 1960) was led by Ronald Giden Ngala and Tom
Mboya.109
Ian Macleod, the Secretary for Colonies, clarified that it was an issue of facilitating
Kenya‘s Independence, not whether it would be independent.110
It was also about independence
on the basis of majority rule or elections on a common role…111
The conference focused on directing progress to a Constitution that would be based on the
principles of the Westminster parliamentary system. At that time the Westminster parliamentary
system incorporated special provisions for the protection of minorities.112
After this conference,
the ban on nationwide African political parties was lifted.113
The African leaders acted as one,
107
Cf. 1945 Manchester Conference….Development of the Pan-African Freedom Movement of East and Central
Africa (PAFMECA), Monrovia and Casablanca Groups…Nyerere v. Nkrumah; Nkrumah v. Mboya, Oginga
Odinga…. 108
Zimbabwe‘s Lancaster House Conference….Nyerere was quoted to have stated: ―why go to Lancaster House in
London, we have houses in Dar…‖ Quote, cite… 109
Nzau Musau (2019) ―Why British preferred Mboya-Ngala to Kenyatta-Odinga pair‖ Standard Digital, Nairobi,
October 20, 2019…., at https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001346138/why-british-preferred-mboya-ngala-
deal-to-kenyatta-odinga-pair (accessed 30/10/2019). BA 3 paper? ... 110
……….. 111
….. 112
……….. 113
………..
22
against the Whites such as rabid racists like Group CaptainLlewelyn ―Puck‖ Briggs, the leader of
a right wing political party…compare the role of Sir Michael Blundel….The Capricon Group
was interested in coopting the nationalists to protect white interests after independence….114
Lancaster House II Conference (Jan-April 1962) led by Kenyatta, Mboya and Ngala focused on
drawing up the outlines of the independence Constitution.
Lancaster House III (September 1962) focused, inter alia; on refining the Constitution. First, on
majimbo or regionalism.115
To KADU, majimboism (regionalism) was a deal maker or deal
breaker…No constitution, no independence without majimbo….To KANU, ….. ……. Kenyatta
urged KANU to accept Majimbo, and deal with it after independence. …
Second, rights including liberties and property rights, and especially land rights would be
guaranteed. No property would be compulsorily acquired unless four conditions were met. First,
for a public purpose. Second, prompt compensation. Third, adequate compensation. Fourth,
access to High Court…
Third, citizenship. The whites would have time to choose whether to be Kenyan citizens or not.
Kenyan men would pass citizenship to their children. Kenyan women would not pass citizenship
(where they married no-Kenyans…)
Fourth, structure of the legislature KANU preferred dual chamber…..cost….unity….not to
Fifth, constitutional amendment procedure. This was agreed to be 75% of both houses for
entrenched clauses, and 90% for ―specially entrenched clauses.‖116
After conclusion, independence was finally granted 1/1/63; 12/6/63; 12/12/64.117
4.7 Representation through Political Parties in Kenya
As discussed, the three traditional arms of Government do not monopolize the exercise of public
power. It is important to study the role played by other claimants to (or agencies which exercise)
public power.
4.7.1 Role of political parties in Kenya and Africa
What are the key constitutional provisions on political parties?
Political parties play a significant role in the recruitment of the Kenya Government in the first
instance. This role is constitutionally sanctioned. For one to be elected, nominated or appointed
as the President, PM, VP,118
Minister, Assistant Minister or an MP, one had to be a member of a
political party and nominated or supported by that party. This is sanctioned by the various
provisions of the Constitution 2010, the Political Parties Act 2011, the Elections Act 2011 and
the IEBC Act 2011. 114
Cf. Tabitha Kagogo…… ―The Capricorn Group…‖ BA 3 paper? 115
Ugatuzi or devolution discussed in Chapters 1, 2, 4 Regulation and Admin of Devolved Govt…..Note: majimbo
was not federalism. Probably quasi-federalism……. 116
Cf. This was one of the early casualties of Jomo Kenyatta‘s mutilation of the constitution 1964-1969: the
amendment threshold would be 65% for any position…..(!) i.e. the future s. 47 of the 1969 Constitution….. 117
Cf. Bomas 1,2,3…. 118
What about DP?
23
Equally significant are s. 34(d) of the 1969 Constitution, the Societies Act, Cap. 108,119
the
National Assembly and Presidential Elections, Cap. 7. 120
The constitutions and nominations rules of the various political parties also apply.
However, it is noteworthy that under the Constitution 2010, a parliamentary and a presidential
candidate may run as an independent candidate. Moreover, ministerial positions are no longer
awarded to MPs which means Cabinet Secretaries must no longer be partisan.121
Resignation from a political party leads to loss of a parliamentary seat under the 2010
Constitution and foregoing statutes (s. 40 of the 1969 Constitution). What is to resign or defect
from a party?
Section 14 of the Political Parties Act, provides that a person who, while being a member of a
political party, forms another political party, joins in the formation of another political party,
joins another political party, in any way or manner, publicly advocates for the formation of
another political party, promotes the ideology, interests or policies of another political party shall
be deemed to have resigned from the previous political party.122
What are the basic criteria for registering a party? For now to continue being a registered party?
(cf. ethnicity, gender, youth, religion, class (e.g. Peasant‘s Party) national symbols like
Harambee.123
What is their role in the exercise of public power and in the constitutional process?
First, political parties participate in recruiting Presidents, Deputy Presidents, MPs, governors,
senators e.g. under Constitution 2010.124
Second, political parties help form administration or the Executive (―government‖) when they
win.125
They play a role in succession and transition; in s. 59 matters…; 2010 Constitution….;
119
…… 120
…. 121
Is this true practically? The Government is likely to choose members or affiliates of its party as Cabinet
Secretaries as they are perceived as being more loyal……. 122
Section 14 of the Political Parties Act 2011. 123
Esther M. Passaris v. Registrar of Political Parties, Civil Appeal No. 626 of 2016 [2016 Eklr]. (Harambee
Democratic Party of Kenya) cf. Constitution of Kenya 2010; Fourth Schedule; National Flags and Emblems Act,
Cap 99…See also Anyango Otieno (2018) ―Court thwarts Passaris quest to register Harambee Democratic Party,‖
The Standard, Nairobi, February 21, 2018, at https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001270502/court-thwarts-
passaris-quest-to-register-harambee-democratic-party (accessed 30/10/2019. See also Ben Sihanya (2016) IP and
Innovation Law in Kenya and Africa: Transferring Technology for Sustainable Development, Innovative Lawyering
& Sihanya Mentoring, Nairobi & Siaya; Ben Sihanya (forthcoming 2019) IP and Innovation Law in Kenya and
Africa: Cases and Materials, IL & SM, Nairobi & Siaya. The decision is consistent with the law on National
Emblem Flag and Names Act, 2003 (as amended); the Trade Mark Act, 2012. 124
s. 34(d) of the 1969 Constitution. See also PPA 2011, Electoral Act 2011, (NAPE, Cap. 7, repealed). See also
party constitutions; party nomination rules …. (articles by J.B. Ojwang & his book, Constitutional Development in
Kenya, on the issues). 125
e.g. KANU Constitution, (1963); NARC Coalition (2002). PNU/ODM (2007); ODM Constitution as at 2019;
Jubilee Party Constitution…Wiper Constitution…Ford Kenya Constitution…..Amani National Congress
Constitution… On naming political parties, Cf. Sekou Owino (2019) ―What‘s in a name? take heed in these legal
views, implications,‖ Daily Nation, Nairobi, October 27, 2019, at https://mobile.nation.co.ke/news/Take-heed-in-
these-legal-views--implications/1950946-5326378-format-xhtml-11dounk/index.html (30/10/2019).
24
Some parties, alliances or coalitions significantly influenced the unconstitutional, illegal,
unlawful, irregular and flawed process and disputed outcome of the 2007, 2013 and 2017
presidential elections….
Third, parties provide a forum for consensus building in governance – esp. in establishing (pre-
and post-election) coalition governments.126
Fourth, political parties mobilize the people in political and constitutional processes. The
following major parties and coalitions have been mobilized citizens during political and
constitutional processes:127
First, the Orange Democratic Party (ODM),128
Wiper Democratic Movement (formerly ODM-
K)129
, Forum for the Restoration of Democracy-Kenya (Ford-K), The Independent Party (TIP),
Chama cha Uzalendo (all in the Coalition for Reform and Democracy (CORD))…..They were
joined by Amani National Congress (ANC) and formed the National Super Alliance (NASA) in
the context of the 2017 elections.
Second, in the context of the 2013 elections, The National Alliance (TNA)130
, United Republican
Party (URP), National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) and Republican Congress Party of Kenya
(RC) (all in the Jubilee Coalition) formed the Jubilee (coalition) Party).131
What is the emerging
party and general political affiliation in the context of the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI); in
the context of the next general elections (2022)?
Others include the National Rainbow Coalition-Kenya (NARC-K). How did Narc disintegrate:
United Democratic Movement (UDM); United Democratic Forum (UDF), Kenya African
National Union (KANU- changed name briefly to Kenya Alliance of National Unity), New Ford
Kenya, Vision Party (all of Amani Coalition);
126
– e.g. Constitution 2010; Elections Act 2011; PPA 2011; s. 16(2) of the Constitution as read with s. 17(5) of the
National Assembly and Presidential Elections Act, Cap 79 (repealed), and the relevant party constitutions, rules and
instruments. 127
Can it be dangerous when party-coalitions are ethnically influenced? When some utilize or manipulate state
security, finances and human resources to induce, intimidate and influence the outcomes of gubernatorial and
electoral processes. 128
Cf. ODM trade mark case… 129
Cf. OKM: Kalonzo‘s One Kenya Movement v. Onesmus Kipchumba Murkomen trade mark dispute or
anecdote… 130
Dispute or anecdote regarding KANU and TNA on colours …. Or trade mark…Quote; cite…See WILLIAM
Kabogo Gitau v. James Karanja Nyoro & Another [2013] eKLR (2019); Daniel Psirmoi (2019) ―What's in a name?
New TNA party raises eyebrows,‖ Standard, Nairobi, May 6, 2019, at
https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/politics/article/2001324303/whats-in-a-name-new-tna-party-raises-eyebrows
(accessed November 10, 2020). 131
In the post 2017 context, Jubilee emphasized that it is a single party; not a coalition; that the 12 (smaller) parties
were dissolved to form the Jubilee Party. See Aggrey Mutambo (2016) ―History of parties set to dissolve and join
Jubilee,‖ Daily Nation, Nairobi, August 10, 2016, at https://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/History-of-parties-set-
to-dissolve-and-join-Jubilee/1064-3339164-m7alds/index.html (accessed 30/10/2019)...
25
Party of Action (POA)132
and Kenya National Congress (KNC)133
(both part of Eagle
Coalition)…
What were the circumstances leading to the formation of the following political parties? What
role did they play?
Safina Party,134
Alliance for Real Change (ARK), Restore and Build Kenya (RBK) party, Grand
National Union (GNU), and Alliance Party of Kenya (APK).
Parties also play a role in constitutional review, and in voting on Bills, criticism of
administration … etc
Parties recruit members and help facilitate representative democracy, and participation in
political life, decision making, party-building, etc. This way, party politics helps reduce
patronage, patrimonial or personality politics … and help entrench principled, institutional,
policy based politics … as well as aiding the development of a democratic culture and
constitutionalism. The Constitution 2010 makes provisions to help clarify some of these roles.
The challenges include: Policies, party discipline, initial government v. personal, informal
power, informal advisors; some are self-interested bureaucrats, profiteers, ethnic chauvinists….
independent parties.135
4.7.2 Transferring a Political Party in Kenya and Africa
Why, when, how may a political party be transferred in Kenya and Africa? What is the practice
and experience in Kenya and Africa?....cf 1992, 1997, 2002, 2013, 2017, post 2018….UDF,
ODM-K, ODM in 2009; LDP…
4.7.3 Winding up a Political Party in Kenya and Africa
Under section 39 of the Political Parties Act Cap. 7A, the Registrar of Political Parties has the
power to cancel the registration of a political party, which has been declared to be a prohibited
organization under the provisions of any other law.
Upon the cancellation of the registration of a political party or its declaration as a prohibited
organization under any law, the A-G shall make an application for the winding up and
dissolution of that political party, and the disposition of the property, assets, rights and liabilities
of the political party and the High Court shall make such orders as appears to it to be just and
equitable in the circumstances of the case.136
132
Raphael Tuju… 133
KNC was founded in 1992 by Maina Wanjigi, Titus Mbathi, Charles Rubia. It resulted from a split from FORD
ASILI… To work on the FORD grandchildren…. Peter Kenneth. Took over this party from……. 134
Minister Richard Leakey… Paul Muite… It was initially registered as a trust…Why? 135
Policies-Party discipline-initial government v. personal-informal power-independent parties… 136
Section 42 of the Political Parties Act Cap. 7A….
26
The IEBC (formerly Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK)) may make regulations prescribing
and regulating the forms to be used and the procedure to be followed in the winding-up of any
political party.137
4.7.3 Party and election profile in Kenya since 1963 in Kenya and Africa
Kenyan Africans have participated in elections only since 1957 when the 1954 Oliver Lyttelton
Constitution allowed eight (8) Africans to the Legislative Council (LegCo). But it is only from
May 1963 that their vote determined who the head of Government (Prime Minister)138
and later
head of state (President) would be. The table below summarizes the major political parties used
in the presidential and ―premier‖ elections and transition from 1963 to 2017.
Year Key Candidates (and
(putative) running mates…)
Key Parties Constitution and
EMB139
1957
March
No premier nor presidential
candidates; first elections for 8
African members of the
Legislative Council done. 140
Who?
No national political
parties
British
Royal Commission
Oliver Lyttelton
Constitution, 1954
1958 No premier nor presidential
candidates; second elections, for
6 African members of the
Legislative Council done. Who?
No national political
parties
Alan Lennox Boyd
Constitution, 1957
1961
February
No ―premier‖ or presidential
candidates;
Elections for African members
of the Legislative Council done
Kenya African
National Union
(KANU)
Kenya African
Democratic Union
(KADU)
Ian Macleod
Constitution, 1960
65 seats; Africans…
Europeans… Indians…
Arabs…
1963
May 18-26
Jomo Kenyatta
Ronald Ngala
Kenya African
National Union
(KANU)
Kenya African
Democratic Union
Lancaster House or
Independence
Constitution, 1963.
Supervisor of
elections, an official
137
Section 43 of the Political Parties Act Cap. 7A….. 138
In May 1963 the KANU won the majority of seats. Kenyatta, its leader, became THE PM. On 12/12/64, Kenyatta
became the President and Head of State after manipulating parliament to amend the Constitution to provide that the
PM would be President. There were no elections. No referendum….. 139
Election Management Body (EMB)….. 140
Charles Hornsby(2012) Kenya: A History since Independence, I.B. Taurus, London, at 53…..
27
(KADU) in the Attorney-
General‘s office.
1966
December
6
Little General Elections
Local Government elections; No
Premier, nor Presidents; 1963
Constitution as amended
Kenya African
National Union
(KANU)
Kenya African
Democratic Union
(KADU)
1969
December
6
Jomo Kenyatta
Oginga Odinga (party banned)
KANU
Kenya People‘s Union
(KPU) (banned just
before elections).
Kenya became single
party de facto.
This consolidated the
Kenyatta
constitutional
amendments 1964-
1969. Supervisor of
elections, an official
in the Attorney-
General‘s office.141
1969 Constitution and
KANU
Constitution.142
1974
October 14
Jomo Kenyatta (VP Daniel
Toroitich Arap Moi)
KANU Supervisor of
elections, an official
in the Attorney-
General‘s office.
1969 Constitution and
KANU Constitution
Kenya is de facto
single party
1979
Nov 8
Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi
(VP Mwai Kibaki)
KANU Supervisor of
elections, an official
in the Attorney-
General‘s office.
Constitution of Kenya
1969;
KANU Constitution
1983
Sept 26
Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi
(VP Mwai Kibaki)
KANU143
Supervisor of
elections, an official
141
Charles Hornsby(2012) Kenya: A History since Independence, ibid, at 216….How should Hornsby‘s eork be
treated after about 2016 when most Euro-American scholars turned into Jubilee soothsayers…intellectual,
academic…., feminists, adventurers and entrepreneurs…? Cf Organic constitutional scholarship…. 142
The 1963 Constitution had been amended from 1964-1969 to strengthen the presidency and weaken all other
offices and institutions including the EMB. Under the 1969 Constitution, a presidential candidate had to be
nominated by a political party. Under the KANU Constitution, KANU could only nominate one candidate. 143
Efforts to register Oginga Odinga and George Anyona‘s Kenya Socialist Party thwarted….
28
in the Attorney-
General‘s office.
Constitution of Kenya
1969;
KANU Constitution
DCs and DOs are the
returning officers in
the districts and
constituencies. Kenya
declared single party
de jure June 1982.144
1988
March 21
Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi
(VP Mwai Kibaki)
KANU Supervisor of
elections, an official
in the Attorney-
General‘s office.
Constitution of Kenya
1969;
KANU Constitution
DCs and DOs are the
returning officers in
the districts and
constituencies.
1992
Dec 29
Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi
(VP George Saitoti… 1/5/89-
8/1/98, 3/4/99-30/8/02)
Kenneth S.N. Matiba
Mwai Kibaki
Oginga Odinga (Jaramogi)
KANU
FORD-Asili
Democratic Party
FORD-Kenya
Electoral Commission
of Kenya (ECK);145
Constitution of Kenya
1969 amended in1991
to repeal sec 2A and
re-introduce
multipartyism.
1997
Dec 29
Daniel Toroitich arap Moi
(VP George Saitoti; disappointed
14 months after elections)
Mwai Kibaki
Raila Odinga
KANU
Democratic Party
National
Development Party
Social Democratic
Electoral Commission
of Kenya (ECK)
Constitution of Kenya
1969 IPPG147
amendments to
strengthen
multipartysm.
144
The move was led by President Moi, Vice President Mwai Kibaki, Mr Paul Muite (Njonjo‘s) lawyer, was
allegedly consulted. This was one of the peaks of Kikuyu-Kalenjin cooperation and socio-economic, political and
electoral exclusion of the Luo and other tribes…. 145
ECK Chair was Mr Zaccheaus Chesoni…
29
Charity Kaluki Ngilu146
Michael Christopher Wamalwa
Kijana
Token or sponsored candidates
Party (SDP)
FORD Kenya
2002
Dec 27
Mwai Kibaki
(Michael Chris Wamalwa
Kijana; Raila Odinga
endorsement and lead
campaigner)
Uhuru Kenyatta
(Musalia Mudavadi? the then
Moi‘s VP)
Simeon Nyachae
James Orengo
Token or Kibaki-sponsored
candidates
National Rainbow
Coalition (NARC)
KANU
FORD People
Social Democratic
Party (SDP)
Electoral Commission
of Kenya (ECK)148
2007
Dec 27
Mwai Kibaki
(VP Moody Awori; lost MP seat
in Funyula Constitutency)
Raila Odinga
Kalonzo Musyoka
(VP Dr Julia Ojiambo)
Token candidates
Party of National
Unity (PNU)
Orange Democratic
Movement (ODM)
Orange Democratic
Movement Kenya
Electoral Commission
of Kenya (ECK)149
2013
March 4
Raila Odinga
(Stepheen Kalonzo Musyoka)
Orange Democratic
Movement (ODM)
Independent Electoral
and Boundaries
147
Inter Parties Parliamentary Group (IPPG). 146
Ms Charity Ngilu was the first female presidential candidate. Prof Wangari Maathai had also run in the 1992
elections…. 148
ECK Chair was Mr Samuel Kivuitu…. 149
ECK Chair was Mr Samuel Kivuitu.
30
Uhuru Kenyatta
(William Ruto)
Musalia Mudavadi
(Jeremiah Kioni)
Token or Kibaki-Kenyatta
sponsored candidates
(under the Coalition
for Reform and
Democracy (CORD))
The National Alliance
(TNA) under the
Jubilee Coalition
United Democratic
Forum (UDF) Party
Commission
(IEBC)150
Constitution of Kenya
2010
2017
August 8
Raila Odinga
(Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka)
Uhuru Kenyatta
(William Ruto)
Token Kenyatta sponsored
candidates
Orange Democratic
Movement (ODM)
(under the National
Super Alliance
(NASA)
Jubilee Party
Independent Electoral
and Boundaries
Commission
(IEBC)151
Constitution of Kenya
2010; numerous
statutory and
regulatory
amendments in 2016,
2017.152
2017
October 26
Uhuru Kenyatta
(William Ruto)
(Birthday Party opinion poll….)
NASA did not participate- no
electoral reforms to implement
Supreme Court of Kenya
decision in nullifying the August
2017 Presidential Election
results.
Jubilee Party
Token parties
Independent Electoral
and Boundaries
Commission
(IEBC).155
150
IEBC Chair was Ahmed Issack Hassan. The CEO was James Oswago. 151
IEBC Chair was Wafula Chebukati, the Vice Chair was Consolata Maina and the CEO was Ezra
Chiloba…Immaculate Kassait was a major player in most of these elections. She was nominated for appointment as
the first Data Commissioner in 2020. See Njoki Kihiu (2020) ―Immaculate Kassait pledges to actualize Data
Protection if appointed,‖ Capital News, October 28, 2020, at
https://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2020/10/immaculate-kassait-pledges-to-actualize-data-protection-if-appointed/
(accessed November 10, 2020) 152
See generally chapter 13 on Electoral Justice in Kenya under the 2010 Constitution implementation, enforcement,
reversals and reforms…
31
Token or Kenyatta sponsored
candidates eg Ekuro Aukot
2019 Punguza Mizigo rejected in
44 counties, approved only
3?153
BBI Report launched in
2020; BBI report validation,
consultation, drafting of
Constitutional Amendment Bill.
Referendum on BBI
Constitutional Amendment
Bill154
4.7.5 KANU Party, Disciplinary Processes in Kenya and Africa
There are at least three key questions regarding political party discipline in Kenya. First, what
are the constitutional questions on party membership, discipline and disciplinary processes?
Second, what are the main issues in the disciplinary process of the major political parties in the
post-2010 Constitutional dispensation. Third, what are the key questions in political party
discipline and disciplinary proceses since independence in 1963?156
The KANU Disciplinary Committee evolved into an organ of stifling dissent while KANU‘s
membership card turned into a magic card for promotion into the civil service and access to state
services and favours. [KANU suspension, expulsion...including 14 fishermen Nyanza who did
not have KANU cards and were (probably) not in the KANU register in the first place.
When Moi left office in 2002, he hand-picked Uhuru Kenyatta who was defeated by Mwai
Kibaki, the NARC presidential candidate.157
Once again a Kikuyu assumed the presidency. In
office, NARC under President Kibaki introduced a number of progressive reforms but like his
predecessors and successors, his government was corrupt and failed to live up to its promises.
Most important, his Government reneged on the pre-election pact to limit the president‘s powers
in 2008 by creating the office of the Prime Minister which would share executive power.
Under Kenyatta (Kamwana) II presidency, the fourth presidency is perhaps one of the most controversial.
Two ICC suspects, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto were sworn in as President and Deputy President,
respectively in an opportunistic alliance of convenience.
Under its watch, insecurity has blossomed leading to critics describing Kenya as ―a terrorist playground‖
and a gradually ―shrinking country‖ following the government‘s inability to remedy the situation. CNN
155
Amendments to the laws to immunize electoral process from scrutiny…. 153
…. 154
…. 156
Chapter 16 on ―Party Participation, Party Programmes, and Party Discipline in Kenya and Africa.‖ 157
The handpicking partly led to Kenyatta Kamwana being referred to as Moi‘s project or Simon Makondes. See
Chapter 9 on President and Deputy President in Kenya and Africa……
32
described Kenya as a ―hotbed of terror‖158
on the eve of President Obama‘s visit to Kenya.159
The above
to assessing Presidents?
4.7.6 Towards de jure and de facto single or dominant party status in Kenya
Basically, de facto means ―by fact,‖ while de jure means ―by law.‖160
Kenya has historically
been through de facto and de jure single party status. In 1964, KANU and the opposition party
KADU merged to pave way for de facto one-party rule in Kenya. In 1969, the de facto one-party
system was affirmed when Jaramogi Oginga Odinga‘s Kenya People‘s Union (KPU) (which had
been formed in 1966 when Jaramogi resigned from Government as Vice President) was banned
and its leaders detained. Although the de facto one-party system was not entrenched in the
Constitution, it was operative with KANU as the only party.
Kenya later witnessed constitutional change or amendment to de jure (by law) single partyism in
1982. Section 2A of the 1969 Constitution was amended to provide that Kenya was to be a
dejure single-party state by abolishing multi-partism. Thus the Kenya African National Union
(KANU) would be the only political party. This contravened the constitutional provisions on
freedom of conscience; expression; association; and assembly, among others. Section 2A was
also inconsistent with constitutional democracy and the rule of law.
Cf. single party, dual party, plural party, multiparty, dominant party in African states.161
For
instance, the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa,162
Chama Cha Mapinduzi
(CCM) in Tanzania, People‘s Democratic Party (PDP) and its main rival, the All People‘s
Congress (APC)163
in Nigeria164
Uganda under President Yoweri Museveni has had a dominant one-party political system (the
National Resistance Movement (NRM) since 1986, despite the vote to introduce the multi-party
system in Uganda in 2005, meaning that affiliation to the National Resistance Army… with a
stifled opposition) … President Museveni and his NRM harass(ed) opposition candidates in the
run up to the 2021 elections…
4.8 Civil Society Organisations in the Political Process in Kenya and Africa165
Civil Society Organisations include Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), trade unions, the
academia, professional organisations, community based organisations among others. The Public
158
Murithi Mutiga (2015) ―CNN executive flies to Kenya to apologise for ―hotbed of terror‖ claim,‖ The Guardian,
Nairobi, August 14, 2019, at https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/14/cnn-kenya-apologise-obama
(30/10/2019). 159
Murithi Mutiga (2015) ―CNN executive flies to Kenya to apologise for ―hotbed of terror‖ claim,‖ The Guardian,
Nairobi, August 14, 2019, at https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/14/cnn-kenya-apologise-obama
(30/10/2019). 160
Cf. legal, lawful, juridical, jural, irregular, unprocedural, non compliant, inconsistent, contravene… See also
Chapter … CODRALKA 1 on Regulating and Administering Constitutional Democracy in Kenya and Africa;
Chapter … CODRALKA 2 on Regulating and Administering Education in Kenya and Africa. 161
…. 162
…. 163
…. 164
…. 165
See Chapter 10 of CODRALKA 2, ―The Contribution of Academia and Civil Society in Development, Policy
Making & Budgetary Processes,‖ op. cit.
33
Benefits Organisations Act 2013 (yet to be operationalized) provides for the establishment and
operation of public benefits organizations (previously and commonly known as NGOs).
The PBO Act gives the framework for enhancing good governance of the civil society, fostering
effectiveness and sustainability of the work of CSOs. It also streamlines the interaction and
partnerships between the State, Civil Society among other actors.
―The people‖ in the 2010 Constitution is largely embodied in civil society. A modern (liberal)
definition of civil society regards it as the set of intermediate associations consisting of voluntary
groups. It excludes the state and commercial enterprises or trade associations (Sihanya, 2009).
Significantly, society, or civil society, is itself contested especially between liberal and neo-
Marxist scholars. Prof Eugene Kamenka presents a Marxian definition of civil society as follows:
―Marx follows the usage of Adam Ferguson rather than the more complex discussion in Hegel in
treating civil society as the world of industry and trade, the pre- or extra political world of the
egoistic self-seeking individual standing in a relationship of competition and antagonism to all
other individuals. Civil society, which displays Hobbes‘ war of all against all, is contrasted by
Marx with the pretended universalism of the state: the two require each other but stand in
fundamental conflict‖ (Kamenka, 1983: 525).
Cf. Religious organisations and harambee syndrome.
Religious organisations and loss of legitimacy on electoral and constitutional implementation and
referendum
4.9 Referenda in Kenya and Africa166
What is a referendum?
What is the typology of on referenda?
What referenda have been held in Kenya and what have been their impacts?
At independence in ….question? 2005 on DP or Wako Draft/; 2010 Proposed Constitution of
Kenya…. referendum on Constitution of Kenya 2020?
What have been their outcomes? What is the status of referenda in the Constitution of Kenya,
Nigeria, and South Africa, Uganda…
Consider Draft Referendum Bill167
….168
4.10 Devolution in Kenya and Africa
What is the meaning of devolution? What is its role in participation and representation in Kenya
and Africa?
166
… [to bring some information from Chapter 4 on Public Participation (this chapter-above)- details to go to
Chapter 28 on Constitution Making, Amendment, Interpretation, Construction, Translation, and Implementation and
Reform in Kenya and Africa , to be enriched by taking details from Lancaster House Conference…] 167
David Mwere (2019) ―MPs craft referendum Bill as Kenya awaits BBI report,‖ Daily Nation, November 3, 2019,
at https://nation.africa/kenya/news/MPs-craft-law-to-guide-referenda/1950946-5335294-format-xhtml-
tr2ceiz/index.html (accessed October 15, 2020); Zeddy Kosgei (2015) ‖Okoa Kenya referenda Bill lauched,.‖ April
23, 2015, at https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/okoa-kenya-referendum-bill-launched?page=3 (accessed October 16,
2020). 168
… find Brexit referendum under EU referendum law? Uncertainty on threshold, etc. Sec….
34
Devolution remains one of the great strides of reform ushered in by the Constitution of Kenya
2010. Some have argued that were devolution as stipulated in the 2010 Constitution to fail, then
it can be said that the Constitution shall have failed. These views are expressed by citizens,
scholars and practitioners who view devolution as one of the greatest initiatives brought by the
adoption of the Constitution of Kenya 2010.169
Devolution of functions under the Constitution focuses on three key parameters or approaches:
the exclusive powers or functions of the National Government; the exclusive power or functions
of the county government; and residual power or functions whereby the Constitution is silent and
does not assign the functions.170
Thus components of the devolution of functions covers the areas in which the National
Government overrides the county government such as national defence and foreign policy;
exclusive educational functions of the county governments; the concurrent functions of the
national and county governments; functions which are not assigned to the national or county
government171
and the general relationship between the national and county governments.
Thus devolution is covered under Chapter 11 and by almost all chapters of the Constitution of
Kenya 2010. The powers and functions of the two levels of Government are listed in the Fourth
Schedule.172
It is the Constitution‘s and the Kenyan people‘s legitimate expectation that the
division of functions and powers will provide the opportunity to address the development
challenges through interdependence, consultation, cooperation and collaboration (Articles 189,
194, 195).
169
Yash Ghai & Jill Cottrell Ghai (2011) ―The promise and the risks of devolution,‖ at
http://softkenya.com/constitution/the-promise-and-the-risks-of-devolution/ (accessed 25/5/2019). See also Peter
Kagwanja (2010) ―Uhuru at last! The new Constitution and the birth of the Second Republic,‖ at
http://softkenya.com/constitution/prof-peter-kagwanja-uhuru-at-last-the-new-constitution-and-the-birth-of-the-
second-republic/ (accessed 25/6/2012). 170
The Fourth Schedule to the Constitution is the main framework for such assignment. Allocation of functions is
largely a matter of interpretation of the entire Constitution, the Fourth Schedule, and the ―devolution laws.‖ Residual
functions are deemed to be reserved for the Central or National Government because it was the extant Government
at the (re-) founding or reconstruction of Kenya in 2010. See Art 186(3) on residual functions. 171
Under the Constitution, the last category belongs to the national government. 172
See Annex 2 on Distribution of Education functions between the National government and the county
Governments (under the Fourth Schedule to the Constitution of Kenya 2010).
35
4.10.1 Devolution, decentralisation, delegation, decongestion, deconcentration and
devolution in Kenya Contextualized173
Source: © Ben Sihanya (due 2020) Constitutional Democracy, Regulatory and Administrative Law in
Kenya and Africa, Vol. 1: Presidency, Premier, Bureaucracy and Administrative Justice in Kenya; Ben
Sihanya (due 2020) Constitutional Democracy, Regulatory and Administrative Law in Kenya and Africa
Vol. 2: Elections, Governance, Human Rights, the Just Rule of Law, and Due Process in Kenya and
Africa; Ben Sihanya (2004-20) Constitutional Democracy, Devolution and Public Finance, Prof Ben
Sihanya Advocates & Sihanya Mentoring, Nairobi & Siaya.
173
See also Chapter 14 CODRALKA 2 on Regulatory and Administrative Law under Decentralized Government in
Kenya and Africa… (sovereignty, liberty, service delivery…)
Devolution Deconcentration
Sihanya Mentoring Decentralisation
Matrix (Direct, indirect; subsidiarity;
local, autochthonous rule or government)
Delegation Decongestion
US Federalism German
Federalism
Nigerian Federalism Kenyan devolution (sui
generis) or Ugatuzi; 2
levels; Executive and
Legislative, cooperation
SA Provincialism
National Government
1. Exclusive to National Government
(NG)(e.g. in US, Nigeria, South Africa,
Kenya)
2. Exclusive to County Government (CG)
(e.g. in US, Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya)
3. Concurrent jurisdiction
4. Residual jurisdiction (NG) (rationale?)
5. Transferred powers?
6. Co-ordination, consultation (NG & CG
share)
County Government
1. Exclusive to National Government (NG)
2. Exclusive county jurisdiction
3. Concurrent jurisdiction
4. Residual jurisdiction (NG) rationale?
5. Transferred powers
6. Co-ordination, consultation (NG, & CG , or
CG and CD share ) Hence blocs…
Intergovernmental relations;
Intergovernmental Budget and Economic
Council (IBEC); Council of Governors….
Summit; Intergovernmental Technical
Committee
Swiss Confederalism
36
Some of the core questions in devolution and decentralization are six. First, what is
decentralization? It includes delegation, decongestion, and devolution.
Second, delegation means power being shared or granted to a sub-ordinate under the
Constitution, statute, regulation or administrative procedures. For instance, the President to DP
or PM, to DPM….or CJ to DCJ; Speaker to Deputy Speaker…
Third, devolution means allocation of political power and decision making authority with the
appropriate or concomitant resources by the people or the Constitution. Hence funds follow
functions… Fourth, there are at least six (6) types of devolution relevant to Kenya and Africa.
First, US federalism. Second, German federalism. Third, Swiss confederalism. Fourth, Nigerian
federalism. Fifth, South African provincialism. Sixth, Kenyan devolution or ugatuzi.
Fifth, Kenyan devolution is dual: national and county government.174
However, only the
legislative and executive powers are devolved and not judicial powers. Kenya is not a federal
state. It is a unitary state unlike what Kibaki stated.175
Kenya is a devolved sui generis (unique,
distinct, form of devolution…; it is ugatuzi…)
4.11 Citizenship in Kenya and Africa176
Citizenship is at the core of constitutional democracy, regulatory and administrative processes
and law. Citizenship qualifies ―person,‖ people, etc…..
Chapter 3 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010 sets out an elaborate framework on citizenship. The
Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Act, No. 12 of 2011 also makes provisions for the acquisition, loss
and regaining of citizenship, duties and rights of citizens; issuance of travel documents; entry, and
residence and exit out of Kenya.
Citizenship in Kenya may be acquired by birth or registration, and it is not lost through marriage
or the dissolution of marriage.177
4.11.1 Citizenship by birth
The Constitution grants citizenship to children of Kenyan citizens wherever born. Under Article
14 (1), ―a person is a citizen by birth if on the day of the person‘s birth, whether or not the person
is born in Kenya, either the mother or father of the person is a citizen‖
174
Bomas and some had proposed 3-4 levels: National, regional, district, location, village(?). US and Niegrian
federalism are based on federal and 50 and 36 state governments, respectively. In the US, county or local
government falls under state… 175
…. See Jerry Okungu (2007) ―A unitary government for Kenya was a mistake,‖ New Vision, October 16, 2020, at
https://www.newvision.co.ug/news/1215652/unitary-government-kenya-mistake (accessed October 15, 2020); 176
See also discussions in Chapter 1, and Chapter on Bill of Rights and Human Rights in Kenya and
Africa…Chapter 2 on Lancaster Conference… [Summary to come earlier; cf. subject; to link with people in brief;
detailed discussions in Bill of Rights and Human Rights, Chapter 15 below} 177
Article 13 (2) and (3).
37
Anyone holding citizenship of another country is automatically recognized as a citizen of Kenya
by birth, so long as they are able to prove that one or both of their parents is/was a Kenyan
citizen at the time of their birth.178
Kenyan citizens by birth who wish to obtain the citizenship of another country which does not
allow dual citizenship, may voluntarily renounce their Kenyan citizenship. They are entitled to
regain their Kenyan citizenship at a later date by applying in the prescribed manner.
4.11.2 Citizenship by registration
Under Article 15, one can also acquire citizenship by registration. Article 15 (1)- (3) provides:
―(1) A person who has been married to a citizen for a period of at least seven years is entitled on
application to be registered as a citizen.
(2) A person who has been lawfully resident in Kenya for a continuous period of at least seven years,
and who satisfies the conditions prescribed by an Act of Parliament, may apply to be registered as a
citizen.
(3) A child who is not a citizen, but is adopted by a citizen, is entitled on application to be registered
as a citizen.
4.12 Participation and Representation in the Political and Moral Economy & Business,
Industry, Technology in Kenya and Africa
Increasingly, there is debate to balance citizen and people‘s participation and representation in
political economy, economic, cultural and social as well as technological and processes.179
Some of the key platforms for participation in economic, business, trade, investment, and
technological activities are six (6). First, National and County Government ministries,
departments and agencies (MDAs) focusing on the economy and business. Second, private sector
business enterprises including corporations, cooperatives, and partnerships. Third, trade unions
such as civil service workers union, Kenya National Union of Teachers (KNUT), Kenya Medical
Practitioners, Pharmacists and Dentists Union (KMPDU) ….
Fourth, socio-economic projects, some of which address welfare, like Chama. Fifth, NGOs and
religious associations which are increasingly doing business. And sixth, Public Private
Partnerships (PPPs).180
178
Article 14 (1). 179
To cite and discuss freedom of economic or commercial expression, association and assembly in the Constitution
of Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda….Freedom from discrimination (Art 27)…Yash Ghai (2002)
―Constitutions and economy,‖ Paper presented at the at the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) Annual Conference,
January 18, 2002 at https://www.ieakenya.or.ke/downloads.php?page=Lecture-by-Prof-Yash-Pal-Ghai---The-
Constitution-and-the-Economy.pdf (accessed 30/10/2019); Wachira Maina (2019) ―State Capture: The
institutionalization of impunity in Kenya,‖ The Elephant, Nairobi, August 30, 2019, at
https://www.theelephant.info/features/2019/08/30/state-capture-the-institutionalisation-of-impunity-in-kenya/
(accessed 30/10/2019); Charles Beard (1913) An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States,
Macmillan Company, New York at http://people.tamu.edu/~b-wood/GovtEcon/Beard.pdf (accessed 30/10/2019). 180
See Political Parties (PPP) Act,2011.
38
4.13 Autochthony in constitutional democracy, regulatory and administrative law in
kenya and Africa
Autochthony relates to the idea of a homegrown, indigenous, nationalist constitution; one that
captures a common history or origin of the people duly constituted into a state; their present or
contemporary challenges and opportunities, and their common future applications.181
Constitutional autochthony is the process of asserting autonomy and hence
constitutional nationalism vis-a-vis an external legal or political power. It is concerned with
instilling sentiments of patriotism, pride, national consciousness and identity in the people of a
given state.182
According to Ben Nwabueze, autochthony, constitutionally, has two main aspects: First, it relates
to the source from which the constitution derives its authority as law. e.g. from imperial authority
or colonial masters or from the local enacting body. 183
Second, it relates to its content i.e. the
frame of government which it establishes and to its contents.184
On constitutional origin, Kenneth C. Wheare writes:
―for some members of the commonwealth, it is not enough to be able to say that they enjoy a
system of government which is in no way subordinate to that of the United Kingdom. They wish
to be able to say that their constitution has force of law and if necessary of supreme within their
territory through its own native authority and not because it was enacted or authorized by the
parliament of the United Kingdom – that is to speak, ‗home-grown,‘ sprung from their own soil,
and not imported from the United Kingdom.‖185
The emphasis given by K.C. Wheare as elaborated by Ben Nwabueze is that since the
constitution is the foundation of the state, it is necessary that this foundation should be made
locally. This is to remove any possible misunderstanding about the status of the country that
might arise from the fact that its constitution was enacted by a former imperial power.186
181
Cf. the definition by The Free Dictionary, at http://www.thefreedictionary.com/autochthony (accessed
22/3/2016). 182
See Nwabueze (1974) Presidentialism in Commonwealth Africa, ibid, at 59. 183
Nwabueze (1974) Presidentialism in Commonwealth Africa, ibid. 184
Nwabueze, Presidentialism, ibid. 185
As cited in Nwabueze (1974) Presidentialism in Commonwealth Africa, C. Hurst & Company, London at 59. See
also articles and books by leading contemporary United Kingdom constitutional and administrative law scholars,
Prof Paul Craig of Oxford University. See Craig, Paul P. (2016) ―Brexit: A Drama in Six Acts,‖ July 11, 2016.
European Law Review, August 2016, Oxford Legal Studies Research Paper No. 45/2016, Available at SSRN:
https://ssrn.com/abstract=280797…; Prof Mark Elliot, Cambridge University. See Elliott, Mark C. (2020) ―The
United Kingdom‘s Constitution and Brexit: A ‗Constitutional Moment‘?‖ May 25, 2020), Horitsu Jiho 15–22,
University of Cambridge, Faculty of Law Research Paper No. 22/2020, at SSRN:
https://ssrn.com/abstract=36099652 Their works have guided the litigation on Brexit (Art 50, …, and on prorogation
of Parliament…) 186
Ghai & Mc Auslan (1970), op. cit. Ghai coined a graphic phrase with reference to developing states: ―the
constitution that came in from the cold.‖ See Ghai (1993) ―Constitutions and Governance in Africa: A
Prolegomenon,‖ in Sammy Adelman and Abdul Paliwala (eds.) Law and Crisis in the Third World, Hans Zell
Publishers, London., op. cit; Ghai, ―A journey through Constitutions….‖ op. cit.
39
The importance of constitutional autochthony, relates to the content and the origin of the
constitution. Whether legal autochthony requires that the constitution be enacted by a native
authority or by an imperial or colonial authority, people‘s aspirations can work in both
circumstances.187
Constitutional reforms can be initiated and realized through implementation of
the constitution. Originalism supplies the historical experiences, precedent and the travaux
preparatoires (or record of proceedings that attended the negotiation and adoption.188
Nationalistic sentiments can be instilled as the citizens look back to the origin, the present state
and future and the future optimistically.189
Autochthony has sometimes been interpreted as Africanisation, Kenyanisation or ethnicisation,
in terms of conceptualising, designing, implementing, enforcing or reforming the Constitution.
But it has sometimes taken the negative connotation of ethnicisation, depending on the ethnic
oligarchy, dynasty, aristocracy or kleptocracy that is controlling.190
At independence, autochthony was a broad-based concept captured in terms of ―African‖ dignity
by the leading theorist, architect and tactician of Kenya‘s Independence Constitution and
nationhood, Thomas (Tom) Joseph Odhiambo Mboya.191
4.14 Summary of Findings and Conclusions on Participation and Representation in Kenya
and Africa
Participation and representation are key elements of democracy. The incorporation of these two
elements in Kenya‘s and Africa‘s political and constitutional; history has contributed to the
relative growth of the democratic space.
Generally, elections and devolution or decentralization have widened the scope of participation
and representation in Kenya and Africa.
187
Hans Kelsen‘s argument that what matters is the efficacy of the grund norm (or constitution); the fact that it is
habitually obeyed. Remarkably, Kelsen affirms that validity is not (necessarily) based on the grundnorm‘s popular
legitimacy or technical validity. It may have originated from a conqueror, or an usurper. The main argument for the
Constitution of Kenya 2010 was autochthony in terms of local origin and local content. It was about popular
sovereignty or popular participation in process and content 188
That is one of the reasons why the US and South African constitutional experiences are increasingly important in
the incorporation, implementation, enforcement and reform of the Kenyan 2010 Constitution. 189
Ben Nwabueze (1974) Presidentialism in Commonwealth Africa, op. cit. 190
Kikuyunisation of the political economy and hence the constitutional process. 191
Tom Mboya (1963) Freedom and Africa, Little Brown, London; Chinua Achebe characterized Mboya and
Nyerere as clear-minded and progressive thinkers as compared to Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe (―Zik‖)
who were consumed by ethnic bigotry (especially Awolo), and mediocrity. See Chinua Achebe (1983) The Trouble
with Nigeria, Heinemann publishers, London; Chinua Achebe There was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra
Heinemann Publishers, London. But was Kenya‘s independence constitution largely modelled on or drafted or
recommended by Sir Willliam Ivor Jennings? Cf. William Ivor Jennings (1993) The Law and the Constitution,
University of London Press, ...
40
...the discourse continues in the Oracle‘s Shrine, class, articles, books, online, in the blogosphere,
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