the role of the dog in romano-gaulish religion

Societe d’Etudes Latines de Bruxelles

The Role of the Dog in Romano-Gaulish ReligionAuthor(s): Frank JenkinsSource: Latomus, T. 16, Fasc. 1 (Janvier-Mars 1957), pp. 60-76Published by: Societe d’Etudes Latines de BruxellesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41520888 .

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The Role of lhe Dog in

Romano-Gaulish Religion

(Plates VI-VII)

It is known that in Romano-Gaulish religion certain deities were linked with animals as their attributes. For example there are Cernunnus, Rudiobos, Mullo and Artio, who appear in the iconography of the period with the stag, horse, mule and bear, respectively.

In the case of the dog, on the other hand, there seems to be no direct evidence that it was coupled with a specific deity, although it is clear that the animal was not entirely excluded from Celtic theology. It appears as the companion of Nehalennia, protectress of sea-faring merchants trading with Britain, a goddess who had her sanctuary on the Isle of Walcheren (!). The animal also ac- companies the so-called « dieu au maillet », a Celtic god identified with Sucellus (2), and ultimately with Dispater, from whom the Gauls claimed descent (3).

The dog as a companion of an underworld deity or as a denizen of the realm of the dead, figures frequently in the myths of a number of races. In Teutonic myth a dog runs out to meet the hero Odin as he rides into the realm of Hel, goddess of death, as recounted in Baldr's Draum. The Greeks regarded Hecate, dread leader of the wild chase for the souls of men, as having a dog-like form. In Greek iconography she is depicted with a canine companion. When Medea prepared Jason to pray to the goddess and the spirits of the underworld she gave him a solemn warning, thus : « Let neither thud of feet nor howl of dogs tempt thee to look

(1) Cf. Espérandieu, Recueil général des bas-reliefs , statues et bustes de la Gaule romaine , IX, Paris, 1925 : n° 6644 as a typical example.

(2) E. Linckenheld, Sucellus et Nantosuelta in Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, XCIX, 1929. See now also A. Hondius-Crone, The Temple of Nehalennia at Domburg , 1955.

(3) Caesar, De Bello Gallico , I, 1.



THE ROLE OF THE DOG IN ROMANO-GAULISH RELIGION 61

back» i1). It is perhaps significant that the so-called Hecate Supper had as one of the main ingredients the flesh of a dog (2). As dread guardian of the gates of Hades, the canine monster Cerberus was visualized as the symbol of death, which had voracious apetite for the bodies of human beings (3), an idea also current among the Etruscans. We see it on Romano-Gaulish grave-monuments. For example, at Arlon there is part of the pyramidal top of a mauso- leum, in the gable of which, is a wolf-bitch or dog-bitch shown in the act of devouring a human figure (4). Quite frequently Cerberus is depicted at the side of the Lord of the underworld, Pluto, in Roman imagery, the Roman art-type being derived from the Greek.

Another source of information appears to be the Gundestrup Cauldron (5). On one of the panels affixed to this compendium of Celtic religious subjects, generally agreed to be of 1st century B. C. date, a giant male figure, evidently a god, is depicted in the act of plunging a human victim head-first into a large jar (e). A similar sacrificial ceremony is mentioned by Lucan, (7) and we learn from later annotations to the Berne M. S., that a god propi- tiated in this manner was called Teutates in the Gaulish tongue, and was identified with both Mars and Mercury (8).

It has been suggested that Teutates was not one of the great Gaulish gods, as the name simply means « (the god) of the tribe » (9). If this interpretation is correct, then he was only venerated by some small tribal units, but could have been equated with other

(1) Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica, III, 1029 ff. (2) The Oxford Classical Dictionary , s. v. Hecate . (3) Servius, Comm. Aeneas , VI, 395 : Cerberus terra est et consumptrix omnium

corporum. (4) M. E. Marien, Les monuments funéraires de V Arion romain in Annales

de l'Institut Archéologique du Luxembourg , LXXVI, 1945, pp. 84-5, fig. 33 ; M. Renard, La louve androphage ď Arlon in Latomus , VIII, 1949, pp. 255-262.

(5) A convenient reference is in The Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland , LXIII, 1929, 6th. series, Vol. 3, p. 200, fig. 2.

(6) Cf. J. Gricourt, Sur une plaque du chaudron de Gundestrup in Latomus , XIII, 1954, pp. 376-383 and M. Renard, Du chaudron de Gundestrup aux mythes classiques , ibid., pp. 384-389.

(7) Lucan, Pharsalia , 1, 445. (8) Commenta Bernensia , ed. Usener, 32. (9) M.-L. Sjoestedt, Gods and Heroes of the Celts , transi, by Miles Dillon,

London, 1949, p. 17.



62 F. JENKINS

Gaulish chief-gods, whatever the names by which they were known. As such he conforms to the universal type of Dispater, as the lord of life and death for the particular tribe that he represented. This inevitably leads us back to Sucellus and the « dieu au maillet », where as we have seen, the dog in the company of the latter deity is not out of place. It is then, perhaps significant that by the side of « Teutates » in the Gundestrup cauldron, there is a leaping dog. Can it be that here we have a Celtic Cerberus, grim attendant of the god of war and death, making ready to devour the sacrifice?

This pre-occupation with the idea of the dog's grim role in the realm of death confronts us in Egyptian mythology. Here it is in the guise of the dog-headed Anubis, who conducted the soul to the last judgement. The Germanic equivalent of Hecate, Frau Holle, is said to have barked like a dog. With all this evidence before us it is difficult to deny that the association of the dog with the infernal regions was common in mythology throughout the ancient world.

In the case of Cerberus, the principal role played by that hound- monster was the role of guardian. It is therefore hardly surprising that small models of dogs have been found in ancient graves. This custom can be traced back to Mycaenean times at least, when ivory images of dogs were deposited with the dead. In later times the Romanized Gauls continued the practice, for a number of cremation graves have yielded small clay figurines of the animal (*). Perhaps these were only « toys » belonging to the dead person, but it is possible that, as the faithful guardian of the house- hold, the dog was regarded as the appropriate companion for the departed on the last journey to the underworld. The marked spectral look of these figurines, the eyes in particular, suggests that this was so. If this latter theory is true, then we may regard the animal as having a definite part to play in the funeral rites. This same idea may have been behind the practise of placing representations of the dog on Laconican grave-stones in the 6th

(1) E. Funck, Römischer Brandgräber in Remagen in Bonner Jahrbücher, 122, 59, Taf. XXII, 1) : figurines of dogs of white pipe-clay. Cf. Tudot, Figurines en argile , pl. and pl. 57, p. 37. fig. LV. A bronze dog was found with a coin of Commodus in a grave at Cologne. F. Fremersdorf, Die Denk- mäler des römischen Köln , I (1928), Taf. 116.




century B. C. Í1) We meet it again in Roman times on grave-stones, for example at Bonn (2).

The figures embossed on a silver cup found at Lyons (3) are ar- tistically more sophisticated than those on the Gundestrup Caul- dron, but as with the latter, the theme is from Gaulish, not from classical mythology. The central figure on the Lyons cup is a man reclining upon a couch. He wears a tore round his neck and holds another in his right hand, while on his other arm he supports a cornucopia, towards which a dog gazes upwards with a look of expectancy. A stag emerges from behind the reclining figure. Because of the break in the cup, we cannot be certain whether the man wears antlers, but with the exception of the dog this assemblage of attributes suggests some connexion with the Gaulish Cernunnos. It may be that it is a dead man divinized.

A certainly antlered deity appears as the central figure on another scene on the Gundestrup cauldron (4). He is surrounded by a group of real animals and mythological beasts. It is interesting that among the former, and, judging by their positions, apparently important in the theme, are a stag and a dog. The antlered deity holds a tore in one hand and grasps a ram-headed serpent in the other. Again, most of these attributes suggest that the deity is Cernunnos who seems to have been closely identified with Mercury. If this is true, then the significance of the dog becomes more obscure. The presence of the serpent is equally confusing, for, as we shall presently see, that reptile is found as the familiar of the Gaulish Mars, and to add to this confusion, we have only to recall that the dog appears with him also. Nevertheless we know from the Berne commentaries that both Mars and Mercurius were called Teutates in the Gallic tongue. In our attempt to unravel the evidence, we may now turn to a stone relief from Reims (5) on which Cernunnos is seen as the central figure between the purely classical figures of Mercury and Apollo. Unfortunately the dog

(1) H. Hardenberg, De Nehalennia- Relief in Archief uitgegeven door het Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen , 1948, p. 13. The present writer is indebted to the author for a copy of this important paper.

(2) Espérandieu, op. cit., VIII, 6284. (3) O. Brogan, Roman Gaul , p. 157, fig. 44b. (4) Proc. Soc. of Ant. of Scotland , LXIII, 6th series, Vol. 3, p. 201, fig. 3. (5) O. Brogan, op. cit., p. 173, fig 47a.



64 F. JENKINS

does not appear in this group, which is mentioned in order to draw attention to the presence of Apollo. Caesar informs us that, among the various gods that the Gauls worshipped, was one that averted illness as Apollo did.

In view of this close connexion of Cernunnos with Mercury, it is evident that the presence of the latter on the Reims relief cannot be dismissed as a whim on the part of the sculptor who wished to provide a « space-filler », neither can the figure of Apollo be ignored for this reason. His inclusion in this particular triad must have had some religious foundation. In fact one is tempted to speculate upon the possibility that at times Cernunnos assumed functions similar to those of his classical companions. At this stage it is sufficient just to note this association, and we will return to Apollo later in our study of the dog in Romano-Gaulish imagery, when we may be in a better position to assess the evidence.

It is interesting to observe that the dog seems to have taken some part in the cult of Nodens at his temple at Lydney. This is suggested by the presence of certain votive objects in the shape of dogs (!). The number found led the excavator to suggest that they were a dominant feature of the cult. Of that we cannot be certain, but we can at least ask, what is the significance of the association of the dog with the god Nodens ?

Perhaps the evidence obtained from the sacred well of Coventina at Procolita will enable us to find an answer (2). At that sanctuary, curiously enough, a similar canine votive object was found. Now it is a well-attested fact that the Celts much favoured wells, springs and streams for the sites of their religious sanctuaries. The dis- covery at these sites of ex votos, in the shape of models of dogs leads naturally to the supposition that the animal had some part to play in Celtic water-cults, and we must next enquire how the animal would fit into such a religious environment. The symbolism of the waters is clear. At such places, gushing forth from the womb of mother-earth, were the healing waters, source of all life, bringing good health to all living things. From this it could be argued that

(1) R. E. M. Wheeler, The Temple of Nodens at Lydney , Glos, in Society of Antiquaries of London , Research Report , IX, p. 39 ff. Cf. our Plate VI, figg. 1-2.

(2) An Account of the Roman Antiquities Preserved in the Museum at Chesters, Northumberland , Chapter VII, p. 145 ff. (Gilbert and Rivington, London, 1907). Cf. our Plate VII, fig. 3.




the water-deity was concerned with fertility, especially with that of animals, and that the dog was her symbol. Indeed, the dog hardly seems to be appropriate in such a context, unless we suppose that it was intended as a symbol or instrument of fertility. But why should these people, whose whole economy was based on agriculture, have regarded this particular animal as a symbol of the fertility desired for their live-stock? In order to answer this question we must examine further the apparently major role

played by the animal in Celtic watercults. In an earlier essay (1), briefly dealing with the same subject,

I have drawn attention to the hydrotherapeutic cults at spring- sanctuaries sacred to Apollo and his Gaulish companion, Sirona. In those surroundings the dog appears as the companion of a seated goddess, who is depicted with the animal in her arms or an her lap. Such figurines have quite frequently appeared at temple- sites in north-eastern Gaul, particularly in the Rhine-Mosel region, where Apollo is present (2). From this the inference is clear ; the dog was seemingly connected with Apollo's cult as god of healing.

That the dog had healing properties at Epidaurus and in Rome is testified by inscriptions in which the animal was said to perform miraculous cures (3). At the temples of Asclepius in both places dogs were kept in the sacred precincts for that purpose. It is of interest that even down to modern times in many areas, including Britain, the licking of a wound by that animal is said to be highly beneficial to the sufferer.

As the familiar of Sequana, goddess of the sources of the Seine, the dog and healing appear together. One of the functions of this

goddess was certainly the healing of the sick, who came to her sanctuary for relief, if the votive objects foùnd there can be taken as evidence. A number of statuettes unearthed in the ruins would appear to depict the gratitude of the devotees, who hold dogs in their hands. The same sanctuary has yielded two bone amulets in the form of dogs, designed for suspension (4). In Britain there

(1) Fr. Jenkins, Canterbury Excavations , J une- December, 1947. A Note on a Clay Figurine in Archaeo logia Cantiana, LXV, 1952, p. 131, pl. 1. Gf. our Plate VII, fig. 4.

(2) W. Dehn, Ein Quellheiligtum des Apollo und der Sirona bei Hochscheid in Germania , 25, 1941, p. 104 ff, Taf. 16, № 10.

(3) /.G., IV, 952, 1. 36-8. (4) Information kindly supplied by Professor É. Thevenot.

5



66 F. JENKINS

is certain evidence of a similar custom. As we have already seen at the temple of Nodens at Lydney the series of votive objects include representations of the animal, and since the temple seems to resemble some of the classical shrines of healing, Sir Mortimer Wheeler provisionally classed it as a healing shrine (x). It is therefore a reasonable conjecture that one of the functions of Nodens was that of healing and that he was a native deity who had become assimilated to Asclepius.

In Roman Germany the connexion of the dog with the underworld and the cults of healing is strongly suggested. The clay figurines of the goddess and her lap-dog have already been mentioned ; and there is other evidence which may be relevant. For example, there is a stone monument at Bonn which depicts a seated male figure, by whose side is the now much mutilated form of an animal (2). The dedicatory inscription leaves no room for doubting the identity of this personage, since it is addressed to Pluto and his consort, Proserpine. Although in its present condition the species of animal cannot be determined, we can be almost sure that, as the companion of the Lord of Hades, it can be none other than the hound, Cerberus, dread guardian of the underworld.

The full text of the inscription on the Bonn monument is extre- mely revealing, for it records the thanks of the dedicator to Pluto and Proserpine for the restoration of his own sight or that of a member of his family. This fact is interesting and significant. It is clear from the inscriptions from Epidaurus that the dog was regarded as an agent of healing. One of the texts records the restoration of sight to a blind child who had been licked by one of the sacred dogs. This is not the only example of miraculous cures attributed to dogs in ancient times, and it is certain that the role of that animal in the classical healing cults was firmly established by the time Gaulish religion was subjected to Romanization.

(1) R. E. M. Wheeler, loc. cit. (2) H. Lehner, Römische Steindenkmäler von der Bonner Münsterkirche in

Bonner Jahrbüch , 135, Taf. XXIII, 2, № 54). The inscription has been read by Lehner as follows : Dis infernis Plutoni et Proser (pinae) Q lui Agelaus vet leg I M. p. f. pro lumine suo pro salute sua ( e)t Meletenis v. s. I. - ' A fresco at Cornetio depicts the goddess Feronia who is identified with Persephone, as the consort of the wolf-god, and queen of the realm of death. - Another statue of Pluto seated with Cerberus by his side found at Waiblingen is at Stuttgart. Germania Romana , IV, Taf. XXVII, 1.




For further confirmation of our theory we can turn to certain stone reliefs from Mavilly (Côte-d'Or) (x). One of these shows a Celtic Mars, armed with javelin and shield. At his side is a ram headed serpent, and he is also accompanied by a female figure, perhaps Minerva (2). Another scene is of a seated man with a dog beside him. Behind this group stands a male figure holding his hands before his eyes. Of this figure more will be said later, but for the present attention is drawn to the association of Mars, the serpent and the dog.

This combination is the more remarkable in that it also occurs on the Gundestrup Cauldron. Here we see the god, almost certainly Teutates (the Mars-Teutates known to us from the poem of Lucan), with a dog at his side dominating a martial procession led by a ram-headed serpent. This peculiar reptile undoubtedly had some

profound significance in Gaulish religious symbolism. It appears as the familiar of Mars on a number of monuments. An altar found at Lypiatt Park, Gloucestershire, in close association with altars bearing the image of the god, shows this reptile coiled around its shaft (3).

It can hardly be coincidence that this combination of figures appears on both the Gundestrup Cauldron and the Mavilly reliefs ; and this leads one to suspect that the elements which are common to both express the same idea. The former displays a purely native

conception untouched by the process of religious syncretism, which on the latter is clearly well advanced. The god in both cases is a Celtic warrior, a Mars type, which is interesting. The names of

many native male deities are coupled with that of the Roman god of war, as the inscriptions show. Some of these were certainly associated with the cults of healing, for instance, Mars-Lenus and Mars-Loucetius. Vendryes has translated the name of the latter as « the brilliant one », (4) and in a more recent essay Thevenot (5)

(1) É. Thevenot, Le monument de Mavilly ( Côte-d'Or ) in Latomus , XIV, 1955, p. 75 ff.

(2) It is to be noted that Minerva presided over the medicinal springs at Bath in company with the native deity Sulis.

(3) E. M. Clifford, Roman Altars in Gloucestershire in Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society , 60, 1939, pl. XV, fig. 27. The altar is now in the museum at Stroud, Glos.

(4) J. Vendryes, Religion des Celtes , p. 271. (5) É. Thevenot, op. cit ., p. 83.



68 F. JENKINS

has put forward the suggestion that the god may have been invoked by blind people (!). Bearing this in mind, we can appreciate the importance of the enigmatic figure on the Mavilly relief. He stands with both hands over his eyes and his facial expression is full of suffering, which prompts one to think that a blind man is depicted. If we assume that this was in fact what the sculptor intented, then we should have a further link in the chain of evidence.

On the same panel is a dog, the presence of which has been an embarrassment to some students in their attempts to interpret the symbolism. But, as we have already seen, the animal is not out of place. Its association with medicinal springs, healing cults, and the underworld is in perfect agreement with its supposed therapeutic properties. As the companion of Pluto it is the dread guardian of the gates of Hades, and we may hazard a guess that, as the demon of sickness was regarded as living beneath the earth, the belief arose that the sinister deity must be invoked, so that his hound would prevent the evil spirit from breaking out into the world above, bringing disease and death to human beings. The Etruscans apparently believed the same thing, for the sanctuary of their wolf-shaped god of death was eventually taken over for the worship of Apollo, who had the power to send disease and pestilence (2).

Having dealt at some length with the roles of the dog in connexion with the underworld and healing cults, we must now pass on in our enquiry to other aspects which seem worthy of discussion. In order to follow this line of research it is necessary to return to a further study of the clay figurines of the seated goddess with her lap-dog (3). The series of her figurines is a long one. In all cases the essential characteristic is the canine companion of the goddess, which suggests that it was her main attribute and indicated her principal function. The dog, however, was not, it seems, her only attribute ; for she usually holds other emblems, such as a pomegranate, or alternatively, a small bowl or patera in one hand, and in the other what appears to be an ear of corn.

This combination of attributes strongly suggests that she presided

(1) An occulisťs stamp was found, prior to the excavations, at the temple of Nodens at Lydney. (R. E. M. Wheeler, op. cit., fig. 28, p. 102).

(2) As on Mount Soracte, where Apollo was identified with Soranus Pater. (3) F. Hettner, Drei Tempelbezirke im Treverlande , Trier, 1901, Taf. IX.




over the bestowal of plenty and fruitfulness. If this is true, then the deity is Ceres or her Celtic counterpart. But how does the dog fit into this assemblage of emblems of an undoubted agrarian character? At first its presence cannot be easily explained; but a partial solution to the problem may be arrived at by examining religious cults associated with agriculture.

In Roman times the Robigalia (April 25th), was held in honour of Robigus, the god of rust (mildew) in wheat. To him a red dog was offered in sacrifice, according to Ovid, who claimed to have witnessed the ritual (*). It is possible that it was the original intention to kill Robigus, in which case the dog may have been regarded as his symbol. It is clear that the cult was of an agrarian nature, and that the offering was made to an earth spirit. Further- more, the Robigalia followed the Cerialia (April 19th), which was held in honour of Ceres. Now Ceres had definite agricultural connexions, and by Roman times had become identified with her Greek predecessor, Demeter. Although the latter deity was not originally connected with the class of deities collectively known as « chthonioi » (i. e. earth-deities) she later became associated with them ; and the ritual of her mysteries (at Eleusis and elsewhere) was concerned with the death and rebirth of both corn and human beings. Of such a character also was Demeter' s Roman successor, Ceres.

These « chthonioi » had two main functions, namely to ensure the fertility of the crops and to preside over the realm of the souls of the dead. Demeter-Ceres is no exception, and in the following discussion we will treat the subject under the headings of her two main aspects, that of the great corn-mother and that of the underworld goddess.

The most important function of Demeter was as giver of corn, while her daughter Kore (Persephone) represented the life of the

crops. The myth first appeared in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, and is too well known to be repeated here. It is sufficient to em-

phasize the intimate connexion which existed between these deities and the growth and fertility of the crops, especially corn. In this

respect the ear of corn held by the clay figurine of the goddess is an appropriate symbol, and for that matter so is the pomegranate, since the fact that she had eaten its seed in the underworld com-

(1) Ovid, Fasti , IV, 805 ff.



70 F. JENKINS

pelled Persephone to spend part of every year in Hades. Moreover in Roman funerary art the pomegranate is a common symbol of after-life beatitude. The dog, however, is still an enigmatic figure.

There is, as we have already seen, a connexion of some kind between the dog and agriculture, especially those cults concerned with the growth of corn, as in the Robigalia ritual. This seems to be the only evidence that we have of the dog playing a role in agrarian ritual in classical times. But in certain harvest and other folk-customs of later ages the dog is prominent - a fact which supports belief in its ancient agricultural associations.

Frazer cites a number of places in France where in recent times the dog was the central figure in the harvest ritual 0. It seems that at harvest-time in the region of the Vosges, the Jura, around Verdun, Epinal, Lorraine, and in the surroundings of Trier (2), as also at Dux in the Tyrol and Ahnebergen, near Stade, the country- folk regarded the dog as a corn-spirit. When the last corn was cut in these areas, the harvesters spoke of killing the dog of the harvest. It is of interest to note that the area in which this superstition was most prevalent corresponds roughly to that area in which the clay figurines of the mother-goddess and her dog are most plentiful.

If these quaint customs are genuine survivals from Romano- Gaulish times, then the symbolism expressed by these figurines may be defined. It must, however, be clearly understood at the outset that the argument claims no more that to be based on the possibility that the later idea of the dog as a corn-spirit is a survival from the pagan period. At this juncture it is also well for the student to bear in mind the remarks of Rose on the subject of survivals from Roman religion (3). He quotes a number of instances from the Vosges region where, up to as late as the 19th century, beliefs were current concerning saints who were reputed to heal diseases. This question of survival he sums up as follows : - « What has survived here then, is not the ancient religion itself but some part

(1) J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough , London, 1949, abridged edition, p. 448-9.

(2) Information concerning a similar custom in the neighbourhood of Trier was given to the present writer by a Treverer friend while walking through an English corn-field at harvest-time. (3) H. J. Rose, Ancient Roman Religion, London 1948, pp. 152-3.




of the mentality which made it acceptable ». If these cautionary remarks are borne in mind, we can put forward the suggested definition.

In the process of Gaulish interpretation of Roman agrarian rituals, the Robigalia and the Cerialia coalesced. On the one hand there is the corn-mother, on the other the corn-spirit, the latter in the form of a dog. Both aspects of the cult were concerned with the same things, namely the promotion of the growth of the crops and the fertility of the corn.

We now turn to the second function of the goddess, her role as an underworld deity ; and in this context we continue our investigation of the place of the dog in religious ritual. The part that the animal played in the Robigalia strongly suggests that it had a definite connexion with the infernal regions. The same applies to its association with Hecate, another infernal deity, for the main constituent of the Hecate Supper was the flesh of a dog. It is most certainly marked in the case of Demeter and her successor Ceres, for besides being the corn mothers, they had a sterner aspect as infernal deities. Both symbolized the earth, and, as Guthrie states, « In the Greek mind the two functions of the earth as receiving the seed which is later to spring up in new and fertile life, and as the home of departed souls, were always connected. » (*) De- meter's daughter Persephone, as the wife of Hades, was queen of the underworld and the dead. Hence arose the belief in Demeter* s concern with the immortality of the human soul. It is therefore of interest to find that the clay figurines of the matron and her

dog seem, in some instances, to have had other-world connexions. A number of these figurines have indeed been found as grave-goods

in burials of the Romano-Gaulish period, a fact which strongly suggests their connexion with the funerary rites. If in fact, the matron thus represented is Demeter or Persephone, or one of their Roman equivalents, then the role of the goddess in this context is clear. But the presence of the dog again presents an

interesting problem. Various theories can be put forward to explain the symbolism. It could be that in the burial rituals the dog assumed the role of a guardian spirit which accompanied the souls of the dead on their journey to the underworld. That it was a

(1) W. K. G. Guthrie, The Greeks and their Gods , London, 1950, p. 284.



72 F. JENKINS

corn-spirit, is equally plausible. Now the seed-corn, buried in the ground and seemingly dead, at last springs into new life ; and at the harvest the corn-spirit is killed so that corn may be born again next year. This drama of the annual death and resurrection of the corn spirit was enacted at Demeter' s Eleusian mysteries. The life-cycle of the corn is paralleled by that of human life ; and it may be that the dog, symbol of the corn-spirit, also symbolized the soul of the departed, killed at the « harvest of death » so that it might spring forth again into eternal life.

Another interpretation of the function of the dog is worthy of consideration. In discussing the animal's significance as the companion of Nehalennia, Hardenberg quotes a number of instances in ancient mythologies where the dog was regarded as a man- devouring monster in the realm of death (1). But in his study of the goddess, and of the clay figurines of the matron and the dog, he could find nothing to indicate that the animals thus represented had this fearsome character. He was therefore inclined to think that by the time Nehalennia's had assumed the shape in which we know it, an ancient savage idea had given place to a more humane one. In other words, with the loss among the ancients of the primitive fear of death, the dog exchanged its awe-inspiring aspect for that of a more benevolent spirit. Thus the monster Cerberus may have been degraded into a harmless lap-dog without however, entirely losing contact with the underworld. If the figurines do, fact, depict the monster turned lap-dog, then the problem is solved. In this connexion a small stone monument at Bonn may be relevant. It was found on the same site as the Pluto-Proserpine inscription already mentioned (2), and depicts a seated matron feeding a small dog from a bowl (3). It is not certain how far these two monuments can be associated, for the latter is uninscribed, but it may have similar underworld affinities, or perhaps the matron is literally offering a sop to Cerberus, guardian of the gates of Hades, by that time transformed into a harmless lap-dog.

An analysis of the find-spots of the clay figurines of the matron and lap-dog from the temple area at Trier is revealing, for it shows that they were used as offerings at certain shrines where the mother-

(1) H. Hardenberg, op. cit., p. 14. (2) H. Lehner, loc. cit. (3) H. Lehner, op. cit., Taf. XXV, 1, Statuette 59.




goddess was worshipped in various forms. One of these shrines was apparently dedicated to a native goddess, Aveta i1). Another is of interest, for although no clay figurines of this type seem to have been deposited therein, there certainly stood at the entrance a stone statue of a seated matron holding the usual fruit-basket on her lap, and at her side, the now much mutilated figure of a dog (2). The name of the goddess is not known but she closely resembles the representations of Nehalennia.

The frequency with which the dog appears on the religious sculptures of the Rhine-Mosel region, prompts one to think that the inclusion of this animal may have been a native contribution to the symbolism of imported deities. This may have been the case in respect of Epona. At Trier two bas-reliefs were found, one inside and the other outside a shrine which also yielded several clay figurines of the type we are discussing (3). The dog and Epona do not appear together on these bas-reliefs, but the significance of the association of the deity with the mother goddess-lap dog combination invites attention, for superficially there seems to be no apparent relationship between them.

Our interest is further stimulated when we turn to examine the various representations of Epona, for among them are certain examples in which she appears with a small dog on her lap (4). Here again the symbolism is obscure, and in considering the com- paratively wide range of objects carried by Epona, for example, fruits, baskets of fruits, the patera, and the cornucopiae, we are again confronted with the complexity of Romano-Gaulish religious ideas (5). Even so, all these objects indicate that, although fun- damentally a protectress of all things equestrian, Epona closely conforms to the mother-goddess type and was believed to have

(1) S. Loeschcke, Der Erforschung des Tempelbezirkes im Altbachtale zu Trier , Berlin, 1928, S. 29.

(2) S. Loeschcke, ibid., S. 26, Abb. 6, 15 and 17. (3) S. Loeschcke, Der Tempelbezirk im Altbachtale zu Trier , Heft 1, S. 62,

Taf. 24, 12. (4) E.g. Baarlo (Holland) : M. J. Vermaseren, De Romeinse beschaving in

Midden-Limburg, Roermond, 1951, p. 50, fig ; Alttrier (Luxemburg) in Bonn Museum : G. Behrens, Germanische und gallische Götter in römischem Gewand , Mainz, 1944, S. 28, fig.

(5) R. Magnen and É. Thevenot, Êpona , Bordeaux, 1953, comprehensive study containing many illustrations.



74 F. JENKINS

similar qualities. The fact that this type of Epona occurs exclu- sively in the same region as Nehalennia and the other goddesses who appear with dogs in Romano-Gaulish religious art, seems significant and may be taken as further evidence that the dog was a popular symbol in the religious ideas of the native population. What this may have actually meant can only be a guess in the case of Epona, for our material is confined to the outward and visible signs of her cult. We therefore can only draw our conclusions from the evidence provided by the iconography of the goddess and these may be briefly defined as follows.

We have already detected certain elements which indicate that Epona was another manifestation of the mother-goddess, and hence was concerned with fertility and all its attendant qualities. At times she is associated with certain thermal springs connected with healing Q). It has also been postulated elsewhere that Epona and her horse represented death or were guides of souls in the after- life ride (2). If these interpretations of the cult are correct, then it follows that the presence of the dog can be fitted into the symbolism.

Other Romano-Gaulish goddesses who are accompanied by a dog are Abnoba the deity of the Black Forest, and Arduinna of the Ardennes. Both these goddesses are apparently identified with Diana as shown by a stone statuette from Mühlburg (3), and a relief from Oberbetschdorf (4). They each bear inscriptions to the native deity (5) who in each case appears in the characteristic guise of her classical counterpart, that is, as the divine huntress with a dog seated at her feet.

In Britain the figures seen on two reliefs from the site of a shrine at Nettleton, (e) and on an altar found in London (7) are examples

(1) É. Thevenot, Le cheval sacré dans la Gaule de VEst in Revue Archéolo- gique de VEst , II, 1951, p. 139.

(2) F. Benoit, Les mythes de Voutre-tombe : le cavalier à Vanguipède et Vécuyère Épona (Collection Làtomus, Vol. Ill), Brussels, 1950.

(3) Germania Romana , IV, S. 49, Taf. XXVI, 4. (4) Ibid., S. 49, Taf. XXVI, 3. (5) C./.L., XIII, 6326 and 11687, respectively. (6) F. Haverfield, The Romanization of Roman Britain, Oxford, 1923,

4th. ed. revised by G. MacDonald, p. 73, fig. 26. (7) Royal Commission on Historical Monuments (England), Vol. Ill, Roman

London , pp. 43 and 120, pl. 12.




of Diana and her hound in full Roman style. That the dog was a fitting companion for the divine huntress is obvious, and there is no need to seek for any profound significance in their association i1). Neither is it very remarkable that a hound appears in a hunting scene on a relief from Neumagen, (2) but it is mentioned in order to draw attention to the lunar-shaped amulet suspended from the dog's collar. In view of the close connexion which was believed to exist between Diana and the moon, it seems very appropriate that an animal of the same species as her sacred hound, should wear her symbol in order to ensure success in the hunting field.

Besides being the goddess of the chase, Diana was also concerned with the intimate affairs of women. It is therefore hardly surprising to find that the same type of amulet was worn by the matronae of the Rhineland (3), but it is of great interest that the mother- goddesses who hold lap-dogs also wore them (4). This then could mean that these lunar-shaped ornaments were intended as charms to promote or protect fertility, but this particular dog in any case could not have been directly linked with Diana.

It is possible that the festival of the Lupercalia, behind which lurks a wolf, the primitive fore-runner of the dog, may be relevant to this investigation. It was held in honour of Faunus on the 15th February, and had a dual nature, for it contained the ritual of fertilization and served to avert evil influences proceeding from the realm of death. Faunas (5), it seems, was originally conceived of as having the shape of a wolf ; and he appears as the son of Mars, also a primitive wolf-god. Furthermore, the month in which the festival was held,. February, was by ancient tradition connected

(1) Another deity worshipped by hunters was Silvanus, the god of wild places. He also appears in Romano-Gaulish art with a dog beside him. Cf. H. Lehner, op. cit., S. 24, Taf. XXIV.

(2) W. von Massow, Römische Grabdenkmäler von Neumagen , 1932, Band II, Tag. 33. The relief is now in the Landesmuseum, Trier, № 184.

(3) H. Lehner, op. cit., $. 11, Taf. X, 1. Cf. also a herme from Welschbillig which also wears the lunar amulet suspended from a necklace, Germania Ro- mana, IV, S. 64, Taf. XL IV, 8.

(4) E.g., a clay figurine from Cologne now in the Römisch-Germanisches Museum der Stadt Köln.

(5) See Fr. Altheim, A History of Roman Religion, London, 1938, transi, by H. Mattingly, p. 206 ff., for a full and comprehensive study of the origin and significance of Faunus.



76 F. JENKINS

with Februus, the god of death. Here we have, inextricably associated, fertility, the cult of the dead, the god of death himself, equated with Dispater, the warrior god Mars, who was originally a wolf-god, and the wolf itself. Thus we can, perhaps, discern in the Lupercalia most of the elements which we have already encountered and discussed.

It is now time to summarize the results of our study of the significance of the dog in early mythology. Firstly, there is strong evidence to suggest that the animal, in the role of a guardian or voracious monster, had definite connexions with the underworld in the mythologies of a number of ancient civilizations. Secondly there seems good reason for believing that the dog had a definite part to play in burial rites as the guardian of the soul on its last journey. Thirdly there is some evidence that it played a part in the cults of healing in the Gaulish regions perhaps under Roman and ultimately Greek inspiration. There is indeed a clear connexion between healing death, and fertility for in late pagan thought death brings release or « healing » from the evils of this life and rebirth into a more abundant, « fertile » life beyond the grave. Fourthly the dog seems to have had a leading part in the religious cults connected with agriculture, where occasionally it may have been regarded as a corn-spirit, and thus was concerned with ferti- ity.

It is noteworthy that, although a number of Gaulish zoomorphic deities are known to have undergone a process of anthropomorphism, not one can be traced back to a canine origin.

The purpose of this paper was to set out the evidence for the significance of the dog in early religious symbolism. The writer hopes that it may stimulate some interest in other students of the subject, and in this way contribute to an ultimate solution of the problem.

The research entailed in producing this essay could not have been attempted but for a scholarship provided by the Leverhulme Trustees and to them the author extends his grateful thanks. He also wishes to express his gratitude to Professor J. M. C. Toyn- bee who has devoted much of her time to reading the typescript in all its stages. Her kind criticisms h^ve at all times been invalu- able, and her many comments and suggestions are now incorporated in this final draft.

Frank Jenkins.



PLATE VI

Fig. 1. - Votive bronze dog from temple of Nodens, Lydney, England. Length 10,16 cms. (By the permission of the Society of Antiquaries, London).

2. - Bronze votive plaque bearing dedication to Nodens and a figure of a dog. From temple of Nodens, Lydney, England. Height originally about 10 cms. (By permission of the Society of Antiquaires, London).

Frank Jenkins, The Role of the Dog in Romano-Gaulish Religion.



PLATE VII

Fig. 3. - Votive bronze dog from Coventina's Well at C'rrawburgh, England. Length 3.81 cms.

(By permission of the Trustees of the Chesters Museum).

Fig. 4. - Clay Figurine of Mother Goddess from Canterbury, England. Height 5 1/2 inches. (Royal Museum, Canterbury).

Frank Jenkins, The Role of the Dog in Romano-Gaulish Religion.



the role of the dog in romano-gaulish religion

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