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The Seven Signatories Manifesto – Towards a Peaceful Ireland

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Thomas McDonagh / Tómas MacDonnchadha

1 February 1878 - May 3 1916

A Tipperary man, Thomas sprang from Cloughjordan near the scenic Slieve

Bloom Mountains. Perhaps it was in this

tranquil setting that Thomas learned of his

love and talent for the arts and poetry.

Thomas was a man of many talents. An

advocate for the Irish language, a university

lecturer, poet and playwright.

Thomas realised that for a final peace and

prosperity in Ireland to be achieved that the

Irish people would have to break the

connection with the British Empire. He was

a member of the Irish Republican

Brotherhood (IRB), and was Commandant,

Dublin Brigade, Irish Volunteers. A man of

high integrity and selfless moral courage he held out until the very end that

faithful Easter Week in 1916. In his address to the Court Martial the day

before his execution, he made clear his motives;

“The Proclamation of the Irish Republic has been adduced in evidence

against me as one of the Signatories; you think it already a dead and buried

letter, but it lives, it lives. From minds alight with Ireland’s vivid intellect it

sprung, in hearts aflame with Ireland’s mighty love it was conceived. Such

documents do not die.”

True to every word the Republic proclaimed that Easter Week went on to be

endorsed by an awoken people albeit using the British electoral system. Sinn

Féin contested the General Election in 1918 as abstentionists, vowing to stay

in Ireland and represent the Irish people, an overwhelming victory was

claimed and Dáil Éireann, the parliament of the 32 County Republic came into

being on the 21st January 1919. England made sure it was the last time

Ireland acted as a unit, Ireland was partitioned in 1921 and the Republic

proclaimed and endorsed was suppressed in brutal fashion. Today no final

settlement has been achieved, no final peace can be guaranteed and militant

opposition to England’s writ in Ireland remains a reality.


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Within The Grip Of Imperialism

There can be no doubt that the Ireland of today bears little resemblance to

that envisioned by the signatories of the

Proclamation in 1916. Whereas the

signatories fought and died for the full

freedom of Ireland that is yet to be achieved.

The 6 North Eastern counties are held by the

same imperial power as in 1916 and despite

there being a limited form of home rule in

operation the real power remains with the

British Secretary of State and the Westminster parliament.

The remaining 26 Counties are ruled by a counter revolutionary

administration from Leinster House who preside over a neo-colonial state

that is firmly in the grip of the capitalist Troika of the EU, IMF and ECB.

Stormont is openly sectarian and carries on the tradition as highlighted in the

Proclamation of perpetuating “differences carefully fostered by an alien

government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.”

Supporters of the current set up frequently

point to the Stormont Agreement of 1998,

commonly called the Good Friday Agreement,

as having brought peace to Ireland. This is

untruthful. While several of the antagonists

have ceased fighting each other some one-

time Republicans are now firmly within the

British camp and directly oppose the ideals of the Irish Republic of Easter

Week. The British have consequently been able to scale back their military

presence but their governmental presence and their spy network remain.

British tactics may have altered but the powers available to them are

undiminished as demonstrated by the case of Martin

Corey who has been imprisoned for over three and a

half years to date at the whim of the Secretary of

State despite a court ordering his release.

Harassment by the armed regime police also

continues unabated. A November 2012 report from

the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ)

highlighted 22,000 “stop and searches” under the “Terrorism Act 2000” and


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the “Justice and Security Act 2007” in the year 2010/11 alone. More than half

of those stopped and searched under this legislation were under the age of

25. These powers are extended to British soldiers as well as the police and

dispense with the usual requirement of “reasonable suspicion.”

Yet another generation is growing up in Ireland witnessing institutional

sectarianism and injustice. Economically their future looks no brighter as the

disadvantages inherent in a partitioned Ireland continue to hold sway. This is

not a recipe that can ever bring peace to Ireland but will instead perpetuate

the cycle of continued conflict in our country until the root cause of this

conflict is properly addressed.


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Towards A Peaceful Ireland

The proposals contained in this document “Towards a

Peaceful Ireland” were drafted by Dáithí Ó Conaill and

completed on December 29, 1990, three days before his

death. They were subsequently adopted by Republican

Sinn Féin of which he was Vice-President and have

remained an integral part of our policy since:

____________________________________________________________

THE Proclamation of Easter 1916, in declaring the Irish Republic,

asserted the fundamental right of the Irish People to the ownership of

Ireland. It emphasised that imperialism, colonialism and the denial of

democratic freedom were at the core of the

conflict in Ireland with the statement that “in

every generation the Irish people have asserted

their right to national freedom and

sovereignty: six times during the past three

hundred years they have asserted it in arms.”

In the decades since 1916 the people of Ireland have suffered war, strife and

political turmoil. The cost has been high, approximately 3,500 lives have been

lost in the current phase of the struggle since 1969, liberties have been

denied and two generations have grown up in an

abnormal situation. With significant changes

taking place in the world, many people ask why it is

so difficult to bring about peace, stability, and

economic development in our own country.

Speaking in Belfast at the Easter Commemoration in 1973 Dáithí Ó Conaill

reiterated the Republican Movement’s position on the cause of the conflict.

He said: “Today, the central issue in the war is one of conflict between

Ireland’s right to freedom and England’s determination to keep us in

subjection. All other issues are subordinate to this basic point. There can be

no compromise on the fundamental issue as to who should rule Ireland: the

British Parliament or the Irish people.”


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It should be evident to most people by now that the unresolved national

question is the root cause of our problems.

Resources which would normally be used for

economic development, both North and South

are diverted to sustain a regime of repression

under a façade of political consensus.

Constant efforts are made by the British

government with the collaboration of the Dublin administration to resolve the

Northern situation by military means; yet it is widely recognised that a

military solution is not feasible in the long term. Draconian laws, non jury

courts, clandestine agencies and routine harassment all go hand in hand with

other more overt methods of maintaining the status quo.


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Agents of British Rule

Various political solutions have been tried to date and have failed to deliver a true

peace with justice which is the only way lasting

peace can be built. The Dublin administration

has never made a serious effort to produce

worthwhile proposals while the British have

blundered from one failure to another.

Continuing British rule in one guise or another

has ensured that conflict and instability have continued. The Stormont Agreement

signed on Good Friday 1998 secured British rule and safeguards the future of the

26-County State and has only succeeded in creating an “institutionalised

sectarianism” that constrains the right of all the people of Ireland to self-

determination. The solution of British governmental and military withdrawal from

Ireland has never been tried as both Dublin and London do not view such a thing as

being in their interests.

The Stormont Agreement and the later St. Andrew’s Agreement of 2006 have

ensured the continuation of a situation where a

divided people is now ruled on behalf of the

British establishment. The Agreement has

succeeded only in subverting former Republicans

to act as agents of British rule. Such an

arrangement can never be viewed as a long-term

solution. The evidence from other conflicts

around the world points to the fact that a desire for national self-determination

can never be quenched by Quisling deals or political packages that ignore the basic

cause of the conflict: that is the British presence and until that presence is removed

all agreements are doomed to fail. The institutionalising of sectarianism that is

central to the 1998 Agreement has fuelled

sectarianism in the 6 Counties. In the past 20 years

the number of so-called “Peace Walls” has swelled

from 18 to 48. This very abnormal situation could

never truly be called “Peace”. In this context there

are many people who despair of an eventual solution.

To overcome that feeling of hopelessness, Republican Sinn Féin makes the

following proposals.


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1

An All-Ireland Constituent Assembly

The lack of democracy is at the root of the National issue. The restoration of

democracy without any influence from the British would secure a way

forward. There cannot be two different sets of questions posed in the two

parts of Ireland to determine a way forward for the entire country as was

tried under the Stormont Agreement of 1998. The Irish people, acting as a

unit, must be free to exercise their national right to self-determination.

Towards that end Republican Sinn Féin calls for the establishment of a

Constituent Assembly representative of the whole people of Ireland and

elected by the suffrage of the adult population. The Assembly would have the

sole function of drafting a new Constitution and would have six months to

complete its work. The agreed constitution would be submitted to the people

in referendum for acceptance or rejection.

Republican Sinn Féin believes that drafting a new 32-County Constitution

would be more democratic, just and lasting than amending an existing flawed

26-county document. Furthermore, an open democratic forum would be

more meaningful to the Irish people today than meetings behind closed doors

between politicians who have failed the people so often. All elements of Irish

society would be free to contest the election for the Assembly. The internal

relations of the Irish people with one another and their external relations

with Europe and the world at large would be determined through free and

open debate. As a contribution to that debate, Sinn Féin Poblachtach has

prepared a set of proposals -- ÉIRE NUA -- which outlines the basis for a new

Constitution in a federally structured Ireland. Such structures will be

necessary to ensure justice for all, including the 18% of the national

population who have supported the unionist position.


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2

Declaration of Intent to Withdraw

Prior to the setting up of the Assembly, the British Government must declare

that it will withdraw its forces and establishment from Ireland within twelve

months of the adoption of a new Constitution by the people of Ireland.

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Towards a New Ireland

Coupled with the two above-mentioned proposals there must be an amnesty for all political prisoners and people on the wanted list. This must be a genuine amnesty not a political manoeuvre such as was seen after the Stormont Agreement when prisoners were released on “licence” and those suspected of not conforming to the status quo have subsequently been re-imprisoned. The fact is thousands have endured great hardship – from imprisonment to the deaths of the 22 hunger strikers and gross injustices inflicted on people who only sought the freedom of their country. All political prisoners must be released one month prior to the election of a Constituent Assembly.

Given the acceptance of the above three proposals, there would be no necessity for the continuance of armed struggle. All elements, including the British, engaged in such activities should cease action immediately on acceptance of these proposals. By so doing, a new spirit of freedom would pervade the country and the Irish people could, at long last enter into a dialogue of genuine discussion to fashion the Ireland of the future.

Failure to adopt these proposals will prolong the current situation in regard to the continued British presence and will lead to further loss of life, police harassment of the people, political prisoners languishing in jail and an ever-widening gap between rich and poor. Such conditions cannot be allowed to continue.

Seo é Bóthar na Síochána.


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Teagmháil / Contact

Any queries about the Seven Signatories Manifesto can be made to the relevant

contacts below.

Head Office:

Republican Sinn Féin, 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1

Telephone: 872 9747 Fax: 872 9757

E-mail: [email protected] www.rsf.ie

Ulster Office:

229 Falls Road, Belfast, BT12 6FB Telephone 9031 9004

Fax: 9031 9863 E-mail: [email protected]

web: http://www.ulster.rsf.ie

RSF International Relations Bureau:

Republican Sinn Féin, Stiftgasse 8, 1070 Vienna, Austria

E-mail: [email protected] web: http://www.rsf-international.org

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.rsf.ie/


http://www.ulster.rsf.ie/


http://www.rsf-international.org/

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