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The Statue of a Ptolemaic ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΟΣof the Mendesian Nome in the Cleveland Museum of Art

Author(s): Hermann RankeSource: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 73, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1953), pp. 193-198Published by: American Oriental Society

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THE STATUE OF A PTOLEMAIC 2TPATHIOS OF THE MENDESIAN NOME

IN THE CLEVELAND MUSEUM OF ART

HERMANN RANKE t

THE CLEVELANDMUSEUMof Art acquired in1948 the torso of a late Egyptian diorite statue

measuring 90 cm. in height.1 The head and thelower parts of the legs are missing; thus the statue

originally would have been about life size. The

body, representing a man, is naked except for ashort kilt which shows the characteristic featuresof the loincloth of an ancient Egyptian king: an

upper part whose ends overlap in the middle ofthe body-showing stripes of vertical pleating-and a lower part, striped horizontally, which

probably has its origin in the pudenda sheathworn by the Egyptians at the beginning of their

history. The kilt is held in place by a broad belt.This belt, as well as the central part of the statue's"back pillar," is coveredwith incised hieroglyphicinscriptions which give some information aboutthe man here represented, and with which I shallhave to deal presently.

The sculpture itself has considerable merit andis the work of a real artist, not just a gifted crafts-man. Breast and abdomen are rendered with a

strong tendency toward naturalism and a beautyof outline which might induce the spectator atfirst sight to consider it the work of a Greekartist.

But this first impression is erroneous. The artistmust have been inspired by works of Greek con-temporariesbut he himself certainly was an Egyp-tian. In all the details of rendering the male bodythere is not a single one which could be claimedas characteristic of Greek sculpture.2

The representation of the strongly protrudingbreasts with a male body has to be especially men-tioned. It seems to be characteristic of late Ptole-

t Deceased April 22, 1953.1 Cf. its first publication, with a good photograph, by

the Assistant Curator of Classical Art in the Cleveland

Museum, Miss Silvia A. Wunderlich, in the Bulletin ofthe Cleveland Museum of Art, June 1949, pp. 99 ff. Thetorso has received the registration number 48141.

2Not being a trained art historian myself, I do notfeel qualified to give a detailed justification of theabove statement. My general impression, however, hasbeen corroborated by the classical archaeologists ofBryn Mawr College, Dr. Rhys Carpenter and Dr. MarySwindler, whom I have asked for their opinion.

maic times. On this occasion, I may be allowed torefer to an earlier paper of mine, which appearedin this JOURNAL(Vol. 65, No. 4, pp. 238 if.), andin which I published a late Ptolemaic torso pre-served in the University Museum at Philadelphia.I took this torso to be a statue of the goddessHathor. This explanation rested in the main onthe female-like moulding of the breasts, and itseems to me now that it has to be reconsidered.In all probability, the Philadelphia torso does not

represent the goddess Hathor or a woman at all,but a priest who dedicated a statue of Hathorinto the temple of Dendereh, and to whom the

long inscription refers

THE INSCRIPTIONS

There are two inscriptions on the belt whichare fully preserved. They are arranged in twohalves, each of which begins in the center, the firsttitle hm-ntr "priest," belonging to each half.

We read toward the left:

"the priest, commander of the (infantry) troops,

commanderof the chariotry imn-p3-ym,son of thecommander of troops p'-imj-r-lh( .w)."

Toward the right:

"the priest, commander of troops, king's brother

Imn-p3-ym,born of nb(.t)-th(.t)."

More information is to be gained from the in-

scriptions incised on the back pillar.Here we have the greater part of three columns,

the lower ends of which are missing. Above thesecolumns, there is an incised relief showing fourstanding figures. On the right hand side we seea man in a long dress which reaches almost to hisankles. His head is shaven, he is turned towardthe left, his right arm raised in adoration. Oppo-site him, facing right, is the triad of the townMendes and its nome. First, on a rather high

193

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RANKE: The Statue of a Ptolemaic paT^ayosof the Mendesian Nome

pedestal, Harpokrates3 as a naked boy, his lefthand raised toward his mouth. Behind him, wesee his parents: the ram-headed4 god bl-nb-dd.t,an w]s-scepter in his outstretched left hand andthe Atef-crown on his head, and the goddess Hat-

mehit 5 wearing on her head the sign of the Men-desian nome, a fish on a standard. Above theheads of these four persons there are five incisedvertical lines, which, however, never have receivedinscriptions.

Below this scene we see one horizontal line ofrather crowded signs facing left:

"The priest, commander of troops, king's brother

lmn-pL-ym,son of p'-imj-r-ih.w and of the lady

of the house nb(. t) -th (. t)."

This horizontal inscription is set off by incisedlines from the reliefs above and the long columnsbelow. While this inscription does not add any-thing in particular to the knowledge we have

gained so far, our information is substantiallyenhanced by the contents of the following threecolumns. Their well cut hieroglyphs are also

arranged from left to right and are separatedfrom each other by incised vertical lines. Theirtext runs as follows:

(1)

rp'tj hitj-' smr w'tj sn nsw.t imj-r m?' wr m w n

dd.t

"The 'hereditary prince,' 'sole companion,' King'sbrother,great commanderof troops in the nome ofMendes."

AI J^<=>J k l c- --\0 Mo~

nd-r n 'nh nb t'.wj spr.w.sn htp.sn lrw hr

dd(.t).f"a counsellor for every citizen of the two lands,

8 Cf. K. Sethe, Urkunden der Griech.-rom. Zeit, p. 31,11.

4The goat of Mendes is always represented as a ram,cf. H. Kees, Der G3tterglaube im alten Aegypten (1941),p. 80 f.

s Cf. Sethe, ibid., p. 32, 14 and Sethe, Urgeschichte,p. 16.

on account of whose saying they come petitioningand are all satisfied"

w,d kcd nfr bB'( t) ims-ib bwt.f shm-', imj-rssm.t . . .

"of happy character, joyful ( ?regardful?) ofheart, whose abomination is power (? violence?),the commander of the chariotry . . ."

(2)

dkr phtj r d,j.w 7kn.wb'r n ms' n nb w'j

"mighty of strength against many adversaries, aBa'l (?) for the army of the unique lord"

mr.n.f s (w) tw sd'w( ?)tjw.f nb

'who (i. e. the king) loves him more than all histreasurers"

ir(.w) dd(.t) .f nb(.t), iwtj hsf .w) .f sm hrmw nn 'bw wnw.t hr hjhj . ..

"who is wont to do all he (the king) says, who

cannot be repelled, who is faithful, without ceas-ing (even) for an hour, in searching for (what is

agreeable for the king?) . ."

(3)

AVS- A A--,-- 0I -'t

I'I

imi wn ltj(.w) 4h.t.sn nb m s' n.t r pr-hd n b'

"kind, when all their things in field and town aretaken away for the treasury of the glorious goat"

. . . m nd.t n k.t(?).f

"... subjects of (for?) his . . ."

194

lr(.w) n.f . . . n hi n hd n lr(.w) mi d-f







Front View. Rear View.







RANKE: The Statue of a Ptolemaic Srpar7yos of the Mendesian Nome

"who made for him a singer's lyre (?) of silver,like which not was made (anything)"

dwr.t(?) . . ."(and) a staff of silver (?) . . ."

COMMENTARY

1. Inscriptions on the belt.

The name imn-p'-ym,6meaning "Amon is theSea " or " Amon of the Sea" 7is very rarely found.As Kuentz has seen,8 it is rendered in Greek by

The name of the father p}-Amj-r-ih. w) "theoverseer of the cattle (herds)" occurs often sincethe New Kingdom and was rendered in Greek

byIIEAatas.9

The mother's name, finally, nb.t-th(.t), seemsto be known only from a text of the Middle King-dom 10 and the Greek form NE3]-rtXt. It evidentlyis an abbreviatedname and means " lady of drunk-enness,"probablyan epithet of the goddess Hathor,patron of love and carousing.

On the title sn-nsw(. t) "king's brother," seebelow p. 197. The red crown (n) between thistitle and the name (phonetic complement of sn?)seems to be superfluous.

For the bud as a determinative of th. t " drunk-

6 The line on top of the back pillar gives a variant ofthe spelling of ym.

7In this case, the name would be an abbreviated one.An lmn-p%-ym"Amon of the Sea" occurs among manyother forms of Amon in a schoolboy's copybook, foundin a tomb at Saqqarah, cf. W. Spiegelberg, Die demo-tischen Papyrus (Catalogue gdneral, Le Caire, Text

(Strassburg 1908), p. 276, n. 1.-Another abbreviationof the personal name is p,-ym (Ranke, PN I 100, 15),a name which Dr. G. Fecht has happily identifiedwith the cuneiform (Assyrian) transliteration Puyama(Ranke, Keilschriftliches Material zur aegyptischenVokalisation, p. 27) of the name of a prince of MendesThe abbreviated name ym (fem. -Ranke, PN I 56, 4)

must also be compared. For ym or pl-ym as the nameof an (originally Syrian) god of the Sea cf. Comptesrendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres1946 pp. 496 ff. See also the "chief of priests of allthe gods of the ocean" (w'd-wr), mentioned in Journalof Egyptian Archaeology 6 (1920), p. 288.

8 etudes de papyrologie III (1934), 41 ff.9 Cf. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri of the

Rylands Library, Vol. II (1909), pp. 442 and 257, n. 2.10Cf. Ranke, Aegyptische Personennalnen I 189, 22.

enness," cf. the lotus flower,playing the same r6lein Wb. V 323, bottom. Flowers were a necessaryadornment at ancient Egyptian banquets.

2. Inscriptions on the back pillar.

Column 1: For the writing of h;tj-' see Wb.III, 25.-For the writing of sn "brother" withan additional reed leaf see Wb. IV, 150. Theorigin of this spelling is not known to me.-Forthe writing of the word w "nome" with two wsigns see Wb. I, 243.-The title imj-rms' wr corre-sponds to the GreekoTrpayyoS.-For 'nh nb "

everycitizen" (lit. "every living one") I have no exact

parallel. The plural 'nh.w nb is found often, e.g.in the decree of Canopus, Sethe, Hierogl. Uric.derGriech.-rom. Zeit I, p. 135, 1. 143, 12.-For ir.w"all of them" see Wb. I 105, 4.-As for w'd-cd,nfr-bj (t), W. Federn calls my attention to KemiIV, 129: nfr-kd, ilcr-bj' (time of Amasis). Simi-lar epithets are often found, cf. Spiegelberg,Zeitschr. f. aegypt. Sprache 64, 79 f. W'd-kdoccurs also with the addition hr rmt.w: Clere,Revue d'egyptologie VI, 135 ff.

Column 2: The expression tkr-phtj occurs as aroyal epithet, see Wb. V 330, 17.-For d'j.w"enemies," or similar see Wb. V, 517, bottom.The first sign is not very clear; for the determina-tive, I have no exact parallel. The words "mightyof strength against many adversaries" may havereference to actual political disturbances, so fre-

quent in Egypt under the later Ptolemies. Cf. H.Bengtson, Strategie III, p. 106, where a civil warunder Ptolemy VIII is mentioned, during whichPaos, a orrpargryo,f the Thebaid of Egyptianorigin, led a military expedition against Her-monthis. For the reading of the antelope's headas kn see Wb. V, 40 f.-The reading Ba'l for b]ris by no means certain, but it is easy to supposethat the orrpar"&yos in the epithet tkr-phtj wouldusurp a royal designation for himself. The king,in the New Kingdom, is often compared with thewar-god Ba'l, cf. Wb. I 447, 11; cf. also the verbb'r "to

fight (like BaIl),"Wb.

I 447, 14 (sug-gestion by H. Junker). Instead of Sd;w ?) . tjw. f,one would expect mjtjw.f "his peers,"but the signof the cylinder seal is clear. For Sd,w(?) .tjw.freferring to the king, see Sethe, 1.c. 93, 8 (Pithom-stele).-For iwtj hsf(.w?).f, cf. Wb. III 335, 15and Gardiner, Grammar2 ?307, 2.-For srm-hr-mw(without suffix), Walter Federn compares ms'-hr-mw, Robichon-Varille, Le temple du scribe royal

195







RANKE: The Statue of a Ptolemaic Srpar7yoS of the Mendesian Nome

Amenhotep, fils de Hapou (1936), p. 4, 1. 18.-For the whole phrase Smnhr mw, nn ]bw cf. ink

smsj n 'b(w), Sethe, I.e., p. 56, 16 and Wb. I

6, 10. - For the late determination of wnw.t

"hour" by the sun see Wb. I, 316.-For the sup-

plement at the end of the column cf. Wb. III151, 17f.

Column 3: Wn I take to be the auxiliary verb.-For Itj 1h.t cf. tm itj ih.t m sw.w, W. Wres-zinski, Inschriften des WienerHofmuseums, p. 141

top. - For " in field and town" as a standingjuridic formula, cf. Kees, Zeitschr. f. aegypt.Sprache 72, 42. The second m is left out here.The meaning of this whole phrase seems to bethat our -rrparqyos tried to avoid unnecessary

crudeness, when the (yearly?) taxes were col-lected.-For nd.t see Wb. II, 369. The wordbefore m nd. t remains unclear even in its reading.Unfortunately, the reading of the following wordalso is uncertain: n tck.f?, n k'l.t.f?-The signsfollowing irj-n.f, I am unable to read with cer-

tainty, which makes the meaning of the wholesentence unclear. H. Junker suggests, with allreserve, that we might have to read h'j and com-

pares the word h'j (for h.w), a musical instru-

ment, Wb. III 243, 10. For the strange determi-native he calls attention to the sign Wb., Beleg-stellen III, 75 (a lyre??). Amphiomis seems tohave had a musical instrument (?) of silver ofhitherto unknown kind or size or quality made

(for the king?)-Of the last signs, I cannot ven-ture a satisfactorytranslation. The word dwr.t ( ?)may be a late writing of twrj.t "staff," Wb. V252, 6.

THE DATE OF THE CLEVELAND ORSO

From these reliefs and inscriptions, we learn

that Amphiomis, the man represented by theClevelandtorso, once held the highest officein the16th Lower Egyptian nome of Mendes, situatedin the Eastern delta. He was "great commanderof the troops" of this nome, an officewhich corre-

spondsto the Ptolemaic office of

OrparT-yoDand

which, at the beginning a purely military one,later developed into the leading administrativeoffice of the nome. That Amphiomis also was"commander of the chariotry," may indicate thatin his time, the military duties of the office werestill a reality."1 Of his other titles "hereditary

11Cf. H. Bengtson, Die Strategie in der hellenist. Zeit

III (1952), p. 71.

prince," "prince" and "sole companion" (namelyof the king) were merely honorary ones which goback to very ancient Egyptian times. The title"priest" which heads the other titles in the in-

scriptions on the belt, shows that the man also

had priestly functions in the temple of the nomegod, a fact which is corroborated by his beingrepresented with shaven head.

If, now, we try to date our statue more closely,there are three possible ways of approach: thearchaeological, the philological, and the historicalone. As regards the archaeological evidence, therecan be no doubt but that our statue belongs to thetime of Ptolemaic rule in Egypt, which lasted from323 until 30 B. c., and after which Egypt becamea province of the Roman Empire. The custom of

representing high private officialswith the ancient

royal kilt goes back to the Middle Kingdom andis found throughout the "late" period, but thecustom of inscribing the belt of this kilt withthe person's name and titles does not occur untilthe end of the 25th dynasty and is first knownfrom a statue of the Theban prince and rulerMentemhet, who may have been the first one to

usurp this royal privilege.12 In Ptolemaic times,this custom became quite common with privatepersons of high standing. Mostly, as in the caseof our statue, the main titles of the man and his

parentage were added. The masterly modelling ofthe upper part of the body however, which I have

mentioned at the beginning, does not occur in the"late" periods of Pharaonic history and seems tobe a definite characteristic, however rare, of thetime of the Ptolemies. But within the Ptolemaic

period a more exact dating is difficult, the clearlydated comparative material being very scarce.13

Still less are we able to gather from the philo-logical evidence. The language of the texts, the

signs of which have been carefully executed,14is

good " classical" Egyptian without any " New

Egyptian " forms or hints of later phonetic de-

velopments.15 There are a. number of character-

12See Legrain, Statues II (1914), pl. XLIV.13 A careful archaeological publication of all available

Ptolemaic statues is an urgent desideratum.14 There is hardly an error to be found, excepting a k

for nb in nb. t-pr (beneath the relief on the back pillar)and perhaps the sign of the cylinder-seal with bead-

necklace in Col. 2 for the mj-sign (see commentary).15With the exception of iw for the preposition r,

which already had reached the stage of Coptic e (cf. Wb.

II, 386; Junker, Grammatik der Denderatexte ? 191).

196







RANKE: The Statue of a Ptolemaic r$parrwos of the Mendesian Nome

istically "late" spellings which, however, are not

restricted to texts of the Ptolemaic time,16 and

of typical "Ptolemaic" values of signs only a

single one occurs.17 But our historical evidence

will lead us a good step further.18 The two im-

portant facts are that the orparqyos representedby the Cleveland torso was an Egyptian, and thathe bore the title "king's brother." His being an

Egyptian is evident from the fact that he himself

as well as both of his parents had pure Egyptiannames. In spite of much intermarriage between

Egyptians and Greekssince the third century B.C.,it is inconceivable that the highest official of a

nome would have assumed an Egyptian name, had

he been a Greek.

For a considerable time after Alexander's con-

quest of Egypt, only Greeks or Macedonians were

appointed orrpar-qyos r head of a nome. It wasnot until the time of the decaying power of the

Ptolemies that this high office was given occa-

sionally to Egyptians of the wealthy class, who

had begun to play an important role in the state,and who were proud enough to proclaim their

Egyptian origin freely and openly. Of such Egyp-tian aTpaTr-yothe names of at least nine are now

known,19all of whom lived in the first century

10A comprehensive investigation of the orthographyof late Egyptian texts is much needed. In our inscrip-

tions, I note the following " late " spellings: the sphinx

for nb as epithet of the king, cf. Wb. II, 227; the rollof bread as a determinative of ih. t, as often found in

Ptolemaic inscriptions, cf. Wb. I, 124, 5; ntt for n of

the genitive, in Col. 3, cf. Sethe, Hierogl. Urkunden der

griech.-r6m. Zeit, p. 38, 16; the writing of the title h'tj-'with an unexplained p, cf. Wb. III, 25; ww as writingof w " nome," cf. Wb. I 243, 1; ir.w written with three

r's in Col. 1, cf. Sethe ib., pp. 36, 6. 66, 14. Some of these

writings (as the oblong bread after ih. t) are found as

early as the Saitic period (cf. Wreszinski, 1. c., p. 142,

top) and may occur even earlier. The p in h,tj-' is occa-

sionally found even in the time of the Middle Kingdom.17 The man steadying a basket on his head, with the

value f in Col. 3.18 For the following remarks cf. U. Wilcken, Grund-

ziige der Papyruskunde, Vol. I (1912), pp. 7 and 11.H. Bengtson, Griechische Geschichte (1950), pp. 471, ff.H. Bengtson, Die Strategie in der hellenist. Zeit, Vol.III (1952), passim. Maria Trindle, Ehrentitel im Ptole-mderreich (Munich dissert. 1942).-Unfortunately, thepaper of T. C. Skeat, "The Reign of the Ptolemies,"Mizraim VI (1927), 1 ff., has been inaccessible to me.

19 For a list of all the orpaTvr7ot in Egypt who arehitherto known, see Bengtson, Strategie, pp 207-241. Cf.also H. Henne, Liste des strateges du nome en Egypte,

B. c. To these, our Amphiomis must be added

and, therefore, he must have lived under the laterPtolemies.

The second fact corroborates his statement and,at the same time, allows us to date our statue still

more precisely. We know-from the researches ofT. C. Skeat (Mizraim II, 30 ff.) that the title" royal kinsman," o-vyyevs, which in Egyptian was

renderedby sn-nsw. t "king's brother," 0 was givento the o'TparWyot of the nomes not earlier than

around 120 B. c., under king Ptolemy VIII.21

This title conveyedto its bearer the honor of beingaddressed as "brother" by the reigning king, asif he were one of his blood relatives. In our in-

scription on the back pillar, it precedes the title

rr,parq-yos (while on the belt it follows the titles

of " priest" and "commander of troops") and

proves by its occurrence that the Cleveland statuemust be dated after 120 B.c., a still later date,within the first century not being impossible. I donot think, however,that from our present material,we can fix the date more closely.

In this connection, finally, it should be men-tioned that the rare name Amphiomis, is onlyknown so far from late Ptolemaic texts. Besidesthe Cleveland torso, it occurs only on the Cairostatue 687 (see the appendix), and on a latePtolemaic papyrus in Brussels.22

Where our statue once stood, its inscriptions donot tell us

explicitly.But it seems almost certain

-especially on account of the reliefs on the back

pillar-that it must have been erected in one of

Memoires de l'Institut Egyptien, Vol. 56 (1935), pp.25* iff.

20 The vizier tfj-hp-im.w of the 30th dynasty (Petrie,Memphis' I, pls. 31 f.) does not have the title "king'sbrother " but seems to be called "brother of the fatherof the king of Upper and Lower Egypt" (?) -thus

Petrie, ib., p. 13, 39 (against p. 20, 58 ).21 Cf. H. Bengtson, Strategie III, pp. 50. 53. 56.

Whether this auvyyev7swas merely an honorary title-the highest one in the Ptolemaic administration of

Egypt-or whether it involved membership in a consult-

ing body of the crown, we do not know, cf. RheinischesMuseum, Vol. 55, p. 182 (Strack).

22 Cf. W. Spiegelberg, Demotische Papyrus des Museedu Cinquantenaire (Briissel 1919), p. 20, No. 5, Col. I,11, a papyrus dated in the 28th year of a Ptolemaicking, containing a list of tombs and of Xetroupytat con-nected with them. According to Spiegelberg the datewould fall either in the reign of Ptolemy VI-Philometor(181-145) or in the reign of Ptolemy VIII-EuergetesII (145-116).

197







RANKE: The Statue of a Ptolemaic ErpaTrvyoS of the Mendesian NomeANKE: The Statue of a Ptolemaic ErpaTrvyoS of the Mendesian Nome

the temples of the sacred goat, either in that ofthe nome capital Mendes,23or in another one.

APPENDIX

The Statue Cairo 687.The Cleveland torso can hardly be separated

from another statue which is now in Cairo.24This second statue represents a man called

Pelaias, son of Amphiomis, and of tL-(n.t.)ij-m-htp, that is to say he has the same name as thefather of the Cleveland o-rparWyoswhile his father

has the very rare name of the man himself repre-sented by the Cleveland torso.25 The Cairo Pelaias

23 Cf. A. Scharff, Mitteilungen des dgyptolog. Instituts

in Kairo I, 130 if. and pls. 26-29.24 Cairo 687. Published-without photograph-by L.

Borchardt, Statuen III (1930), pp.30

f.,and again-

with a poor photograph of the back pillar-by A. Montet

in Kemi VII (1938), pp. 123 if. and pl. XXIV. An earlier

publication by G. Daressy (Recueil de Travaux XV, 150)

seems in a number of places more correct than that of

Borchardt.26 Wm. C. Hayes has already concluded from this that

the Cairo statue might represent the father or the son

the temples of the sacred goat, either in that ofthe nome capital Mendes,23or in another one.

APPENDIX

The Statue Cairo 687.The Cleveland torso can hardly be separated

from another statue which is now in Cairo.24This second statue represents a man called

Pelaias, son of Amphiomis, and of tL-(n.t.)ij-m-htp, that is to say he has the same name as thefather of the Cleveland o-rparWyoswhile his father

has the very rare name of the man himself repre-sented by the Cleveland torso.25 The Cairo Pelaias

23 Cf. A. Scharff, Mitteilungen des dgyptolog. Instituts

in Kairo I, 130 if. and pls. 26-29.24 Cairo 687. Published-without photograph-by L.

Borchardt, Statuen III (1930), pp.30

f.,and again-

with a poor photograph of the back pillar-by A. Montet

in Kemi VII (1938), pp. 123 if. and pl. XXIV. An earlier

publication by G. Daressy (Recueil de Travaux XV, 150)

seems in a number of places more correct than that of

Borchardt.26 Wm. C. Hayes has already concluded from this that

the Cairo statue might represent the father or the son

was imj-r-m?' "commander of troops," while his

father Amphiomis has the same title and, besides,the title hm-ntr "priest." It seems very unlikelythat these two men should not have been members

of the same family, and since the Cleveland man

is designated as " great commander of troops"(=- OTprrayoT) in the nome of Mendes," and also

held the very high title of "king's brother," it

seems reasonable o assume that he was the youngerof the two and had reached the top of the social

ladder, the earlier steps of which had been climbed

by his father or ancestor Pelaias of the Cairo

statue. Unfortunately, the publications of the in-

scription of the latter do not seem to be final, and

a new publication is urgently wanted.26

of the Cleveland torso, cf. Miss Wunderlich's article

quoted in n. 1.26 It should be noted that no other aorpar'yos of the

nome of Mendes is known as yet, and that the number

of aTpar'7yoL of the Delta nomes, which are known, is

extremely small. The list of Bengtson, quoted in n. 19,

mentions only one each of the nomes of Bubastis, Phar-

baithos, and Xois. Cf. also H. Bengtson, Strategie III,

p. 90

was imj-r-m?' "commander of troops," while his

father Amphiomis has the same title and, besides,the title hm-ntr "priest." It seems very unlikelythat these two men should not have been members

of the same family, and since the Cleveland man

is designated as " great commander of troops"(=- OTprrayoT) in the nome of Mendes," and also

held the very high title of "king's brother," it

seems reasonable o assume that he was the youngerof the two and had reached the top of the social

ladder, the earlier steps of which had been climbed

by his father or ancestor Pelaias of the Cairo

statue. Unfortunately, the publications of the in-

scription of the latter do not seem to be final, and

a new publication is urgently wanted.26

of the Cleveland torso, cf. Miss Wunderlich's article

quoted in n. 1.26 It should be noted that no other aorpar'yos of the

nome of Mendes is known as yet, and that the number

of aTpar'7yoL of the Delta nomes, which are known, is

extremely small. The list of Bengtson, quoted in n. 19,

mentions only one each of the nomes of Bubastis, Phar-

baithos, and Xois. Cf. also H. Bengtson, Strategie III,

p. 90

SIR WILLIAM JONES AND THE SAKUNTALA

GARLANDH. CANNON,JR.UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS

SIR WILLIAM JONES AND THE SAKUNTALA

GARLANDH. CANNON,JR.UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS

THE ORIENTALIST Sir William Jones was one

of those rare eighteenth-century English giantswho was too shackledby his duties (he was puisne

judge of the Indian Supreme Court, 1783-94) and

supplementary study and writing to keep a diary

or journal, unlike his friend Boswell. As a result,

ideas about his characterhave been chiefly derived

from implications in his writings, which are neces-

sarily less intimate and revealing than a journal,

and from his voluminous correspondence,much of

which has been preserved. Yet even this corre-

spondence is often involved with answering ques-tions which his inquiring friends had begun askinghim in the early 1760's, when his Harrow class-

mates had nicknamed him the Great Scholar.

Therefore, it is of no small interest to discover

that Jones wrote a series of thirty-three diary

letters to Earl Spencer in England in the autumn

THE ORIENTALIST Sir William Jones was one

of those rare eighteenth-century English giantswho was too shackledby his duties (he was puisne

judge of the Indian Supreme Court, 1783-94) and

supplementary study and writing to keep a diary

or journal, unlike his friend Boswell. As a result,

ideas about his characterhave been chiefly derived

from implications in his writings, which are neces-

sarily less intimate and revealing than a journal,

and from his voluminous correspondence,much of

which has been preserved. Yet even this corre-

spondence is often involved with answering ques-tions which his inquiring friends had begun askinghim in the early 1760's, when his Harrow class-

mates had nicknamed him the Great Scholar.

Therefore, it is of no small interest to discover

that Jones wrote a series of thirty-three diary

letters to Earl Spencer in England in the autumn

of 1787, while reading a diffuse Bengali recension

of the Sakuntala and toying with the idea of

making a literary Latin-English translation of this

drama.1 Three of the letters are of particular

significance to Orientalists, because in the letters

Jones revealed his earliest conception of part of

the Sakuntala recension he was using. The series

as a whole is significant because it provides one

of the clearest insights yet accorded into the char-

acter of this pioneer English Orientalist, though

no attempt to characterize him will be made in

this article.

The series began on August 4, 1787. The

Joneses had just arrived at their vacation cottage

1Professor A. J. Arberry has graciously lent me his

typescript copiesof ninety-twomainly unpublished etters

by Jones, the originals of which are in the present Earl

Spencer's library at Althorp, Harlestone, Northampton.

of 1787, while reading a diffuse Bengali recension

of the Sakuntala and toying with the idea of

making a literary Latin-English translation of this

drama.1 Three of the letters are of particular

significance to Orientalists, because in the letters

Jones revealed his earliest conception of part of

the Sakuntala recension he was using. The series

as a whole is significant because it provides one

of the clearest insights yet accorded into the char-

acter of this pioneer English Orientalist, though

no attempt to characterize him will be made in

this article.

The series began on August 4, 1787. The

Joneses had just arrived at their vacation cottage

1Professor A. J. Arberry has graciously lent me his

typescript copiesof ninety-twomainly unpublished etters

by Jones, the originals of which are in the present Earl

Spencer's library at Althorp, Harlestone, Northampton.

19898

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the statue of a ptolemaic of the mendesian nome in the cleveland museum of art - jaos 73 - 1953 -...

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