the romanian presumptive mood - scholar.harvard.edu€¦ · the romanian presumptive mood the key...
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The Romanian Presumptive MoodThe key to the Romanian va ‘will’-Future
Teodora Mihoc
University of Ottawa
TOM6March 23, 2013
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Topics to figure out today:
THE
ROMANIAN
PRESUMPTIVE MOOD
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Topics to figure out today:
THE
ROMANIAN
PRESUMPTIVE MOOD
THE
ROMANIAN
va ‘WILL’-FUTURE
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Outline
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Outline
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood
The Romanian Presumptive Mood is said to...
...signal “an uncertain event” (Rosetti 1943:77, Rosetti & Byck 1945:161; cf. Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...encode inference... (Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...have something to do with evidentiality (Irimia 2009, 2010, a.o.)
...have something to do with progressive aspect in Romanian
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood
The Romanian Presumptive Mood is said to...
...signal “an uncertain event” (Rosetti 1943:77, Rosetti & Byck 1945:161; cf. Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...encode inference... (Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...have something to do with evidentiality (Irimia 2009, 2010, a.o.)
...have something to do with progressive aspect in Romanian
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood
The Romanian Presumptive Mood is said to...
...signal “an uncertain event” (Rosetti 1943:77, Rosetti & Byck 1945:161; cf. Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...encode inference... (Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...have something to do with evidentiality (Irimia 2009, 2010, a.o.)
...have something to do with progressive aspect in Romanian
8
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood
The Romanian Presumptive Mood is said to...
...signal “an uncertain event” (Rosetti 1943:77, Rosetti & Byck 1945:161; cf. Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...encode inference... (Zafiu 2009, a.o.)
...have something to do with evidentiality (Irimia 2009, 2010, a.o.)
...have something to do with progressive aspect in Romanian
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Traditional examples (1)Friedman (1997:173-75)
(1) Do they call you Nick the Liar?
Mi-me.Cl.DAT-
orwill.3PL
fibe
zicand.calling.
‘They supposedly do call me that.’ (FUT Progressive)
(2) Doarsurely
n-not-
owill.3SG
fibe
avandhaving
purici!fleas!
‘Surely s/he doesn’t have fleas!’ (FUT Progressive)
(3) Oareadverb=I.wonder
sa
SA
fibe
existandexisting
strigoi?ghosts?
‘Do ghosts really exist?’ (SUBJ)
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Traditional examples (2)Friedman (1997:173-75)
(4) -Vawill.3SG
fibe
cititread
elhe.NOM
acestthis
roman?novel?
-Mame.Cl.ACC
ındoiesc.doubt.1SG
‘Do you think it likely that he has read this novel!’ ‘I doubt it.’ (FUT Perfect)
(5) Zicesays
cathat
IonJohn
arhave.AUX.COND.3SG
fibe
cititread
dejaalready
lectia.lesson.the
‘S/he says that John he has read the lesson.’ (COND Perfect)
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Traditional examples (3)Friedman (1997:173-75)
(6) !!!
Vawill.3SG
//
sa
SA
//
arhave.AUX.COND.3SG
fibe
ajunsarrived
elhe.NOM
panauntil
acolo?there?
‘Has he gotten there?’ (presumptive) (FUT/SUBJ/COND Perfect)
Actually this should read as:
Is it likely that he has already gotten there?Has he gotten there yet, I wonder?∗Is it said/Does it seem to be the case that he has gotten there yet?(this example assumes that COND can be used in this manner; in fact, it cannot, except in headlinese, and even there, only in
the affirmative)
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Traditional examples (3)Friedman (1997:173-75)
(6) !!!
Vawill.3SG
//
sa
SA
//
arhave.AUX.COND.3SG
fibe
ajunsarrived
elhe.NOM
panauntil
acolo?there?
‘Has he gotten there?’ (presumptive) (FUT/SUBJ/COND Perfect)
Actually this should read as:Is it likely that he has already gotten there?
Has he gotten there yet, I wonder?∗Is it said/Does it seem to be the case that he has gotten there yet?(this example assumes that COND can be used in this manner; in fact, it cannot, except in headlinese, and even there, only in
the affirmative)
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Traditional examples (3)Friedman (1997:173-75)
(6) !!!
Vawill.3SG
//
sa
SA
//
arhave.AUX.COND.3SG
fibe
ajunsarrived
elhe.NOM
panauntil
acolo?there?
‘Has he gotten there?’ (presumptive) (FUT/SUBJ/COND Perfect)
Actually this should read as:Is it likely that he has already gotten there?Has he gotten there yet, I wonder?
∗Is it said/Does it seem to be the case that he has gotten there yet?(this example assumes that COND can be used in this manner; in fact, it cannot, except in headlinese, and even there, only in
the affirmative)
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Traditional examples (3)Friedman (1997:173-75)
(6) !!!
Vawill.3SG
//
sa
SA
//
arhave.AUX.COND.3SG
fibe
ajunsarrived
elhe.NOM
panauntil
acolo?there?
‘Has he gotten there?’ (presumptive) (FUT/SUBJ/COND Perfect)
Actually this should read as:Is it likely that he has already gotten there?Has he gotten there yet, I wonder?∗Is it said/Does it seem to be the case that he has gotten there yet?(this example assumes that COND can be used in this manner; in fact, it cannot, except in headlinese, and even there, only in
the affirmative)
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The Presumptive Mood seems to consist of:
FUT auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
SUBJ conjunction SA + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
COND auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
(also INF conjunction + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect)
WHAT IS THE PLACE OF STRINGS LIKE THESE IN THE ROMANIAN MOOD
SYSTEM?
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The Presumptive Mood seems to consist of:
FUT auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
SUBJ conjunction SA + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
COND auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
(also INF conjunction + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect)
WHAT IS THE PLACE OF STRINGS LIKE THESE IN THE ROMANIAN MOOD
SYSTEM?
17
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The Presumptive Mood seems to consist of:
FUT auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
SUBJ conjunction SA + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
COND auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
(also INF conjunction + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect)
WHAT IS THE PLACE OF STRINGS LIKE THESE IN THE ROMANIAN MOOD
SYSTEM?
18
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The Presumptive Mood seems to consist of:
FUT auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
SUBJ conjunction SA + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
COND auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
(also INF conjunction + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect)
WHAT IS THE PLACE OF STRINGS LIKE THESE IN THE ROMANIAN MOOD
SYSTEM?
19
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The Presumptive Mood seems to consist of:
FUT auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
SUBJ conjunction SA + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
COND auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
(also INF conjunction + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect)
WHAT IS THE PLACE OF STRINGS LIKE THESE IN THE ROMANIAN MOOD
SYSTEM?
20
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The Presumptive Mood seems to consist of:
FUT auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
SUBJ conjunction SA + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
COND auxiliary + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect
(also INF conjunction + fi ‘be’ + verb-Aspect)
WHAT IS THE PLACE OF STRINGS LIKE THESE IN THE ROMANIAN MOOD
SYSTEM?
21
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Outline
22
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta
va/o canta
ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta
va/o canta ar canta
SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta
va/o canta ar canta SA cante
A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
27
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
A fi cantat
va/o fi cantat
ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
28
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
A fi cantat
va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat
SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
29
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
A fi cantat
va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
30
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
31
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantand
A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
32
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantat
A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The Romanian Mood system(conjugating for the verb a canta ‘to sing’, 3SG)
(often mentioned as ‘presumptive’; rarely mentioned as ‘presumptive’; almost never mentioned at all )
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
The forms that are most commonly accepted as Presumptive are theSimple and the Progressive forms of FUT, COND, SUBJ, and (oftenomitted) INF:
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
But there is no reason to exclude their derivatives (the Pluperfect andPluperfect Progressive forms of the same formats):
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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The Presumptive in the Romanian mood system
And the simple forms of INF, FUT, COND, and SUBJ can also act‘presumptively’...
Non-finite FiniteInfinitive Gerund Participle Supine Indicative Conditional Subjunctive Imperative
cantand cantat DE cantat cantase 2SG/PL onlycantacantaa cantatcantaare/o sa cante /
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA canteA fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandA fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatA fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
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Decision
Do these forms make up another non-indicative Mood:
The Presumptive Mood
Infinitive Indicative - Future Conditional-Optative SubjunctiveSimple
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
Perfect
A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
Progressive
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantand
Pluperfect
A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantat
Pluperfect Progressive
A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
with 4 different formats
and 5 different aspects?
and 2 sets of forms homonymous with other mood forms?
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Decision
Do these forms make up another non-indicative Mood:
The Presumptive Mood
Infinitive Indicative - Future Conditional-Optative SubjunctiveSimple
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
Perfect
A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
Progressive
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantand
Pluperfect
A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantat
Pluperfect Progressive
A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
with 4 different formats
and 5 different aspects?
and 2 sets of forms homonymous with other mood forms?
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Decision
Do these forms make up another non-indicative Mood:
The Presumptive MoodInfinitive Indicative - Future Conditional-Optative Subjunctive
Simple
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
Perfect
A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
Progressive
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantand
Pluperfect
A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantat
Pluperfect Progressive
A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
with 4 different formats
and 5 different aspects?
and 2 sets of forms homonymous with other mood forms?
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Decision
Do these forms make up another non-indicative Mood:
The Presumptive MoodInfinitive Indicative - Future Conditional-Optative Subjunctive
Simple
A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cante
Perfect
A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantat
Progressive
A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantand
Pluperfect
A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantat
Pluperfect Progressive
A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
with 4 different formats
and 5 different aspects?
and 2 sets of forms homonymous with other mood forms?
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Decision
Do these forms make up another non-indicative Mood:
The Presumptive MoodInfinitive Indicative - Future Conditional-Optative Subjunctive
Simple A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cantePerfect A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantatProgressive A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandPluperfect A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatPluperfect Progressive A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
with 4 different formats
and 5 different aspects?
and 2 sets of forms homonymous with other mood forms?
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Decision
Do these forms make up another non-indicative Mood:
The Presumptive MoodInfinitive Indicative - Future Conditional-Optative Subjunctive
Simple A canta va/o canta ar canta SA cantePerfect A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantatProgressive A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandPluperfect A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatPluperfect Progressive A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
with 4 different formats
and 5 different aspects?
and 2 sets of forms homonymous with other mood forms?
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Decision
Do these forms make up another non-indicative Mood:
The Presumptive MoodInfinitive Indicative - Future Conditional-Optative Subjunctive
Simple canta va/o canta ar canta SA cantePerfect A fi cantat va/o fi cantat ar fi cantat SA fi cantatProgressive A fi cantand va/o fi cantand ar fi cantand SA fi cantandPluperfect A fi fost cantat va/o fi fost cantat ar fi fost cantat SA fi fost cantatPluperfect Progressive A fi fost cantand va/o fi fost cantand ar fi fost cantand SA fi fost cantand
with 4 different formats
and 5 different aspects?
and 2 sets of forms homonymous with other mood forms?
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If yes, then...
...WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO SAY THAT ALL THESE VERB FORMS ARE
‘PRESUMPTIVE’?
In what way(s) are they similar?
In what way(s) are they different?
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If yes, then...
...WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO SAY THAT ALL THESE VERB FORMS ARE
‘PRESUMPTIVE’?
In what way(s) are they similar?
In what way(s) are they different?
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If yes, then...
...WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO SAY THAT ALL THESE VERB FORMS ARE
‘PRESUMPTIVE’?
In what way(s) are they similar?
In what way(s) are they different?
47
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntax
Do they have the same structure?
evidentiality
Do they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modality
Do they encode the same epistemic force?
aspect
Do they behave the same in regard to aspect?
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntaxDo they have the same structure?
evidentiality
Do they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modality
Do they encode the same epistemic force?
aspect
Do they behave the same in regard to aspect?
49
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntaxDo they have the same structure?
evidentiality
Do they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modality
Do they encode the same epistemic force?
aspect
Do they behave the same in regard to aspect?
50
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntaxDo they have the same structure?
evidentialityDo they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modality
Do they encode the same epistemic force?
aspect
Do they behave the same in regard to aspect?
51
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntaxDo they have the same structure?
evidentialityDo they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modality
Do they encode the same epistemic force?
aspect
Do they behave the same in regard to aspect?
52
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntaxDo they have the same structure?
evidentialityDo they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modalityDo they encode the same epistemic force?
aspect
Do they behave the same in regard to aspect?
53
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntaxDo they have the same structure?
evidentialityDo they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modalityDo they encode the same epistemic force?
aspect
Do they behave the same in regard to aspect?
54
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Helping questions(triggered by various claims in the literature)
How do these four formats behave in regard to:
morphosyntaxDo they have the same structure?
evidentialityDo they relate to the same kind of evidence?
epistemic modalityDo they encode the same epistemic force?
aspectDo they behave the same in regard to aspect?
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Outline
56
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MorphosyntaxThe structure of the Balkan clause (adapted from Rivero 1994:72)
CP
C MoodP
Mood(+Agr) Aspect/TenseP
Aspect VP
V(+Asp.suffix)
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Plug in the conjunctions.The structure for SUBJ and INF is:
CP
SUBJ-SA/INF-A MoodP
Mood(+Agr) AspectP/TenseP
(fi) VP
V(+Asp.suffix)
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Plug in the auxiliaries.The structure for FUT and COND is:
CP
C MoodP
FUT-va/COND-ar AspectP/TenseP
(fi) VP
V(+Asp.suffix)
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Morphosyntax: Conclusion
INF, FUT, COND & SUBJ DO NOT HAVE THE SAME MORPHOSYNTACTIC
STRUCTURE.
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Outline
61
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What is evidentiality?
Figure : Willett (1988:57)’s taxonomy of evidentials
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The evidential distributionof FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF
Direct-inferential Ind.-reported Ind.-inferentialFUT yes citation of inf.(+EV) yesCOND +EV +EV +EVSUBJ +EV citation of inf.(+EV) +EVINF +EV citation of inf.(+EV) +EV
+EV = the format needs an extra item to encode the source of evidence, e.g.‘seems’ in ‘She seems to be home’
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The only true evidential is...
...the Future format...
Direct-inferential Ind.-reported Ind.-inferentialFUT yes citation of inf.(+EV) yesCOND +EV +EV +EVSUBJ +EV citation of inf.(+EV) +EVINF +EV citation of inf.(+EV) +EV
...which acts as an INFERENTIAL EVIDENTIAL:
(7) Jane sees the light on in Amy’s room. She takes this as evidence thatAmy is in her room. She uses this evidence to infer:
Vawill.3SG
fibe
acasa.home
‘She’s probably home.’
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The only true evidential is...
...the Future format...
Direct-inferential Ind.-reported Ind.-inferentialFUT yes citation of inf.(+EV) yesCOND +EV +EV +EVSUBJ +EV citation of inf.(+EV) +EVINF +EV citation of inf.(+EV) +EV
...which acts as an INFERENTIAL EVIDENTIAL:
(7) Jane sees the light on in Amy’s room. She takes this as evidence thatAmy is in her room. She uses this evidence to infer:
Vawill.3SG
fibe
acasa.home
‘She’s probably home.’
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Evidentiality: Conclusion
FUT IS THE ONLY FORMAT THAT CAN ENCODE INFERENTIAL
EVIDENTIALITY GRAMMATICALLY ON ITS OWN.
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Outline
67
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Epistemic modals and evidentiality
The light is on in Amy’s room...
modal example force
may A: She may be home. weakmust B: She must be home. strong
C: She is home.
evidentiality is about signalling that an utterance relies on somekind of information taken as supporting evidence
epistemic modality is about one’s degree of commitment to thatevidence
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Epistemic modals and evidentiality
The light is on in Amy’s room...
modal example force
may A: She may be home. weakmust B: She must be home. strong
C: She is home.
evidentiality is about signalling that an utterance relies on somekind of information taken as supporting evidence
epistemic modality is about one’s degree of commitment to thatevidence
69
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Epistemic modals and evidentiality
The light is on in Amy’s room...
modal example force
may A: She may be home. weakmust B: She must be home. strong
C: She is home.
evidentiality is about signalling that an utterance relies on somekind of information taken as supporting evidence
epistemic modality is about one’s degree of commitment to thatevidence
70
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Are FUT, COND, SUBJ, INF instances of epistemic modality?
format example force
COND (8) Pareseems
ca/ca.s,i.cumthat/as.if
arhave.AUX.COND.3SG
fibe
acasa.home
‘It seems that/looks as if s/he were home.’
?
SUBJ (9) Pareseems
sa
SA
fiebe.3SG+SUBJ
acasa.home
‘S/he seems to be home.’
?
INF (10) Pareseems
aA
fibe
acasa.home
‘S/he seems to be home.’
?
FUT (11) Vawill.3SG
fibe
acasa.home
‘S/he is probably home.’
variable
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Variable epistemic force (1)Ro.FUT = may
(12) Context: What do you think, isn’t this war a complete aberration?
Owill.3SG
fibe
siand
n-onot-will.3SG
fi.be
‘It may and it may not be.’
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Variable epistemic force (2)Ro.FUT = it is somewhat probable
(13) Context: X just came to see me. As we start chatting, we can hearsomeone singing. X asks, What’s that? Now, I have two sisterswho like to sing at odd times. Right now it could be either one ofthem, either Amy or Jamie. However, I know Jamie might be at thegym now. I speculate:
Vawill.3SG
fibe
cantandsinging
Amy.Amy.
‘It’s probably Amy, singing.’ [speculatation]
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Variable epistemic force (3)Ro.FUT = must = probably
(14) Context: X just came to see me. As we start chatting, we can hearsomeone singing. X asks, What’s that? Now, my sister Amy isalways singing. I infer:
Vawill.3SG
fibe
cantandsinging
Amy.Amy.
‘It must be Amy, singing.’ [inference]
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Variable epistemic force (4)Ro.FUT = Future Tense
(15) Context: Alice is Bob’s secretary. Someone asks Alice, Where willBob be tomorrow? Alice replies:
Vawill.3SG
fibe
laat
birou.office
‘[Y] will be in office.’
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Crosslinguistically...
...variable force epistemic modals have also been documented forother languages too e.g. St’at’imcets (Rullmann et al 2008) or Gitskan (Peterson 2008)
Kratzer calls them instances of ‘variable upper-end degreeepistemic modality’ (Kratzer 2012b:46)
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Crosslinguistically...
...variable force epistemic modals have also been documented forother languages too e.g. St’at’imcets (Rullmann et al 2008) or Gitskan (Peterson 2008)
Kratzer calls them instances of ‘variable upper-end degreeepistemic modality’ (Kratzer 2012b:46)
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Epistemic modality: Conclusion
FUT IS THE ONLY FORMAT THAT HAS AN EPISTEMIC FORCE OF ITS OWN.ITS FORCE IS VARIABLE.
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Outline
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fi ‘be’-aspect in Romanian
In Romanian, aspect forms constructed with the uninflected forms fi‘be’ and fi fost ‘be been’ occur only in FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF.
Tests of distribution, word order, and interpretation of clauses with theauxiliary fi ‘be’ show that this auxiliary occurs in contexts withnon-specific time frame and irrealis interpretation, and is generallyin complementary distribution with the Romanian have auxiliary,which appears only in contexts with definite time and realisinterpretation. (Avram & Hill 2007:47)
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fi ‘be’-aspect in Romanian
In Romanian, aspect forms constructed with the uninflected forms fi‘be’ and fi fost ‘be been’ occur only in FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF.
Tests of distribution, word order, and interpretation of clauses with theauxiliary fi ‘be’ show that this auxiliary occurs in contexts withnon-specific time frame and irrealis interpretation, and is generallyin complementary distribution with the Romanian have auxiliary,which appears only in contexts with definite time and realisinterpretation. (Avram & Hill 2007:47)
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AspectP/TensePNon-indicative verb forms use aspect to locate events in time!
CP
C MoodP
M AspectP/TenseP
(fi) VP
V(+Aspect.suffix)
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Indicative vs. non-indicative in English & Romanian
Indicative (Past Tense) non-Indicative (Perfect Aspect)
She was probably 5. She must have been 5.
Aveahad.3SG+IMPF
probabilprobably
55
ani.years
‘S/he was probably 5.’
Vawill.3SG
fibe
avuthad
55
ani.years
Lit. ‘She will have been 5.’= ’I’m guessing she wasprobably 5.’
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In Romanian, the temporal relations for non-indicative verb forms arerealized via the following aspects:
Perfective‘event time included in reference time’
Progressive
‘reference time included in event time’
Perfect
‘event over by reference time’
Pluperfect
‘event over by past reference time’
Pluperfect Progressive
‘reference time located in a past before another past time included inevent time’
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In Romanian, the temporal relations for non-indicative verb forms arerealized via the following aspects:
Perfective‘event time included in reference time’
Progressive‘reference time included in event time’
Perfect
‘event over by reference time’
Pluperfect
‘event over by past reference time’
Pluperfect Progressive
‘reference time located in a past before another past time included inevent time’
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In Romanian, the temporal relations for non-indicative verb forms arerealized via the following aspects:
Perfective‘event time included in reference time’
Progressive‘reference time included in event time’
Perfect‘event over by reference time’
Pluperfect
‘event over by past reference time’
Pluperfect Progressive
‘reference time located in a past before another past time included inevent time’
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In Romanian, the temporal relations for non-indicative verb forms arerealized via the following aspects:
Perfective‘event time included in reference time’
Progressive‘reference time included in event time’
Perfect‘event over by reference time’
Pluperfect‘event over by past reference time’
Pluperfect Progressive
‘reference time located in a past before another past time included inevent time’
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In Romanian, the temporal relations for non-indicative verb forms arerealized via the following aspects:
Perfective‘event time included in reference time’
Progressive‘reference time included in event time’
Perfect‘event over by reference time’
Pluperfect‘event over by past reference time’
Pluperfect Progressive‘reference time located in a past before another past time included inevent time’
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Forward-shifting
Non-indicative verb forms with perfective aspect are forward-shiftedif their predicate is eventive:
(16) She must sing. RT = future
This doesn’t happen if the predicate is stative:
(17) She must be home. RT = nonpast (present or future)
Progressive aspect can prevent forward-shifting:
(18) She must be singing. RT = nonpast (present or future)
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Forward-shifting
Non-indicative verb forms with perfective aspect are forward-shiftedif their predicate is eventive:
(16) She must sing. RT = future
This doesn’t happen if the predicate is stative:
(17) She must be home. RT = nonpast (present or future)
Progressive aspect can prevent forward-shifting:
(18) She must be singing. RT = nonpast (present or future)
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Forward-shifting
Non-indicative verb forms with perfective aspect are forward-shiftedif their predicate is eventive:
(16) She must sing. RT = future
This doesn’t happen if the predicate is stative:
(17) She must be home. RT = nonpast (present or future)
Progressive aspect can prevent forward-shifting:
(18) She must be singing. RT = nonpast (present or future)
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Forward-shifting
Non-indicative verb forms with perfective aspect are forward-shiftedif their predicate is eventive:
(16) She must sing. RT = future
This doesn’t happen if the predicate is stative:
(17) She must be home. RT = nonpast (present or future)
Progressive aspect can prevent forward-shifting:
(18) She must be singing. RT = nonpast (present or future)
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Forward-shifting
Non-indicative verb forms with perfective aspect are forward-shiftedif their predicate is eventive:
(16) She must sing. RT = future
This doesn’t happen if the predicate is stative:
(17) She must be home. RT = nonpast (present or future)
Progressive aspect can prevent forward-shifting:
(18) She must be singing. RT = nonpast (present or future)
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Forward-shifting
Non-indicative verb forms with perfective aspect are forward-shiftedif their predicate is eventive:
(16) She must sing. RT = future
This doesn’t happen if the predicate is stative:
(17) She must be home. RT = nonpast (present or future)
Progressive aspect can prevent forward-shifting:
(18) She must be singing. RT = nonpast (present or future)
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The same happens with the Romanian FUT:
(19) epistemic judgement about the present: stative predicate
Vawill.3SG
fibe
acasa.home
//
Vawill.3SG
fibe
fiindbeing
acasa.home
‘She is probably home.’
(20) epistemic judgement about the present: eventive predicate
∗Vawill.3SG
canta.sing
//
Vawill.3SG
fibe
cantand.singing
‘She is probably singing (now).’
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Forward-shifting is a property of......modals-for-the-present (Condoravdi 2002)
“The correct generalization is that modals for the present have a futureorientation optionally with stative predicates and obligatorily with eventivepredicates. The presence of the progressive results in a stative predicate”
(Condoravdi 2002:11)
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Aspect: Conclusions
contrary to some suggestions in the literature, ‘presumptiveness’ doesnot depend on Progressive Aspect (examples are readily available)
in Romanian, fi ‘be’ Aspect is the hallmark of non-indicative verbforms; its role is temporal
Progressive Aspect with FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF seems to havethe same role as in the case of the ‘modals for the present’
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Aspect: Conclusions
contrary to some suggestions in the literature, ‘presumptiveness’ doesnot depend on Progressive Aspect (examples are readily available)
in Romanian, fi ‘be’ Aspect is the hallmark of non-indicative verbforms; its role is temporal
Progressive Aspect with FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF seems to havethe same role as in the case of the ‘modals for the present’
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Aspect: Conclusions
contrary to some suggestions in the literature, ‘presumptiveness’ doesnot depend on Progressive Aspect (examples are readily available)
in Romanian, fi ‘be’ Aspect is the hallmark of non-indicative verbforms; its role is temporal
Progressive Aspect with FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF seems to havethe same role as in the case of the ‘modals for the present’
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
110
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (1)
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the samemorphosyntactic structure?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameevidential properties?
7
Do FUT, COND, SUBJ, and INF have the sameepistemic-modal properties?
7
Does progressive aspect in FUT, COND, SUBJ,and INF make their respective progressiveforms ‘presumptive’ [= expressions of epistemicuncertainty]?
7
Is there any reason to argue that they shouldbundle together to form one ‘presumptive’mood?
7
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (2)
However,
FUT is an evidential
FUT is an epistemic modal
FUT is a grammaticalized expression of inference
>> IF WE STILL WANT A ‘PRESUMPTIVE’ MOOD, THEN THE ONLY FORMAT
THAT QUALIFIES IS THAT OF FUT.
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (2)
However,
FUT is an evidential
FUT is an epistemic modal
FUT is a grammaticalized expression of inference
>> IF WE STILL WANT A ‘PRESUMPTIVE’ MOOD, THEN THE ONLY FORMAT
THAT QUALIFIES IS THAT OF FUT.
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The Romanian Presumptive Mood: Conclusions (2)
However,
FUT is an evidential
FUT is an epistemic modal
FUT is a grammaticalized expression of inference
>> IF WE STILL WANT A ‘PRESUMPTIVE’ MOOD, THEN THE ONLY FORMAT
THAT QUALIFIES IS THAT OF FUT.
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Outline
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‘Indicative’ FUT vs. ’Presumptive’ FUT
Indicative-FUT Presumptive-FUT
Simple X XPerfect X XProgressive 7 XPluperfect 7 XPluperfect Prog 7 X
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Homonymy?
Indicative-FUT Presumptive-FUT
Simple X XPerfect X XProgressive 7 XPluperfect 7 XPluperfect Prog 7 X
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An Indicative fi ‘be’-Perfect?
Indicative-FUT Presumptive-FUT
Simple X XPerfect X XProgressive 7 XPluperfect 7 XPluperfect Prog 7 X
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An Indicative fi ‘be’-Perfect?But everywhere else fi ‘be’-aspect patterns with irrealis verb forms...
Indicative-FUT Presumptive-FUT
Simple X XPerfect X XProgressive 7 XPluperfect 7 XPluperfect Prog 7 X
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A unified approach?
If we could find a ‘presumptive’ = epistemic account forIndicative-FUT-Simple = Future Tense,
then we would be able to
FIT ALL THE FORMS/MEANINGS OF FUT INTO ONE BOX!
FUT
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A unified approach?
If we could find a ‘presumptive’ = epistemic account forIndicative-FUT-Simple = Future Tense,
then we would be able to
FIT ALL THE FORMS/MEANINGS OF FUT INTO ONE BOX!
FUT
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A unified approach?
If we could find a ‘presumptive’ = epistemic account forIndicative-FUT-Simple = Future Tense,
then we would be able to
FIT ALL THE FORMS/MEANINGS OF FUT INTO ONE BOX!
FUT
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Outline
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Claim
The Romanian FUT auxiliary is essentially a variable-force upper-enddegree epistemic modal.
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Doubly relative modality with the Romanian va ‘will’-Future
1. The modal base 2. The ordering source
the facts around an informationgap at the reference time (RT)that will be the object of infer-ence
known facts that are brought tobear on the current facts andthe current information gap
Note: Inferential evidentiality seems to rely on observations about theworld at RT. As such, it implicitly contributes to the modal base.
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Doubly relative modality with the Romanian va ‘will’-Future
1. The modal base 2. The ordering source
the facts around an informationgap at the reference time (RT)that will be the object of infer-ence
known facts that are brought tobear on the current facts andthe current information gap
Note: Inferential evidentiality seems to rely on observations about theworld at RT. As such, it implicitly contributes to the modal base.
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The denotation of epistemic ‘must’
A strong epistemic modal such as EN ‘must’ is traditionally defined as auniversal quantifier:
JmustKw ,g = λf<s,<<s,t>,t>>. λh<s,<<s,t>,t>>.λr<s,t>. ∀ w’ ∈maxh(w)(∩f(w)): r(w’) = 1.
f = the modal baseh = the ordering sourcer = the modalized statementmaxQ = a selection function selects the best worlds (with regard to theordering source) from any set X of worlds (in this case, ∩f(w))
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The RO FUT modal 6= EN ‘must’
For variable-force upper-end degree epistemic modals: If an orderinggives a ranking such as
w3 <Q w2 <Q w1 <Q w0,
then we can assign probability values to each of these worlds in a way thatrespects this ordering [Kratzer, 2012b], e.g.
Pr(∅)=0 Pr({w2})=4/15 Pr({w3})=8/15 Pr({w2,w3})=12/15Pr({w0})=1/15 Pr({w0,w2})=5/15 Pr({w0,w3})=9/15 Pr({w0,w2,w3})=13/15Pr({w1})=2/15 Pr({w1,w2})=6/15 Pr({w1,w3})=10/15 Pr({w1,w2,w3})=14/15Pr({w0,w1})= Pr({w0,w1,w2})= Pr({w0,w1,w3})= Pr({w0,w1,w2,w3})==3/15 =7/15 =11/15 =15/15
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‘Presumptive’ probabilities
Pr(∅)=0 Pr({w2})=4/15 Pr({w3})=8/15 Pr({w2,w3})=12/15Pr({w0})=1/15 Pr({w0,w2})=5/15 Pr({w0,w3})=9/15 Pr({w0,w2,w3})=13/15Pr({w1})=2/15 Pr({w1,w2})=6/15 Pr({w1,w3})=10/15 Pr({w1,w2,w3})=14/15Pr({w0,w1})= Pr({w0,w1,w2})= Pr({w0,w1,w3})= Pr({w0,w1,w2,w3})==3/15 =7/15 =11/15 =15/15
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‘Future Tense’ probability
The Romanian will-Future Tense is merely a special case of epistemicmodality:
Pr(∅)=0 Pr({w2})=4/15 Pr({w3})=8/15 Pr({w2,w3})=12/15Pr({w0})=1/15 Pr({w0,w2})=5/15 Pr({w0,w3})=9/15 Pr({w0,w2,w3})=13/15Pr({w1})=2/15 Pr({w1,w2})=6/15 Pr({w1,w3})=10/15 Pr({w1,w2,w3})=14/15Pr({w0,w1})= Pr({w0,w1,w2})= Pr({w0,w1,w3})= Pr({w0,w1,w2,w3})==3/15 =7/15 =11/15 =15/15
A similar claim has been made in the literature about the Italian and the GreekFutures.[Giannakidou and Mari, 2012]
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form onlythe FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form onlythe FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form onlythe FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒
realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form only
the FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒
realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form only
the FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒
no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form only
the FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒
Simple form only
the FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form only
the FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form onlythe FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form onlythe FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference time
the temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Given all the above......what is the Romanian va ‘will’-Future Tense?
ANSWER: A form of the Romanian va ‘will’FUT format with the FUT modalinterpreted at Pr(p) = 1 (whatever the evidence behind it may be, it is givenfull credence).
Reasoning.
Pr(p) = 1⇒ realis⇒no fi ‘be’ forms⇒Simple form onlythe FUT modal is a ‘modal for the present’⇒
eventive predicates will undergo forward-shifting, thus landing,correctly, at a future reference timethe temporal location of stative predicates is ambiguous between thepresent and the future; disambiguation can be done via context(inserted in the semantics as a Time pronoun with information drawnfrom the context - e.g. from adverbs of time, from discourse, etc.)
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Summary
The Romanian Presumptive Mood (if we still want one) is limited tothe epistemic uses of the Future format.
The Romanian will-auxiliary is a variable force epistemic modal.
The Romanian will-Future Tense is nothing but a special case ofepistemic modality.
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Summary
The Romanian Presumptive Mood (if we still want one) is limited tothe epistemic uses of the Future format.
The Romanian will-auxiliary is a variable force epistemic modal.
The Romanian will-Future Tense is nothing but a special case ofepistemic modality.
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Summary
The Romanian Presumptive Mood (if we still want one) is limited tothe epistemic uses of the Future format.
The Romanian will-auxiliary is a variable force epistemic modal.
The Romanian will-Future Tense is nothing but a special case ofepistemic modality.
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Outlook
Can we find unified accounts for all the respective uses of COND,SUBJ, and INF, too?
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T H A N K Y O U!
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Bibliography I
[1] Avram, Larisa & Virginia Hill. 2007. An irrealis ‘be’ auxiliary inRomanian. In Raul Aranovich (ed.), Split auxiliary systems: across-linguistic perspective, 47–64. John Benjamins.
[2] Berea-Gageanu, E. 1974. Forme verbale de viitor cu auxiliarul ‘a fi’ ınlimba romana [Future verb forms with the ‘be’ auxiliary in Romanian].Limba romana 23(2).
[3] Condoravdi, Cleo. 2002. Temporal interpretation of modals: Modals forthe Present and for the Past. In D. Beaver, S. Kaufmann, B. Clark & L.Casillas (eds.), The construction of meaning, 59–88. Stanford:Cblications.
[von Fintel & Gillies, 2007] von Fintel, Kai & Gillies, Anthony S. 2007. Anopinionated guide to epistemic modality. Oxford Studies inEpistemology 2. 32-62.
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Bibliography II
[4] von Fintel, Kai & Irene Heim. 2009. Intensional Semantics. Lecturesnotes for “Advanced Semantics”.http://mit.edu/fintel/fintel-heim-intensional.pdf.
[5] Friedman, Victor A. 1986. Evidentiality in the Balkans: Bulgarian,Macedonian, and Albanian. In Wallace L. Chafe & Johanna Nichols(eds.), Evidentiality: the linguistic coding of epistemology, 168–87.Norwood, N.J.: Ablex.
[6] Friedman, Victor A. 1997. On the number of paradigms in theRomanian presumptive mood (modul prezumtiv). Studii s, i CercetariLingvistice 48(1-4). 173–79.
[Giannakidou and Mari, 2012] Giannakidou, A. & A. Mari. 2012. Thefuture of Greek and Italian: an epistemic analysis. Proceedings ofChicago Linguistic Society. http://lumiere.ens.fr/~amari/PapersOnline/Final.CLS.FUT.GiannakidouMari2012-1.pdf.
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Bibliography III
[7] de Haan, Ferdinand. 2001a. The place of inference within theevidential system. International Journal of American Linguistics 67(2).193–219.
[8] de Haan, Ferdinand. 2001b. The relation between modality andevidentiality. In Reimar Muller & Marga Reis (eds.), Modalitat undModalverben im Deutschen, 201–16.
[9] Irimia, Monica-Alexandrina. 2009. Romanian evidentials. University ofPennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 15(1).http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol15/iss1/13.
[10] Irimia, Monica-Alexandrina. 2010. Some remarks on the evidentialnature of the Romanian presumptive. In Reineke Bok-Bennema,Brigitte Kampers-Manhe & Bart Hollebrandse (eds.), Romancelanguages and linguistic theory 2008: Selected papers from ’GoingRomance’, 125–44.
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Bibliography IV
[11] Kratzer, Angelika. 1977. What ‘must’ and ‘can’ must and can mean.Linguistics and Philosophy 1. 337–55.
[12] Kratzer, Angelika. 1981. The notional category of modality. InHans-Jurgen Eikmeye & Hannes Rieser (eds.), Words, worlds, andcontexts, 38–74.
[13] Kratzer, Angelika. 1998. More structural analogies between pronounsand tenses. In Proceedings of SALT VIII, 92-110.
[14] Kratzer, Angelika. 2012a. The notional category of modality. InModals and conditionals, 27-69. New York: Oxford University Press.
[Kratzer, 2012b] Kratzer, Angelika. 2012b. What ‘must’ and ‘can’ must andcan mean. In Modals and conditionals, 4-26. New York: OxfordUniversity Press.
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Bibliography V
[15] Matthewson, Lisa. 2010. Modality and the future in Gitxsan. Paperpresented at the Workshop on Structure and Constituency inLanguages of the Americas 16, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
[16] Peterson, Tyler. 2008. The ordering source and graded modality inGitksan epistemic modals. Paper presented at Sinn und Bedeutung13, Universitat Stuttgart, Stuttgart.
[17] Rivero, M. L. 1994. Clause structure and V-movement in thelanguages of the Balkans. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory12. 63–120.
[18] Rosetti, Al. 1943. Gramatica limbii romane [Grammar of theRomanian language]. Bucharest: Universul.
[19] Rosetti, Al. & J. Byck. 1945. Gramatica limbii romane [Grammar ofthe Romanian language]. Bucharest: Universul. Revised edition.
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Bibliography VI
[20] Salkie, R. 2010. ‘Will’: tense or modal or both? English Languageand Linguistics 14(2). 187–215.
[21] Sarkar, Anoop. 1998. The conflict between future tense and modality:the case of ‘will’ in English. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 5(2).91–117.
[22] Squartini, Mario. 2004. Disentangling evidentiality and epistemicmodality. Lingua 114(7). 873–95.
[23] Vater, H. 1975. Werden als Modalverb. In J. P. Calbert & H. Vater(eds.), Aspekte der Modalitat, 71–148. Tubingen: Gunter Narr Verlag.
[24] Willett, Thomas. 1988. A cross-linguistic survey of thegrammaticalization of evidentiality. Studies in Language 12(1). 51–97.
[25] Zafiu, Rodica-Ileana. 2001. Prezumtivul [The presumptive]. Sala463–465.
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Bibliography VII
[26] Zafiu, Rodica-Ileana. 2002. Evident,ialitatea ın limba romana actuala.[Evidentiality in contemporary Romanian]. In Gabriela PanaDindelegan (ed.), Aspecte ale dinamicii limbii romane actuale,127–44. Bucharest: Editura Universitat,ii din Bucures, ti.
[27] Zafiu, Rodica-Ileana. 2009. Interpretari gramaticale ale prezumtivului.[Grammatical interpretations of the Presumptive] In R. Zafiu, B. Croitor& A.-M. Mihail (eds.), Studii de gramatica. Omagiu DoamneiProfesoare Valeria Gut,u Romalo, 289–305. Bucharest: EdituraUniversitat,ii din Bucures, ti.
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