The Services

Dr. Charles Winfield Service and Mrs. Robina (Morgan) Service were

medical missionaries of the West China Mission located in Sichuan Province

from 1902 to 1930. They served with both the Methodist Church of Canada

and after church union in 1925, The United Church of Canada. Charlie was a

surgeon and an ordained minister graduating from Victoria College in 1895

and Trinity Medical College of the University of Toronto in 1899. Robina

received her nursing degree in 1899 from Brockville General Hospital.

Author: Elizabeth Service (M.A., International Affairs) August 2019

Researcher: Francie Service (B.A., B.Ed.) Ottawa, Ontario

Editor: John Service (Ph.D., Psychology)

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Background of Medical Missions

Charlie and Robina Service were motivated by the belief that “the promotion of health promises

to be the leading ideal of the twentieth century”.1 Their life story, as medical missionaries in

China, began in 1902 in a mission station in Wuhu, a commercial river port on the Yangtze

River.2 This one-year posting focused on language training and the mission was administered by

Dr. Edgerton Hart, the son of the first superintendent of the Canadian Methodist Mission

(CMM). Superintendent Virgil Hart had established numerous mission stations in central China,

for the Methodist Episcopal Church USA, and his experience building a hospital and a

university-based medical school in Nanjing provided a template for the CMM.3

Charlie learned about the work of the Hart family, as a young child growing up in Athens,

Ontario. His father Rev. William Service was appointed to the Athens Methodist Episcopal

Church from 1877-1880, and Charlie would later return to Athens for his high school education.4

Athens, located in eastern Ontario, was the childhood home of Miss Adeline Gilliland who

married Dr. Virgil Hart in 1865, and it was Mrs. Hart who convinced her husband to defer his

retirement plans and to accept the role of superintendent of the CMM.5

The influence of this small town was far-reaching, and it is remarkable that two women, from the

local Methodist church, played such effectual roles in the diffusion of medical knowledge.

Adeline Hart was the first Canadian woman to live in China, and her son would later reflect that

“many of the institutions which he [his father] was instrumental in establishing, such as the

famous hospital and college in Nanking, owe their first inspiration to her”.6 Another Athens

resident Dr. Leonora Howard King founded a hospital in Tianjin and the first medical school for

women in all of China.7 In recognition of her treatment of Chinese soldiers during the 1894 war

against Japan, she was awarded the Imperial Order of the Double Dragon, which was the first

time a western woman was given such a prestigious honour.8 These local missionary

connections had a profound impact on Charlie, and when he “was a young boy, he formed the

1 Charles W. Service, “Public Health in China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Vol. 46, No. 5, (1919), 370. 2 C.W. Service, “Departmental Surveys - Medical Work”, in Our West China Mission, ed. F.C. Stephenson, (Toronto: The Missionary Society of the Methodist Church and The Young People’s Forward Movement, 1920), 378. 3 Methodist Episcopal Missionary Society, Seventieth Annual Report of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. For the Year 1888, (New York: Methodist Episcopal Missionary Society, 1888), 88. 4 “Ministers”, Athens (Farmersville) Episcopal Methodist Church-Yonge Township, Leeds County, Ontario, https://krassoc.wordpress.com/2012/12/01/athens-methodist-episcopal-church/. It should be noted that Athens was originally called Farmersville until 1888. 5 Neil Semple, The Lord’s Domain: The History of Canadian Methodism, (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1996), 323-326. 6 E.I. Hart, D.D., Virgil C. Hart: Missionary Statesman, Founder of the American and Canadian Missions in Central and West China, (Toronto: McClelland, Goodchild and Stewart, 1917), 25. It should be noted that the spelling of Chinese cities varies due to English transliteration and Nanjing is called Nanking. 7 The conventional form of Tianjin is Tientsin. 8 Semple, The Lord’s Domain, 323; Margaret Negodaeff, “Howard, Leonora Annetta (King)”, in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. XV (1921-1930), University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003, http://www.biographi.ca/ en/bio/howard_leonora_annetta_15E.html.

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decision to come to China”.9 His connection with eastern Ontario would remain throughout his

life and just as they were “proud to claim Dr. Service, as a Leeds County boy”, he was honoured

that the young people of the Brockville District Epworth League sponsored him and annually

raised funds to support his career in China.10

Figure 1: Dr. and Mrs. Hart

(Source: Virgil Chittenden Hart, Canadian School in West China)

Charlie was also exposed to the missiological approach of Dr. and Mrs. Hart through his

university affiliations. While he was attending medical school in January 1897, Victoria College

organized a farewell dinner for Superintendent Hart, and Charlie, as the secretary of the Student

Volunteer Movement, presented him with a memento for his return trip to China.11 It would be

only five years later that Charlie, now a medical missionary, would observe first-hand the

missiological potential of the Hart philosophy, where education and medicine were used as

catalysts, to improve social conditions and to accelerate the acceptance of missions.12 In 1903,

Charlie wrote a letter, to the General Board of Missions of the Methodist Church of Canada, to

reinforce the importance of education and medicine to the overall missionary enterprise: “What

China needs” stated Charlie was “educational institutions, hospitals, Bible societies, societies for

the preparation and diffusion of books of knowledge of every kind”.13 Charlie never wavered

from his missiological support for the diffusion of knowledge, and as his colleague Dr. George

Sparling observed, “from the time that he first came out he constantly urged that there should be

a University opened and that in the University there should be a College of Medicine”.14 In

subsequent years, Charlie would join many others to implement this collective vision of the West

China Mission, and he would nurture a university “as a missionary statesman furthering medical

education”.15

9 Rev. George Sparling, Address given at “A Friend and Fellow Missionary Laid to Rest”, Funeral Service for Dr. Charles Winfield Service, March 13, 1930, Si Shen Si Church, Chengdu, West China. 10 “Rev. Charles Winfield Service, M.D., C.M.”, Order of Service Wall Street United Church, March 30, 1930; “Names and Post Office Addresses of Missionaries and their Assignment for Support, May, 1920”, Our West China Mission, 468. 11 The Globe, “Forward Movement: A Great Methodist Missionary Awakening”, January 18, 1897, 4. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 12 E.I. Hart, D.D., Virgil C. Hart: Missionary Statesman, 93; Alvyn J. Austin, Saving China: Canadian Missionaries in the Middle Kingdom 1888-1959, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 51, 55, 66. 13 C.W. Service in Kenneth J. Beaton, Great Living; Rev. Charles W. Service, B.A., M.D., C.M. of Chengtu, West China, (n.l.: The Centenary Committee of the Canadian Churches, n.d.), 18. 14 Sparling, Address for Dr. Charles Winfield Service. 15 Board of Foreign Missions, United Church of Canada, “Minutes, Rev. C. W. Service, B.A., M.D.”, (April 1930).

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Life in Leshan

Upon completing their language studies, Charlie and Robina continued their journey up the

Yangtze River to their final destination in Leshan, located close to Mount Omei. One of their

first tasks was to repair the hospital, and they insisted that it be an aseptic environment which

was medical protocol since the turn of the century.16 This task was a typical assignment for

medical missionaries, and over the years, Charlie would often lament that “valuable time and

skill” was lost on the building and repairing of medical structures, in preparation for their “real

work of ministering to the sick”.17 Dr. R.B. Ewan, a pioneer doctor based in Chengdu, would

argue that if a missionary doctor was to render professional medical assistance, “he must no

longer be expected to be a mason, a carpenter, and blacksmith; he must not have to be head cook

and chief laundryman, as well as a specialist in every department of his profession”.18

Figure 2: The 1902 group of missionaries. Back row left to right: Dr. Service, Dr. Adams,

Mrs. Bates, Rev. Bates; Front row: Mrs. Service, Rev. Stewart, Mrs. Adams

(Source: Vic in China Exhibition. Used by permission Victoria University Library (Toronto). Victoria College and

the Student Volunteer Movement, “The Call to Students to the Foreign Field”, Acta Victoriana, 26:4, 278)

The CMM expected their employees to be flexible, and to accept any position, in order to fulfill

the mandate of the mission. For medical personnel, this meant being a “versatile medical

missionary”, and they were sometimes assigned to non-medical tasks by the Home Board in

Canada.19 This was the case in Leshan, and Dr. W.F. Adams, a trained doctor and dentist, was

assigned to church work and Charlie was appointed to medical work. For a few months in 1906,

Charlie managed both medical and church activities until another employee arrived, and this

enabled Charlie to return to his full-time medical practice.20 In the case of Robina, she was not

officially appointed to work as a nurse, as church policy prevented married women from being

16 George Bond, Our Share in China and What We are Doing with It, 2nd ed., (Toronto: The Missionary Society of the Methodist Church, 1911), 107; Atul Gawande, “Slow Ideas”, The New Yorker, 29 July 2013, https://www. newyorker.com/magazine/2013/07/29/slow-ideas. 17 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 384-385. 18 Dr. R.B. Ewan, “General Review of Medical Work”, in West China Missionary Conference, ed. A. Grainger, (Chentu: Canadian Methodist Mission Press, 1908), 237. 19 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 382. 20 Ibid., 383-384.

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officially assigned to a specific salaried position.21 Even though these non-salaried workers were

undervalued by the missionary enterprise, a number of sources indicate that Robina played a

significant nursing role throughout her time in China, in spite of this patriarchal policy.

Once the buildings were repaired, the opening of the hospital was further delayed after Charlie

contacted typhus, from a woman he discovered lying on the road. Charlie’s immediate response

was to treat this destitute woman, and his reaction reflected the Methodist commitment to tackle

the “age-long problem of human suffering” through the provision of health care.22 Dispensaries

were built to treat “the poorer class who cannot afford hospital care”, and in those situations

when patients required additional treatment but were unable to cover the costs of hospitalization,

Charlie would later initiate the “Good Samaritan Fund”.23 The CMM believed in a social gospel

doctrine that supported the overall wellbeing of the individual, and one of the practical means “to

bring heaven down to this earth”, and to promote social justice, was to provide medical care to

all members of society regardless of their social status or religious beliefs.24 These humanitarian

values placed the Methodist Church in the forefront of societal reform in Canada, and it had a

strong missiological influence on the doctors and nurses working in China.

Figure 3: Mission buildings in Leshan

(Source: Our West China Mission, 97)

One of their greatest challenges was to gain the trust of the local community. Each mission

station had its own political and sociocultural context, and Leshan was located in one of the most

conservative regions of Sichuan.25 “As surgery has practically been unknown to the Chinese,

and is, perhaps, above all else” Charlie would postulate “the most tangible to them and the most

satisfactory to us of all lines of professional work”, it was imperative that surgery be performed

21 Sonya Grypma, Healing Henan: Canadian Nurses at the North China Mission, 1888-1947, (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008), 10. 22 “Charles Winfield Service”, Through Faith, (Toronto: The United Church Publishing House, 1930), 11, http:// library.vicu.utoronto.ca/exhibitions/vic_in_china/sections/missionaries_and_mission_stations/attachments/ through_faith_easter_1930.pdf. 23 C.W. Service, “Letter to Family, February 23, 1930”, The West China Missionary News, June 1931, 12, https://divdl.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1931_033-006_eng.pdfB; Beaton, Great Living, 23. 24 S.D. Chown, in Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 230; Neil Semple, The Lord’s Domain, 307. 25 A.P. Quentin, “Kiating”, Our West China Mission, 192. The conventional form of Leshan is Kiating.

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at the community hospital.26 In order to accomplish this in the pioneer days, Dr. Stewart Allen

noted that “all sorts of ways had to be thought out to entice someone to submit…to surgical

treatment”.27 Charlie and Robina determined that a visual demonstration, of a successfully

performed large operation, would secure a “reputation for professional skill and service” and

accelerate the building of good will between themselves and their neighbours.28 After taking all

the necessary precautions to ensure the aseptic conditions for the abdominal surgery were not

compromised, they invited the local community to observe through the veranda window, the

surgeon Charlie and the nurse Robina, removing a kidney stone.29 This evidence-based

operation lent itself to building trust, as the kidney stone was physically examined by the

observers, and once the patient recovered, news of the successful operation spread and new

patients began to seek medical treatment. The local tea shop was an important public space for

the exchange and acceptance of new ideas as “diffusion is essentially a social process through

which people talking to people spread an innovation”.30

The small community hospital accommodated 30 patients and consisted of three separate

buildings: a women’s ward with 15 beds, a men’s ward also with 15 beds and a third building

with operating, waiting, drug, and dispensary rooms.31 The hospital wards were occupied most

of the time, and Charlie and Robina were busy treating a large patient load in the dispensary.32

Robina’s role in treating female patients was critical, as a female nurse had immediate access to

female patients, whereas a male foreign doctor faced cultural restrictions. In 1906, Dr. Cassidy

Mortimore arrived in Leshan, to join her husband Rev. W.J. Mortimore, and she was also

instrumental in the treatment of female patients.33

Aside from medical and church work, Leshan was also the initial location of the Canadian

Mission Press before moving in 1905, to its permanent location in Chengdu. The printing press

was introduced by Superintendent Virgil Hart and it quickly became a self-supporting business.34

It continued to thrive under the guidance of Rev. James Endicott until he was reassigned to

Canada, to oversee the overall missionary enterprise for the Methodist Church of Canada.35

Charlie took a keen interest in the Canadian Mission Press, and as a member of the operations

committee, he advocated for the printing of public health pamphlets.

The Services would remain in Leshan until their furlough in 1909. This was a special family

reunion in Canada, as their three daughters had been born in China during this period: Winnifred

(Wuhu: 1903), Margaret (Leshan: 1904), and Frances (Leshan: 1906). During this furlough,

Charlie would further his medical training, in the United States, through postgraduate studies at

26 C. W. Service, “Self Support”, in West China Missionary Conference, 252. 27 Dr. A. Stewart Allen, “Modern Medicine in China: Its Development and Its Difficulties”, Canadian Medical Association Journal, Vol. 56, No. 2, (1947), 211. 28 C. W. Service, “Self Support”, in West China Missionary Conference, 247. 29 Beaton, Great Living, 14-15; Austin, Saving China, 173. 30 Everett Rogers in Atul Gawande, “Slow Ideas”, The New Yorker. 31 Bond, Our Share in China, 107. 32 Omar Kilborn, Heal the Sick: An Appeal for Medical Missions in China, (Toronto: The Missionary Society of the Methodist Church, 1910), 242-243. 33 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 384. 34 G. McIntosh, “Mission Presses”, The China Mission Yearbook, (Shanghai: Christian Literature for China, 1910), 356. 35 S.P. Westaway, “The Mission Press”, Our West China Mission, 412-416; Semple, The Lord’s Domain, 329.

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Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore.36 Charlie and many of his colleagues were committed to

lifelong learning, and Johns Hopkins University was a catalytic centre, for institutionalizing

large-scale social change, in clinical health care methods and medical education worldwide.

In 1910, Charlie was reassigned to the mission hospital in Leshan, and he held this position until

the 1911 Rebellion which overthrew the Qing Dynasty and established the Republic of China.

During this period, the missionaries were evacuated to Shanghai, and the medical work in

Leshan and all other stations, except Chongqing, was shut down. The doctors would argue that

“the Revolution revealed the weakness of our work” because there were no Chinese doctors to

manage the hospitals during their absence.37 It was the position of the Canadians, and their

American and British colleagues, that the “missionary doctor is not here merely to cure

individuals but rather to cure conditions, and to do this on a large scale”, there needed to be a

greater emphasis on initiating medical education at a university-level institution.38 Currently, the

health care assistants were being individually trained, and this proved to be “altogether

inadequate and unsatisfactory” for the delivery of effective health care.39 The introduction of

quality medical education, to train indigenous doctors and medical educators who in turn would

train additional doctors, would be the foundation for building a sustainable health care system in

Sichuan. According to his colleague Dr. Sparling, “several times I have heard him [Charlie] say

that if our work was to be successful it must not depend on the foreigner. Unless we can get

Chinese educators educated then our work as foreigners will be a failure”.40

Origins of the Medical Work in Chengdu

Chengdu was the first mission station opened by the Methodist Church of Canada.41 Prior to the

arrival of the Canadians, medical work had been introduced by missionary groups in Chongqing

about 1885 and in 1891, both the Methodist Episcopal Church USA and the Methodist Church of

Canada, appointed medical personnel to work in Chengdu.42 Superintendent Virgil Hart and

Rev. George Hartwell arrived in 1891 to oversee church activities, and Drs. Omar Kilborn and

David Stevenson were assigned to medical duties. “Thus, from the beginning of our work”,

Charlie later remarked, “our Missionary Society and our Church recognized the place and the

value of the medical arm of missionary service”.43 It is interesting to note the connection of

Athens, Ontario to this pioneer group. As mentioned earlier, Mrs. Hart was born in Athens, and

both Rev. Hartwell and Dr. Kilborn grew up in eastern Ontario and attended high school in this

small Ontario town.44

The CMM opened their first medical dispensary in Chengdu in November 1892 and this was

considered to be the beginning of “our medical policy in West China…Drs. Kilborn and

36 Beaton, Great Living, 17. 37 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 387-388. 38 Ibid., 395-396. 39 Ibid., 394-395. 40 Sparling, Address for Dr. Charles Winfield Service. 41 The conventional form of Chengdu is Chengtu. 42 Dr. R.B. Ewan, “General Review of Medical Work”, in West China Missionary Conference, 235; “List of Registered Delegates”, in West China Missionary Conference, 382-386. 43 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 378. 44 Omar Kilborn, “High School and College Days in Canada”, in The Life of Rev. William James Hall, M.D., ed. Rosetta Sherwood Hall, M.D., (New York: Press of Eaton and Mains, 1897), 37, 44-45.

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Stevenson were the pioneers”.45 The next immediate need was to build a small hospital. In Our

West China Mission, the book chronicling the history of the first 25 years of the CMM, it was

noted that “early in 1894 the erection of the first foreign hospital in Chengtu was begun, on the

street and site now occupied by our present large medical plant. This was the small beginning of

a steadily growing medical work”.46 George Bond, who was tasked by the Methodist Church of

Canada to record the early history of the CMM, spent six months in Sichuan researching his

book, and it was his understanding that “the first hospital buildings were erected by Dr.

Stevenson…in 1894”.47 He was an eye, ear, nose and throat specialist, and “Dr. Stevenson

reported a successful year” recalled Hartwell and “he had worked up a large practice”.48 While

Stevenson was constructing the hospital, Kilborn travelled to Shanghai to escort the second

group of missionaries to Chengdu, and he and his wife Dr. Retta Kilborn were then posted to

Leshan for one year.49 Although Stevenson retired from service, after the 1895 riots in Chengdu,

his leadership in opening the first dispensary and building the first hospital would be a lasting

legacy of his pioneering contributions. Dr. W.E. Smith was appointed to replace Dr. Stevenson

in 1896, and there was now a small group of medical missionaries working as a collective, and

they were joined in 1897 by Dr. R.B. Ewan.50

In an historical overview of the medical services, it was noted that “a glance at the mission

records of the early days of the century reveals that on several occasions doctors were placed in

charge of churches because of the relative dearth of pastoral men”.51 These employees were

known as the “versatile medical missionary” and Kilborn and Smith were often appointed to

non-medical positions.52 In 1901, following the Boxer Rebellion, Kilborn recorded the

operational decision for “Dr. Ewan to reopen the medical work in Chengtu and myself to reopen

the church work in Chengtu” while Smith was appointed to both medical and church activities in

Leshan.53 Kilborn temporarily covered Ewan’s medical responsibilities, during his furlough, and

after Ewan returned in 1906, “the Council of that year appointed him to the Chengtu hospital, to

begin the erection of the large new building”.54 Construction began in the spring of 1907, and

documents reveal the ongoing institutional need for doctors to accept non-medical positions.

The Versatile Medical Missionary: In 1907 there were six medical missionaries, but two

of those had to be placed in charge of evangelistic work because of [a] shortage of

pastoral workers. These two were, Dr. Kilborn in Chengtu, and Dr. Smith in Junghsien.55

45 C. W. Service, “Letter from Rev. C.W. Service, B.A., M.D., Chengtu, West China, February 27, 1917”, The Missionary Bulletin, Vol. 13, No. 3, (1917), 412, The United Church of Canada Archives, Toronto, Ontario, Canada; Bond, Our Share in China, 61-62. 46 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 378. 47 Bond, Our Share in China, 56. 48 George E. Hartwell, B.A., B.D., D.D., Granary of Heaven, (Toronto: The United Church of Canada, Wesley Buildings, 1939), 42- 43. 49 Ibid., 43; Bond, Our Share in China, 99, 106; Kilborn, Heal the Sick, 233. 50 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 380, 473-474. 51 Leslie Kilborn, “The Medical Services of the Canadian Mission in Szechwan”, The West China Missionary News, (October 1937), 9, https://divdl.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1937_039-010_eng.pdf. 52 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 382. 53 Kilborn, Heal the Sick, 241; C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 380. 54 Kilborn, Heal the Sick, 246. 55 C.W. Service, Our West China, 382.

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The missionary who “escaped the peril of a specialist”, and served in other capacities outside of

their specific area of training, was an important asset to the CMM.56 A versatile skill set

provided the necessary flexibility to assign personnel where needed, in order to fulfill the

mandate of the Methodist Church of Canada. Charlie would contend that Kilborn’s career

exemplified this operating principle.

Due to his versatility, adaptability and willingness, he was frequently side tracked from

the work for which he originally went to China. For many years the secretary-

treasurership engaged the bulk of his time and energies...the Red Cross and the Y.M.C.A.

found him ever ready to help…[and] he enthusiastically devoted himself to the new

missionaries, especially using his great talent as a teacher of the language.57

The willingness to adapt to new situations was also an important missiological strategy for

individual missions, and in 1910, the American Methodist Episcopal Hospital was operated by

the CMM.58 A staffing shortage meant that their new hospital would “have been closed had the

Canadian Methodist Mission not appointed one of their number, Dr. W.J. Sheridan, to carry on

the work” which the Americans later reported had “been admirably done”.59 This collaborative

approach was welcomed by the CMM, as it “demonstrated that co-operative medical work is

practicable as well as economical”.60

Canadian Methodist Hospital (1907-1911)

The building of the new hospital in Chengdu was an ambitious project and according to church

historian George Bond, it was an integral component of the overall medical vision.

In 1907 the foundations for a splendid new modern hospital were laid, under the

superintendence of Dr. Ewan, and the work of its erection has so far progressed that it

will soon be ready for occupancy. It is a substantial and handsome brick building of

three stories, built from plans suggested by Dr. Ewan. It is intended when finished to be

as thoroughly modern, commodious, sanitary, and scientific in its equipment as possible,

and will undoubtedly be the largest and finest hospital as yet erected in all West China.61

56 Endicott, “Memorial Service for Dr. C.W. Service”, (Trinity United Church, Toronto: 23 March 1930). 57 C.W. Service, Funeral Address: “A Service of Tribute to the Late Omar Leslie Kilborn, M.D., D.D.”, The Missionary Outlook, Vol. XL, No. 7, 1920, 150, The United Church of Canada Archives, Toronto, Ontario, Canada; Rev. James Neave, “Unoccupied Fields”, Our West China Mission, 129; Bond, Our Share in China, 260; The Globe, “Year at Home Ends in Death of Missionary: Rev. O.L. Kilborn Dies During Furlough From China”, May 19, 1920, 8. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 58 C.W. Freeman, “Report of Chengtu Hospital”, Minutes of the Fourth Annual Session of the West China Mission

Council of the Methodist Episcopal Church: Chungking January 11-15, 1911, (Shanghai: Methodist Publishing House, 1911), 46. 59 Ibid., 46-47; H. L. Canright, “Report of Chengtu Medical Work”, Minutes of the Third Annual Session of the West China Mission Council of the Methodist Episcopal Church: Chengtu January 19-24, 1910, (Shanghai: Methodist Publishing House, 1910), 47. 60 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 384. 61 Bond, Our Share in China, 63.

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Figure 4: Dr. R.B. Ewan, Superintendent, Canadian Methodist Hospital

(Source: Our West China Mission, 174)

Ewan would hold the position of superintendent until he returned to Canada in 1912. He needed

to recuperate from the physical strain of overseeing the construction of the hospital which would

“long stand as a monument of the initiative, faith, perseverance, and patience of the man who

almost literally built himself into this great structure”.62 His significant contribution to health

care was widely recognized by his colleagues and in Our West China Mission, Reverend N.E.

Bowles directly credits Ewan’s “efforts while on furlough to secure a modern hospital for West

China” and the fact “he superintended personally the plans, building and equipment…To the

faith and hard work of Dr. R.B. Ewan is due in large part the securing of such a splendid

building”.63 In The Missionary Bulletin, a magazine published by the youth wing of the

Methodist Church of Canada, letters were shared to provide insight into mission work, and in

1913 Charlie noted that64

Before I close this letter I must mention Dr. R. B. Ewan as the originator and promoter of

this great Chengtu hospital enterprise. It is a great task for anyone, particularly for one

who is not a professional builder. But this beautiful hospital is pre-eminently a witness to

the zeal, the faith, the persistence and the industry of the doctor. Before his return to

Canada he brought it nearly to completion.65

Canadian Methodist Hospital (1912-1918)

In the spring of 1912, Charlie was appointed by the Mission Council to oversee the Canadian

Methodist Hospital. This would include supervising the final stage of construction along with

Mr. Walter Small, the “efficient Mission Builder”, who was responsible for the coordination of

all construction projects.66 As James Endicott, general secretary of The United Church of

Canada would later note, Charlie “was known to be, perhaps, the outstanding surgeon in our

62 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 389; “Rev. R.B. Ewan, M.D., D.D.”, The West China Missionary News, (February 1927), 33, https://divdl.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1927_029-002_eng.pdf. 63 N.E. Bowles, “Station Surveys - Chengtu”, Our West China Mission, 174. 64 George Emery, Methodist Church on the Prairies, 1896-1914, (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 63. 65 C.W. Service, “Letter from Rev. C.W. Service M.D., China, July 19, 1913”, The Missionary Bulletin, Vol. 10, No. 1, (1913-1914), 126, The United Church of Canada Archives, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. 66 Ibid; C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 388.

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mission in West China, and he had not been in China long before he was placed in our most

important hospital - a place not only where the sick were healed but where students secured their

clinical training. It is a great and important centre, and in all the developments of our hospital

work Dr. Service had a most prominent and vital position”.67

Figure 5: Canadian Methodist Hospital, Chengdu: final stage of construction

(Source: Service Family)

The hospital was officially opened on January 30, 1913, and the CMM was very appreciative

that “members of the Szechwan Red Cross Society joined us in acting as hosts, as that Society

has done us the honour of choosing ours as the Red Cross Society Hospital”.68 The initial

medical staff, appointed by the CMM, consisted of three health care workers: the doctor Charlie

appointed as superintendent of all hospital operations, the nurse Barbara McNaughton designated

as lady superintendent in charge of nursing and the training school for nurses, and the pharmacist

Edwin Meuser assigned as supervisor of the pharmaceutical department.69 The CCM was able to

successfully expand its enterprise through the collaborative efforts of its mission workers, and as

Charlie noted, “Miss McNaughton, Mr. Meuser and Mr. Small have given valuable assistance”.70

In 1914, funds were allocated for a second doctor and Dr. C.B. Kelly joined the staff, and in

1916, he would lecture part-time at the Medical College of West China Union University.71

This well-equipped modern hospital of 125 beds could accommodate a growing patient load, and

Charlie would continue to oversee the medical work, until his furlough in 1918. One of his

colleagues, Rev. N.E. Bowles, provided some insight into Charlie’s daily hospital routine when

he wrote that “Dr. Service performed six operations that morning. During these operations no

less than four letters had come in, all marked urgent. He had four dysentery cases to attend…

67 Dr. James Endicott, Memorial Service for Dr. C.W. Service. 68 C. W. Service, “Letter from Rev. C.W. Service M.D., China, July 19, 1913”, The Missionary Bulletin, 126. 69 Beaton, Great Living, 17; C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 389. 70 C.W. Service, “Letter from Rev. C.W. Service M.D., China, July 19, 1913”, The Missionary Bulletin, 123. 71 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 389; C.R. Carscallen, “West China Union University”, Our West China Mission, 368.

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this, besides the regular in-patients, the dispensary, and the one hundred and one things that only

a doctor can look after around a hospital”.72 The hospital wards were consistently full, and in

terms of the dispensary, Drs. Kelly and Service and Miss McNaughton would treat 175-200

patients three days a week.73 This hospital would eventually be replaced and today Chengdu

Hospital Number 2 sits on this former mission site.

Figure 6: Canadian and Chinese staff of the Canadian Methodist Hospital. 1. Barbara McNaughton

(nurse), 2. Charles Service (doctor), 3. Walter Small (builder), 4. Edwin Meuser (pharmacist)

(Source: Service Family)74

West China Union University – The Early Years

During this period, Charlie was also actively involved in medical education, and he was one of

the “builders who laid the foundation of West China Union University”.75 Founded in 1910,

West China Union University (WCUU) was a synergistic endeavour of different denominations

and mission communities from Canada, the United States and Great Britain. Four missions

founded WCUU, and these were the General Board of Missions of the Methodist Church of

Canada, the Board of Foreign Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church USA, the American

Baptist Foreign Mission Society, and the Friends’ Foreign Mission Association of Great Britain

and Ireland. The Church Missionary Society of England joined WCUU in 1918.76

The missions individually mobilized financial and human resources, and collectively established

a joint governance structure, consisting of both a Senate based in Chengdu and an international

72 N.E. Bowles, “Station Surveys - Chengtu”, Our West China Mission, 174-175. 73 Beaton, Great Living, 17. 74 Please note that in some of the photographs Chinese colleagues and students are not identified. Hopefully, this information is available in the archives of the participating institutions in China and can be included at a later date. 75 H.E. Warren, “Dr. Charles W. Service: A Brief Sketch of his Academic Days”, 2. 76 Yale Divinity Library, “The American Context of China’s Christian http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/ ChinaCollegesProject/descriptions.htm#westchina.

1 2

3

4

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Board of Governors, to approve all operational decisions and academic policies. WCUU

purchased 120 acres of land and built colleges “to provide courses in Arts, Science, Medicine,

Law, Engineering and Agriculture, to become a University in the fullest sense, to make it

unnecessary for any student of the Western provinces to go abroad for any course needed to fit

him for any phase of life in China”.77 From the beginning, it was determined that all subjects

would be “taught exclusively in Chinese…as it tends less to denationalize the student than the

method of giving him his education through the medium of a foreign language”.78 It was the

definite hope of the founders that the university would ultimately become in “every sense a

Chinese institution at such time as it shall be possible to leave it in the hands of Chinese”.79

Figure 7: Fred Rowntree & Sons architectural drawing of West China Union University

(Source: Poster Celebrating the Work of Fred Rowntree in Chengtu)

The founding president of WCUU was Dr. J. Beech, of the Board of Foreign Missions of the

Methodist Episcopal Church USA, and the first vice-president was Rev. E.J. Carson, followed by

Rev. J.L. Stewart. Both men were representatives of the General Board of Missions of the

Methodist Church of Canada.80 The CMM was an active voice in the promotion of medical

education and it was the opinion of Dr. Kenneth Beaton, secretary of the Committee on

Missionary Education for The United Church of Canada, that “in the year 1910, the West China

Union University came into being through the vision of several pioneer missionaries, of whom

77 C.R. Carscallen, “West China Union University”, Our West China Mission, 362-363. 78 E.J. Carson, “Mission Schools, Colleges, and Universities for Men and Boys: West China”, The China Mission Yearbook, (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society for China, 1910), 93. 79 Ibid., 95. 80 C.R. Carscallen, “West China Union University”, Our West China Mission, 368.

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Dr. O.L. Kilborn and Dr. C.W. Service were prominent members. From the very opening both

of them anticipated that Medicine would be taught”.81

One of the operating principles adopted by the CMM was the commitment to foster collaboration

with the other missions in order to maximize impact. This commitment extended to medical

education, as it was “evident to the small number of medical missionaries that came to West

China that the only possible way of caring adequately for the diseased was by the establishing of

a Chinese medical profession on a scientific medicine basis”, and the various missions worked

together to develop the curriculum based on this collective understanding.82 At the West China

Missionary Conference in 1908, a resolution was passed stating the “importance of founding a

Medical School in connection with the proposed Union University”, and it was agreed “that Drs.

Wolfendale and Cox be a Committee to prepare a Course of Study for Medical Colleges, and

report to the Acting Board of Education of the Union University”.83 Cox was a member of the

CMM and Wolfendale was with the London Missionary Society, until he joined the CMM in

1910, after the West China Mission was granted operational control of their Chongqing

operations.

In these early days, no individual was given the direct credit for introducing the idea of medical

education and conceptualizing its implementation. In large-scale collaborations with many

different actors, it is very difficult to assign direct credit to one individual because numerous

tasks are being implemented simultaneously within the individual missions and between the

multiple missions.84 This concept of a collective responsibility was reinforced by Charlie, in his

official report on the history of medical work, in Our West China Mission.

For many years the idea of a medical college for West China had been in the minds of our

doctors, but it was only in 1914 that these ideas fructified. Our mission is now one of

several which are united in this young enterprise of training.85

The participating missions shared a missiological vision, and collectively they built the necessary

foundation of cohesion and trust, to nurture this young social enterprise into an established

institution of medical training. Inter-mission co-operation was an extension of the decision taken

at the Edinburgh World Mission Conference of 1910 which encouraged Protestant churches,

with a commonality in liberal theology, to engage in collective social action. Specifically, The

Declaration of Principles adopted by the participants affirmed that

We believe that the age of sheer individualism has passed and the age of social

responsibility has arrived. All institutions of the higher education should directly prepare

young men and women for membership in the social order – in the family, the church, the

state, and the community. To this end all teachers should be persons deeply imbued with

81 Beaton, Great Living, 19. 82 West China Union University, “Medical Education in the West China Union University”, WCUU Radio Broadcast April 13, 1943, 5, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-280-4412.pdf. 83 A. Grainger, ed., West China Missionary Conference, 364. 84 John Kania, Fay Hanleybrown, Jennifer Splansky Juster, “Essential Mindset Shifts for Collective Impact”, Stanford Social Innovation Review, Fall 2014. 85 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 395.

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a sense of social and civic duty…Without any abandonment of the educational ideals of

our fathers we must now exalt the newer ideals of social justice, social service, social

responsibility.86

Churches in Canada, the United States and Great Britain were involved in the collective

formation of large social institutions, to improve the living conditions of their citizens, and

university curriculums were designed to prepare students for this type of social engagement.

Since the latter part of the 19th century, the catalyst for their collective action was the need to

address social concerns rather than reaching a doctrinal consensus to promote religion.87 This

social gospel philosophy, which viewed social interaction from a humanistic rather than

eschatological premise, was incorporated into the design of WCUU. The missions developed a

curriculum around subject content such as medical education but did not engage in discussions to

develop a unified doctrinal agreement about religious instruction. In the early years of the

university, a union in formal religious training “was not contemplated and provided for when the

Union University at Chengtu was organized”.88 Unions specifically formed for religious

conversion adhered to conservative theology, and during this period in Sichuan, the China Inland

Mission and the Church Missionary Society formed a union for traditional religious training.89

The British-based Church Missionary Society, although actively engaged in medical and

educational activities, promoted a more orthodox religious theology than the original founding

missions.90 In 1918, the Church Missionary Society of England officially became the fifth

member of the union university.91

The Medical College officially opened in 1914 and there were eight students registered in the

program, and five professors were assigned from the various missions including Charlie and

Omar Kilborn from the Methodist Church of Canada.92 Dr. H.L. Canright of the Board of

Foreign Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church USA, who had previously taken “an active

interest in all the plans for the advancement of our Union University”, was appointed to the

position of dean of the Medical College.93 The Methodist Episcopal Church USA had already

established a university, including a medical college in Nanjing under the supervision of Dr.

Virgil Hart, and their mission brought important expertise to WCUU.

86 “Declaration of Principles Adopted at the Eleventh Convention of the Religious Education Association”, Religious Education, Vol. 9, Issue 2, (1914), 98. 87 Cui Dan, “The Cultural Contribution of British Protestant Missionaries to China’s National Development During the 1920s”, Ph.D. diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 1996, 24, http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2413/ 1/U615362.pdf. 88 O.L. Kilborn, “Szechwan”, in The China Mission Yearbook, 1917, ed. E.C. Lobenstine, (Shanghai: The Christian Literature Society for China, 1917), 256, https://archive.org/stream/chinamissionyear08chin/chinamissionyear08 chin_djvu.txt. 89 Ibid. 90 Cui Dan, “The Cultural Contribution of British Protestant Missionaries to China’s National Development During the 1920s”, 31. 91 “Board of Governor Minutes”, West China Union University, (25-26 September 1918, #300), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4326.pdf. 92 C.W. Service, Our West China Mission, 397. 93 H.L. Canright, “Report of Chengtu Medical Work”, 48.

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Figure 8: The first medical college, staff and students. Back row left to right:

Dr. Service (Methodist Church of Canada), Dr. Irwin (Methodist Episcopal Church USA),

Dr. Canright - Dean (Methodist Episcopal Church USA), Dr. Morse (American Baptist

Foreign Mission Society), Dr. Kilborn (Methodist Church of Canada)

(Source: Our West China Mission, 397)

The medical curriculum was a six-year program and this included course work and clinical

training at the Canadian Methodist Hospital. The early years were difficult and during the 1911

Revolution, WCUU ceased operations and in 1914:

as the first world war began at about the same time and also as for several years after the

Revolution there was much political unrest in Szechwan, the early years of medical

education were very much disturbed, and once or twice the University was unable to

admit a new class on account of local wars, etc. But in spite of all difficulties the first

class was graduated in 1920, and consisted of four men.94

In May 1920, the teaching staff lost one of its members when Kilborn died while on furlough.

“Like other medical men, Dr. Kilborn was seized with the great importance of medical

education”, The Globe reported, and he was “one of the leading men of the Union University of

West China”.95 Charlie, representing the missionaries, delivered these thoughts at his funeral:

“WCUU owes much to him, both in its genesis and its development. From the beginning he was

a member of its Senate and of its teaching staff, having taught physiology to the medical and

dental students”.96

The missions expected their employees to assume leadership positions and these assignments

would rotate due to staff furloughs. In Charlie’s case, “he divided his services between the

Medical College he loved and served so consistently [and] the patients of the two hospitals here

who depended upon his skill”.97 Over the years, Charlie would sit as a member of the Senate and

94 “Medical Education in the West China Union University”, WCUU Radio Broadcast, 5. 95 The Globe, “Sees in Death of Dr. Kilborn a Heavy Blow”, May 22, 1920, 9. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail; The Globe, “Year at Home Ends in Death of Missionary: Rev. O.L. Kilborn Dies During Furlough From China”, May 19, 1920, 8. 96 C.W. Service, Funeral Address: “A Service of Tribute to the Late Omar Leslie Kilborn, M.D., D.D.”, The Missionary

Outlook, 150. 97 T.H. Williams, “Dr. Charles Winfield Service”, The West China Missionary News, (1930), 39, http://images.

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serve on committees dealing with operational and academic issues. He also taught surgery,

obstetrics, gynecology, pediatrics, and public health, and in his position as superintendent of the

Canadian Methodist Hospital, he would oversee the clinical training.98 One year, he allocated 40

hours per week to the Medical College, and one of his students provided this perspective of his

professor’s approach to teaching and medical care.99

As a teacher he was always exceedingly earnest. He was always on time. I have known

him to be detained in the operating room till ten minutes to one. I knew he had not eaten

his dinner, but he met us in the classroom at one o’clock just the same. His lectures were

always thoroughly prepared. He did not enter the classroom and just say what he

happened to think about at the moment. His attitude towards the sick was an inspiration.

I have known him [to] stay four hours continuously by the bedside of some poor sick

Chinese in an effort to save his life. He was a foreigner but he showed such a wonderful

spirit of sacrifice and love that he was an example to us, his students. We must keep that

spirit alive in our College.100

One area of particular interest for Charlie was the teaching of obstetrics. Charlie and Robina lost

their first child during a difficult labour in Canada, and Charlie recognized that a cesarean

delivery could have potentially saved his daughter’s life.101 However, it was the turn of the

century, and this procedure was rarely performed due to the high maternal mortality rate. It was

just a few years after this personal tragedy that cesarean deliveries became more common

because of medical advances in both surgical and aseptic techniques.102 Charlie performed

cesarean deliveries in Sichuan, and in one case, an influential family summoned Charlie to their

Chengdu home. At this particular time, there were two rival armies vying for control of the

provincial capital which was a regular occurrence during the warlord period from 1916-1928.

As they proceeded through the barricades, Charlie was in the lead carrying a lantern, and when

questioned, at the checkpoints, his reply was simple: “missionary doctor on errand of mercy”.103

Once at the home, it was determined that the woman needed a cesarean section, and they had to

immediately proceed back through the dangerous checkpoints to the hospital. The delivery was

a success, and both the mother and son were able to return home a few days later. Fortunately,

their return trip was incident free as one of the rival armies had retreated, and the streets were

once again calm.

Over the years, Charlie would continue his interest in this field of medicine, and from 1924-

1930, he was in charge of developing the program.104 One of the doctors trained by the

library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1930_032-004_eng.pdf. 98 “Catalogue 1915-1916”, West China Union University, 7, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/ West_China_Union_University/RG011-278-4397.pdf.; “University Faculty”, Annual Announcement 1925-1926, West China Union University, 16, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_ University/RG011-278-4398.pdf. 99 Beaton, Great Living, 21. 100 Ibid., 29. 101 Ibid., 9. 102 Wendy Mitchinson, Giving Birth in Canada 1900-1950, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 232, 239-240. 103 Beaton, Great Living, 5. 104 E.C. Wilford, “West China Union University: Faculty of Medicine”, China Medical Journal, Vol. 38, No. 9, (1924), 757; West China Union University Annual Announcement 1926-1927, (Chengtu: The University, June 1926), 89,

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professors was Dr. Yoh Ih-chen. She would graduate in 1932, as the first female medical

graduate from WCUU, and later became head of obstetrics and gynecology.105

The First Graduate in Dentistry

Huang Tianqi was the first dental graduate in China.106 Charlie met Tianqi when he was a boy

playing outside the hospital in Leshan, and Charlie and Robina were so impressed by his intellect

and character, that they arranged for Tianqi to attend school. Additionally, they provided the

opportunity to learn English.107 When Tianqi was older, he became interested in health care, and

Charlie began to train Tianqi as a medical assistant.108

Figure 9: Dr. Service and a nursing assistant attending to a patient; observing is Huang Tianqi

(Source: The United Church of Canada Archives, Toronto. 76.001P/5951. Dr. Charles Winfield Service

and assistant dressing a patient’s foot, n.d. Francie Service)

Tianqi attended high school in Chengdu, and after the Services went on furlough, he stayed with

the Thompson family. Dr. John Thompson was a pioneer dentist and in 1921, as dean of the

Department of Dentistry from 1920-1923, he had the honour of presenting Tianqi with his dental

degree.109 When reflecting on this moment, Thompson noted that “when Dr. Whang, the boy I

supported graduated it was the proudest day of my life. At that time I happened to be dean”.110

http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-278-4398; “Board of Governors Minutes”, West China Union University, (4 July 1930 # G899), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/ UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4330.pdf. 105 “WCUU Period 1910-1949”, West China Medical Center Sichuan University, http://202.115.44.126:8080/ wccmsbrief2.htm; “Staff List Spring 1949”, West China Union University, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/ UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-279-4407.pdf. 106 “Chronicle”, West China School of Stomatology Sichuan University, http://www.hxkq.org/en/js2_en.shtml. 107 Beaton, Great Living, 20-21. 108 It is important to note that the spelling of Dr. Huang Tianqi’s name varies due to changes in English transliteration, and he is also referred to as Dr. T.C. Whang, Dr. Hwang, and Dr. Whang T’ien-chi in official documents. 109 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (3 June 1920, #1070, #1071; 10 March 1921, #1215; 2 March 1922, #1380), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4362.pdf. 110 J.E. Thompson, “Dentistry in West China”, Dominion Dental Journal, Vol. 37, (1925), 228, University of Toronto-Harry R. Abbott Dentistry Library.

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Thompson expected indigenous dentistry to develop under the leadership of Dr. Huang because

“he knows how to teach the difficult subjects in the Chinese language”.111

Figure 10: Dr. Huang Tianqi, University of Toronto

(Source: Service Family)

At the Senate Committee Meeting in April 1926, Huang was granted a leave of absence from the

Dental Faculty, to take postgraduate training at the University of Toronto, so he would be

“qualified to render greater service in the future” to WCUU.112 In 1928, Huang received the

degree of Doctor of Dental Surgery (DDS) and “his ability and application to work won for him

whole-hearted commendation of the faculty of the RCDS and his personal qualities were

appreciated by all who came in contact with him”.113 Upon returning to Chengdu, Dr. Huang

was appointed to the position of assistant professor in the Faculty of Dentistry, and he worked

with the dental missionaries to expand dental education.114

Figure 11: Drs. Huang and Thompson with patient

China Museum of Stomatology, Sichuan University, Chengdu

(Source: Service Family)

111 Ibid. 112 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (1 April 1926, #1921), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/ UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4363.pdf. 113 “Whang Scholarship Fund”, Dominion Dental Journal, Vol. 41, (1929), 23, University of Toronto - Harry R. Abbott Dentistry Library. 114 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (21 June 1928, # 2236), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/ UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4364.pdf.

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Robina’s Contributions

This was also a busy period for Robina. While her familial responsibilities continued to expand

with the birth of her son William in 1914, she also remained committed to fulfilling her nursing

obligations to the West China Mission. As married women were not officially appointed by the

General Board of Missions, the mission reports reflect this gender bias and only record very

general descriptions about their contributions.115 Often there are a few sentences thanking them

for their valuable assistance to the mission field or their name appears in publications listing the

official staff for the mission hospitals and WCUU. In the case of Robina’s involvement, various

documents indicated that Robina provided clinical nursing services in Chengdu, as well as

teaching at the training school for nurses, initiated in 1912, at the Canadian Methodist Hospital.

In later years, Robina joined the staff of WCUU as an English instructor in the Faculty of Arts.116

Her early involvement in Leshan is documented by Beaton, and he mentions Robina’s “efficient

nursing” where “Mrs. Service, as she did in those days for all the operations, sterilized the

instruments in a steamer over a pot of water in the kitchen, and laid out all the dressings”.117 The

CMM adhered to Victorian family values where married women were socialized to take care of

the private sphere reflected in the home, and the public sphere of medicine was officially

reserved for unmarried women and male missionaries.118 Although Robina was providing

significant nursing services in Sichuan since 1903, official reports state that the first nurses,

appointed by the General Board of Missions, started to arrive towards the end of 1908.119 These

nurses were single women officially appointed to a designated full-time paid position whereas

the services provided by married nurses like Robina were rendered in a voluntary capacity.120

Figure 12: Sample of Robina’s charcoal drawings

(Source: Service Family)

115 Cory Willmott, “The Paradox of Gender among West China Missionary Collectors, 1920-1950”, Social Sciences and Missions, Vol. 25, (2012), 132-133. 116 “The School of Nursing”, Canadian Methodist Mission: West China Reports of Work for the Year 1924, 54, 78.096C, Box 16, The United Church of Canada Archives, Toronto, Ontario, Canada; “Annual Announcement 1925-1926”, West China Union University, 35, http://divinity-adhoc.library.Yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_ University/RG011-278-4398.pdf. 117 Beaton, Great Living, 13-14. 118 Helen Woodrow, “Julia Salter Earle: Seeking Social Justice”, in Creating This Place: Women, Family, and Class in St. John’s, 1900-1950, eds. Linda Cullum and Marilyn Porter, (Montreal; Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014), 75. 119 United Church of Canada Archives, “Administrative History of West China Medical Missions”, in General Council Archives Guide to Holdings Related to West China Medical Missions (1800-1950), Toronto, 7, http://www.united-church.ca/sites/default/files/handbook_research-guide-west-china.pdf. 120 Willmott, “The Paradox of Gender”, 132-133; Grypma, Healing Henan, 10.

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When talking about Robina’s life, it is important to recognize her abilities as a gifted artist. She

began to draw in her teenage years, and her art collection depicted a range of expressive charcoal

drawings, including visually striking portraits and detailed animal artworks, capturing the spirit

of a horse and a tiger.

Canadian School in West China

The Canadian School in West China had a positive influence on the Service children. It was

established in 1909, in a small Chinese building, and it would eventually move to its permanent

site on the grounds of WCUU in 1918.121 The teachers followed the Canadian curriculum and

the school was accredited with the Ontario provincial school system. Winnifred would be the

first student to take the high school entrance exam, and in June 1916, she passed with honours.122

Figure 13: Canadian School 1918. Back Row: fourth from right Margaret,

third from right Winnifred; Fourth Row: far left Frances; First Row: far left William

(Source: Canadian School in West China, 57)

The family would return to Canada in 1918 for their regular furlough, and the three girls would

continue to live in Toronto to complete their high school education and their post-secondary

training. They would not return to China. William would return to China in 1922, and he

attended both the Canadian School in Chongqing and Chengdu where he would graduate from

elementary school in 1926. Like his sisters, he would also complete his high school studies in

Canada before attending the University of Toronto.123

Furlough: Johns Hopkins University

During their furlough, Charlie travelled to Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland to

take postgraduate training. In addition to his clinical exposure in the field of obstetrics and

gynecology, Charlie also focused his studies on advances in public health. The Senate of

WCUU recommended, in December 1917, that Charlie “pay special attention to hygiene and

public health while on furlough to enable him to teach these subjects upon his return”, and he

was awarded a postgraduate fellowship sponsored by the China Medical Board of the

121 C.W.M. Service, “An Address at the Sixtieth Anniversary Reunion, June 22, 1969”, in Canadian School in West China, ed. Brockman Brace, (Toronto: The Hunter Rose Company, 1974), 46. 122 Lorenia Edmonds, “The History of the Canadian School 1909-1916”, Canadian School in West China, 42. 123 The Canadian School Association holds an annual luncheon every October in Toronto, Ontario. Their website provides information about ongoing activities.

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Rockefeller Foundation.124 In 1915, the Rockefeller Foundation purchased the Peking Union

Medical College from the London Missionary Society, and they authorized a curriculum based

on the Johns Hopkins University model and instituted English as the language of instruction.125

The Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health was founded in 1916 with resources

from the Rockefeller Foundation, and it was the pioneer school of public health in the United

States.126

North America had made great strides in legislating public health and Charlie wanted to extend

the “victories of preventative medicine” to the citizens of Sichuan.127 Charlie would contend that

the medical missionary has a “greater responsibility to the Chinese than the mere establishment

of hospitals and medical colleges, medical men must be ready and free to preach disease

prevention as well as treat ailments”, and in terms of teaching the next generation of Chinese

doctors, “missionary medical colleges must place public health in the forefront, so that graduates

may be more than mere practitioners. Students must be encouraged to ‘talk shop’ on disease

prevention. Popular books and articles must be published”.128 The Canadian Mission Press

published public health materials to enable the doctors to ‘talk shop’ and to build greater

awareness within the Chinese community.

During his time in Baltimore, Charlie also had the opportunity to serve as assistant

superintendent of Johns Hopkins Hospital for four months. The reputation of this institution for

medical excellence was well known, and when being introduced as a speaker at the Empire Club

of Canada, President R.A. Stapells shared these thoughts:

As to the medium, Dr. Service is quiet and modest, but a very able man, who is so

anxious to keep abreast of the times in his profession that early in the year he came to

Johns Hopkins University to take a post-graduate course in their surgical department, and

I am perfectly convinced that if he wanted to stay there they would have made his stay a

permanent one.129

Charlie was offered a permanent position on the hospital staff, and even though he chose to

return to China, his relationship with Johns Hopkins Hospital remained, and he returned in 1927

to update his medical knowledge.130

124 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (6 December 1917, #716), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale. edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4361.pdf; The Rockefeller Foundation Annual Report for 1919, 299, https://rockefeller.geminiodyssey.org/documents/20181/28210/Annual-Report1919.pdf/16647a33-a511-4f25-8d84-94b0cb8e7a25,299; “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (24 January 1918, #734), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4361.pdf. 125 “Medicine in China”, The Rockefeller Foundation A Digital History, https://rockfound.rockarch.org/china-medical-board. 126 “Public Health at Johns Hopkins”, The Rockefeller Foundation A Digital History, https://rockfound.rockarch. org/public-health-at-johns-hopkins. 127 Charles W. Service, “Public Health in China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 370. 128 Ibid., 373; Charles W. Service, M.D., “How to Promote National Health in China”, The West China Missionary News, (July-August 1924), 32. 129 R. A. Stapells in C. W. Service, “Some of China’s Problems, Address to the Empire Club of Canada”, 30 October 1919, 369-384, http://speeches.empireclub.org/search. 130 Beaton, Great Living, 17.

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Medical–Dental College Fundraising Campaign

Charlie’s furlough was extended to accommodate a cross-Canada tour to gain support for a new

Medical-Dental College.131 According to Beaton, Charlie saw this period as a fundraising

opportunity, and “he was filled with a single idea. He offered his services to the Board of

Missions for the purpose of raising enough money among the doctors, dentists and nurses...to

build the sorely-needed Medical-Dental College”.132 Currently, they were allotted space in a

number of buildings throughout the campus, and this new facility would provide a permanent

home for medical-dental training. The “opening of a Dental Faculty in connection with the

University” was a recent decision. In December 1917, the Senate of WCUU tasked Charlie

along with the president of WCUU Dr. J. Beech, and dental missionary Dr. A.W. Lindsay, to

recommend a policy to integrate dentistry into the university curriculum.133 This would be the

first university-level dental program offered in China. Both the medical and dental missionaries

firmly believed that the training of future generations of Chinese doctors and dentists, at this new

college in Chengdu, would “be an invaluable piece of constructive work for that great land”.134

Motivated by his belief that “the promotion of health promises to be the leading ideal of the

twentieth century”, Charlie reached out to medical, dental and nursing audiences through

newspaper and journal articles, individual meetings, small group gatherings, annual meetings of

professional associations, and large speakers’ forums.135 His fundraising prospectus, entitled

Spend Ten Minutes in China, was mailed to every prospective donor from the medical, dental

and nursing communities throughout Canada.136 In his numerous presentations across Canada,

Charlie argued for a global conceptualization of health care and described the health disparity

between Canada and China.

There is no such thing as a public health bureau…No one knows the birth-rate; no one

knows the death-rate. A mere guess would say the death rate is forty per thousand; that is

at least double the rate of our own country. We estimate that 2,000,000 Chinese die

annually from tuberculosis alone; that anywhere from seventy percent to eighty percent

die under one year of age…There is only one way to solve this physical problem of

China, and that is by means of medical education…[and] a great effort is being made to

outfit dental, medical and nursing institutions.137

Charlie approached Dr. R.A. Reeve to organize a fundraising committee to finance the proposed

medical-dental building at WCUU. Reeve had served as dean of the Faculty of Medicine at the

University of Toronto (U of T), from 1896 to 1908, and as the first president of the Alumni

Association, he successfully oversaw the fundraising and construction of Convocation Hall.138

131 “A Great Opportunity”, Dominion Dental Journal, Vol. 31, No. 11, (1919), 410. 132 Beaton, Great Living, 25. 133 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (20 December 1917, # 727), http://divinity-adhoc.library. yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4361.pdf. 134 C. W. Service, “Dental and Medical Needs in China”, Dominion Dental Journal, Vol. 31, No. 2, (1919), 39, 41. 135 Charles W. Service, “Public Health in China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 370. 136 Drs. Lindsay, Thompson, Mullett and Anderson, “A Message from Canadian Dentists in Szechuan Province, West China to their Colleagues in Canada”, Dominion Dental Journal, Vol. 33, No. 6, (1921), 261. 137 C. W. Service, “Some of China’s Problems, Address to the Empire Club of Canada”, 30 October 1919, 369-384. 138 “Officers and Members of the Faculty since its origin”, Faculty of Medicine: Session 1915-1916, (Toronto: University Press, 1915), 25; “U of T Chronology”, Heritage University of Toronto, http://heritage.utoronto.ca/

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Reeve’s network of contacts was extensive having served as president of the Canadian and

Ontario Medical Associations and the Toronto Academy of Medicine, as well as being only the

second Canadian to serve as the president of the British Medical Association.139 Reeve also

supported the Missionary Society of the Metropolitan Methodist Church in Toronto, and this

involvement provided insight into the aspirations of the medical missionaries.140 All of these

connections furnished credibility to the fundraising project and a Medical-Dental Group was

formed with Reeve serving as the chair.141 The campaign was designed as an “inter-

denominational appeal” and was “not related directly to one mission board” but rather a general

appeal targeting individuals engaged in the health care sector.142

Beech and Charlie attended the January 1919 meeting, of the Executive Committee of the Board

of Governors in New York, to submit the plans for the proposed Medical-Dental College. The

Executive Committee “received with great satisfaction a letter from Dr. R.A. Reeve of Toronto,

proposing that the surgeons, physicians and dentists of Canada shall co-operate in the

development of the Medical School” and in response, the Executive Committee agreed to “aid in

the proposed co-operation in every way it may find practicable”.143 For this specific meeting,

Charlie “acted as assistant to the secretary”, so he could officially communicate to his colleagues

in Toronto “that their suggestions concerning the housing of the Medical Department will be sent

to our Architect and the drawings for this building or buildings, when received, will be submitted

for their consideration”.144 The Medical-Dental Group liaised with the London-based architect

of WCUU, Fred Rowntree, whose vision blended Chinese and western architectural elements.145

Unfortunately, just a few weeks after this meeting, Reeve passed away and at his public funeral,

Chancellor Bowles of Victoria College “spoke of Dr. Reeve’s great interest in medical work in

China and of his ambition to establish educational institutes in Chengtu, to which he had devoted

much of his time and energy”.146 From his estate, an amount of $7,500 had been bequeathed to

the missionary fund of the Methodist Church of Canada, and the members of the Medical-Dental

Group requested that his donation be designated for the new medical-dental building fund.147

The Methodist Church agreed to this request and Charlie would later reflect that this was a

Chronology. 139 “Obituary: Richard A. Reeve, B.A., M.D., L.L.D.”, The Canadian Practitioner and Review, Vol. 44, (1919), 54. 140 “Subscriptions and Donations to the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church: Toronto Society”, Sixty-Seventh Annual Report of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church, (Toronto: Published at the Methodist Mission Rooms, 1891), 1. 141 “Editorial: Medical China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Vol. 48, No. 1, (1920), 2. 142 Chas. W. Service, “An Appeal to Nurses on Behalf of a Worthy Enterprise in Chengtu, West China”, The Canadian Nurse and Hospital Review, Vol. 16, No. 3, (1920), 154. 143 “Minutes of the Executive Committee, Board of Governors”, West China Union University, (New York, 13 January 1919, #271), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-273-4338.pdf. 144 Ibid., #272. 145 “Poster celebrating the work of Fred Rowntree in Chengtu”, http://www.guise.me.uk/gallery/rowntree/ chengtu/chengtu.htm. 146 The Globe, “Great Service for Dr. Reeve: Public Funeral at Convocation Hall of University of Toronto: Fine Tribute Paid”, January 31, 1919, 6. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 147 “Editorial: Medical China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 2.

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splendid starter” for the fund.148 An editorial in The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery

noted that from this moment “a campaign was then quietly begun in Toronto by the doctors,

dentists, and nurses, and is now being carried on all over Canada…to build and equip the two

first buildings in which young Chinese will be taught”.149

The decision of the Methodist Church, to redirect Reeve’s contribution, signalled that the church

was realizing the potential of the campaign. When Charlie first pitched his fundraising idea, the

reaction from the church leadership was mixed. While some individuals immediately supported

the initiative, other church personnel remained unconvinced that this was an appropriate

direction for the CMM. There was an ongoing debate about the level of support for medical

education versus the delivery of clinical services in the hospitals and dispensaries. This debate

was also taking place at the Board of Governors, and at the annual meeting of September 1917, a

resolution was passed requesting that the university members carefully “consider the very

important inter-relation between the policy of the University in medical education and the proper

development of the general medical work”.150

There was also concern that the Canadian health care community would not identify with the

medical needs of Sichuan. For those who were initially sceptical about this cross-Canada tour,

they were encouraged that “he actually got in cash from these nurses and doctors, thousands and

thousands of dollars. He interested them all and wrote letters to…hundreds” of potential donors

while in Canada, and Charlie continued his letter writing campaign upon his return to Sichuan.151

In February 1919, Endicott officially contacted Rowntree to report “the linking up of the Medical

and Dental Fraternities in Canada, for the support of the whole of the Medical and Dental work

in the University, and more particularly for the erection and equipment of the medical College at

Chengtu”.152

To promote the fundraising initiative, Victoria College hosted a dinner, in September 1919, for

the members of the Board of Governors who were meeting in Toronto.153 Charlie shared the

proposal of the Medical-Dental Group “to secure more adequate facilities for training Chinese

doctors, dentists and nurses” and the Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery noted that

the meeting was a most encouraging send-off for the new project and it seems certain that

the medical, dental and nursing professions of Canada and Newfoundland will rally

148 Chas. W. Service, “An Appeal to Nurses on Behalf of a Worthy Enterprise in Chengtu, West China”, The Canadian Nurse and Hospital Review, 153. 149 “Editorial: Medical China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 2. 150 “Minutes of the Board of Governors”, West China Union University, (Boston, 12-13 September 1917, #258), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/ RG011-272-4326.pdf. 151 Endicott, Memorial Service for Dr. C.W. Service. 152 Fred Rowntree, “Architect’s report to be presented to the Board of Governors”, West China Union University, (June 1920, #5,6), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/ RG011-296-4618.pdf. 153 The Globe, “Urgent Need in W. China: Governors of Union Christian University Meeting in Toronto for Medical College: Strong Appeal Made to Representative Doctors and Dentists”, September 12, 1919, 5. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail.

25

splendidly to give West China a measure of the privileges in skilled men and women and

scientific facilities for their work that Canada enjoys so bountifully.154

Some of the members of the Medical-Dental Group had experience interacting with architects,

through their involvement in the construction of the medical building of U of T, from 1901-

1903.155 Additionally, Dr. J.N.E. Brown, superintendent of the Toronto General Hospital, had

studied the construction of hospitals in England and Scotland, on behalf of the Government of

Ontario, and he had also led a subcommittee on hospital construction for the American Hospital

Association.156 The Medical-Dental Group suggested a “unit” approach to architectural design

similar to the medical building at the University of Toronto.157 Uniformity in room size allowed

for “elasticity for the naming and also developing of departments on an uniform basis” and as

Rowntree was also designing architectural plans for a biology building, there were discussions

about the allocation of departments between these two buildings.158 It was suggested by

Rowntree, to the Board of Governors at their July 1920 annual meeting, that

In view of the fact that Dr. Service tells me he expects to leave Canada for China about

the middle of August, might the best course not be to send the plans of both these

buildings to him for consultation with his Committee in Canada, and then for him to take

them on to China, and discuss them with the Senate, rather than submit them at once

direct to the Senate, without them having the value of the knowledge and information

which Dr. Service could give to the final consideration of the problem on the Field?159

In terms of moving the project forward, it was agreed by the Board of Governors that “the

Architect submits revised plans for the Medical Block, embodying suggestions by the Medical

Committee in Toronto and Dr. Service”.160 It was further resolved by the Board of Governors

“that we authorize the preparation of the detailed plans and the erection of the building of the

Medical Block, subject to the approval of the Senate, and of Dr. Service”.161 Institutional

authorization had been secured for the new medical-dental building which was to be constructed

by the CMM with funds raised from Canadian sources.

The response from the nurses exemplified the positive reaction of Canadians towards the

fundraising campaign. Charlie spoke about the work of the Toronto nurses led by Miss Kate

Mathieson of the Riverdale Isolation Hospital and Miss Jean Gunn, superintendent of nurses at

the Toronto General Hospital. Both women held leadership roles in a number of organizations

154 “Medical, Dental and Nursing Work in West China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Vol. 46, No. 5, (1919), 358. 155 “U of T Chronology”, Heritage University of Toronto, http://heritage.utoronto.ca/Chronology. 156 “Drs. J.N.E. Brown and Bruce Smith Return After Visiting British Hospitals”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Vol. 24, (1908), 253; “Hospital Construction”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, Vol. 24, (1908), 302-303; Dr. J.N.E. Brown, “Report of Sub-Committee on Hospital Construction”, Transactions of the American Hospital Association: Tenth Annual Conference, Vol. 10, (1908), (Detroit: Published by the Association Office of the Secretary, 1908), 303-319. 157 Fred Rowntree, “Architect’s report to be presented to the Board of Governors”, West China Union University. 158 Ibid. 159 Ibid. 160 “Board of Governors Minutes”, West China Union University, (2 July 1920 # 426), http://divinity-adhoc.library. yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4326.pdf. 161 Ibid.

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including the Canadian National Association of Trained Nurses and the Graduate Nurses’

Association of Ontario. During this period Gunn, as supervisor of the Toronto General Hospital

School of Nursing, was advocating for Toronto-based nursing students to attend U of T for

centralized lectures.162 University-based training for nurses was also the position being

advocated by Charlie and his colleagues. In an article published in The Canadian Nurse and

Hospital Review, Charlie summarized the nursing vision of the West China Mission.

Of course, nurse training in China is being carried on in other cities than those in which

colleges are located and this work will expand in many centres, as hospitals multiply and

missionary nurses increase in number. But particular emphasis must be laid on first-class

facilities for training Chinese nurses in college centres, because of the intimate relation

between the education of medical students and the work of nurses in well-organized

hospitals.163

The Toronto nurses responded to this vision for China, and through the “co-operation of a group

of busy nurses working systematically”, they collected close to $3,000 by distributing the

prospectus Spend Ten Minutes in China and then canvasing their alumnae and nursing

associations. Nurses in other cities and towns joined the campaign, and Charlie highlighted the

effort of one hospital nursing superintendent in an Ontario town who secured promises from each

of her nursing graduates, undergraduates and nurses-in-training, and also undertook to “canvass

every doctor in her county as they come to her hospital for professional duties”.164 Each

contribution was classified in the categories of nurse, doctor, dentist, and friend.

The initial goal was to raise all of the required funds, estimated to be $100,000, by June 1920, as

Charlie was scheduled to return to Sichuan during the summer. Although Charlie was very

encouraged by the effort of the fundraising committee, he was also disillusioned that only

$20,000 was raised because this meant construction of the medical-dental building would be

delayed. Other committee members were more objective and suggested that there were

significant obstacles to initiating a fundraising campaign immediately after the First World War,

and the real success was the fact the medical-dental project was a serious topic of discussion

within the church community, the health care professions, and Canadian society in general.165

Prior to departing for Sichuan, Charlie met with the five-member organizing committee:

• Nursing: Miss Kate Mathieson, nursing superintendent of the Riverdale Isolation

Hospital, vice-president of the Canadian National Association of Trained Nurses

• Doctors: Dr. N. A. Powell, professor of medicine U of T, executive of the Ontario

Medical Library Association; Dr. J.N.E. Brown, superintendent of the Toronto

General Hospital - the teaching hospital for U of T

162 Bonnie L. Richardson, “Book Reviews: Jean I. Gunn: Nursing Leader by Natalie Riegler”, Nursing History Review, Vol. 8, (2000), 201. 163 Chas. W. Service, “An Appeal to Nurses on Behalf of a Worthy Enterprise in Chengtu, West China”, The Canadian Nurse and Hospital Review, 153. 164 Ibid., 153-154. 165 Beaton, Great Living, 25; “Rev. C.W. Service, B.A., M.D., and Mrs. Service”, The Missionary Bulletin, Vol. 16, No. 3 (1920), 495-496, The United Church of Canada Archives, Toronto, Ontario, Canada; Austin, Saving China, 102.

27

• Dentists: Dr. A. E. Webster, dean of the Faculty of Dentistry U of T, editor of the

Dominion Dental Journal; Dr. W. E. Willmott, professor of dentistry U of T,

secretary of the Ontario Dental Board166

Willmott was the treasurer of the campaign, and as a member of the Metropolitan Methodist

Church and secretary of the Ontario Dental Board, he was well placed to promote the

campaign.167 The Willmott name was synonymous with dental education, as his father Dr. J.B.

Willmott, was the founder of dental education in Canada, and he was the first dean of dentistry at

U of T.168 The active participation of the senior leadership, from the dental and medical faculties

of U of T and its teaching hospital, placed these institutions at the centre of an evolving

transnational partnership with West China Union University.

The organizing committee in Toronto continued to fundraise and publish articles in their

respective health care publications. The 1921 message in The Canadian Practitioner and Review

was simple and direct: “Dr. Service and his friends ask the people of Canada to assist in the

building and equipment of this medico-dental college” designed to “teach medicine, dentistry,

pharmacy and nursing”.169 The dental missionaries, Drs. Lindsay, Thompson, Mullett and

Anderson, wrote a joint appeal to the Dominion Dental Journal requesting their colleagues to

contribute to the building fund so that “this College shall be a distinct contribution to the

university from Canada”.170 In a separate appeal by Thompson, he noted that “ours is the only

Dental Faculty in all this great land…[and] it is vitally important that we secure Chinese

dentists…We covet for every Canadian dentist a share in this great work”.171

Figure 14: Medical-Dental College

(Source: Service Family)

166 “News Items: The Chengtu Medico-Dental College Prospect”, The Canadian Practitioner and Review, Vol. 46, (1921), 286. 167 “Subscriptions and Donations to the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church: Toronto Society”, Sixty-Seventh Annual Report of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church, 1. 168 “Willmott, James Branston”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/willmott_ james_branston_14E.html. 169 “News Items: The Chengtu Medico-Dental College Prospect”, The Canadian Practitioner and Review, 287. 170 Drs. Lindsay, Thompson, Mullett and Anderson, “A Message from Canadian Dentists in Szechuan Province, West China to their Colleagues in Canada”, Dominion Dental Journal, 263. 171 Dr. J.E. Thompson, “Dentistry in West China”, Dominion Dental Journal, Vol. 33, No.8, (1921), 318.

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The vision of the fundraising committee was to build a transnational health care community, by

strengthening people-to-people ties between Canada and China, and the ongoing appeals were

successful. Within a few years, the Methodist Church of Canada officially agreed to build a

large well-equipped Medical-Dental College.172 The actual construction of the building was

delayed until 1925 when Walter Small, the building superintendent, returned from furlough. The

Medical-Dental College was completed in the spring of 1928.173

While the Medical-Dental Building was under construction, the Cadbury Education Building was

being built by the Friends’ Foreign Mission Association of Great Britain and Ireland.174 In 1914,

the Board of Governors had approved a fundraising strategy to identify wealthy individuals “who

will assume responsibility for buildings or other important features of the work, and the co-

operation of the individual Boards is earnestly sought in securing such friends for the work in

their own several constituencies”.175 The construction of the Cadbury Education Building

followed this fundraising model as George Cadbury, a prominent British Quaker who had

amassed a considerable fortune through his confectionary company, contributed the required

finances to the Friends’ Foreign Mission Association.176 The CMM also followed this model

and funds provided by Jarius Hart of Halifax, Nova Scotia covered the construction costs of their

administration building, the Virgil C. Hart Memorial College, named in 1918 for its founding

superintendent.177

What differentiated the fundraising campaign for the Medical-Dental Building was the fact it did

not focus on acquiring one large donation but rather was a broad-based campaign to engage

many Canadians. This fundraising approach was first introduced by Charlie in 1908, when he

delivered a paper highlighting several fundraising principles for the Sichuan hospitals and

dispensaries. Charlie proposed that “it is a mistake to dun a few wealthy officials, gentry and

merchants for big sums rather than small sums from the many” for it is “the spirit that goes with

the gift that is the part that makes it really worth while”.178 He suggested a similar approach for

the fundraising campaign in Canada, and he commented on the importance of the donations from

nurses-in-training, which ranged from 50 cents to five dollars, for “the hope is for a wide

response from many, rather than a big response from a few”.179

This broad-based fundraising campaign expounded the beliefs of the new internationalist

movement symbolized by the formation of the League of Nations which had as “its object the

172 Beaton, Great Living, 25. 173 West China Union University Annual Announcement 1924-1925, 58, http://chronicles.dickinson.edu/specproj/ dsoninchina/images/wcuu_annual_announcement_1924-1925/wcuuannual1924-1925_058.htm; “Medical Education in the West China Union University”, West China Union University, WCUU Radio Broadcast April 13, 1943, 5, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-280-4412.pdf. 174 “Campus Items”, The West China Missionary News, (April 1927), 15. 175 “Board of Governor Minutes”, West China Union University, (2 July 1920, #284), http://divinity-adhoc.library. yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4326.pdf. 176 A.G. Gardiner, Life of George Cadbury, (London: Cassell and Company, 1923), 138. Judy (Graham) Cadbury, the granddaughter of Charlie and Robina, married an American, Warder Cadbury, who was related to the British branch of the Cadbury family supporting WCUU. 177 Semple, The Lord’s Domain, 330. 178 C. W. Service, “Self Support”, in West China Missionary Conference, 248. 179 Chas. W. Service, “An Appeal to Nurses on Behalf of a Worthy Enterprise in Chengtu, West China”, The Canadian Nurse and Hospital Review, 154.

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establishment of universal peace, and such a peace can be established only if it is based on social

justice”.180 The concept of universal social justice was a foundational tenet of the social gospel

movement, and Charlie encouraged Canadians to consider the notion of global interdependence,

as “we are living in a great bundle of nationhood nowadays and what is the concern of one is the

concern of all” and this included medical concerns in Sichuan.181 Access to affordable quality

health care was a fundamental right for all global citizens and as “the health of a nation is one of

its greatest assets”, the Medical-Dental Group encouraged Canadians to identify with and

financially support sustainable health care in China.182

Canadian Leadership on the Board of Governors

The Board of Governors of WCUU was composed of 15 members from Canada, the United

States and Great Britain. Each of the five uniting organizations appointed three representatives

and annual elections were held to select the leadership positions consisting of one chair, two

vice-chairs, two secretaries and one treasurer. The annual meeting of the Board of Governors

rotated between the three host countries and the Executive Committee met four times a year.

Aside from the official representatives, co-opted members from each missionary society were

elected and three prominent Canadians, who were active lay workers in the Methodist Church of

Canada, were recruited to serve on the Board of Governors: the Hon. Vincent Massey, the Hon.

Newton Rowell and Sir Joseph Flavelle.183

Vincent Massey served as a co-opted member for more than 25 years.184 In 1919, the Board of

Governors “recommended that Mr. Vincent Massey of Toronto be co-opted as a member of the

Board of Governors, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Sir Joseph Flavelle”.185

Massey brought a multi-faceted skillset to the Board of Governors including academic

credentials from his long association with the University of Toronto, business acumen as

president of the Massey-Harris Company, political insight having served in the cabinet of Prime

Minister Mackenzie King, and diplomatic understanding as the first Canadian minister to

Washington in 1926, and as the high commissioner to London in 1935.186 After completing his

tenure on the Board of Governors of WCUU, Massey would later serve as the first Canadian-

born governor general of Canada.187

The Hon. Newton Rowell held the positions of co-opted member, vice-chair and for one year

served as the chair of the Board of Governors, after the death of American Dr. John F. Goucher,

in 1922. Rowell, a prominent Toronto lawyer, was active in both provincial and federal politics

180 Hon. N.W. Rowell, The British Empire and world peace; Being the Burwash Memorial Lectures, delivered in Convocation Hall, University of Toronto, November, 1921, (Toronto: Victoria College Press, 1922), 237. 181 C. W. Service, “Some of China’s Problems, Address to the Empire Club of Canada”, 30 October 1919, 369-384. 182 Charles W. Service, “Dental and Medical Needs in China”, Dominion Dental Journal, 39. 183 West China Union University Annual Announcement 1926-1927, 2. 184 “Board of Trustees Minutes of Annual Meeting”, West China Union University, (2 November 1944), http:// divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4320.pdf. 185 “Board of Governor Minutes”, West China Union University, (11-12 September 1919, #361), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4326.pdf. 186 “Vincent Massey”, The Governor General of Canada, https://www.gg.ca/en/governor-general/former-governors-general/vincent-massey. 187 J.L. Granatstein, “Vincent Massey”, The Canadian Encyclopedia, https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/ en/article/massey-charles-vincent.

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having served the liberal party, as the leader of the opposition in Ontario from 1911-1917, and as

a cabinet member from 1917-1920, in the union government of Prime Minister Robert Borden.188

Rowell was a social gospeller and this was reflected in his political alignment with the social

reform movement in Canada. In 1919, as the president of the Privy Council, he was the architect

and promoter of the legislation to create a federal Department of Health which he noted “was a

new departure in the emphasis which it places on the conservation of the health of the public and

upon their social welfare”.189 Appointed the first federal minister of health, the minutes of the

September 1919 meeting of the Board of Governors noted that “a telegram was read from Hon.

N.W. Rowell, K.C., M.P., expressing regret that Parliamentary duties prevented him from being

present at the meeting of the Board”.190

Rowell was also an influential leader in the post-war international movement. He represented

Canada at the inaugural meeting of the League of Nations, in January 1920, and he was

instrumental in the formation of a national volunteer organization, in 1921, known as the League

of Nations Society in Canada.191 Rowell mobilized public opinion in support of international

cooperation and “the ideals of justice, brotherhood, and service”.192 He contended that the

missionary enterprise exemplified “the spirit of human brotherhood” through their work in

“hospitals for the sick, in orphanages for the children” and in providing the opportunity for

indigenous leadership to receive “their education in the schools and colleges established by

missionary organizations”.193 Rowell’s numerous speaking engagements, expounding the

benefits of international cooperation and universal brotherhood, took place during his tenure on

the Board of Governors and would have reinforced the transnational fundraising initiative of the

Medical-Dental Group.

Sir Joseph Flavelle served as both a co-opted member and chair of the Board of Governors. In

1923, he was appointed to replace fellow Canadian Newton Rowell, and he would hold the

position of chair until 1935.194 Flavelle was an influential businessman having amassed his

fortune through the meat packing firm, the William Davies Company, at that time the largest

pork producer in the British Empire.195 His influence extended into the financial community

through his involvement with the National Trust Company and the Canadian Bank of Commerce,

and also into merchandising through the department store, Simpsons.196 Flavelle was sometimes

188 “Newton Rowell, Making Medicare: The History of Healthcare in Canada, 1914-2007”, Canadian Museum of History, https://www.historymuseum.ca/cmc/exhibitions/hist/medicare/medic-1k08e.html. 189 Ibid. 190 “Board of Governor Minutes”, West China Union University, (11-12 September 1919, Third Session), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4326.pdf. 191 John D. Meehan, Chasing the Dragon in Shanghai: Canada’s Early Relations with China, 1858-1952, (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2011), 48; Margaret E. Prang, “Rowell, Newton Wesley”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 17, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/rowell_newton_wesley_17E.html. 192 Hon. N.W. Rowell, The British Empire and world peace, 259. 193 Ibid., 222. 194 The Globe, “University in China will have Canadian at Head of Board: Sir Joseph Flavelle is Appointed Head of Unique University”, September 28, 1923, 11. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail; Michael Bliss, “Flavelle, Sir Joseph Wesley”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 16, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/ flavelle_joseph_wesley_16E.html. 195 Flavelle’s hand-picked successor was Frederick Smale and Charlie and Robina’s daughter, Margaret (Service) Smale, married into this family. 196 Chancellors’ Circle of Benefactors, “Sir Joseph Flavelle”, University of Toronto, https://www.chancellorscircle.

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referred to as the Rockefeller of Canada and according to his biographer, Michael Bliss, “his

church-born sense of stewardship underlay a lifetime of public service and philanthropy” and

this extended to WCUU where “his was mainly a fund-raising function” on the Board of

Governors.197 In official documents, there are references to his contributions to cover financial

shortfalls or additional costs for staff needs or equipment such as: “Sir Joseph Flavelle’s

financial guarantee”; “Final settlement with Sir J. Flavelle assisting”; “Flavelle $10,000

donation”.198 His financial support was sometimes given as matching amounts, and in one case,

he indicated to WCUU that if there was “hesitation in carrying the arrangement into effect, I will

be personally responsible for the whole amount if, in the many special things for which you have

to provide, you find this additional one a burden”.199

Flavelle dedicated considerable time to public service, and he chaired the provincial Royal

Commission on the restructuring of the University of Toronto, more commonly referred to as the

Flavelle Commission. Its recommendations, in 1906, to distance the university from political

control resulted in the separation of university and state relations, and the adoption of a

university appointed Board of Governors.200 Flavelle visited numerous universities in the United

States to study their internal operating structures and as one fellow commissioner reported, “I

was amazed at [his] grasp of University affairs”.201 During this period, Flavelle also chaired a

fundraising campaign, to upgrade the Toronto General Hospital, which resulted in its relocation,

in 1913, to a modern building beside the medical faculty of U of T.202 Flavelle strongly

supported the Johns Hopkins model of medicine and the symbiotic union between its medical

school and teaching hospital.203 This extensive leadership in the public sector allowed him to

appreciate the governance needs of WCUU and the health care vision of the missionaries.

Chongqing Posting

Charlie assumed he would be returning to Chengdu, as the Board of Governors of WCUU, in

July 1920, had indicated “to Dr. Service our appreciation of fine work that he has done in the

interest of the Medical and Dental College and express the hope that he will soon be back at

Chengtu to continue his service there in forwarding this work”.204 However, with limited

personnel, the CMM needed to temporarily post Charlie to Chongqing, to cover the furlough of

Dr. W.J. Sheridan. Charlie arrived in Sichuan without his family, in November 1920, and he was

utoronto.ca/members/sir-joseph-flavelle/. 197 Michael Bliss, The Making of Modern Medicine: Turning Points in the Treatment of Disease, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), 70; Michael Bliss, “Flavelle, Sir Joseph Wesley”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography. 198 United Church of Canada Archives, General Council Archives Guide to Holdings Related to West China Medical Missions (1800-1958), 31, 43, 137, http://www.united-church.ca/sites/default/files/handbook_research-guide-west-china.pdf. 199 Sir Joseph Flavelle to Dr. Anderson, 30 November 1928, Board of Governors of the West China Union University, 493, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-286-4493.pdf. 200 Michael Bliss, “Flavelle, Sir Joseph Wesley”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography. 201 Reverend Bruce Macdonald in Martin L. Friedland, The University of Toronto: A History, 2nd ed., (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 200. 202 Bliss, The Making of Modern Medicine, 68-70; David Olive, “The way to remember Sir Joseph Flavelle”, The Star, 21 December 2014. 203 Ibid. 204 “Board of Governor Minutes”, West China Union University, (2 July 1920, #400), http://divinity-adhoc.library. yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4326.pdf.

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assigned to the position of superintendent of the Canadian Methodist Hospital also known as

Renji Hospital. During this period, he boarded with various missionary families as his household

and personal belongings, including his treasured books and violin, remained in Chengdu.

One of Charlie’s greatest regrets was the fact he did not have access to his personal library.

Charlie loved to read, and on his return trip from his regular furloughs, he always packed as

many books and journals as he could into his luggage. One time, when a shipwreck in the

Yangtze gorges destroyed his possessions, his only lament was the fact that “with the spoiling of

his worldly goods he had lost many of his most valuable books”.205 Another time, when his

house was robbed in Chengdu, he was extremely relieved that the thieves showed no interest in

what he thought was his most prized possession. Charlie viewed reading as a necessary vehicle

to keep his medical knowledge current and to ensure his ideas continued to evolve outside of the

medical profession. He felt so strongly about this issue that he recommended in 1912, as part of

his overall vision for the medical work in Sichuan, a “provision whereby every medical worker

shall have at least a brief vacation every year and more time for reading and study”.206

The decision for Robina to remain in Toronto was a typical pattern for mission family life,

especially when the children reached high school and university. Another typical pattern was for

parents serving overseas to leave their children with relatives or with other missionary families in

Canada. This was the case for the Kilborn family, and during this current period when Robina

resided in Toronto, the children of Dr. Retta Kilborn lived with the Service family while their

mother was working in Chongqing.207 In the fall of 1922, a decision was taken for Robina and

William, to return to Sichuan and the three girls, being of high school and university age,

remained in Toronto with Robina’s sister.208 Charlie was thrilled to have Robina and William

with him in Chongqing. His home life was returning to normal and Robina, who had been his

health care partner throughout the years, was once again providing nursing services in Sichuan.

Robina was also given additional responsibilities by the CMM, and she was appointed to teach at

the Canadian School where William was an elementary student.209

Charlie and Robina found living in the port city of Chongqing very different from life in

Chengdu. Located on the Yangtze River, Chongqing was the commercial center for western

China, and compared with the other mission stations, it was a more diversified cultural “contact

zone”, due to the growing presence of western businessmen and employees of the foreign

consulates.210 Within this increasingly tense geopolitical landscape, some missionaries began to

cast an increasingly critical eye on the excessive actions of the commercial traders and

diplomats.211 As Charlie’s son, William, would later elucidate: “it was not our parents’ fault that

they took part in the missionary movement during a period of Western imperial expansion…thus

205 Beaton, Great Living, 24. 206 Ibid. 207 C.W. Service to Family, (original letter), 21 September 1920; 9 September 1921; 23 October 1921; 25 April 1922. 208 Robina’s sister was Jennie (Morgan) Corrigan. In September 1920, her daughter Beatrice married Joseph Harris of Harris Abattoir which along with the William Davies Company, headed by Flavelle, merged to form Canada Packers known today as Maple Leaf Foods. 209 Robina Service to Family, (original letter), 11 March 1923; William Service to Family, (original letter), 6 May 1923. 210 Marie Louise Pratt in John D. Meehan, Chasing the Dragon in Shanghai: Canada’s Early Relations with China, 1858-1952, 8. 211 Semple, The Lord’s Domain, 307.

33

modern Missions in China became established in relation to unequal treaties, extraterritorial

rights, treaty ports, concessions, wars and indemnities”.212 A strong anti-foreign, anti-Christian

sentiment was galvanizing the youth who were reacting to the asymmetrical structure of the

treaty port which favoured foreign commercial interests.213 Dr. J.L. Stewart, the vice-president

of WCUU, provided this perspective.

It is necessary for one to live in China…in order to appreciate that foreign nations are

partly responsible for the present anti-foreign feeling. Young China has travelled abroad,

and in doing so has gained an education in the foreign method of doing business, and he,

therefore, feels that the foreign nations are taking advantage of China under the present

treaty.214

As Charlie internalized the Chongqing dynamic, he began to question his western values, and the

reframing of his life story was a natural progression for missionaries, after spending years in

China, learning the language and interacting with Chinese society.215 Charlie shared his

transitioning thoughts in a letter to the church community in Canada.216 Although he “hoped that

a better feeling towards foreigners may soon appear”, Charlie acknowledged that “the Chinese

have many reasons for disliking foreigners though some of their grievances arise from a

misunderstanding of us and our motives. Nevertheless, foreigners, even most missionaries, are

to be blamed for the attitude of superiority which most of us unconsciously assume”.217 It was

his wish that “all this unpleasantness may be the school to teach foreigners and Chinese alike to

understand and respect each other”.218 For Charlie, the best means to build respect was to live a

life of humble service towards his neighbours and as a medical missionary, this meant providing

services to his Chinese patients, thereby demonstrating his “all-round interest in mankind”.219

To provide some context to Charlie’s musings, Canadian missionaries had a unique perspective

from their British and American colleagues.220 Their Canadian mindset reflected both their

current colonial status within the British Empire and their North American vulnerability to

manifest destiny advocates promoting the assimilation of Canada. In 1909, during a visit to

China, the then Minister of Labour William Lyon Mackenzie King, was approached by an

212 C.W.M. Service, “An Address at the Sixtieth Anniversary Reunion, June 22, 1969”, Canadian School in West China, 49. 213 Beaton, Great Living, 25-26. 214 The Globe, “Happenings in China Explained to ‘Lions’ by 25 Year Resident”, April 15, 1927, 11. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 215 Paul Cohen in Michelle Renshaw, Accommodating the Chinese: The American Hospital in China, 1880-1920, 2nd ed., (London & New York: Routledge Press, 2016), 8. 216 Julie Beck, “Life’s Stories: How you arrange the plot points of your life into a narrative can shape who you are - and is a fundamental part of being human”, The Atlantic, 10 August 2015, https://www.theatlantic.com/health/ archive/2015/08/life-stories-narrative-psychology-redemption-mental-health/400796/. 217 C.W. Service in Beaton, Great Living, 26. 218 Ibid., 11. 219 Charles W. Service, “Public Health in China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 374. 220 Laura Madokora, “Review by Laura Madokora, Columbia University, Chasing the Dragon in Shanghai: Canada’s Early Relations with China 1858-1952”, H-Diplo Roundtable Review, Vol. 14, No. 38, 2013, 11; Meehan, Chasing the Dragon in Shanghai: Canada’s Early Relations with China, 1858-1952, 11.

34

American diplomat about the possibility of his country being assimilated by the United States,

and King’s response was blunt.

I believe that Canada is losing her opportunity, and that the U.S. is getting far in the lead

in many ways…I am beginning to see the essential need of Canada shaping her policy

from a national view-point…Let her cease to think in colonial terms and to act in any

way as with colonial status. Let her become a nation or other nations will rob her of this

right.221

These words would foreshadow the growing nationalism during the interwar years when King

was the prime minister of Canada. Some historians have hypothesized that Canadian

missionaries were more receptive, to growing Chinese nationalism in the 1920s, because this was

a period when Canadians were also forging their own national identity and independence.222

Although they were still dependant on the British gun boats for protection, Canadian

missionaries were also important actors in challenging traditional cultural perceptions.

“Influenced by those they served, many championed Chinese nationalism”, historian John D.

Meehan claims, “by calling for racial equality, immigration reform, and an end to

extraterritoriality”.223 As Charlie articulated in a speech delivered to a Canadian audience in

1919, “there is what is known as extra territoriality. That is an ignominious thing”.224 Others,

like Rowell, who at the time was the vice-chair of the Board of Governors of WCUU, believed it

was “the duty of the church to wage war against racial prejudices” and the modern missionary

movement with ‘its hospitals for the care and treatment of the sick, with its schools for the

education of the children…and with a Spirit of unselfish altruism…[has] counterbalanced the

evil effects of the contact of other phases of our Western civilization”.225

Although Charlie recognized the legitimate basis for the grievances against foreigners, he also

reflected that at times Canadian motives were misunderstood. In a paper delivered at the West

China Missionary Conference in 1908, Charlie suggested that one approach to reduce “suspicion

of our motives” would be to implement a payment system for medical services where those

patients who can pay a medical fee should contribute according to their means.226

Being unable to view our presence here in China, and our expenditure of so much time,

money, and effort, from the Christian point of view, many of them cannot but suspect

ulterior motives…No doubt not a few think that we have some political mission, that we

are connected in some way with our foreign governments, either serving them as

emissaries, or drawing pay from them for some mysterious reason. Whereas the payment

of a fee will do much to allay such suspicions, and will tend to an enlightened

understanding of the real status of the foreign missionary, whether he be doctor, preacher,

221 William Lyon Mackenzie King in Meehan, Chasing the Dragon in Shanghai: Canada’s Early Relations with China, 1858-1952, 29. 222 Ibid. 223 Ibid., 181. 224 C. W. Service, “Some of China’s Problems, Address to the Empire Club of Canada”, 30 October 1919, 369-384. 225 Hon. N.W. Rowell, “The British Empire and world peace; Being the Burwash Memorial Lectures, delivered in Convocation Hall, University of Toronto, November, 1921”, 211, 262. 226 C. W. Service, “Self Support”, in West China Missionary Conference, 245.

35

teacher, or other. I believe such a procedure favorably affects every arm of missionary

enterprise.227

Another contributing factor was the tendency to view the motives of the multinational

missionaries through a singular lens even though conservative theology focused on religious

conversion, and the liberal theology of the Canadian medical missionaries was interested in

improving the health care situation in Sichuan. Additionally, Canadian missiological values

were sometimes undelineated from the more recognizable motives of the influential global

powers. Canada was coming of age as a nation, and due to the larger British and American

commercial presence, Canada was often a forgotten country. This invisibility extended to

Canadian missionaries who were sometimes linked to the larger American and British missions,

and their British connection was reinforced by the fact they carried British passports.228 As more

Canadian historiography focuses on soft diplomacy and the role of non-state actors in

establishing the initial people-to-people links between Canada and China, there should be a

greater recognition that “China’s history with missionaries forms modern Canada relations” as

reported in a 2017 article in The Globe and Mail.229

Return to WCUU

Charlie and Robina welcomed their appointment to Chengdu, in the summer of 1923, as they

preferred the quieter provincial capital with its university campus. The Senate of WCUU had

made an official request for “the return of all those who hitherto have been associated with the

University and we would mention in particular the desirability and urgency of appointing Dr.

C.W. Service who has been so intimately associated with the publicity work for the Medical

School in the homeland”.230 Dr. Beech had experienced first-hand Charlie’s fundraising

campaign for the future Medical-Dental College.

I remember very well going to Canada on one occasion some years ago and Dr. Service

just dragged me around the city of Toronto…He wanted me to see this doctor and that

doctor, and what was it all about. Why, he wanted to get them interested in the

University here. He wanted to get the whole of the medical profession in Canada

interested in the University. He wanted men to give money for it and he worked

tirelessly for it all through his vacation.231

It was a challenge for WCUU to properly staff its faculty positions and with a growing student

enrolment; they were often faced with the situation where “the number of our teaching staff has

227 Ibid. 228 Austin, Saving China, 85-86. 229 Nathan Vanderklippe, “China’s history with missionaries forms modern Canadian relations”, The Globe and Mail, (14 April 2017), http://license.icopyright.net/user/viewFreeUse.act?fuid=MjUyMzE5NjE%3D. 230 “Senate Minutes - Report of the West China Union University to the Participating Missions”, West China Union University, (6 January 1921, #116411A), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_ University/RG011-275-4362.pdf. 231 Dr. J. Beech, Address given at “A Friend and Fellow Missionary Laid to Rest”, Funeral Service for Dr. Charles Winfield Service, March 13, 1930, Si Shen Si Church, Chengdu, West China.

36

not kept pace with our student body”.232 Dr. E.C. Wilford, a medical doctor and educator at the

Medical Dental College provided this perspective:

In carrying on our Medical School we have our discouragements, the principle being lack

of men and money. On the other hand, we have much to keep us optimistic. We have an

unrivalled opportunity here, with plenty of room for expansion as ours is the only

Mission College among 1,000,000 people. Our staff, though insufficient in number, is

unexcelled in the spirit of harmony and cooperation, and the willingness to shoulder

heavy burdens. It is a great pleasure to be permitted to work with this splendid group of

men and women.233

The CMM was taking a leading role in medical education with their decision to build a Medical-

Dental College, and compared to the other missions, they were also supplying more professors to

teach at WCUU and to oversee clinical training at their hospitals. Within the CMM, there

continued to be an annual debate about the prioritization of funding between medical and dental

education in Chengdu and the clinical needs of the hospitals and dispensaries located throughout

Sichuan. At Mission Council meetings, when mission appointments were being allocated,

Charlie was known to keep urging his colleagues to “appoint more teachers to teach at the

University”, and he frequently wrote letters to the Home Board requesting additional resources

for the Medical-Dental College.234 Throughout all these funding debates, it was Endicott’s

assessment that “in recent years no one in West China was more keen and more devoted than he

to build up a really worthwhile medical and dental school there…[and] he was always, or nearly

always, able to carry the majority of the missionaries with him as he pressed forward”.235

Another significant challenge for the staff was the ongoing shortage of cadavers to teach

anatomy to medical students. Although the government had passed a law in 1913 to legalize

dissection, the decree required the consent of the patient’s relatives, and there continued to be

strong cultural resistance to the examination of the body after death.236 The university was

therefore forced to look for alternative sources, and WCUU made arrangements with local

authorities to receive the cadavers of brigands who were being publicly beheaded for their

crimes. One of the professors wrote a letter to the governor of Sichuan, General Yang Sen, and

suggested an alternative method of capital punishment. This proposed technique would protect

the complex nervous system of the brain stem which was important for teaching crucial life

functions in anatomy class.237 The governor responded to their proposal and humorously

suggested that “since you are not satisfied with my system, I will send the next group of brigands

out to you at the University and you dispose of them according to your own method”.238 This

was not the anticipated response and “no member of the staff enjoyed the way the humour had

been turned on them more than Dr. Service”.239 Charlie had a keen sense of humour, and he was

232 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (6 January 1921, #116411A). 233 E.C. Wilford, “West China Union University: Faculty of Medicine”, China Medical Journal, 762. 234 Sparling, Address for Dr. Charles Winfield Service. 235 Endicott, Memorial Service for Dr. C.W. Service. 236 Guangqui Xu, American Doctors in Canton: Modernization in China, 1835-1935, (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2011), 66-67. 237 Beaton, Great Living, 19-20. 238 General Yang Sen in Beaton, Great Living, 20. 239 Beaton, Great Living, 20.

37

pleased when his knowledge of the Chinese language had progressed to the point where he was

able to share his numerous jokes and puns in both English and Chinese. “His lectures and often

the suspense of the operating-room were enlivened by frequent spontaneous bursts of humour

that greatly delighted the students”.240

Canadian Methodist Hospital 1923-1927

During the mid 1920’s, the CMM was expanding its work in clinical medicine, and the

Methodist Church of Canada appointed its largest number of medical missionaries, since its

founding. This mission was “the largest, single mission field operated by a single church in the

world”.241 The statistics for 1923 illustrated the emphasis placed by the CMM on medical work

compared to the other seven missionary societies. The CMM controlled 10 of the 24 hospitals,

performed 12,000 of the 14,471 operations, and tended to over half of the dispensary patients.242

By 1925, there were more than 30 doctors supporting a network of 32 hospitals and dispensaries

throughout Sichuan.243 With respect to Chengdu, the headquarters of the CMM mission, Charlie

concluded that

the Chengtu Men’s Hospital in 1924 probably witnessed the best year in its history, at

least as far as amount of work is concerned. And because of a larger staff than ever

before it is also probably true that the quality of work done was better than heretofore.

Certainly it is true that there was a greater division of work and that along specialized

lines. Our plant and equipment have also improved immensely during recent years so

that now we feel not only a great satisfaction in doing our work but we also feel our

hospital is taking its place among the best in China.244

In 1924, Charlie was asked to prepare an article about his work for the annual report of the

CMM. Although he acknowledged that “when working in a large teaching hospital with nurses

and other doctors, it is a very difficult task to write a report of one’s own work, for it is so

intimately linked up with the work of the others”, his report provided a sketch of a year in the life

of a medical doctor living in Chengdu.245

The Canadian Methodist Hospital was a teaching hospital, and during the nine months of clinical

training, this was when Charlie felt “our staff feels the pressure of hard work” for there are “three

classes of nurses-in-training…two classes of senior medical students taking clinical work” and

“the teaching of these classes entails a vast amount of preparations as the teaching is chiefly done

in the Chinese language”.246 Charlie shared his surgical practice and teaching responsibilities

with Dr. E.C. Wilford. He also undertook the didactic teaching in obstetrics and gynecology and

he “shared the clinical work in these subjects with Dr. Ada Speers of our W.M.S. Hospital”

where he “also had the pleasure of assisting somewhat in the surgical side of its work”.247

240 Ibid. 241 Austin, Saving China, 48. 242 Dr. Charles W. Service, “The Conference and Medical Work”, The West China Missionary News, 1924, 23. 243 Semple, The Lord’s Domain, 331. 244 Dr. C. W. Service, in Canadian Methodist Mission West China Reports of Work for the Year 1924, 94, 78.096C, Box 16, The United Church of Canada, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. 245 Ibid., 94. 246 Ibid., 94-95. 247 Ibid., 95.

38

Obstetrics and gynecology were two of the subjects Charlie studied, in 1919, during his

postgraduate fellowship at Johns Hopkins University.

Figure 15: Medical Faculty of West China Union University, October 1923

Far right first row: Dr. John Thompson; far right third row: Dr. Charles Service

(Source: The United Church of Canada Archives, Toronto. 1999.001P/3312N.

Medical Faculty of W.C.U.U., Oct. 1923. Francie Service)

In his report, Charlie would refer to his other commitments as the etceteras of a doctor’s life and

these included:

• delivering health lectures to the general public

• working with the Y.M.C.A. on city-wide campaigns focused on the welfare of babies,

opium addiction, and home hygiene

• writing and distributing public health literature on preventable diseases such as malaria,

cholera and tuberculosis

• writing a book entitled A System of Case Taking for his senior medical students to

standardize the recording of each patient’s history and examination results

• working with other health care professionals to conduct physical exams of all the students

and missionary families including the promotion of preventative medicine

• acting as the medical editor of The West China Missionary News248

The message that “prevention is better than a cure” was strongly promoted within their own

schools and the general public because it “brings to the attention of the people the fact that we

are sincerely interested in the problem of prevention as well as the problem of cure”.249 The

medical community estimated that two-thirds of all deaths in China were the result of plague

248 Dr. C. W. Service, in Canadian Methodist Mission West China Reports of Work for the Year 1924, 94-96; “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (7 October 1926, #1976), http://divinityadhoc.library.yale.edu/ UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4363.pdf. 249 Dr. C. W. Service, in Canadian Methodist Mission West China Reports of Work for the Year 1924, 96.

39

epidemics and other preventable diseases.250 In an article written for the Canadian Journal for

Medicine and Surgery, Charlie reasoned that

preventable diseases are social problems beyond the control of the individual. This

means that the remedy is not alone the treatment of the patient by the individual doctor,

but rather the broad treatment of the whole social organism by all the constructive forces

available. Therefore public health education is the keystone. Without it social conditions

cannot be improved, nor can many of the communicable diseases ultimately be stamped

out. The rate at which diseases can be wiped out is determined by the amount of

regulation which the people will observe. There has to be a specific amount of

legislation. But restriction of personal liberty must be understood and supported by the

public. It therefore becomes imperative to educate and inform on the modern discoveries

regarding disease and to inculcate the idea of the intrinsic as well as the economic value

of life.251

In 1929, the promotion of public health and preventative medicine was significantly advanced

with the appointment of a missionary doctor to this position.252

This was also a period when medical personnel were planning a comprehensive policy for the

expansion of medical education at WCUU. The construction of the new Medical-Dental College

was scheduled to start in 1925, and the doctors were strongly advocating that an

interdenominational “General Clinical Hospital near the University and easily accessible to the

Medical School” should be part of the plans in order to accommodate the anticipated increase of

medical and dental students at WCUU.253 The current inefficient situation where the students

must undergo their clinical training at separate hospitals, located far from the university, resulted

in a substantial amount of time being lost for travel, and often the senior students were forced to

live off campus. Charlie was a member of the Senate Committee tasked to “outline a detailed

statement of our ideals for a future medical policy for Chengtu and to suggest a line of procedure

for the immediate future”.254 The Committee report was submitted to the Senate in April 1924,

and their recommendations for a centralized medical centre were approved. Specifically, the

Senate agreed “that we look forward to the development of a hospital and dispensary for the

clinical instruction of the medical students within easy access of the Medical School at the Union

University”.255 This large training hospital would eventually be built and was the precursor to

the present West China Hospital at Sichuan University.

Furlough: Postdoctoral Training

In 1927, due to political unrest against foreign interests, all foreigners including missionaries

were encouraged to evacuate to Shanghai. The furlough of the Service Family was overdue and,

as reported in The Globe, Charlie had “remained on duty a year longer than usual, in order to

250 Charles W. Service, “Public Health in China”, The Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 371. 251 Ibid., 372. 252 C.W. Service, “One of China’s Great Problems”, Dominion Dental Journal, Vol. 31, No. 2, (1919), 42. 253 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (3 April 1924, #1689), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/ UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4363.pdf. 254 Ibid., #1689. 255 Ibid., #1690.

40

prevent undermanning of the teaching staff in the Medical Faculty at Chengtu”.256 Robina and

William returned to Toronto, while Charlie spent a term at the London School of Hygiene and

Tropical Medicine, before travelling to Canada. This current placement in London, at this

globally renowned public health research institution, was illustrative of the ongoing commitment

of WCUU to forge multi-institutional collaboration with some of the leading global universities.

During this furlough, Charlie once again attended Johns Hopkins University and networked with

the alma mater of many of the West China medical missionaries, the University of Toronto.257

Since he was based primarily in Toronto for his two-year furlough, Charlie spent a considerable

amount of time with the staff at the Toronto General Hospital where the breadth of his clinical

exposure covered technical skills in general surgery. This included thoracic surgery with two of

the pioneers in this field, Drs. Norman Shenstone and Robert Janes.258 The late 1920’s was an

exciting period to engage in this surgical field, as Canada was quickly becoming a global leader,

in advancing thoracic surgical procedures. In May 1929, Shenstone and Janes successfully

performed a one-stage lung lobotomy, utilizing their invention known as the Shenstone-Janes

lung tourniquet, on a patient suffering from bronchiectasis.259 This technique would

revolutionize lung resection surgery and after publishing their findings in 1932, “within a few

months, their development became knowledge in every major chest clinic in the world”.260

It is interesting to note that in 1928 Dr. Norman Bethune, a medical graduate from U of T, was

accepted as a thoracic surgical fellow at McGill University, and he trained under Dr. Edward

Archibald at the Royal Victoria Hospital in Montreal.261 Archibald was world-renowned for his

contributions to thoracic surgery, in particular extrapleural thoracoplasty, and during his eight-

year tenure in Montreal, Bethune would also advance thoracic surgery with the invention of a

number of surgical instruments including the rib shears.262 In subsequent years, the impact of

Bethune would extend beyond the borders of Canada, and his world-wide reach would include

his time in China, from 1938-1939, where he joined the 8th Route Army of the communist forces

during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Bethune would later be honoured for designing a mobile

operating theatre, to tend to wounded soldiers on the front lines, while also providing medical

care to rural villagers and training health care personnel.263

256 The Globe, “Reassuring Tone in Cable Reports from Mission Field”, October 12, 1926, 13. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 257 “History: The Building”, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, https://www.lshtm.ac.uk/Aboutus /introducing/history/building. 258 “Brief History of Thoracic Surgery in Toronto”, University of Toronto, Department of Surgery, http://thoracic surgery.utoronto.ca/about/history.htm. 259 Norman S. Shenstone and Robert M. Janes, “Experiences in Pulmonary Lobectomy”, The Canadian Medical Association Journal, Vol. 27, No. 2, (1932), 138, 142. 260 Ken W. MacTaggart, The Globe, “Toronto Surgeons’ Find Helped King Recover”, December 12, 1951, 4. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 261 Shenwen Li, “Bethune, Henry Norman”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. 16, University of Toronto/ Université Laval, 2011, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/bethune_henry_norman_16E.html. 262 Jean Deslauriers, F. Griffith Pearson and Bill Nelems, “Evolution of thoracic surgery in Canada”, Canadian Respiratory Journal, Vol. 22, No. 2, (2015), e8-e14; Shenwen Li, “Bethune, Henry Norman”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography. 263 Shenwen Li, “Bethune, Henry Norman”, Dictionary of Canadian Biography.

41

Charlie returned to Chengdu, in the fall of 1929, with new medical textbooks and a thousand

pages of clinical and lecture notes which he referred to as “invaluable”, as they have “loaded me

up with lots of new ideas for working and for teaching”.264 The opportunity to discuss his most

challenging cases with medical educators, and his clinical exposure to current surgical

procedures and public health interventions, enabled Charlie to confidently return to China

believing that “everything is right up to date”.265 A few months after his return to Chengdu, one

of the medical professors at U of T received a letter from Charlie, and the professor, during a

lecture, passed on the information that Charlie had successfully performed, at the Canadian

Methodist Hospital, the first thoracic operation of its kind in China.266 Charlie continued to

perform thoracic operations, and he would often mention the outcome of these surgeries in his

letters. During this period, Peking Union Medical College (PUMC) was establishing a thoracic

medical unit based on the Johns Hopkins health care delivery model.267 This diffusion of

cutting-edge surgical techniques, to improve patient outcomes in China, was the product of the

strong transnational relationships evolving between PUMC and Johns Hopkins University, and

WCUU and the University of Toronto. As a medical professor, Charlie took great pride in

knowing that even though his students were studying in an isolated region of China, separated by

distance and the natural barriers of treacherous river gorges and mountains, they were exposed to

the same thoracic surgical innovations as their fellow students sitting in a lecture hall in Toronto,

Baltimore or Beijing.

The Young People’s Forward Movement

One of Charlie’s greatest joys was teaching and in November 1929, a decade after his cross-

Canada tour to raise funds from Canadian nurses, dentists and doctors, he had the opportunity to

be a professor at the newly opened Medical-Dental College. Charlie recognized, while he was

an undergraduate student at Victoria College, the importance of fundraising to the overall

success of the missionary enterprise. The 1890s was a critical period because even though the

church was encouraged that their overseas work was inspiring recent university graduates to

choose a missionary career, the institution lacked the financial resources to expand their overseas

operations. In response to this institutional need, Frederick Stephenson proposed that a new

student organization be formed, and in 1895, Charlie along with Dr. Frederick Stephenson and

Rev. Herman Warren founded the Young People’s Forward Movement (YPFM) to engage

university students, and eventually the young people of the church, in fundraising activities in

support of missions.268

This movement began with a small committee at Victoria College, developed into an official

department of the Methodist Church of Canada and, as Charlie explained, later expanded

264 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 6 October 1929. 265 C. W. Service to Family (original letter), 22 December 1929; 9 February 1930. 266 Rev. R.O. Jolliffe, “Dr. C.W. Service Memorial Service”, (Trinity United Church, Toronto: 23 March 1930). 267 Lan Xichun, Gu Kaishi and Wu Yingkai, “History and Present Status of Thoracic and Cardiovascular Surgery in China” in International Practice in Cardiothoracic Surgery, eds. Wu Yingkai and Richard M. Peters, (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1986), 23. 268 C.W. Service, “The Origin of the Young People’s Forward Movement for Missions”, Acta Victoriana, Vol. 25, No. 8, (1902), http://library.vicu.utoronto.ca/exhibitions/vic_in_china/sections/vics_commitment_to_west_china_ missions/the_young_peoples_forward_movement_for_missions_pray_study_give.html.

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beyond our own denominational bounds. While Canadian Methodism has the honour of

having inaugurated and first fully organized it, and has demonstrated its great

possibilities, many other Churches have adopted the principle and the plan, adopting both

to denominational requirements. Several denominations in Canada, several in Great

Britain, and at least thirteen in the United States, have now a vigorous Young People’s

Forward Movement for Missions.269

Figure 16: Founding members of the Young People’s Forward Movement

Left to right: Rev. H.E. Warren, Dr. F.C. Stephenson, Dr. C.W. Service

(Source: Service Family)

Stephenson would dedicate his life to this organization, and as a result of its fundraising

achievements, he would later reflect that “the continued success and expansion of our West

China Mission and the growth of the Young People’s Forward Movement have been

concurrent”.270 From 1897-1925, the church raised over $3 million through the YPFM, and each

decade resulted in a substantial increase in revenue: $482,316 was raised from 1897-1906, this

increased to $1,031,322 from 1907-1916, and the period from 1917-1925 saw an additional

increase to an amount of $1,594,489.271 This substantial fundraising base was an important

revenue source to support individual missionaries, as well as the building fund for the Canadian

Methodist Hospital in Chengdu, and other hospitals and schools throughout Sichuan.272

The Young People’s Forward Movement was also an important avenue for recruiting volunteers

especially with its strong connection to Victoria College. At a large inter-denominational

meeting in the summer of 1903, in the mountain town of Guling located in the southeast

province of Jiangxi, there was a proposal to double the number of missionaries serving in China

within three years. With respect to the West China Mission, the number of missionaries

269 Ibid. 270 F.C. Stephenson, “Forward”, Our West China Mission, 13-14. 271 F.C. Stephenson, “The Thirtieth Annual Report of the Young People’s Forward Movement for Missions”, The 101st Annual Report of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church, Canada 1924-1925, 83. To put this fundraising in perspective, the inflation calculator suggests that 3 million Canadian dollars from 1925 is equivalent to 42 million inflation adjusted Canadian dollars in 2018. 272 F.C. Stephenson, Our West China Mission, 14; Bond, Our Share in China, 62; Austin, Saving China, 97; Semple, The Lord’s Domain, 328.

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currently stood at 12 families appointed by the General Board of the Methodist Church and eight

women appointed by the Women’s Missionary Society (WMS).273 After the meeting, Charlie

wrote a letter to the Methodist Church of Canada outlining the proposal to double the number of

missionaries. His message for potential recruits was very direct: “here is an invitation, an

opportunity, a challenge, to invest life to great advantage”.274 At the eighth annual Mission

Conference of Victoria College, held in January 1904, Stephenson who was the secretary of the

YPFM conducted a roundtable discussion, and the topic discussed was “Doubling the Missionary

force of the Methodist Church within ten years”.275 Charlie’s letter was read to the conference

participants and Hart, although now retired as superintendent of the CMM, was one of the

speakers who encouraged university graduates to consider working in Sichuan.276

Through these personal appeals and the strong leadership from the Student Volunteer Movement,

the personnel assigned to the CMM increased within five years, from 12 to 40 families and from

eight to 30 single women.277 Among these recruits was Rev. Edward Wallace who was

appointed general secretary of the West China Christian Educational Union, and he would later

be designated chancellor of Victoria College of the University of Toronto. Years later, members

of the church community, including Chancellor Wallace and Dr. Beaton, would suggest that

there was a direct correlation between “that vision which Charlie Service had put before us” and

the significant increase in the number of new recruits sent to the mission field.278

The missionary enterprise continued to expand through the collaborative efforts of so many

different groups from the YPFM supporting individual missionaries to Sunday school children

buying bricks for hospitals to the health care professionals raising funds for the Medical-Dental

College, and finally to the missionaries working with their Chinese colleagues and international

partners to build the hospitals and schools. Charlie and Robina were part of this strong

community spirit striving to establish an indigenous health care system in Sichuan, and recent

indicators suggested that this was an achievable outcome. Since the 1911 evacuation when the

hospitals were forced to close, there was progress in strengthening the capacity of health care and

in 1929, Charlie and the other medical missionaries returned to hospitals that had remained open

under the capable leadership of the recent Chinese WCUU graduates.279

Return to Chengdu

At the end of their furlough in 1929, it was decided that Robina would continue to live in

Toronto while William attended high school. Their daughters were already settled into their

careers and both Winnifred and Frances chose careers in teaching, and Margaret would follow

273 Beaton, Great Living, 10-11. 274 Ibid. 275 The Globe, “The Fields are White: Harvesters are needed in Methodist Missions. Annual Conference at Victoria University Discusses Work Done and Outlook for the Future”, January 18, 1904, 7. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 276 Ibid. 277 C.W. Service in Beaton, Great Living, 11. 278 Chancellor E.W. Wallace, “Dr. C.W. Service Memorial Service”, (Trinity United Church, Toronto: 23 March 1930); Beaton, Great Living, 11-12. 279 Leslie Kilborn, “The Medical Services of the Canadian Mission in Szechwan”, The West China Missionary News, 11.

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her mother into the nursing profession. Since Charlie had recently undergone two serious

operations in Toronto, he was encouraged to postpone his trip but Charlie was not prepared “to

retire from the service he loved”, and according to his colleague Dr. T.H. Williams, “seeing the

need so great he could not remain away even at the advice of physicians and wishes of

friends”.280 Charlie was returning “to his work in Chengtu…in connection with the Hospital and

Medical College” and Beech interpreted his return to the field as281

an overwhelming compassion to relieve the suffering people who were sick here in China

and to teach the students that they might go on with that work of alleviating the suffering

of mankind. It was for that reason that he left his family and came here - a sick man

himself - to bring others to health.282

When Charlie returned to Sichuan, he was appreciative of a donation from Sir Joseph Flavelle of

$10,000 to restock the medical supplies and equipment in the hospitals. Flavelle’s involvement

with the Toronto General Hospital made him very cognizant of the operating needs of a hospital

and while the medical missionaries were in Toronto, there was an opportunity to engage with the

chair of the Board of Governors. In an October 1929 cable to General Secretary Endicott,

Flavelle gave these specific instructions for his donation:

You will be good enough to have a clear understanding that this is an extra amount over

the normal appropriation which would be made for improvements and betterments in

hospital equipment. The purpose of the subscription is not to take the place of the

amounts which would be used from current resources, but as an extra, to help to take up

the slack which has occurred over these disturbed, as well as preceding years.283

As Charlie was the only surgeon working in Chengdu, he found this to be a “very heavy

responsibility for so many decisions has to be made alone”.284 This shortage of surgical

missionaries was occasionally raised in his letters where he would suggest the names of potential

recruits or he would express that “I only wish my good friends Shenstone or Janes were here to

advise and help” in a troubling thoracic case.285 Even though his current situation was

challenging, Charlie never wavered from his deep respect for the medical profession and the

belief that “life goes merrily on, so to speak, with its ups and downs, its lights and shadows; and

the life of the doctor and the nurse it is not an easy road to be sure but oh, the many

compensations there are in saved lives, and repaired bodies. It is worth it all, is it not?”286

280 T.H. Williams, “Dr. Charles Winfield Service”, The West China Missionary News, (1930), 39, http://images.library. yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1930_032-004_eng.pdf. 281 The Globe, “Departing Workers Honored by Church: Dr. Charles and Mrs. Service Guests of Trinity United Congregation”, June 20, 1929, 15. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 282 Beech, Address for Dr. Charles Winfield Service. 283 Sir Joseph Flavelle to Dr. Endicott (cable), 24 October 1929, Board of Governors of the West China Union University, 518, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/ RG011-286-4493.pdf. 284 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 25 January 1930. 285 C.W. Service, “Some Letters of Dr. C.W. Service”, 2 March 1930, The West China Missionary News, June 1931, 15, http://divdl.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1931_033-006_eng.pdf. 286 Ibid., 17.

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Charlie was continually sharing stories about the rewarding work of a medical missionary with

potential employees. It was Endicott’s opinion that Charlie had “spoken to more prospective

missionary doctors and nurses than any other of our missionaries who have been serving the

church in West China” and through this ongoing engagement “he was instrumental in sending

many missionaries to the foreign field”.287 During this current period, it was becoming

increasingly more difficult to recruit personnel, and Charlie began to contemplate alternative

strategies, to fill the medical gaps, especially at a time when the work of the West China Mission

was ‘being tragically restricted for want of finances”.288 One idea Charlie was musing about was

to offer doctors the opportunity to engage in short-term medical assignments of one year. These

would be volunteer positions with the medical personnel agreeing to take a one-year leave of

absence from their medical practice.

Impact of the New Medical Graduates

Charlie expressed some apprehension about his return to Sichuan in 1929, and the reception he

would receive as a foreigner working in Chengdu, due to the recent anti-foreign disturbances by

nationalist forces against the extraterritoriality rights of foreign missions. In an August 1929

report to the Board of Governors, Beech observed that although “West China was not in the main

path of these forces, they have touched us in spots with destructive force” and the returning

missionaries would have been advised of the potential for cross-cultural discord on the WCUU

campus.289 However, once Charlie arrived his apprehension soon dissipated, and he was very

appreciative that the “people, students and Chinese staff in the university all seem very friendly

and willing to co-operate and the eagerness and efficiency of several of our Chinese doctors

working with us are splendid and marks a new era in our work”.290 The West China Mission had

to adjust to this new era, as they began to integrate these recent medical graduates, and one area

that required an immediate missiological shift was the salary levels of the Chinese doctors. In

recognition of the fact these recent graduates “are very well trained…and are invaluable” to the

health care system, Charlie argued that the salaries of the Chinese doctors, especially those with

additional training, should be increased to reflect their position as valued colleagues.291

The medical missionaries were also reacting to a new dynamic where the highly trained WCUU

graduates were being offered outside medical positions, and the West China Mission being

critically understaffed could not afford to lose any more doctors. They wanted to retain the most

promising graduates, to reduce the workload of the foreign doctors, and to expand their medical

outreach in the Chinese community. Following the recent nationalist disturbances, foreign

medical workers were returning very slowly to Sichuan, and this provided the current

opportunity for a more rapid devolution of authority. Presently, their dispensary work was being

effectively managed by one of their recent graduates, and there were plans to combine

287 Endicott, Memorial Service for Dr. C.W. Service; The Globe, “Far from Family, Missionary Passes: Rev. C.W. Service was Outstanding West China Worker”, March 14, 1930, 15. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 288 Endicott, Memorial Service for Dr. C.W. Service. 289 Dr. Beech, “Report of the West China Union University to the Board of Governors”, West China Union University, (Chengdu, 1 August 1929), http://chronicles.dickinson.edu/specproj/dsoninchina/wcuu.htm#. 290 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 3 November 1929. 291 Ibid., 13 October 1929.

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dispensary work with the WMS. This would enable their “combined staff to see 1,500

outpatients a week and so care in a more adequate way for the very poor”.292 The dispensary

was targeted to open in early 1930 but was delayed until October due to inadequate staff.293

Figure 17 Members of the Graduate Association of WCUU 1929 (medical and dental)

Dr. Service front row, third from right; Dr. Huang Tianqi back row, third from left

(Source: Service Family)

During this period, China was also moving towards educational sovereignty, and a new chapter

was unfolding where WCUU started to transition from a university under missionary jurisdiction

to an institution governed by the new educational policies of the Nationalist Government. The

concurrent processes of rising Chinese nationalism and the expanding base of WCUU graduates

provided the foundation for devolution, and certain responsibilities were transferred to satisfy the

new government regulation that “a majority of the governing body of the university should be

Chinese”.294 In 1927, the Senate was composed of 14 Chinese and 13 foreign representatives.295

By the early 1930s, in terms of the expanding base of medicine and dentistry, the new Medical-

Dental College accounted for nearly half of all students registered at WCUU with 721 students

registered from 1930-1934.296 One of the core values of the West China Mission was the

education of female students, and when Charlie returned to China, he was encouraged by the

number of women registered in the pre-medical course and he described these students as a “very

bright lot”.297 Charlie maintained that the Chinese “possess an array of qualities which will

someday place them in the forefront of nations”, and in an article published in The Globe, in

1920, he suggested that one means of achieving this was gender equality in education. “These

292 C.W. Service in Beaton, Great Living, 22. 293 “Report of the Union Dispensary”, Report of the Chengtu Hospitals Board For the Year 1931, Chengtu, 23. 294 G.W. Sparling, “University Registration”, The West China Missionary News, (February 1928), 22, https:// divdl.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1928_030-002_eng.pdf. 295 “Campus Items”, The West China Missionary News, (April 1927), 16. 296“The American Context of China’s Christian College and Schools, West China Union University”, Yale Divinity Library, http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/ChinaCollegesProject/descriptions.htm#westchina; “Students 1910-1939”, The West China Missionary News, (April 1939), 182, https://divdl.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/ dayrep/9866641_1939_040-004_eng.pdf. 297 C. W. Service to Family (original letter), 3 November 1929.

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multi-millions in China” Charlie argued “must and will be educated, among whom not the least

important are her women and girls who need equal opportunities with…Chinese men for

education and service.”298 WCUU was the first co-educational inland university and eight

women entered the university in 1924.299 Ten years later, in 1934, 108 women were registered at

WCUU and 32 were studying medicine and 16 were enrolled in dentistry.300

Consolidation of Health Services

One of the joint mission projects was the consolidation of health care in Chengdu, and the

Medical-Dental College appointed a special committee, composed of President Beech and

medical representatives from the various missions, to work on a federation scheme.301 The

missiological transition from an isolated impact model, towards a collective model of joint health

care delivery, was a significant operational change and in Beech’s assessment:

we all know that in conducting a medical school our hospitals are not located as they

ought to be for the medical school. We ought to have them together. They ought to be

co-operating together as one unit. But we are separated by distance and separated in

many other ways. Recently we had been trying to get together. It is rather hard to move

institutions. It is rather hard to move people after their ideals are set. But Dr. Service

among us has always been ready when the going was the hardest just to say the right

thing and to throw all his influence toward that ideal.302

This proposed union would improve the efficiency of their work, and it affected not only the

doctors, dentists and nurses, but also their institutions including the hospitals, the dispensaries,

and the Medical-Dental College. This idea had been a topic of conversation for many years, but

since the 1927 evacuation, there was a new sense of urgency to find a workable solution. Charlie

was encouraged by this development, as “it is a dream that I have had for many years and it is

now beginning to be realized”.303 Shortly after being appointed superintendent of the Canadian

Methodist Hospital in 1912, Charlie had written a document entitled Our Great Vision for Our

Medical Work where he outlined the need for adequate staff, up-to-date equipment including

laboratory and X-ray facilities, a training school for nurses, a medical college, a doctor to give

full time to public health and preventative medicine, and the “unification of the management and

direction of all the hospitals in Chengtu”.304 All the other recommendations had been achieved

and the remaining piece of the vision was now being seriously discussed.

Once the missions agreed to proceed, it took only a few meetings for their appointed

representatives to work out their collective vision for integrated health care delivery. In any

298 Charles W. Service, “The Needs of China; A Warning and a Call”, The Globe, October 23, 1920, 14. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 299 “WCUU Period 1910-1949”, West China Medical Center Sichuan University, http://202.115.44.126:8080/ wccmsbrief2.htm. 300 B. Louise Foster, “Woman’s College West China Union University 1934-1935”, The West China Missionary News, November 1935, 34, https://divdl.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1935_037-011_eng.pdf. 301 C. W. Service to Family (original letter), 3 November 1929. 302 Dr. Beech, Address for Dr. Charles Winfield Service. 303 C. W. Service to Family (original letter), 10 November 1929. 304 Beaton, Great Living, 17-22.

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large-scale collaboration, social change happens at “the speed of trust”, and the fact this

interdenominational group was able to reach an operational consensus, within just one month,

was a significant achievement.305 The committee members were able to build from their

previous union initiatives where mission activities intersected through both professional

collaborations as well as personal connections.306 One insightful reflection on inter-mission

collaboration was described, as early as 1910, when Rev. John W. Yost of the Methodist

Episcopal Church USA reported on the early days of the educational union of the high schools.

While there have been necessarily differences of opinion, these differences have been

adjusted amicably and I think without any doubt that all the representatives of the three

missions who united are closer and warmer friends and fellow workers than they were a

year ago…One characteristic of our committee meetings for the year which seems to be

worth mentioning here has been that when any one or two members seriously objected to

some method of procedure which a majority seemed ready to adopt, the majority when

possible would frequently rule that the matter be delayed for a time till further light might

be had. Sometimes it happened that by the next meeting we were able to agree

unanimously.307

The committee reached a consensus, in November 1929, for the individual missions to pool all of

their resources related to medical work including personnel, finances, equipment, and drugs and

replace their individual control with a joint hospital board. This new Chengdu Hospitals Board

would have the authority to allocate all resources and to appoint all medical, dental and nursing

staff.308 It was also agreed that the new Hospitals Board would continue to work towards the

construction of a union teaching hospital close to the Medical-Dental Building. This idea was

first introduced in 1924, and its purpose was to “bring together in one center all of our medical

dental work in the city and make it the outstanding training hospital in this part of the world”.309

Once the Committee Members were in agreement, the next step was to convince their Home

Boards that this missiological shift would significantly improve the impact and efficiency of

medical services in Chengdu and enhance the clinical training of their students. A simultaneous

gathering of key personnel, from their home offices, was scheduled for January 1930 in Sichuan.

Rev. J.H. Arnup, one of the Board of Foreign Missions’ secretaries of the United Church,

attended the meeting of the Canadian Mission Council and “the scheme for co-ordination of all

hospitals in Chengtu under one Board met with sympathetic and favourable consideration and it

was resolved to adopt in general the scheme as presented”.310 Although Charlie would not have

the opportunity to work under this new unification scheme, as he passed away a few months

305 Stephen M.R. Covey in John Kania, Fay Hanleybrown, Jennifer Splansky Juster, “Essential Mindset Shifts for Collective Impact”, Stanford Social Innovation Review, Fall 2014. 306 “Build the collaborative governance structure”, Collaboration for Impact, http://www.collaborationforimpact. com/the-how-to-guide/phase-3-organise-for-impact/build-the-collaborative-governance-structure/. 307 Rev. John W. Yost, “Report of Union High School, Chengtu”, Minutes of the Third Annual Session of the West China Mission Council of the Methodist Episcopal Church: Chengtu January 19-24, 1910, (Shanghai: Methodist Publishing House, 1910), 45. 308 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 10 November 1929. 309 “Forward”, Report of the Chengtu Hospitals Board For the Year 1931, Chengtu, 1. 310 “The United Church of Canada Mission Church Conference Mission Council”, The West China Missionary News, (March 1930), 22, http://images.library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1930_032-003_eng.pdf.

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later, his fellow committee members were successful in convincing their Home Boards to

approve the consolidation of health care services.311 The 1931 report of the Chengdu Hospitals

Board stated that the new organization has “given us a much greater degree of co-operation and

unity of direction, permitted a more satisfactory allocation of our staff members to their

respective specialities, thus improving clinical instruction and contributing to a larger hospital

service”.312 This marked “another milestone in the development” of the West China Mission,

and it reinforced the importance of collaborative missiology in the delivery of effective health

care.313

The Final Days

Charlie died in March 1930, after suffering post-operative complications, following emergency

abdominal surgery. One of his Chinese graduate students administered a local anesthetic and

Charlie, as the abdominal specialist on staff, directed the operation until circumstances

necessitated he undergo general anesthesia.314 Charlie subsequently succumbed to peritonitis

and in one of the newspaper articles in The Globe, it was reported that

the death of Rev. Charles Winfield Service, pioneer medical missionary and founder of

the medical college in connection with the West China University was announced by a

cable message received yesterday from Chengtu, West China, by the United Church

Foreign Mission Board. His death, which occurred on Monday, was due to ‘unavoidable

complications following an operation - which was successfully performed’.315

Another article in The Globe reflected that the “leaders of the United Church of Canada and

missionaries on furlough were shocked” to learn of his death as they had just received a letter

from him the day before asking for new personnel to be sent to the field. The newspaper article

went on to say that “letters received this week bespeak the good health he was enjoying a month

ago and operations which he himself was performing”.316 A cable sent by the chair of the Board

of Governors, Sir Joseph Flavelle, noted that he was “deeply grieved to hear sad news of Dr.

C.W. Service” and a decision was taken to bury Charlie at WCUU, the place where according to

the Board of Foreign Missions of The United Church of Canada:317

During the last sixteen years in addition to his regular duties as a hospital surgeon he

devoted all his time to teaching in the West China Union Medical College, and to

working for the development of that institution. From the beginning of a project for a

311 Beaton, Great Living, 22. 312 “Chengtu Hospitals Board” The West China Missionary News, (September 1932), 13, https://divdl.library. yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1932_034-009_eng.pdf. 313 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 10 November 1929. 314 Beaton, Great Living, 33. 315 The Globe, “Pioneer Missionary Dies in West China: Rev. Charles Service Founded Medical College at Chengtu”, March 14, 1930, 4. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail. 316 The Globe, “Far from Family, Missionary Passes: Rev. C.W. Service was Outstanding West China Worker”, 15. 317 “Senate Minutes”, West China Union University, (3 April 1930, Correspondence), http://divinity-adhoc.library. yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-275-4365.pdf.

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Medical College in West China, Dr. Service has borne an increasingly heavy share for

adapting that growing institution to the complex situation in which it finds itself.318

At the Executive Committee Meeting of the Board of Governors of West China Union

University, the following resolution was incorporated into the Minutes:

This Committee has learnt with deep sorrow of the death of Dr. Charles Winfield Service

at Chengtu, West China, March 10th, last. We record our very highest appreciation of Dr.

Service’s unusual gifts as Surgeon and teacher, of his noble Christian character and of the

fine contribution which he has made to the building up of the West China Union

University, especially in connection to the Medical Department. Dr. Service had been

connected with the University almost from its foundation. He laboured unstintingly with

rare intelligence and a most gracious spirit in its upbuilding.319

The Board of Governors, at their annual meeting, passed a resolution of appreciation:

The Board records its sense of the great loss that has come to the University in the death

of Doctor Charles W. Service, the head of the departments of Surgery and Obstetrics, and

its appreciation of his sterling qualities and the fine service he rendered medical

education and suffering humanity as a Medical Missionary. We wish to associate

ourselves with his fellow workers in their estimate of him as a Christian gentleman, an

indefatigable worker, a fine teacher, physician and missionary, and a man beloved as a

friend; and, that we assure his wife and other members of his family of our sympathy

with them in their bereavement.320

The West China Mission Council discussed the “commemoration of Dr. Service in [the] Medical

Dental Building” and the following resolution was passed: “Resolved to recommend to the

Home Board that the name of the completed Medical-Dental Building be the ‘Service Memorial

College’ and that a brass plate be prepared and sent out to be placed in the completed

building”.321 Dr. James Endicott, current general secretary of the Board of Foreign Missions

and former moderator of The United Church of Canada, introduced the resolution at the

Executive Committee Meeting of the Board of Governors, in New York in May 1931, where “it

was agreed to commend the…resolution of the Mission Council, to the Board of Governors of

the West China Union University for sympathetic consideration”.322 A commemorative plate

was subsequently placed at WCUU in recognition of Charlie’s commitment to educate future

generations of Chinese doctors, dentists and nurses.

318 “Minutes, Rev. C.W. Service, B.A., M.D.”, Board of Foreign Missions, United Church of Canada, (April 1930). 319 “Minutes of the Executive Committee, Board of Governors”, West China Union University, (Toronto, 8 May 1930, #E865), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-274-4343.pdf. 320 “Board of Governors Minutes”, West China Union University, (4 July 1930 # G899), http://divinity-adhoc. library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-272-4330.pdf. 321 United Church of Canada, General Council Archives Guide to Holdings Related to West China Medical Missions (1800-1950), 31; “Minutes of the Executive Committee, Board of Governors”, West China Union University, (New York, 14 May 1931, #E965), http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/ RG011-274-4343.pdf. 322“Minutes of the Executive Committee, Board of Governors”, West China Union University, (New York, 14 May 1931, #E965).

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The Central Government of the People’s Republic of China nationalized WCUU in 1951, and the

Medical-Dental College continued to transition until it was incorporated into the West China

Medical Centre of Sichuan University, currently one of the top medical schools in the country.323

In describing the history of the West China Medical Centre, Sichuan University states that

the predecessor of the Centre…is West China Union University (WCUU), which was

jointly founded in Chengdu by five Western Christian Missions from the United States,

the United Kingdom, and Canada in 1910…Today, in the place where the Center

originated, there stands a comprehensive medical institution with full range of medical

disciplines, strong teaching faculty, excellent medical techniques, advanced diagnosis and

treatment equipments, and powerful scientific research capacity.324

The continued commitment of Sichuan University to deliver “medical excellence” and to “create

doctors who can provide that excellence for generations to come” was the same commitment

affirmed by the medical missionaries over a century ago, and Charlie had such confidence in the

ability of his students to provide quality health care.325 One of his final tasks was marking his

student’s examination papers, and in a letter to his family, he indicated his delight that “the only

girl in the clinical years of medicine…beat the boys” and received the top marks in third year.326

This student Dr. Yoh Ih-chen would be recognized as the first female medical graduate from

WCUU, and she would later be appointed professor and eventually head of obstetrics and

gynecology.327 Another student in fourth year was characterized to his family as “perhaps the

best all-round and cleverest student we have ever had”, and Charlie had “an eye on him to train

for surgery”, and he was also thinking of recommending him for postdoctoral studies at the

University of Toronto.328 The positive impact of the recent medical graduates was also very

encouraging to Charlie, and he described the “splendid spirit prevailing…between the Chinese

doctors, nurses and foreigners. Moreover the presence of several very efficient Chinese

doctors…does ease the very heavy load for us all”.329 Charlie was clearly inspired by his

students, and this provided some comfort in his final days knowing that his responsibilities were

being transferred to this next generation of capable Chinese doctors.

The Service Fund

Upon Charlie’s death, a fund was established to honour his commitment to disadvantaged

patients identified in the dispensary for surgery. According to one of his medical colleagues Dr.

T.W. Williams, Charlie “was constantly pleading with the hospital management for financial

323 Nathan Vanderklippe, “China’s history with missionaries forms modern Canadian relations”, The Globe and Mail, (14 April 2017), http://license.icopyright.net/user/viewFreeUse.act?fuid=MjUyMzE5NjE%3D; West China School of Medicine / West China Hospital of Sichuan University, “About Us”, http://eng.cd120.com/a/aboutus/. 324 “About Us”, West China Medical Center Sichuan University, http://wcums.scu.edu.cn/about_en.asp. 325 “About Us”, West China School of Medicine / West China Hospital of Sichuan University. 326 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 9 February 1930. 327 United Church of Canada Archives, “Administrative History of West China Medical Missions”, in General Council Archives Guide to Holdings Related to West China Medical Missions (1800-1950), Toronto, 7; “WCUU Period 1910-1949, West China Medical Center Sichuan University, http://202.115.44.126:8080/wccmsbrief2.htm; “Staff List Spring 1949, College of Medicine and Dentistry”, West China Union University, 19, http://divinity-adhoc.library. yale.edu/UnitedBoard/West_China_Union_University/RG011-279-4407.pdf. 328 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 9 February 1930. 329 C.W. Service to Family (original letter), 3 November 1929.

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consideration of patients who had appealed to his great heart. Indeed this was the real beginning

of our appeal for the Samaritan Fund for he deposited money of his own to be used for operation

fees for poor patients and we but enlarged the plan and appeal”.330 As a memorial to Charlie, the

name of the Good Samaritan Fund was changed to the Service Fund, as “it has been given by the

Chengtu community in memory of Dr. Service”.331

Official church policy towards hospital funding was shifting from its early days, when it was

predominately a granting agency, to the current situation where the hospitals were encouraged to

be self-supporting.332 Charlie agreed with the principle of striving for self-support and about two

decades earlier had elucidated that “complete self-support may be far from possible for most of

us involved in medical work, but I firmly believe that it should be an aim toward which we

should steadily strive” and “those who can pay should pay according to means”.333 However,

while their middle and upper-class patients could afford hospital care, the front-line medical

workers were concerned about the ethical issues of accessibility and fairness because their poorer

patients were finding it difficult to pay for medical treatment. This policy went against their

social gospel principles and “support of this Fund helps the hospitals to care for the needy and

distressed who look to hospitals for healing”.334

The medical community initiated an annual appeal recognizing that “with falling appropriations

and increasing cost of drugs and equipment, we need your help that we may carry on the

tradition that none worthy of help need be turned away”.335 Donations were received from the

foreign and Chinese communities, and the targeted Chengdu institutions were the Canadian

Methodist Hospital, the Women’s and Children’s Hospital, the Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat

Hospital, and the Dental Hospital.336 Some of the rules for administering the funds included

• that the name shall be the Service Fund

• that the use of the money be reported in the West China News

• the Orphanage children and Blind School students are legitimate claimants

• chronic cases whose funds are exhausted may be helped

• student cases are to be considered on the merits of each case337

In the May 1932 edition of The West China Missionary News, it was noted that $2,054 was

raised in the previous fiscal year and distributed between the four hospitals.338 The Service Fund

covered a variety of hospital fees including the surgical treatment of tuberculosis cases, cataract

330 T.H. Williams, “Dr. Charles Winfield Service”, The West China Missionary News, (April 1930), 39, http://images. library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1930_032-004_eng.pdf. 331 “Report of the Service Fund for the Past Year”, The West China Missionary News, (May 1932), 11, https://divdl. library.yale.edu/divinitycontent/dayrep/9866641_1932_034-005_eng.pdf. 332 Leslie Kilborn, “The Medical Services of the Canadian Mission in Szechwan”, The West China Missionary News, 12. 333 C. W. Service, “Self Support”, in West China Missionary Conference, 245, 247. 334 “Report of the Service Fund for the Past Year”, The West China Missionary News, (May 1932), 14 335 Ibid., 14. 336 Ibid., 13-14. 337 Ibid., 13. 338 Ibid.

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operations, the setting of broken legs, diphtheria antitoxin for children, dental care for

gangrenous infections, mastoidectomy cases, and tracheotomy procedures.339

After Charlie passed away, Robina continued the family tradition of supporting the hospital costs

for deserving patients, and she provided an annual donation to the Service Fund. Although

Robina would not return to China, she remained active in the Women’s Missionary Society of

Trinity United Church in Toronto, as well as being a member of the Women’s Canadian Club

and the Victoria College Women’s Association. In her final years, Robina lived with her

daughter Margaret Smale until her death in March 1957.340

The Next Generation

Charlie was also passing his responsibilities to his son, William, known as Bill. After

completing his medical degree at U of T, Bill took three years of postgraduate training at the

Toronto General Hospital and the Hospital for Sick Children. In 1942, Bill approached the

Canadian military about serving overseas during the war, and it was determined that he could

consider his posting as a medical missionary to China, an allied country, as his contribution to

the war effort. Bill was initially assigned to Chengdu for language training, and he also worked

part-time at WCUU. While in Chengdu, Bill had the opportunity to attend the opening ceremony

of the West China Hospital, and this would have been a special occasion for him, as this was the

central teaching hospital envisioned by his father and his interdenominational colleagues. Today

this hospital is known as West China Hospital of Sichuan University and is also referred to as

Huaxi Hospital or the International Hospital of Sichuan Province.

Figure 18: Dr. William Service and colleagues, Canadian Mission Hospital, Chongqing

(Source: Service Family)

His main assignment was in Chongqing, the wartime capital for the Nationalist Government,

during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Dr. Stewart Allen, a senior medical missionary, was on

furlough and in 1944, Bill was appointed chief surgeon and superintendent of the Canadian

Methodist Hospital. He also served as the chairperson of the International Relief Committee for

339 Ibid., 12. 340 The Globe, “Mrs. C.W. Service: Spent 25 Years with Mission in West China”, March 15, 1957, 4. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail.

54

the seven western provinces. This committee worked with the Canadian Red Cross, hospitals,

schools, and universities to distribute medical aid to Chinese citizens affected by the war.

Bill was also following in the medical footsteps of Dr. Cecil Hoffman who along with his wife

Marie, a trained nurse, provided health care services in Sichuan from 1932-1947. Dr. Hoffman

was from a second-generation missionary family, and his parents were involved with the West

China Mission for 42 years. In 1903, Rev. A.C. and Minnie Hoffman travelled with the Service

family up the Yangtze River to Sichuan and 50 years later, the Service and Hoffman families

would be united through the marriage of their grandchildren, Ted (Service) Smale and Dorothea

(Hoffman) Smale.

The Service family would be united with another missionary family, in 1945, when Bill married

Norma Thompson, the daughter of John and Ena Thompson. Norma’s mother was a skilled

clothing designer, and she established a women’s group to augment the income of disadvantaged

women living in Chengdu.341 Later, Ena would serve as matron of Llewellyn Hall in Oshawa,

Ontario, where she looked after the children of missionary families while their parents served in

overseas missions. Norma’s father was “one of the pioneer dentists of the Mission” from 1909-

1932, and he provided clinical dental services in Chengdu while also serving itinerate mission

stations throughout Sichuan.342 John also had a keen interest in dental education, and he was

“one of the founders of the Dental Faculty of the West China Union University” and he was

instrumental in the training of Dr. Huang Tianqi, the first dental graduate in China.343

Norma and Bill knew each other from their childhood days, as they were both born in Chengdu

and were classmates at the Canadian School. Later Norma attended U of T where she obtained a

degree in social work, and she was initially hired by the Children’s Aid Society of Toronto to

provide protection services to at-risk children and was eventually appointed as head of the

Adoption Department. This experience in social work intervention was recognized by U of T,

and Norma was hired as a part-time sessional faculty member in the School of Social Work.344

Her trip to China took six months due to war time conditions, and in 1944, Norma sailed from

New York to Europe, where she stayed for several months, until she was able to secure passage

on a British troop ship to Mumbai, India. After arriving in Chongqing, Norma became involved

with the Canadian Red Cross, and her interest in non-profit organizations dedicated to improving

the social situation of vulnerable people would continue throughout her life. Norma was also

connected with the for-profit sector and she was the first Canadian woman to sit on the board of

directors of a financial institution. She was appointed in 1976 as a director of Victoria and Grey

Trust Company which was founded by the Flavelle family in Lindsay, Ontario.345 After

341 “Departmental Surveys - Industrial Education”, Our West China Mission, 337. 342 “Minutes, Dr. and Mrs. C.W. McD. Service”, Board of Overseas Missions, United Church of Canada, (1952). 343 “Minutes, Dr. John E. Thompson”, Board of Foreign Missions, (April 1933). 344 University of Toronto, University of Toronto Report of the Board of Governors for the Year Ended 30th June 1944, (Toronto: T.E. Bowman, 1945), 137, https://archive.org/stream/uoftreportgov1944univ/Uoftreportgov1944univ_ djvu.txt. 345 “Annual Report: Victoria and Grey Trust Company”, The Globe and Mail, February 6, 1976, B4. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Globe and Mail.

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amalgamating with the National Trust Company, it was purchased in 1997 by the Bank of Nova

Scotia.346

Figure 19: Bill and Norma Service with nursing staff and graduates, Chongqing, 1948

(Source: United Church of Canada Archives, United Church Observer, Feb. 1, 1949, 7)

Their son, John, was born in 1946 and according to Bill, the family received expert care from the

Chinese doctor and nurses. In 1948, the Services departed to Toronto, for their regular furlough,

where Bill pursued postgraduate training and obtained his FRCS (Fellow of the Royal College of

Surgeons). They were to return, as part of the staff of WCUU, and their return was classified as

pending in December 1949, with travel plans arranged for February 1950.347 Unable to secure

entry visas for their personnel, the United Church considered “Service a test case” in June 1950

but were unable to attain the required documents from the Chinese government.348

Bill officially requested a leave of absence and then permanently resigned in 1952, and although

he was no longer an employee of the United Church, Bill remained active in their overseas work.

From 1962-1972, he served as a member and the first non-ordained chairman of the Board of

World Mission. During this postcolonial period, the church was adapting to the restructuring of

the international system following the decolonization of the overseas empires and the rapid

formation of new nation-states. Canadian society was also evolving and historian Don

Schweitzer elucidates that “as the United Church was challenged by the cultural upheavals of the

1960’s, it did not cling defensively to its past and retreat into a sectarian posture. Instead, it

remained open to Canadian society and active in it”.349

346 “The Scotiabank Story”, Inside Scotiabank, https://www.scotiabank.com/ca/en/0,,476,00.html. Sir Joseph Flavelle was the founding president of the National Trust Company. Henry Newton Rowell Jackman, the grandson of the Hon. Newton Rowell, was the chair of the board of National Trust, at the time of amalgamation, and would later serve as the lieutenant governor of Ontario. 347 “Minutes, Dr. and Mrs. C.W. McD. Service”, Board of Overseas Missions, United Church of Canada, (1952). United Church of Canada Archives, General Council Archives Guide to Holdings Related to West China Medical Missions (1800-1958), 128-129, http://www.united-church.ca/sites/default/files/handbook_research-guide-west-china.pdf. 348 United Church of Canada Archives, General Council Archives Guide to Holdings Related to West China Medical Missions (1800-1958), 128-130. 349 Don Schweitzer, “The Changing Social Imaginary of The United Church of Canada”, in The United Church of Canada: A History, ed. Don Schweitzer, (Waterloo: Wilford Laurier University Press), 292.

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After examining its historic approach to missions, the church community developed a new

overseas policy and organizational structure to more accurately reflect “the changing face of

mission” emerging within the church.350 In 1972, the Executive of the General Council

appointed Bill, the founding chairman of the Division of World Outreach, on the premise that

“with your experience as Chairman of the Board of World Mission it is going to be possible right

from the beginning of the life and work of the Division of World Outreach to have the wisdom

and guidance in the affairs of the Division fulfilled in your very capable way”.351 This

recalibrated mandate allowed the United Church to transition from a missionary enterprise

establishing new institutions into a responsive organization supporting national institutions,

humanitarian relief operations, and long-term “strategic and catalytic” development programs

initiated by their global partners.352

Impact on Canadian Society

The emergence of Canada as an influential middle power was significantly shaped by the sons

and daughters born in China to missionary parents. These individuals “had the opportunity to

travel widely”, and Bill Service would contend that since “our school was set in the midst of an

old and great culture…this contact with another great people and their thought was of

inestimable value”.353 The missionary enterprise left a traceable footprint both in China and

Canada as these individuals eventually became missionaries in reverse within Canadian

society.354 Their parents had set sail as idealistic university graduates to, in the case of the

medical missionaries, disseminate medical care and education. Along their journey, they

transitioned into international citizens who became advocates of global interdependence

encouraging Canadians to realize that “we are living in a great bundle of nationhood nowadays”

and as Charlie Service suggested, “what is the concern of one is the concern of all”.355

This global humanitarian vision influenced their bicultural children. While the international

outreach of the United Church was being recalibrated by Bill Service and Katharine Hockin,

other returning personnel from China were providing transformative leadership in a myriad of

organizations. Some returned to university campuses as professors and administrators

establishing East Asian programs and encouraging educational exchanges.356 Others like Donald

Faris inspired the 1960s movement towards secular international development causes,

specifically the creation of the Canadian University Services Organization (CUSO), which

350 C.W.M. Service, “The Changing Face of Mission: Board of World Mission, Chairman’s Report, November 1971”, in Ruth Compton Brouwer, “When Missions Became Development: Ironies of ‘NGOization’ in Mainstream Canadian Churches in the 1960s”, The Canadian Historical Review, Vol. 91, No. 4, (2010), 683. 351 Rev. Donald Ray, “Letter to Dr. Service from the Deputy Secretary of the General Council”, United Church of Canada, May 1972. 352 C.W.M. Service, “An Address at the Sixtieth Anniversary Reunion, June 22, 1969”, Canadian School in West China, 51-53. 353 Ibid., 47-49. 354 Terrill B. Lautz, “The SVM and Transformation of the Protestant Mission to China”, in China’s Christian Colleges: Cross-Cultural Connections 1900-1950, eds. Daniel H. Bays and Ellen Widmer, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 19. 355 C. W. Service, “Some of China’s Problems, Address to the Empire Club of Canada”, 30 October 1919, 369-384. 356 Alvyn Austin, “Missionaries, Scholars, and Diplomats: China Missions and Canadian Public Life”, in Religion and Public Life in China: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, ed. Marguerite Van Die, (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 2001), 145-146.

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recruited recent university graduates to volunteer in developing countries.357 Some children of

China-based missionary families joined the Department of External Affairs, currently referred to

as Global Affairs Canada. While the former China-based missionaries working at the American

State Department were purged during the anti-communist McCarthy era, the Canadians, known

as the China mish kids or old China hands, became persuasive champions guiding the process of

engagement with China which was in sharp contrast to the American policy of isolation and

containment.358

During this period, the United Church continued to lobby the Canadian government to recognize

the People’s Republic of China. Their positive messaging was evident in 1969 when the selected

topic, for their annual congregational study, was Understanding China and the Chinese People.

“Surely this is significant” Bill Service would suggest “of a large desire on the part of the United

Church to bring about a greater degree of appreciation and understanding”.359

Canada normalized relations with the People’s Republic of China in October 1970, and it was

Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s belief that China would become “one of the two or three

most influential countries in the world. For that reason, it must not be allowed to assume that it

is without friends”.360 Fifty years earlier, Charlie Service had expressed a similar sentiment, in

an article in The Globe, when he concluded “that there is no doubt” the Chinese “possess an

array of qualities which will someday place them in the forefront of nations”.361 The bilateral

negotiations between Canada and China were held in Stockholm over a 20 month period, and the

chief Canadian negotiator was an old China hand from the West China Mission, Robert

Edmunds.362 Subsequent to normalizing relations, Ralph Collins, John Small and Arthur

Menzies, all born in China to missionary parents, were appointed as the first three Canadian

ambassadors from 1971 to 1980.363 Following in their ambassadorial footsteps, three decades

later, was David Mulroney, and in his book Middle Power, Middle Kingdom, he posits that non-

state actors, like the medical missionaries, have helped Canadians to understand “that our foreign

policy is incomplete without a thoughtful engagement of China”.364

357 Ruth Compton Brouwer, “From Missionaries to NGOs”, in Canada and the Third World, eds. Karen Dubinsky, Sean Mills and Scott Rutherford, (Tonawanda, New York: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 138. 358 Paul M. Evans, Engaging China: Myth, Aspiration, and Strategy in Canadian Policy from Trudeau to Harper, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014), 11; Aileen McCabe, “Decision to recognize China a watershed movement for Canada and the People’s Republic”, Postmedia News, October 9, 2010, http://www.canada.com/ life/Decision+recognize+China+watershed+moment+Canada+People+Republic/3647075/story.html; B. Michael Frolic, “Canada and China at 40”, Asia Colloquia Papers, Vol. 1, No. 1, (Toronto: York Centre for Asian Research), 10, https://ycar.apps01.yorku.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2013/09/Asia_Colloquia_Papers_Frolic.pdf; Alvyn Austin, “Missionaries, Scholars, and Diplomats: China Missions and Canadian Public Life”, Religion and Public Life in China: Historical and Comparative Perspectives “, 144. 359 C.W.M. Service, “An Address at the Sixtieth Anniversary Reunion, June 22, 1969”, Canadian School in West China, 51. 360 Pierre Elliot Trudeau in Evans, Engaging China, 25. 361 Charles W. Service, “The Needs of China; A Warning and a Call”, The Globe, October 23, 1920, 14. 362 Robert Edmonds, “Negotiations For Canadian Recognition of the People’s Republic of China”, Canadian School in West China, 286-287. 363 Austin, “Missionaries, Scholars, and Diplomats: China Missions and Canadian Public Life”, Religion and Public Life in China: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, 145. 364 David Mulroney, Middle Power, Middle Kingdom, (Toronto: Allen Lane, 2015), 231.

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Return to China

In subsequent years, many of these second-generation families revisited their Chinese roots.

This has created an interesting dynamic where their bicultural memories of residing in China

have been juxtaposed against their current reality of being observers of modern China. The

Service family followed this typical pattern, and in May 1978, Bill organized a tour to China on

behalf of Fleming College.365 Three years earlier, Fleming College had awarded a Fellowship in

Applied Education to Bill noting that his life “extended the normal bounds of the Hippocratic

oath…to the benefit of the local, national and international community”.366 Bill and Norma

spent two weeks in China, and just five months later, Bill passed away in October 1978. It was

30 years since Bill and Norma had been to China, and it was very evident to the members of the

tour that they still had a strong emotional connection to Chinese society.367 In recognition of this

fact, and to honour Bill, the tour participants raised funds to donate medical books to the library

of Chongqing Hospital Number 5 in “recognition for his admiration and affection for China and

her people”.368 Norma was thrilled that another generation of Chinese doctors and nurses would

benefit from the medical textbooks, especially since this was the hospital where both Charlie and

Bill had served as superintendent. Canadian historian Alvyn Austin would suggest that

Sometimes brilliant parents begat a missionary dynasty…Dr. Charles Winfield Service,

who died at his post after thirty years of service, fathered Dr. Charles William Service,

known as Bill; both were remembered as gentle souls who made the world a better place

by having passed through it”.369

Figure 20: Bill Service visiting a hospital (1978) Figure 21: Donation to Hospital Number 5, Chongqing

(Source: Service Family)

365 Fleming College was originally known as Sir Sanford Fleming College. The main campus is in Peterborough, Ontario with several satellite campuses, one of which is in Lindsay, Ontario, Canada. 366 Elizabeth Clarkson, Chairman, Board of Governors, “Citation: Dr. Charles William McDonald Service Fellowship in Applied Education”, Sir Sanford Fleming College, Lindsay Convocation, May 10, 1975. 367 Bill and Norma’s daughter Elizabeth was one of the participants on the 1978 tour to China. In 2012, their daughter Francie visited Sichuan University and attended the opening ceremony of the China Museum of Stomatology, and this tour was organized by the Old China Photo Project and the Canadian Embassy in Beijing. 368 The dedication in the medical textbooks donated to Chongqing Hospital Number 5. Mr. Bill Small, a close family friend and in his position of Vice-President of York University, contacted the Dean of the Medical Faculty of the University of Toronto and the Chinese Embassy in Ottawa for their assistance. Bill Small was born in China and posted to Chengdu in 1941 and worked at WCUU for ten years. 369 Austin, Saving China, 170-171.