(the secret germany) - regiesey.com · 112 from kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "das...

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"DAS GEHEIME DEUTSCHLAND" ("THE SECRET GERMANY") After his brief hiatus from lecturing in the summer of 1933, Kantorowicz took up lecturing again at Frankfurt in the fall. He began with another Antrittsvorlesung (inaugural lecture), as though he were starting afresh at the university. The fact that after having refused to lecture for only one semester, Kantorowicz chose to begin winter semester 1933/34 with a new Antrittsvorlesung suggests that the Nazi regime of power forced him to assume a new intellectual posture. "It is true that I only abandoned teaching for one semester," he stated, "but the momentous events of the last months justify that the resumption of my office as a teacher be grasped as an opportunity to present myself to my listeners anew.,,112 Politically and intellectually, Kantorowicz was a different man than he had been when he wrote Frederick the Second in the mid-1920s. He had not changed, however, in his view that the university podium be used not only to instruct his students academically, but to them politically. Of his Antrittsvorlesung, he said: "More than an explanation, this seeks to be a confession and why does one carry around the title of "Professor" if one does not want, in decisive 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime Deutschland" at the Leo Baeck Institute in New York, p. 1. Henceforth in this chapter, page citations will appear directly in the text. Vanden Heuvel, 1989: Kantorowicz

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Page 1: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

DAS GEHEIME DEUTSCHLAND (THE SECRET GERMANY)

After his brief hiatus from lecturing in the summer of

1933 Kantorowicz took up lecturing again at Frankfurt in

the fall He began with another Antrittsvorlesung

(inaugural lecture) as though he were starting afresh at

the university The fact that after having refused to

lecture for only one semester Kantorowicz chose to begin

winter semester 193334 with a new Antrittsvorlesung

suggests that the Nazi regime of power forced him to assume

a new intellectual posture It is true that I only

abandoned teaching for one semester he stated but the

momentous events of the last months justify that the

resumption of my office as a teacher be grasped as an

opportunity to present myself to my listeners anew112

Politically and intellectually Kantorowicz was a different

man than he had been when he wrote Frederick the Second in

the mid-1920s

He had not changed however in his view that the

university podium be used not only to instruct his students

academically but to shap~ them politically Of his

Antrittsvorlesung he said More than an explanation this

seeks to be a confession and why does one carry around

the title of Professor if one does not want in decisive

112 From Kantorowiczs unpublished essay Das Geheime Deutschland at the Leo Baeck Institute in New York p 1 Henceforth in this chapter page citations will appear directly in the text

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments to have the courage to bear witness (p 1) And

courage it must have taken for Kantorowicz in late 1933 to

deliver this confession before an audience that almost

certainly contained SA and SS students But a servile

avoidance of confrontation was not a characteristic trait of

Kantorowicz You must not hope of me that I would cover up

chasms and with a clever turn of phrase avoid difficulties

when only one thing can serve the Germany of today and the

Germany of tomorrow clarity and an unshakable faith in the

eternal figures of this land and their promise (p 1)

Kantorowicz extolled a secret Germany which embodied an

anti-Third Reich it was a counter-Empire existing on a

transcendental plane which carried the true mission of

Germany when the external official government of Hitler

represented a sham perversion of Germanys imperial mission

Quoting Schiller at the Historiker Tag in 1930 Kantorowicz

had averred a truer transcendental Germany as opposed to

what he saw as a decadent Weimar Republic Indem das

politische Reich wankt hat sich das geistige immer fester

und vollkommener gebildet (In so far as the political

Empire wavered thespiritual Reich grew stronger and

fuller)113 Now that the Weimar Republic had collapsed

Kantorowicz turned again to the spiritual Reich this time

as a foil to a more terrible Nazi regime

113 Kantorowicz Limits Possibilities and Duties p 31

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Though his letters of 1933 present a man of amazing

self-confidence and tenacity of purpose in his inner life

Kantorowicz must have felt betrayed and alone and somewhat

fearful for his own well-being His calls for a new Fuhrer

had helped bring forth a base demagogue in Hitler (although

Hitlers full monstrousness had not yet been revealed) his

intellectual and spiritual mentor George was dying in

Switzerland the Circle was shattered and his closest

friend Uxkull had succumbed to the Nazi temptation In

this state of extreme solitariness Kantorowicz looked to a

realm of ideals for allegiance and for refuge The Secret

Germany provided an intellectual safehouse against the

Nazis It could not be conquered by violence The rulers

of the Secret Germany are immune to all weapons he stated

(p 5) Bitterly antagonistic to a regime which he was

powerless to attack directly Kantorowicz turned within

himself within his ideals for solace an inner

emigration

Das geheime Deutschland according to Kantorowicz

is the secret union of the poets and sages the heroes and

the saints the sacrificers and the martyrs who brought

Germany forth and offered themselves to Germany bull the union

which -- although they may appear alien in the meantime

still alone forms the true face of Germany1f (p 4)

Kantorowicz was not the first to write of a secret Germany

Already in the nineteenth century Julius Langbehn had

tr

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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spoken of Rembrandt Beethoven and Goethe as the true

Emperors of the Secret Germany114 In the first Yearbook

for the Spiritual Movement (1910) Karl Wolfskehl wrote of

the secret Germany as the carrier of certain German still-

dormant forces in which the future most lofty Being of the

nation is already embodied 115 Das geheime Deutschland

was an undercurrent a force which embodied the genuine

Germany yet was obscured by the visible and tangible

Germany

Kantorowicz saw das geheime Deutschland as a living

spirit which fused the essential forces (Urmachte) of

Germanys past These Urmachte manifested themselves in the

lives of great poets heroes and sages These poets heroes

and sages were Gestalten figures imbued with a divinity a

godlike spirit which led their thoughts and actions to the

very limits of human experience To list the leaders of das

geheime Deutschland would be to list the figures about whom

the George Circle wrote Plato Caesar Frederick Dante

Shakespeare Goethe Holderlin Jean Paul Nietzsche Under

these titans in a hierarchically-ordered realm were

kleinere Sternen (littler start) such as the writers

Platen or Stifter Finally there were the knights of the

114 See Grunewald pp 77-80 and Stern The Politics of ~ultural Despair

115 Karl Wolfskehl Die Blatter fur die Kunst und die neuste Literatur in Jahrbuch fur die Geistige Bewegung (1910) p 15

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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realm -- members of the George Circle like Kantorowicz

himself who preserved the secret Germany and would fight to

assert when the time dictated das geheime Deutschland in

the practical political life of Germany116

Das geheime Deutschland was populated mostly by poets

The George Circle and German intellectuals of the era in

general were devoted to the notion that poets could best

instruct for life 117 Poets rather than statesmen were

Germanys great leaders they held Max Kommerell a George

disciple expressed this view most explicitly in Der Dichter

als Fuhrer (1928) Many intellectuals of the late

nineteenth and early twentieth century Lagarde Langbehn

Moeller van den Bruck Dilthey and even walther Rathenau

were inclined to regard feelings and intuitions the

province of the poet as reliable guides for political

conviction and political action

Das geheime Deutschland was for Ernst Kantorowicz not

an abstraction of the best actions and ideas of Germanys

glorious past It was not a utopian dream but was

116 Das geheime Deutschland was not as Peter Gay has asserted a club to which new members were elected This view confused das geheime Deutschland with the George Circle itself The Circle saw itself as part of das geheime Deutschland as prophets of this transcendental realm but they did not comprise it In any case members were not elected to das geheime Deutschland nor to the George Circle Mechanisms such as frowned upon by George York 1968) p 48

elections and formal See Peter Gay

membership Weimar Cul

were ture (New

117 Lepenies op cit p 256

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

to

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gegenwartig totlich-faktisch und seiend (present

deadly-factual and existent) (p 4) Belief in das geheime

Deutschland required a quasi-religious leap of faith The

secret Germany had existed tangibly on earth only fleetingly

in history during Fredericks reign for instance

Kantorowicz wrote to George in the late fall of 1933 The

stauffer had raised yes -- for the only time in German

history -- the secret Germany of that time ie the

ROMAN to the official Germany118 But after Fredericks

death at the onset of the Interregnum it again retreated

a snowy peak went into hibernation and drifted into

obscurity But for Kantorowicz it remained the true

legitimate leadership of Germany

Kantorowiczs depiction of the secret or true Germany

clashed with the National Socialist vision of what Germany

should be The rulers of the secret Germany were imbued

with the light the clarity and the humanism of the

Mediterranean region the spirit of Hellas which exudes

beauty freedom and nobility Kantorowicz saw Germanys

great spirits in Greeks Romans and Italians His praise of

these Mediterranean spirits pitted him against the Blut und

Boden chauvinism of the Nazis While the new regime pursued

Deutschtum as a guiding cultural principle and tried to

purify intellectual life of non-German elements

118 Kantorowicz letter of November 26 1933 to George QUoted in Grunewald p 127

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz told his students that the greatest rulers of

Germany are actually not indigenous to the nation (p 11)

The heroes of das geheime Deutschland were

uberdeutsch an untranslatable term meaning roughly moreshy

than-German or beyond-German These heroes were vitally

tied to the development of Germany yet had a universal

significance The ancient Greeks Kantorowicz said

manifested the most primary forces in western Civilization shy

the Apollonian and the Dionysian In these two forces

the Greeks laid the foundation of das geheime Deutschland

From Rome Germany inherited her mission of Empire The

saints of Christendom joined the Greeks and Romans as

guiding forces of the German spirit

But whereas other nations emerged from the Middle Ages

with national saints such as Frances Saint Louis or

Hungarys Saint Stephen Kantorowicz explained the Middle

Ages left Germany no national saints Furthermore just as

the seeds of Dantes Humana Civilitas began to take root in

Germany Luther cut Germany off from the wellspring of

Western Civilization from Rome For Kantorowicz Luthers

split from Rome marked the advent of Germanys Sonderweg

(and Kantorowicz truly believed in a Sonderweg) the

beginning of a particularly German national consciousness

much to the detriment of her pan-European imperial mission

Luther not only cut Germanys umbilical cord to her Latin

mother he brought about the split of the Germans themselves

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

-106shy

placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

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Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

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moments to have the courage to bear witness (p 1) And

courage it must have taken for Kantorowicz in late 1933 to

deliver this confession before an audience that almost

certainly contained SA and SS students But a servile

avoidance of confrontation was not a characteristic trait of

Kantorowicz You must not hope of me that I would cover up

chasms and with a clever turn of phrase avoid difficulties

when only one thing can serve the Germany of today and the

Germany of tomorrow clarity and an unshakable faith in the

eternal figures of this land and their promise (p 1)

Kantorowicz extolled a secret Germany which embodied an

anti-Third Reich it was a counter-Empire existing on a

transcendental plane which carried the true mission of

Germany when the external official government of Hitler

represented a sham perversion of Germanys imperial mission

Quoting Schiller at the Historiker Tag in 1930 Kantorowicz

had averred a truer transcendental Germany as opposed to

what he saw as a decadent Weimar Republic Indem das

politische Reich wankt hat sich das geistige immer fester

und vollkommener gebildet (In so far as the political

Empire wavered thespiritual Reich grew stronger and

fuller)113 Now that the Weimar Republic had collapsed

Kantorowicz turned again to the spiritual Reich this time

as a foil to a more terrible Nazi regime

113 Kantorowicz Limits Possibilities and Duties p 31

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Though his letters of 1933 present a man of amazing

self-confidence and tenacity of purpose in his inner life

Kantorowicz must have felt betrayed and alone and somewhat

fearful for his own well-being His calls for a new Fuhrer

had helped bring forth a base demagogue in Hitler (although

Hitlers full monstrousness had not yet been revealed) his

intellectual and spiritual mentor George was dying in

Switzerland the Circle was shattered and his closest

friend Uxkull had succumbed to the Nazi temptation In

this state of extreme solitariness Kantorowicz looked to a

realm of ideals for allegiance and for refuge The Secret

Germany provided an intellectual safehouse against the

Nazis It could not be conquered by violence The rulers

of the Secret Germany are immune to all weapons he stated

(p 5) Bitterly antagonistic to a regime which he was

powerless to attack directly Kantorowicz turned within

himself within his ideals for solace an inner

emigration

Das geheime Deutschland according to Kantorowicz

is the secret union of the poets and sages the heroes and

the saints the sacrificers and the martyrs who brought

Germany forth and offered themselves to Germany bull the union

which -- although they may appear alien in the meantime

still alone forms the true face of Germany1f (p 4)

Kantorowicz was not the first to write of a secret Germany

Already in the nineteenth century Julius Langbehn had

tr

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spoken of Rembrandt Beethoven and Goethe as the true

Emperors of the Secret Germany114 In the first Yearbook

for the Spiritual Movement (1910) Karl Wolfskehl wrote of

the secret Germany as the carrier of certain German still-

dormant forces in which the future most lofty Being of the

nation is already embodied 115 Das geheime Deutschland

was an undercurrent a force which embodied the genuine

Germany yet was obscured by the visible and tangible

Germany

Kantorowicz saw das geheime Deutschland as a living

spirit which fused the essential forces (Urmachte) of

Germanys past These Urmachte manifested themselves in the

lives of great poets heroes and sages These poets heroes

and sages were Gestalten figures imbued with a divinity a

godlike spirit which led their thoughts and actions to the

very limits of human experience To list the leaders of das

geheime Deutschland would be to list the figures about whom

the George Circle wrote Plato Caesar Frederick Dante

Shakespeare Goethe Holderlin Jean Paul Nietzsche Under

these titans in a hierarchically-ordered realm were

kleinere Sternen (littler start) such as the writers

Platen or Stifter Finally there were the knights of the

114 See Grunewald pp 77-80 and Stern The Politics of ~ultural Despair

115 Karl Wolfskehl Die Blatter fur die Kunst und die neuste Literatur in Jahrbuch fur die Geistige Bewegung (1910) p 15

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realm -- members of the George Circle like Kantorowicz

himself who preserved the secret Germany and would fight to

assert when the time dictated das geheime Deutschland in

the practical political life of Germany116

Das geheime Deutschland was populated mostly by poets

The George Circle and German intellectuals of the era in

general were devoted to the notion that poets could best

instruct for life 117 Poets rather than statesmen were

Germanys great leaders they held Max Kommerell a George

disciple expressed this view most explicitly in Der Dichter

als Fuhrer (1928) Many intellectuals of the late

nineteenth and early twentieth century Lagarde Langbehn

Moeller van den Bruck Dilthey and even walther Rathenau

were inclined to regard feelings and intuitions the

province of the poet as reliable guides for political

conviction and political action

Das geheime Deutschland was for Ernst Kantorowicz not

an abstraction of the best actions and ideas of Germanys

glorious past It was not a utopian dream but was

116 Das geheime Deutschland was not as Peter Gay has asserted a club to which new members were elected This view confused das geheime Deutschland with the George Circle itself The Circle saw itself as part of das geheime Deutschland as prophets of this transcendental realm but they did not comprise it In any case members were not elected to das geheime Deutschland nor to the George Circle Mechanisms such as frowned upon by George York 1968) p 48

elections and formal See Peter Gay

membership Weimar Cul

were ture (New

117 Lepenies op cit p 256

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gegenwartig totlich-faktisch und seiend (present

deadly-factual and existent) (p 4) Belief in das geheime

Deutschland required a quasi-religious leap of faith The

secret Germany had existed tangibly on earth only fleetingly

in history during Fredericks reign for instance

Kantorowicz wrote to George in the late fall of 1933 The

stauffer had raised yes -- for the only time in German

history -- the secret Germany of that time ie the

ROMAN to the official Germany118 But after Fredericks

death at the onset of the Interregnum it again retreated

a snowy peak went into hibernation and drifted into

obscurity But for Kantorowicz it remained the true

legitimate leadership of Germany

Kantorowiczs depiction of the secret or true Germany

clashed with the National Socialist vision of what Germany

should be The rulers of the secret Germany were imbued

with the light the clarity and the humanism of the

Mediterranean region the spirit of Hellas which exudes

beauty freedom and nobility Kantorowicz saw Germanys

great spirits in Greeks Romans and Italians His praise of

these Mediterranean spirits pitted him against the Blut und

Boden chauvinism of the Nazis While the new regime pursued

Deutschtum as a guiding cultural principle and tried to

purify intellectual life of non-German elements

118 Kantorowicz letter of November 26 1933 to George QUoted in Grunewald p 127

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Kantorowicz told his students that the greatest rulers of

Germany are actually not indigenous to the nation (p 11)

The heroes of das geheime Deutschland were

uberdeutsch an untranslatable term meaning roughly moreshy

than-German or beyond-German These heroes were vitally

tied to the development of Germany yet had a universal

significance The ancient Greeks Kantorowicz said

manifested the most primary forces in western Civilization shy

the Apollonian and the Dionysian In these two forces

the Greeks laid the foundation of das geheime Deutschland

From Rome Germany inherited her mission of Empire The

saints of Christendom joined the Greeks and Romans as

guiding forces of the German spirit

But whereas other nations emerged from the Middle Ages

with national saints such as Frances Saint Louis or

Hungarys Saint Stephen Kantorowicz explained the Middle

Ages left Germany no national saints Furthermore just as

the seeds of Dantes Humana Civilitas began to take root in

Germany Luther cut Germany off from the wellspring of

Western Civilization from Rome For Kantorowicz Luthers

split from Rome marked the advent of Germanys Sonderweg

(and Kantorowicz truly believed in a Sonderweg) the

beginning of a particularly German national consciousness

much to the detriment of her pan-European imperial mission

Luther not only cut Germanys umbilical cord to her Latin

mother he brought about the split of the Germans themselves

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Though his letters of 1933 present a man of amazing

self-confidence and tenacity of purpose in his inner life

Kantorowicz must have felt betrayed and alone and somewhat

fearful for his own well-being His calls for a new Fuhrer

had helped bring forth a base demagogue in Hitler (although

Hitlers full monstrousness had not yet been revealed) his

intellectual and spiritual mentor George was dying in

Switzerland the Circle was shattered and his closest

friend Uxkull had succumbed to the Nazi temptation In

this state of extreme solitariness Kantorowicz looked to a

realm of ideals for allegiance and for refuge The Secret

Germany provided an intellectual safehouse against the

Nazis It could not be conquered by violence The rulers

of the Secret Germany are immune to all weapons he stated

(p 5) Bitterly antagonistic to a regime which he was

powerless to attack directly Kantorowicz turned within

himself within his ideals for solace an inner

emigration

Das geheime Deutschland according to Kantorowicz

is the secret union of the poets and sages the heroes and

the saints the sacrificers and the martyrs who brought

Germany forth and offered themselves to Germany bull the union

which -- although they may appear alien in the meantime

still alone forms the true face of Germany1f (p 4)

Kantorowicz was not the first to write of a secret Germany

Already in the nineteenth century Julius Langbehn had

tr

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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spoken of Rembrandt Beethoven and Goethe as the true

Emperors of the Secret Germany114 In the first Yearbook

for the Spiritual Movement (1910) Karl Wolfskehl wrote of

the secret Germany as the carrier of certain German still-

dormant forces in which the future most lofty Being of the

nation is already embodied 115 Das geheime Deutschland

was an undercurrent a force which embodied the genuine

Germany yet was obscured by the visible and tangible

Germany

Kantorowicz saw das geheime Deutschland as a living

spirit which fused the essential forces (Urmachte) of

Germanys past These Urmachte manifested themselves in the

lives of great poets heroes and sages These poets heroes

and sages were Gestalten figures imbued with a divinity a

godlike spirit which led their thoughts and actions to the

very limits of human experience To list the leaders of das

geheime Deutschland would be to list the figures about whom

the George Circle wrote Plato Caesar Frederick Dante

Shakespeare Goethe Holderlin Jean Paul Nietzsche Under

these titans in a hierarchically-ordered realm were

kleinere Sternen (littler start) such as the writers

Platen or Stifter Finally there were the knights of the

114 See Grunewald pp 77-80 and Stern The Politics of ~ultural Despair

115 Karl Wolfskehl Die Blatter fur die Kunst und die neuste Literatur in Jahrbuch fur die Geistige Bewegung (1910) p 15

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realm -- members of the George Circle like Kantorowicz

himself who preserved the secret Germany and would fight to

assert when the time dictated das geheime Deutschland in

the practical political life of Germany116

Das geheime Deutschland was populated mostly by poets

The George Circle and German intellectuals of the era in

general were devoted to the notion that poets could best

instruct for life 117 Poets rather than statesmen were

Germanys great leaders they held Max Kommerell a George

disciple expressed this view most explicitly in Der Dichter

als Fuhrer (1928) Many intellectuals of the late

nineteenth and early twentieth century Lagarde Langbehn

Moeller van den Bruck Dilthey and even walther Rathenau

were inclined to regard feelings and intuitions the

province of the poet as reliable guides for political

conviction and political action

Das geheime Deutschland was for Ernst Kantorowicz not

an abstraction of the best actions and ideas of Germanys

glorious past It was not a utopian dream but was

116 Das geheime Deutschland was not as Peter Gay has asserted a club to which new members were elected This view confused das geheime Deutschland with the George Circle itself The Circle saw itself as part of das geheime Deutschland as prophets of this transcendental realm but they did not comprise it In any case members were not elected to das geheime Deutschland nor to the George Circle Mechanisms such as frowned upon by George York 1968) p 48

elections and formal See Peter Gay

membership Weimar Cul

were ture (New

117 Lepenies op cit p 256

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

to

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gegenwartig totlich-faktisch und seiend (present

deadly-factual and existent) (p 4) Belief in das geheime

Deutschland required a quasi-religious leap of faith The

secret Germany had existed tangibly on earth only fleetingly

in history during Fredericks reign for instance

Kantorowicz wrote to George in the late fall of 1933 The

stauffer had raised yes -- for the only time in German

history -- the secret Germany of that time ie the

ROMAN to the official Germany118 But after Fredericks

death at the onset of the Interregnum it again retreated

a snowy peak went into hibernation and drifted into

obscurity But for Kantorowicz it remained the true

legitimate leadership of Germany

Kantorowiczs depiction of the secret or true Germany

clashed with the National Socialist vision of what Germany

should be The rulers of the secret Germany were imbued

with the light the clarity and the humanism of the

Mediterranean region the spirit of Hellas which exudes

beauty freedom and nobility Kantorowicz saw Germanys

great spirits in Greeks Romans and Italians His praise of

these Mediterranean spirits pitted him against the Blut und

Boden chauvinism of the Nazis While the new regime pursued

Deutschtum as a guiding cultural principle and tried to

purify intellectual life of non-German elements

118 Kantorowicz letter of November 26 1933 to George QUoted in Grunewald p 127

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Kantorowicz told his students that the greatest rulers of

Germany are actually not indigenous to the nation (p 11)

The heroes of das geheime Deutschland were

uberdeutsch an untranslatable term meaning roughly moreshy

than-German or beyond-German These heroes were vitally

tied to the development of Germany yet had a universal

significance The ancient Greeks Kantorowicz said

manifested the most primary forces in western Civilization shy

the Apollonian and the Dionysian In these two forces

the Greeks laid the foundation of das geheime Deutschland

From Rome Germany inherited her mission of Empire The

saints of Christendom joined the Greeks and Romans as

guiding forces of the German spirit

But whereas other nations emerged from the Middle Ages

with national saints such as Frances Saint Louis or

Hungarys Saint Stephen Kantorowicz explained the Middle

Ages left Germany no national saints Furthermore just as

the seeds of Dantes Humana Civilitas began to take root in

Germany Luther cut Germany off from the wellspring of

Western Civilization from Rome For Kantorowicz Luthers

split from Rome marked the advent of Germanys Sonderweg

(and Kantorowicz truly believed in a Sonderweg) the

beginning of a particularly German national consciousness

much to the detriment of her pan-European imperial mission

Luther not only cut Germanys umbilical cord to her Latin

mother he brought about the split of the Germans themselves

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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spoken of Rembrandt Beethoven and Goethe as the true

Emperors of the Secret Germany114 In the first Yearbook

for the Spiritual Movement (1910) Karl Wolfskehl wrote of

the secret Germany as the carrier of certain German still-

dormant forces in which the future most lofty Being of the

nation is already embodied 115 Das geheime Deutschland

was an undercurrent a force which embodied the genuine

Germany yet was obscured by the visible and tangible

Germany

Kantorowicz saw das geheime Deutschland as a living

spirit which fused the essential forces (Urmachte) of

Germanys past These Urmachte manifested themselves in the

lives of great poets heroes and sages These poets heroes

and sages were Gestalten figures imbued with a divinity a

godlike spirit which led their thoughts and actions to the

very limits of human experience To list the leaders of das

geheime Deutschland would be to list the figures about whom

the George Circle wrote Plato Caesar Frederick Dante

Shakespeare Goethe Holderlin Jean Paul Nietzsche Under

these titans in a hierarchically-ordered realm were

kleinere Sternen (littler start) such as the writers

Platen or Stifter Finally there were the knights of the

114 See Grunewald pp 77-80 and Stern The Politics of ~ultural Despair

115 Karl Wolfskehl Die Blatter fur die Kunst und die neuste Literatur in Jahrbuch fur die Geistige Bewegung (1910) p 15

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realm -- members of the George Circle like Kantorowicz

himself who preserved the secret Germany and would fight to

assert when the time dictated das geheime Deutschland in

the practical political life of Germany116

Das geheime Deutschland was populated mostly by poets

The George Circle and German intellectuals of the era in

general were devoted to the notion that poets could best

instruct for life 117 Poets rather than statesmen were

Germanys great leaders they held Max Kommerell a George

disciple expressed this view most explicitly in Der Dichter

als Fuhrer (1928) Many intellectuals of the late

nineteenth and early twentieth century Lagarde Langbehn

Moeller van den Bruck Dilthey and even walther Rathenau

were inclined to regard feelings and intuitions the

province of the poet as reliable guides for political

conviction and political action

Das geheime Deutschland was for Ernst Kantorowicz not

an abstraction of the best actions and ideas of Germanys

glorious past It was not a utopian dream but was

116 Das geheime Deutschland was not as Peter Gay has asserted a club to which new members were elected This view confused das geheime Deutschland with the George Circle itself The Circle saw itself as part of das geheime Deutschland as prophets of this transcendental realm but they did not comprise it In any case members were not elected to das geheime Deutschland nor to the George Circle Mechanisms such as frowned upon by George York 1968) p 48

elections and formal See Peter Gay

membership Weimar Cul

were ture (New

117 Lepenies op cit p 256

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

to

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gegenwartig totlich-faktisch und seiend (present

deadly-factual and existent) (p 4) Belief in das geheime

Deutschland required a quasi-religious leap of faith The

secret Germany had existed tangibly on earth only fleetingly

in history during Fredericks reign for instance

Kantorowicz wrote to George in the late fall of 1933 The

stauffer had raised yes -- for the only time in German

history -- the secret Germany of that time ie the

ROMAN to the official Germany118 But after Fredericks

death at the onset of the Interregnum it again retreated

a snowy peak went into hibernation and drifted into

obscurity But for Kantorowicz it remained the true

legitimate leadership of Germany

Kantorowiczs depiction of the secret or true Germany

clashed with the National Socialist vision of what Germany

should be The rulers of the secret Germany were imbued

with the light the clarity and the humanism of the

Mediterranean region the spirit of Hellas which exudes

beauty freedom and nobility Kantorowicz saw Germanys

great spirits in Greeks Romans and Italians His praise of

these Mediterranean spirits pitted him against the Blut und

Boden chauvinism of the Nazis While the new regime pursued

Deutschtum as a guiding cultural principle and tried to

purify intellectual life of non-German elements

118 Kantorowicz letter of November 26 1933 to George QUoted in Grunewald p 127

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Kantorowicz told his students that the greatest rulers of

Germany are actually not indigenous to the nation (p 11)

The heroes of das geheime Deutschland were

uberdeutsch an untranslatable term meaning roughly moreshy

than-German or beyond-German These heroes were vitally

tied to the development of Germany yet had a universal

significance The ancient Greeks Kantorowicz said

manifested the most primary forces in western Civilization shy

the Apollonian and the Dionysian In these two forces

the Greeks laid the foundation of das geheime Deutschland

From Rome Germany inherited her mission of Empire The

saints of Christendom joined the Greeks and Romans as

guiding forces of the German spirit

But whereas other nations emerged from the Middle Ages

with national saints such as Frances Saint Louis or

Hungarys Saint Stephen Kantorowicz explained the Middle

Ages left Germany no national saints Furthermore just as

the seeds of Dantes Humana Civilitas began to take root in

Germany Luther cut Germany off from the wellspring of

Western Civilization from Rome For Kantorowicz Luthers

split from Rome marked the advent of Germanys Sonderweg

(and Kantorowicz truly believed in a Sonderweg) the

beginning of a particularly German national consciousness

much to the detriment of her pan-European imperial mission

Luther not only cut Germanys umbilical cord to her Latin

mother he brought about the split of the Germans themselves

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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realm -- members of the George Circle like Kantorowicz

himself who preserved the secret Germany and would fight to

assert when the time dictated das geheime Deutschland in

the practical political life of Germany116

Das geheime Deutschland was populated mostly by poets

The George Circle and German intellectuals of the era in

general were devoted to the notion that poets could best

instruct for life 117 Poets rather than statesmen were

Germanys great leaders they held Max Kommerell a George

disciple expressed this view most explicitly in Der Dichter

als Fuhrer (1928) Many intellectuals of the late

nineteenth and early twentieth century Lagarde Langbehn

Moeller van den Bruck Dilthey and even walther Rathenau

were inclined to regard feelings and intuitions the

province of the poet as reliable guides for political

conviction and political action

Das geheime Deutschland was for Ernst Kantorowicz not

an abstraction of the best actions and ideas of Germanys

glorious past It was not a utopian dream but was

116 Das geheime Deutschland was not as Peter Gay has asserted a club to which new members were elected This view confused das geheime Deutschland with the George Circle itself The Circle saw itself as part of das geheime Deutschland as prophets of this transcendental realm but they did not comprise it In any case members were not elected to das geheime Deutschland nor to the George Circle Mechanisms such as frowned upon by George York 1968) p 48

elections and formal See Peter Gay

membership Weimar Cul

were ture (New

117 Lepenies op cit p 256

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

to

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gegenwartig totlich-faktisch und seiend (present

deadly-factual and existent) (p 4) Belief in das geheime

Deutschland required a quasi-religious leap of faith The

secret Germany had existed tangibly on earth only fleetingly

in history during Fredericks reign for instance

Kantorowicz wrote to George in the late fall of 1933 The

stauffer had raised yes -- for the only time in German

history -- the secret Germany of that time ie the

ROMAN to the official Germany118 But after Fredericks

death at the onset of the Interregnum it again retreated

a snowy peak went into hibernation and drifted into

obscurity But for Kantorowicz it remained the true

legitimate leadership of Germany

Kantorowiczs depiction of the secret or true Germany

clashed with the National Socialist vision of what Germany

should be The rulers of the secret Germany were imbued

with the light the clarity and the humanism of the

Mediterranean region the spirit of Hellas which exudes

beauty freedom and nobility Kantorowicz saw Germanys

great spirits in Greeks Romans and Italians His praise of

these Mediterranean spirits pitted him against the Blut und

Boden chauvinism of the Nazis While the new regime pursued

Deutschtum as a guiding cultural principle and tried to

purify intellectual life of non-German elements

118 Kantorowicz letter of November 26 1933 to George QUoted in Grunewald p 127

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Kantorowicz told his students that the greatest rulers of

Germany are actually not indigenous to the nation (p 11)

The heroes of das geheime Deutschland were

uberdeutsch an untranslatable term meaning roughly moreshy

than-German or beyond-German These heroes were vitally

tied to the development of Germany yet had a universal

significance The ancient Greeks Kantorowicz said

manifested the most primary forces in western Civilization shy

the Apollonian and the Dionysian In these two forces

the Greeks laid the foundation of das geheime Deutschland

From Rome Germany inherited her mission of Empire The

saints of Christendom joined the Greeks and Romans as

guiding forces of the German spirit

But whereas other nations emerged from the Middle Ages

with national saints such as Frances Saint Louis or

Hungarys Saint Stephen Kantorowicz explained the Middle

Ages left Germany no national saints Furthermore just as

the seeds of Dantes Humana Civilitas began to take root in

Germany Luther cut Germany off from the wellspring of

Western Civilization from Rome For Kantorowicz Luthers

split from Rome marked the advent of Germanys Sonderweg

(and Kantorowicz truly believed in a Sonderweg) the

beginning of a particularly German national consciousness

much to the detriment of her pan-European imperial mission

Luther not only cut Germanys umbilical cord to her Latin

mother he brought about the split of the Germans themselves

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-108shy

German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 6: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

to

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gegenwartig totlich-faktisch und seiend (present

deadly-factual and existent) (p 4) Belief in das geheime

Deutschland required a quasi-religious leap of faith The

secret Germany had existed tangibly on earth only fleetingly

in history during Fredericks reign for instance

Kantorowicz wrote to George in the late fall of 1933 The

stauffer had raised yes -- for the only time in German

history -- the secret Germany of that time ie the

ROMAN to the official Germany118 But after Fredericks

death at the onset of the Interregnum it again retreated

a snowy peak went into hibernation and drifted into

obscurity But for Kantorowicz it remained the true

legitimate leadership of Germany

Kantorowiczs depiction of the secret or true Germany

clashed with the National Socialist vision of what Germany

should be The rulers of the secret Germany were imbued

with the light the clarity and the humanism of the

Mediterranean region the spirit of Hellas which exudes

beauty freedom and nobility Kantorowicz saw Germanys

great spirits in Greeks Romans and Italians His praise of

these Mediterranean spirits pitted him against the Blut und

Boden chauvinism of the Nazis While the new regime pursued

Deutschtum as a guiding cultural principle and tried to

purify intellectual life of non-German elements

118 Kantorowicz letter of November 26 1933 to George QUoted in Grunewald p 127

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Kantorowicz told his students that the greatest rulers of

Germany are actually not indigenous to the nation (p 11)

The heroes of das geheime Deutschland were

uberdeutsch an untranslatable term meaning roughly moreshy

than-German or beyond-German These heroes were vitally

tied to the development of Germany yet had a universal

significance The ancient Greeks Kantorowicz said

manifested the most primary forces in western Civilization shy

the Apollonian and the Dionysian In these two forces

the Greeks laid the foundation of das geheime Deutschland

From Rome Germany inherited her mission of Empire The

saints of Christendom joined the Greeks and Romans as

guiding forces of the German spirit

But whereas other nations emerged from the Middle Ages

with national saints such as Frances Saint Louis or

Hungarys Saint Stephen Kantorowicz explained the Middle

Ages left Germany no national saints Furthermore just as

the seeds of Dantes Humana Civilitas began to take root in

Germany Luther cut Germany off from the wellspring of

Western Civilization from Rome For Kantorowicz Luthers

split from Rome marked the advent of Germanys Sonderweg

(and Kantorowicz truly believed in a Sonderweg) the

beginning of a particularly German national consciousness

much to the detriment of her pan-European imperial mission

Luther not only cut Germanys umbilical cord to her Latin

mother he brought about the split of the Germans themselves

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz told his students that the greatest rulers of

Germany are actually not indigenous to the nation (p 11)

The heroes of das geheime Deutschland were

uberdeutsch an untranslatable term meaning roughly moreshy

than-German or beyond-German These heroes were vitally

tied to the development of Germany yet had a universal

significance The ancient Greeks Kantorowicz said

manifested the most primary forces in western Civilization shy

the Apollonian and the Dionysian In these two forces

the Greeks laid the foundation of das geheime Deutschland

From Rome Germany inherited her mission of Empire The

saints of Christendom joined the Greeks and Romans as

guiding forces of the German spirit

But whereas other nations emerged from the Middle Ages

with national saints such as Frances Saint Louis or

Hungarys Saint Stephen Kantorowicz explained the Middle

Ages left Germany no national saints Furthermore just as

the seeds of Dantes Humana Civilitas began to take root in

Germany Luther cut Germany off from the wellspring of

Western Civilization from Rome For Kantorowicz Luthers

split from Rome marked the advent of Germanys Sonderweg

(and Kantorowicz truly believed in a Sonderweg) the

beginning of a particularly German national consciousness

much to the detriment of her pan-European imperial mission

Luther not only cut Germanys umbilical cord to her Latin

mother he brought about the split of the Germans themselves

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

-106shy

placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 8: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

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into two faiths Luthers revolt marked for Kantorowicz the

disintegration of the Reich concept and the beginning of

German tragedy CM Bowra recalls Kantorowicz maintaining

IIthat all the trouble began with Luther119

In Frederick the Second Kantorowicz had made explicit

the George Circles view that Germany was crude and barbaric

without the refining Latin touch On July 4 1933 in a

letter to George he repeated this notion that Germany

simply became ugly as it became un-mediterranean (als es

sich entmediterranisierte)120 Southern spirits rule das

geheime Deutschland Greeks Romans and Germans who either

lived before or rejected Luthers Nordic creed eg

Frederick or Holbein or post-Luther Germans who overcame

the isolation of the North and breathed divine Mediterranean

air -- Goethe Holderlin Wincklemann and Nietzsche for

example

A provincial German intolerance for the uberdeutsche

figures always existed said Kantorowicz liThe greatest

geniuses were always regarded as un-German because they

resisted all attempts to strike a cheap uniformity that

people at that time cons ideredlt German (p 1 4) Goethe

was once seen as foreign an enemy of our fatherland a

priest on a false altar1I (p 13) German history texts

119 Bowra Memories p 124

120 Kantorowicz letter of July 4 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 122

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

-106shy

placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-107shy

of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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complained of Frederick the Second but he wasnt a

German Holderlin and Nietzsche were alien to the

provincial German spirit and vehemently approached their

countrymen

All these leaders of das geheime Deutschland were

uniquely German not some pan-European mischmasch as

Kantorowicz said but they transcended the narrow

chauvinistic face of Germanness -- they were German in a

higher universal sense Their Germanness manifested itself

in the very non-German universality of their characters As

Nietzsche asserted to become more German one must rid

himself of his Germanness121 By showing that these

uberdeutsche figures never conformed to the conventions of

their times that they were alwaysscorned as alien by their

unenlightened contemporaries Kantorowicz hoped to awaken in

his students minds the realization that the Nazis were not

German patriots but in fact antithetical to the true

Germany

Among Kantorowiczs listeners there were undoubtedly

some students who like him inwardly despised the Nazis -shy

students whose moral fiber would not permit them to be swept

up by the wave of chauvinistic jubilation which accompanied

the Nazi advent to power But in the National Socialist

state their inner conviction that the Nazis were criminal

121 Quoted in Kantorowiczs Das Geheime Deutschland p 17

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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could find no outward mode of expression These students

who refused to succumb to the Nazis and it was primarily to

them that Kantorowicz addressed Das geheime Deutschland

had to endure extreme loneliness for in a terroristic state

it was nearly impossible for them to form bonds with likeshy

minded students They had to cope with gnawing self-doubt

wondering if perhaps their hostility to the new regime

which promised a German renewal put into question their

loyalty to their fatherland They were under tremendous

pressure to conform as they witnessed both an ecstatic sense

of community and comradeship among the Nazi supporters and

the fearful consequences of non-conformity

To these students Kantorowicz hailed das geheime

Deutschland It was a transcendental outlet where these

students could pour their anti-Nazi sentiments a realm of

the mind where solitary resisters to Nazism could make

connections could find kindred spirits To the anti-Nazi

student of late 1933 who lived in utter political

isolation Kantorowicz sought to provide a sense of

allegiance an allegiance which the Nazi state police could

not penetrate and smash To these students Kantorowicz said

in effect You are not alone You are scorned by the

tangible Germany of today as were other great Germans by

the tangible Germany of their time But along with them you

form the true Germany no matter how ugly the official

Germany may become Hold out against the temptation of

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 11: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

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National Socialism and know that rather than Nazi comrades

you have Frederick Dante Goethe and Nietzsche as your

brethren

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 12: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

DEUTSCHES PAPSTTUM

(THE GERMAN PAPACY)

All historians embrace to some degree the notion that

the past can illuminate the present Kantorowicz believed

this intensely He saw historical situations as repeating

themselves and believed in recurring epochs

(wiederkehrender Epochen) In 1933 he studied the

Interregnum period because he saw the period as analogous to

his own day -- since a constructive theme today could only

lead to confusion Im lecturing about the Destruction of

the Middle Ages even about the Interregnum he wrote to

George in 1933 122 Kantorowiczs choice of themes during

his early career seems a barometer of his personal concerns

and convictions

In his 1933 essay Deutsches Papsttum Kantorowicz

suggested that the two essential and antithetical strains in

the Germans -- the national and the universal -- are to be

found in their medieval church history Unlike other

European nations most obviously England Germany never

succeeded in building a national church Rather Protestant

Germanys schism from Rome resulted in the disintegration of

Germany herself According to Kantorowicz Germanys

attempts to establish a national church to cut itself off

from the universal Roman heritage led to disaster -- the

122 Kantorowicz letter of November 28 1933 to George Quoted in Grunewald p 127

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 13: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

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ruin of the German Reich This for Kantorowicz was the

tragedy of German history -- at the height of her imperial

glory and power Germany sought a new self-definition a

purely German religion and in choosing the national strain

over the universal caused her own downfall Kantorowicz

saw this tragedy played out in the Middle Ages and saw it

repeated in his own time

In 1935 Southwest Radio in Germany broadcast a reading

of Deutsches Papsttum The circumstances of this

broadcast are remarkable The director of Southwest Radio

in Frankfurt Walter Beumelberg who was anti-Nazi offered

the 31 year-old Wolfgang Frommel a managing position at

Southwest Radio Wolfgang Frommel (a pseudonym for Lothar

Helbing) was a budding poet and journalist and belonged to

the wider circle around the poet Stefan George 123 Although

he was never in the George Circle Frommels friends

included many Circle members such as Kantorowicz Percy

Gothein Woldemar von Uxkull (who had by 1935 backed off

from his initial endorsement of the Nazis) Ernst Morwitz

and Ernst Gundolf the younger brother of Friedrich Gundolf

(Friedrich Gundolf had died in1931) Frommel accepted the

broadcasting job provided that he would not be required to

join any party organization

123 See Arvid Brodersen Deutsche Freundschaften in bastrum Peregrini 173-4 (1987) p 27

n Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 14: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

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At Southwest Radio Frommel organized the Mitternachtshy

sendugnen (Midnight Broadcasts) in which German

intellectuals such as Arnold Bergsrasser Max Kommerell

Walter F otto Kurt Riezler Karl Reinhardt Carlo Schmidt

and Woldemar von Uxkull read lectures on historical or

literary topics 124 Jewish intellectuals such as Hans

Joachim Shoeps Herlint von den Steinen Bergstrasser and

Kantorowicz could not read on the German radio so their

essays were read over the air under pseudonyms

Kantorowiczs Deutsches Papsttum was broadcast on February

22 1935 under the pseudonym of Gerd Hermann

Frommel had begun the Midnight Broadcasts in August

1933 as a series entitled Vom Schicksal des Deutschen

Geistes (Of the Fate of the German Spirit) He assumed

that the broadcasts taking place on Friday evenings from

midnight until one oclock would escape censorship because

of both the late hour and the esoteric subjects of the

lectures -- The Decline of Sparta Frederician

Pessimism or the German Papacy for example

Ironically it was the mention of these broadcasts in a

Basel newspaper which tipped off the Gestapo that the

broadcasts were often criticisms of the Nazi regime shrouded

in an academicians lecture 125 Frommel even succeeded in

124 Grunewald p 131

125 See the notes to Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 68

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 15: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

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publishing the lectures in the collection Vom Schicksal des

Deutschen Geistes in the publishing house Der Runde in

Berlin in 1935 126 Kantorowiczs lecture like others in

the Midnight Broadcast series was carefully phrased in

order to levy criticisms behind the veil of humanistic

studies of the German chauvinism propagated by Hitlers

regime

Kantorowicz who was always at ease in using works of

art as historical evidence begins his essay with a

description of the tombs of the German Emperor Henry II

(973-1024) and the German Pope Clement II (-1047) in

the Bamberg Cathedral These tombs symbolize for

Kantorowicz the universality of the medieval empire an

empire which embraced all peoples and races

The grave of a holy Emperor and a German Pope symbolizes the medieval world-order in its fullness an order which united in its walls the Frankish horseman and the Galilean Sibyl the noble figures of a triumphant ecclesia and the synagogue laden with sadness It is ancient but

126 Frommel had a fascinating career He worked as a radio broadcaster from 1933 until 1937 first at Southwest Radio then at the Reichssender in Berlin Disgusted with the Nazi regime he moved to Amsterdam in 1937 where his house became a safe haven for Jews during the war He was in contact with the men behind the July 20th plot to kill Hitler After the war Fromme I along with Wilhelm Fraenger and Carl August Klein (who had co-edited the Blatter fur die Eynst together with George as early as 1892) founded the journal Castrum Peregrini The journal devotes itself primarily to Georgeana -- writings by and concerning George and Circle -- and to wider humanistic subjects

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 16: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

citations from text

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it is at the same time a new cult-place the Delphi for the few Germans who know of Apollo127

Those few Germans who know Apollo are the members of the

Circle who renounced Hitler members of das geheime

Deutschland those Germans who preserved Germanys true

universal mission in that most xenophobic time 1933

For Kantorowicz the spirit and the intellect not

blood and race determine ones nationality and culture

This view is born out in his very vocabulary He writes of

Entdeutschung Verromerung Verdeutschunq

Mediterranisierung German or Roman characteristics can be

acquired they are not racially determined Kantorowicz

implied Frederick the Second for example was for

Kantorowicz (and in his own mind) a Mediterranean ruler a

Roman although his blood was German and Norman Likewise

Kantorowicz considered himself a German his Jewish ancestry

notwithstanding

The medieval empire was intextricably linked to the

papacy The Emperor and the Pope represent the dual rulers

of the Gods universal kingdom Kantorowicz held The Papal

See may be occupied by men of all nations but it always

remains a Roman papacy For Kantorowicz Roman was only a

more picturesque word for universal the total ecumenism

that encompasses the populated world (p 8) When Clemens

127 Kantorowicz Deutsches Papsttum in Castrum Peregrini 12 (1953) p 7 Henceforth in this chapter page

this article will appear directly in the

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 17: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

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II ascended the Papal Throne in 1047 the Germans became

Trager der weltreichsidee (carriers of the world-empire

idea) Clemens signalled the Romanizing of the Germans

the becoming-universal of the Germans1I (p 9) One need

only to have read the following sentence of Kantorowiczs

with proper nuances to reveal his implicit criticism of the

chauvinistic Germany of his day IIOnce before even Germany

was Roman that is to say universal and world-

embracing (p 7) Kantorowicz maintained that as Germanys

grandeur increased Germany became universal and truly

imperial precisely when it dispensed with its narrow view of

Germanness and embraced non-German cultures in a spirit of

cosmopolitanism He wished his listeners to infer that

Hi tIer by purging Germany of its non-Germanl elements was

not leading the nation to imperial greatness but to

provincial diminution

Pope Clemens II represented for Kantorowicz the tension

between the national and the universal orientation of the

Germans He was elected as universal Pope but oddly

remained a German imperial prince (deutsche Reichsfurst)

during his brief pontificate German provincialism stood in

conflict with the universal pull of the Roman Papacy_

Kantorowiczs condemnation of German provincialism is not

limited to his treatment of Clemens II he goes beyond his

historical topic to make a general criticism of the Germans

No German papacy was possible -- and this because the Germans themselves only in their rarest

b

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

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placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

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His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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-105shy

moments or in their most extraordinary offspring are at once German and universal at once German and European Manifested not for the last time are the two constantly recurring German strains -shyand you may call them what you will -- their demonic quality and confirm the rulethat in German history there is always a virtue which at the last moment stands in opposition to imminent tragedy (p 20)

The leaders of das geheime Deutschland -- Frederick

Goethe Wincklemann Nietzsche George -- are those rare

offspring who are both German and universal German and

European Kantorowiczs belief in the demonic in the

Germans had its antecedents in his portrayal of Frederick

and in the writings of Nietzsche Here he sought to point

obliquely at the National Socialists as demonic Yet he

held out the hope for resistance A virtue which

Kantorowicz did not name would at the last moment seek to

save Germany from herself As in IIDas Geheime Deutschland

Kantorowicz sought to strengthen and reassure potential

resisters to Hitler that they were not traitors to the

fatherland but in fact the most virtuous of Germans

Kantorowicz recounted how after Clemens IIs death the

Emperor looked to the left bank of the Rhine to Burgundy

for a new Pope He chose Bishop Bruno of Toul who ascended

the Papal Throne as Leo IX Leo IX represented a German

Pope for Kantorowicz but of a different kind than Clemens

II Leo was europaisch aufgeschlossener (more open to

Europe) (p 16) he had no position of German prince and

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-------------- ----------------------

-106shy

placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-107shy

of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-108shy

German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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-------------- ----------------------

-106shy

placed the universal dictates of the Roman Papacy before

national concerns

Thus the two strains of medieval German church history

were revealed in Clemens II and Leo IX the national

German-oriented church and the universal Roman church The

Germans according to Kantorowicz already in the twelfth

century conceived of establishing a new German Rome in Mainz

or Trier a German Catholic Church independent of Rome

Indeed Barbarossa who spoke of such a church may in this

sense be seen as a precursor to Luther But by breaking off

from Rome Germany would have deprived herself of the very

light which had nourished her As Pope Pius II wrote to the

Chancellor of Mainz the Roman Church drove the barbarism

from you so that even the Greeks seem barbarians while you

must be regarded as complete Latins If you wanted to be

truthful you would admit that Rome and the apostolic seat

brought you the saving religion and taught you to abandon

pagan-worship and to pray to the true God the God of

Israel That is worth more than gold and silver (p 20)

There is a delicious irony in Kantorowicz a Jew extolling

through the voice of Pius II the God of Israel to the

Germans in 1933

Kantorowicz believed that Germany would sink into

barbarism without the refining Latin touch In Deutsches

Papsttum Kantorowicz cited other Germans who foresaw

disaster in a German break from Rome The mystic Hildegard

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-107shy

of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-108shy

German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
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-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 20: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

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of Bingen amidst the tremendous rise of Barbarossas power

grimly foretold of the dissolution of the Imperium And

amidst the nationalistic rejoicing following the German

triumph in 1871 two Germans Burckhardt and Nietzsche

living in Basel a German town deeply influenced by the

Latin culture saw in the German victory the beginning of a

German disaster

Kantorowicz suggested that German nationalism was

partly a product of German arrogance deriving from Ge~manys

great power and at the same time of a German feeling of

inferiority One motive for the Germans desire to break

from Rome in Barbarossas time was according to

Kantorowicz the fact that the Germans despite their

power felt scorned by the Guelfs1I (p 22) This line

hauntingly suggests the strange dilemma that Germany found

herself in after 1871 -- despite their strength Germans

were universally scorned or more exactly perceived

themselves as scorned

Kantorowicz saw the German experience in the twentieth

century mirrored in her experience in the High and Late

Middle Ages As German imperial power reached its pinnacle

in the Salian and Hohenstaufen dynasties the pull towards a

more narrowly German church sowed the seeds of disaster

Kantorowicz drew implicitly a parallel with Germany after

1871 when Germany ascended to predominance in Europe But

Bismarcks was not the true European empire the Romanoshy

I Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-108shy

German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 21: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-108shy

German empire but a Nordic empire born of German civil

war as Kantorowicz wrote in Frederick the Second It was a

Deutsches Reich Preussischen Nation rather than the

Romisches Reich Deutscher Nation for which Kantorowicz

yearned Divorced from its Latin roots this German empire

groped for a national religion all the while drawing back

from Germanys universal heritage and moving towards a

narrowly Germanic creed

Hitlers bastard religion mingling racism and a warped

idea of Deutschtum was antithetical to everything universal

in the Germans which Kantorowicz sought to extol It was

against this chauvinistic quasi-religion National

Socialism that Kantorowicz leveled his attack in Deutsches

Papsttum But Hildegard of Bingens gloomy prophecy of the

disintegration of the Empire trenchant in her own time was

refulfilled in this wiederkehrende Epoche for like Luther

Hitler in the end achieved no national religion but in

1945 the division of Germany

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 22: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

KANTOROWICZS LAST YEARS IN EUROPE 1934-1938

Just one month after Kantorowicz had given his lecture

on The Secret Germany Nazi students organized an

effective boycott of his classes He gave his last lecture

on December 11 1933 128 That winter Kantorowicz who was

still entitled to an academic leave of absence left for

Oxford In many ways this marked Kantorowiczs real

emigration although he did not permanently leave Germany

until late in 1938 The role he had desired for himself in

German society that of a scholar vitally involved in the

political fate of the nation a shaper of a new generation

of Germans who would lead the nation to greatness would

never be realized The ensuing months during which Hitler

consolidated his hold on power confirmed for Kantorowicz

that the Germany he had grown up in was gone forever the

Germany he had envisioned in Frederick the Second an

illusion

English culture was foreign to him apart from his

contact as a child with his English governess whom he had

disliked he had had little exposure to English ways But

he rather quickly developed an affection for Oxford and for

the British Sir Maurice Bowra a lecturer in classics at

New College Oxford where during winter 1933-34 Kantorowicz

gave a series of lectures on the secularization of the

Middle Ages became Kantorowiczs closest friend at Oxford

128 Grunewald p 128

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Ralph E Giesey
Text Box
-109-

-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 23: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-110shy

His accounts of Kantorowicz during the 1930s add a very

personal facet to a portrait of this man

He was not like any Germans I had met and above all not pompous or dictatorial He talked English fluently with many mistakes and bold improvisations on the principle that most French words can be used in English if they are pronounced suitably Thus he would speak of my brother-in-law the medicine or of physicists as physicians Though he was a professor at Frankfurt he was not in the least professorial had an excellent sense of humor and picked up the atmosphere with extraordinary speed I was much taken by him and when we went away together he talked about poetry with real perception When Tom Boase of Hertford took him and myself to Stratford to see Julius Caesar Ernst was fascinated by it and during the harangues in1~~e forum muttered Dr Goebbels Dr Goebbels

The Nazis abuse of Stefan Georges art and his notions

of a New Reich had not shaken Kantorowiczs affection for

the master He always maintained that he who thought the

beautiful idea could not be held responsible for its abuse

by others 130 Of Kantorowicz at Oxford Bowra writes

At Oxford Ernst still reflected Georges teaching He was liable to talk about a thing called secret Germany which though meaningful enough in German lacked real substance in English More importantly he had a real love for Greek poetry and Greek art and for some parts of English poetry about which he wished to know more Modern movements hardly touched him and he saw nothing in Rilke whose large vogue in England had already begun George had also taught him something about France but outside the Middle Ages and some poets of the nineteenth century it did not appeal to him perhaps because his knowledge of the language was faulty He shared other of Georges tastes for good food and good drink for everything

129 Bowra Memories p 286

130 This was related to me by William Chaney

pound SampL = gt Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 24: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grunewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 25: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-111shy

Italian for the cinema but not for the theatre for bold ideas which made familiar facts less dull and for pungent gossip Like George he liked male society but unlike him was much attached to a few women friends and on this ~~tnt the Master had not been too pleased with him

Kantorowicz returned to Germany in July 1934 Though

he adapted well to life in England he did not feel

compelled in 1934 to take up permanent residence there He

undoubtedly knew that his teaching days at Frankfurt were

over Yet he applied to have his academic leave extended

until the end of summer semester 1935 in order that he

pursue his scholarship in Oxford London and Rome 132 His

request was granted but the following month on August 20

1934 the Nazi authorities issued a law requiring all

university professors to take an oath of loyalty to Adolf

Hitler Kantorowicz abhorred the thought and used the

occasion to retire from the university He wrote to the

university rector

Since for the foreseeable future I will be prevented from lecturing and therefore unable to perform the duties of my office in the desired manner and since this state of uncertainty which a leave of absence would only extend cannot be in the interests of the philosophical faculty I now ask to join the ranks of the retired professors of the University of Frankfurt and to become a professor emeritus1~3fore the beginning of winter semester 193435

131 Bowra Memories p 290

132 Grlinewald p 141

133 Kantorowicz letter of October 14 1934 Quoted in Grunewald p 139

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 26: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-112shy

Kantorowicz succeeded in having himself named professor

emeritus and regularly received a small pension as such

Astonishingly he continued to receive this pension even

after he went into exile 134

Barring the fall of Hitlers regime Kantorowicz knew

that it would be difficult to do any work in Germany but

the hostility he met from a Nazified general populace took

him by surprise Kantorowicz was an unmistakably Jewish

name and Kantorowicz had a very Jewish face thus he likely

met malice from Germans merely because of his looks or from

strangers to whom he had to provide for whatever reason

his name Bowra who visited Kantorowicz in Germany several

times during the 1930s writes He suffered deeply from

finding out that as a Jew he was thought different from

other Germans and once or twice he had awkward scenes in

restaurants when the waiters were offensive to him and the

only thing to do was leave at once 135 For a proud uppershy

class man like Kantorowicz such personal insults to his

honor stung more than the anti-Semitic laws issued by the

government

Kantorowicz stayed in Heidelberg after his return to

Germany with the Baroness Lucy Wangenheim the half-sister

of his old friend Woldemar von Uxkull-Gyllenband In late

1934 or early 1935 Kantorowicz moved to Berlin for as

134 Grunewald pp 139-40

135 Bowra Memories p 294

---~------~~--~~-----~~~

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 27: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-113shy

this stormbird himself once said When there is a storm

one must go to the eye of it 136 In Berlin Kantorowicz

read a great deal and was still permitted to work at the

Monumenta Germanaie Historica since the director of this

institution Paul Kehr was a close friend of his As a

Jew however he could not hope to publish in Germany and

perhaps for this reason as well as because of restrictions

placed on him by other research institutions in Germany his

work on the Interregnum fell by the wayside Bowra writes

of these years in Berlin He was beginning to move away

from the doctrines which he had learned from Stefan George

and regarded his own ultra-patriotic activities in 1919 as

an aberration He was even capable of doubts about his old

hero Frederick II but decided that brutality based on

metaphysics was better than brutality for its own sake 137

Perhaps 1934 marks a watershed in Ernst Kantorowiczs

life more so than his receipt of Woldemar von Uxkulls proshy

Nazi speech as Edgar Salin has suggested Out of necessity

Kantorowicz was forced to assume a low profile to retreat

into his private life to abandon the activism which had

characterized his earlier career As was earlier the case

Kantorowiczs scholarly work at this time reflected his

contemporary concerns His article Die Widerkehr Gelehrte

Anchorese in Mittelatter (liThe Return of Learned Anchorites

136 This was related to me by William Chaney

137 Bowra p 294

IJI1HLJiJJJQik 4JeUJd M1LUkkXLlijiU4ik St~k au

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 28: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-114shy

in the Middle Ages) written in the mid-1930s dealt with

the medieval revival of the tradition of the secluded

scholarly life Kantorowicz saw a parallel between the

retreat of the sages into solitude during the High Middle

Ages and his own inner emigration during the 1930s

Loneliness is alien to the wise -- but certainly not always external retreat from the world He who lives isolated is according to Aristotle less than a man an animal or more than a man a god It would have been hubris in Aristotles time to separate oneself from other men And the ability to find men among men not to seek isolation served the most radiant and godly of the Hellenistic sages 1we~ das Tiefste gedacht liebt das Lebendigste

With a few exceptions the opportunity to meet the most vital thinkers in the Palastra or Agora was denied the Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages the true life had retreated to other worlds and the sage who philosophized at symposia and joked through the night would not longer have been considered a sage The sage was r~g devout ascetic who renounced the world

Like the secluded scholars of the Middle Ages Kantorowicz

had abandoned the public stage Rather he was forced to the

very fringes of society to a solitary life of the mind

History comforted him in his loneliness As he had in Das

Geheime Deutschland Kantorowicz saw a kinship between his

From Holderlins poem Socrates und Alcibiades Holderlin an eighteenth-century German poet profoundly shaped by the example of Ancient Greece was deeply admired by the George Circle Stefan George has rightly received much of the credit for reviving in this century an interest in Holderlins poetry

138 Ernst Kantorowicz Die Wiederkehr gelehrter Anchorese in Mittelalter in Ernst Kantorowicz Selected Studies (Locust Valley NY 1965) p 339

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 29: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-115shy

contemporary trials and tribulations and those suffered by

his heroes of the past By examining the inner emigration

of Abelard and Petrarch he sought to understand his own

experience and to make it more bearable

By 1937 Kantorowicz was exploring the possibilities of

leaving Germany He succeeded in having a long article on

Frederick IIs closest advisor IIPetrus di Vinea in England

(1938) published in Vienna and he also gave several

lectures in Austria that year Kantorowicz had made use of

his opportunity to travel during the years 1934-37 by going

to archives and libraries in Brussels Paris Venice and

Mantua to collect documents for a study of the Dukes of

Burgundy His friend Count Albrecht von Bernstorff had

secured some financial support for Kantorowicz to do his

research on the Burgundians

But by 1938 it must have been obvious to Kantorowicz

that his career could go nowhere in Nazi Germany and the

Nazi authorities that year revoked his freedom to travel

abroad Since 1938 things altered now I can neither

travel abroad nor can I use the archives of this country

So for the moment I have also put aside the work on the

Dukes of Burgundy Kantorowicz wrote in his curriculum

vitae of July 29 1938 which was written in English and

sent to universities in America including Smith Yale

Columbia Cornell Johns Hopkins Harvard and the

University of California-Berkeley The slight chance of

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 30: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-116shy

publishing books or papers in the German language has

vanished almost completely since Vienna where I published a

paper on Petrus di Vinea in England as late as January

1938 became German by the Anschluss Unfortunately

therefore I have no possibilities of working productively

at present 139

Kantorowiczs friend and colleague Theodor Mommsen

whom he had met at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica had

already emigrated to the United states in 1937 During 1937

and 1938 Mommsen wrote to Kantorowicz in Berlin several

times describing his experience as an emigr~ and suggesting

possibilities for Kantorowiczs emigration The letters

provide insight into Kantorowiczs personal concerns and

those of the German emigre scholar in general Mommsen

wrote I feel well and think Ill be able to maintain good

spirits for the time to come That doesnt mean at home

I doubt the possibility of a second homeland11140 America

had long embodied for the George Circle the ills of the

twentieth century -- materialism greed and standardization

It was the most modern country in the world and for the

Circle the ugliest Mommsen perhaps bore this in mind when

139 Kantorowiczs curriculum vitae of July 29 1938

140 Letter of Theodor Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 937 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 31: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-117shy

he wrote to Kantorowicz I dont know if I should advise

someone like you to a permanent emigration141

Kantorowicz continued to live in Berlin and as Bowra

writes seemed to take little notice of the storms around

him 142 Mommsen was trying to line up lecture engagements

in America for Kantorowicz If Kantorowicz could give

lectures and establish a reputation for himself in the

United states his chances of finding a teaching post at an

American university would improve Mommsen was clearly

aware however that Kantorowicz might well desire to remain

and weather the storm of the Nazi years He wrote from

Yale If you write to me that you dont want to leave

casually as long as you still have the possibility of work

and the bare necessities in Europe I naturally understand

that143 Mommsen recognized that America was indeed

different from anything that Kantorowicz had experienced in

Europe He gently apprised Kantorowicz of what he might

expect offering his views of the advantages and drawbacks

of life in America

People here are more open or simply more curious that makes things much easier There is no firm Bildungsideal this and the lack of (or different sort of) a feeling of tradition might bother a European at first but at the same time it helps him The basic character of this country

141 Ibid

142 Bowra Memories p 303

143 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938 Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 32: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-118shy

and its people is democratic what that means first became clear to me when I moved here l might emphasize the standardization of all things in daily life -- from apartments to food to clothing etc especially even in recreation What is especially missed here are the little joys of life like 9~~ finds in older more individual cultures

Later Mommsen wrote

This country is not only a democracy in the political sense rather its entire societal structure and ideal of education is democratic so democratic that its hard to imagine from the outside But at the same time one can lead his own life and is fully respected I think that you would be comfortable living here permanently -shymore so than many Germans who come over here with a terrible academicians attitude (Bonzen) and have made up their minds to show t9~ people here for once what German science is 5

Kantorowicz was truly elitist and strove for aristocratic

norms of life and one might superficially conclude that he

would find the extremely democratic American way of life

disagreeable But Kantorowicz was so cosmopolitan in his

nature and noble in his bearing that his adaptation to life

in the United states would be relatively easy

By late that summer he had evidently decided to

emigrate since he applied for a travelling pass at the

Berlin police headquarters To his dismay Kantorowicz

discovered that the police had decided to withhold his

passport making him a virtual prisoner within Nazi Germany

Anxious to arrive in either Britain or America in time to

144 Mommsen to Kantorowicz July 13 1937

145 Mommsen to Kantorowicz May 8 1938

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

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-119shy

deliver lectures during the winter of 1938-39 Kantorowicz

wrote in frustration to the Berlin police authorities

demanding his passport

Against my person there can hardly be dark and suspicious thoughts since I as a professor emeritus still have the status of an official and since I as a soldier at the front and fighter against Spartacus and the Republic of Councils in 1919 still receive my full salary Apart from this political activity has not interested me -shytherefore that which is granted to others relativet~6expeditiouSly should not be withheld from me

The window of escape was quickly closing for

Kantorowicz the Nazi terror against Jews intensifying

when the Kristallnacht a pogrom orchestrated by the SS

broke out o~ November 9 1938 Kantorowicz found himself in

imminent danger Fortunately the heroic actions of his

friend Count von Bernstorff protected him from arrest and

physical harm Bernstorff knew that something was in the

offing and brought Kantorowicz to his Mecklenburg estate

Kantorowicz later described the course of events

On November 8 Albrech Bernstorff and Helmut Kupper were to dine at my apartment Early in the morning of the 8th I got a call from Bernstorff while I was in the bathroom we would have to put off the dinner at my place instead I was to put together my bare necessities and go to Bernstorffs in order eventually to leave for Stintenburg (Bernstorffs estate) I understood the gist although I only later found out about the events of that night the synagogues were burned Jewish stores plundered and individual Jews were randomly arrested Bernstorff had wanted to save me from arrest or worse

146 Kantorowicz to the Berlin Polizeiprasidium October 16 1938 Located at the Leo Baeck Archive

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 34: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-120shy

Thankfully I moved in with him in order to stay hidden fOf4~ week or more until the danger to me subsided

Kantorowicz was temporarily safe but still without a

passport and trapped within Nazi Germany Two contradictory

stories account for how Kantorowicz finally obtained his

passport and escaped from Germany The first was related by

Kantorowicz to William Chaney a student of his in Berkeley

during the 1940s

The story he told me was that when he could not get his passport he was helped by ~he son (a very nasty boy but useful on occasion) of Count Wolf von Helldorf the Nazi Chief of Police in Berlin The son saw his father about it and Count von Helldorf asked ~~e Gestapo if they were holding up EKas passport No they replied after checking but because we arent wed be very interested to find out who is They discovered it was Dr Erhard Milch~rthe Nazit~fplusmnhhrplusmns-middot i2dnlsterium When asked why he said Its exactly people like this who make the worst propaganda against us when they get out The Gestapo chief -- not Himmler EKa said to me but the person directly under him+ -- then shouted over the phone Its exactly people like you who make the worst propaganda against us by not letting people out Kantorowicz will have his passport in 24 hours or else EKa got his passport in 24 hours and got out I assume it was Helldorf or

147 Ernst Kantorowicz Der Gastfreund in Albrecht Bernstorff zum Gedachtnis Quoted in Grunewald p 147

The young He]dorf had been a student in one of Kantorowiczs seminars in Frankfurt

Eka -- The German pronunciation of his initials ~K was what friends in America called Kantorowicz

+ Hermann Muller was head of the Gestapo in 1938

E Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz

Page 35: (THE SECRET GERMANY) - regiesey.com · 112 From Kantorowicz's unpublished essay, "Das Geheime ... a snowy peak, went into hibernation, and drifted into obscurity. But for Kantorowicz,

-121shy

HeI19~8fs son who reported the exact words to EKa

Sir CM Bowra who met Kantorowicz upon his arrival in

England recounts a different sequence of events According

to Bowra the publisher Helmut Kupper hatched an ingenious

plot contrived to get Kantorowicz out of the country

One of Ernsts closest friends was a gentle modest young man (Helmut Kupper) who had been a member of the George Circle and married a woman rather older than himself Though her husband was entirely anti-Nazi she herself not only was a friend of Frau Goring but was having an affair with one of Gorings adjutants Here lay a hope The husband went to the adjutant and said that hitherto he had never complained about his wifes relations with him but now he asked for something in return When the adjutant asked what it was he was told that it was a passport for Professor Ernst Kantorowicz He agreed at once an94~ passport was produced within a few hours

Grunewald accepts Bowras account in his study of

Kantorowicz 150 Kantorowicz never mentioned this story to

William Chaney although he did once remark that Frau Goring

helped him to get out of Germany indirectly151

148 This was related to me in writing by William Chaney in April 1988

149middot Bowra Memories p 304

150 See Grunewald p 148

151 Related to me by William Chaney in April 1988

Vanden Heuvel 1989 Kantorowicz