the richness of the poverty of the stimulus

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    The Richness of the

    Poverty of the StimulusJulie Anne Legate

    University of Delaware

    Charles Yang

    Yale University

    Golden Anniversary of LSLT

    LSA Institute, Harvard/MIT

    July 16th 2005

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    The Argument from thePoverty of the Stimulus

    in LSLT

    In LSLT the `psychological analogue tothe methodological problem of constructinglinguistic theory is not discussed, but itlay in the immediate background of my ownthinking.

    To raise the issue seemed to me, at thetime, too audacious. Introduction

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    LSLT

    a grammar is justified by showing that it

    follows from a given abstract theory oflinguistic structure.

    The abstract theory must have the propertythat for each language, the highest-valued

    grammar for that language meets theexternal criteria of adequacy p65

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    LSLT

    1. A speaker of a language has observed acertain limited set of utterances in hislanguage. On the basis of this finitelinguistic experience he can produce anindefinite number of new utteranceswhich are immediately acceptable to other

    members of his speech community. He canalso distinguish a certain set of

    "grammatical" utterances, amongutterances that he has never heard and

    might never produce. 1

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    LSLT

    It may be that along these lines we willbe able to develop ... an explanation forthe general process of projection by whichspeakers extend their limited linguisticexperience to new and immediately

    acceptable forms. 110

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    Syntactic Structures(1957)

    we pose a condition of generality ongrammars; we require that the grammar of agiven language be constructed in accordance

    with a specific theory of linguisticstructure in which terms such as `phonemeand `phrase are defined independently ofany particular language. 6.1 p50

    a reasonable requirement, since we areinterested not only in particularlanguages, but also in the general natureof Language. 2.1 p14

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    Syntactic Structures(1957)

    a grammar mirrors the behavior of thespeaker who, on the basis of a finite andaccidental experience with language, can

    produce or understand an indefinite numberof new sentences. 2.2 p15

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    Review of Verbal Behavior(1959)

    in principle it may be possible to studythe problem of determining what the built-in structure of an information-processing(hypothesis-forming) system must be toenable it to arrive at the grammar of alanguage from the available data in the

    available time. p58

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    Aspects(1965)

    A consideration of the character of thegrammar that is acquired, the degeneratequality and narrowly limited extent of theavailable data, the striking uniformity ofthe resulting grammars, and theirindependence of intelligence, motivation,and emotional state, over wide ranges of

    variation, leave little hope that much of

    the structure of the language can belearned by an organism initially uninformedas to its general character. p58

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    Cartesian Linguistics(1966)

    seventeenth-century rationalism ... notes

    that knowledge arises on the basis of veryscattered and inadequate data and thatthere are uniformities in what is learnedthat are in no way uniquely determined bythe data itself. Consequently, these

    properties are attributed to the mind, aspreconditions for experience. p65

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    Language and Mind(1968)

    if we assume that the A-over-A principleis a part of the innate schematism that

    determines the form of knowledge oflanguage, we can account for certainaspects of the knowledge of English

    possessed by speakers who obviously havenot been trained and who have not even

    been presented with data bearing on thephenomena in question in any relevant way,as far as can be ascertained. p53

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    Structure Dependence inyes/no Questions

    First mention of auxiliary fronting inyes/no questions requiring structuredependence: Aspects p55-56, developed in

    Language and Mind

    The subjects who will act as controls willbe paid

    Will [the subjects who will act as

    controls] __ be paid?

    *Will the subjects who __ act as controlswill be paid?

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    Fodor 2001

    Thats what Chomsky gets for offering anexample thats easy to understand.

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    Three Challenges

    maybe childrens grammar isnt that good

    maybe the data isnt that poor

    maybe empiricist learning isnt thathopeless

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    Objection from thePoverty of the Output

    Error-free learning: intermediate statesdo not violate innate constraints

    No one ever makes mistakes to becorrected. (debate with Piaget re: SSC)

    Rules and Representations 1980

    Objection: error-free learning must beestablished, not asserted

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    To Err is Human?

    Crain & Nakayama (1987)

    3-5 year olds

    Ask Jabba if [the boy who is watchingMickey Mouse] is happy.

    Is [the boy who is watching Mickey Mouse]__ happy?

    *Is [the boy who __ watching Mickey Mouse]is happy?

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    To Err is Human?

    MacWhinney (2004) -- learning is low-errornot error-free

    e.g. Complex NP Constraint: Seth 38-42months (Wilson & Peters Language 1988)

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    Seth Violates UG?

    (Seths running away at the store had beenmuch discussed)What did I get lost at [the ], Dad?

    Is this a T?

    No, thats a funny I.

    What is this [a funny ], Dad?

    What are you cookin on [a hot ]?Well, what AM I cookin on a hot?

    Stove!

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    Seth Speaks Slavic(Or Perhaps Pama-Nyungan)

    Iz kojeg grada je Petar sreo [djevojke ]

    from which city is Peter met [girls __]

    Which city did Peter meet girls from?

    (SC Stjepanovic 1998)(Jangari mayi kanpa mardarni?)

    (shanghai Q aux have)

    (Do you have a shanghai?)

    Yuwayi. Jirrama karna mardarni [jangari ]

    yes two aux have [shanghai __]

    Yes. I have TWO shanghais!

    (Warlpiri Laughren 1984)

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    To Err is Human

    Conclusions from such cases:

    Limited to status of principle

    No effect on broader claim of innateknowledge

    Use of non-target but possible human

    grammars further evidence for innateknowledge

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    Objection from theRichness of the

    Stimulus

    Perhaps the child does have the evidenceavailable to rule out wrong alternativehypotheses (Pullum & Scholz 2002)

    Will [the subjects who will act ascontrols] __ be paid?

    Was the Argument that Made wasEmpirical? Legate 1999

    Empirical Reassessment of StimulusPoverty Arguments Legate & Yang 2002

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    Richness?

    Adam corpus = 0 (20,372 sentences, 8,889

    questions) (Legate 1999)

    Nina corpus = 0 (46,499 sentences, 20,651questions) (Legate & Yang 2002)

    CHILDES = 1 (3 million sentences)(MacWhinney 2004)

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    Existence vs Sufficency

    If such evidence did exist, would it besufficient to rule out incorrecthypotheses?

    Situate within a comparative framework oflanguage acquisition

    Could the child use this information giventime and frequency of data?

    Comparable age of acquisition = comparablefrequency of disambiguating evidence

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    Objection from theRichness of the Learner

    Piaget (1975/1980) the `innate fixednucleus would retain all its propertiesof a `fixed nucleus if it were not

    innate but constituted the `necessaryresult of the constructions ofsensorimotor intelligence (p31)

    Putnam (1980) Once it is granted thatsuch multipurpose learning strategiesexist, the claim that they cannotaccountfor language learning becomes highlydubious (p296)

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    Objection from theRichness of the Learner

    Relevant data not required--emerges fromstatistical properties of the input

    e.g. Lewis & Elman (2001), Reali &Christiansen (2003, 2004)

    Track transitional probabilities ofadjacent words

    Differentiates between:

    (1) Is the little boy who is crying ___hurt?

    (2) *Is the little boy who ___ crying ishurt?

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    Emergence?

    Does not learn movement

    Learns that who is is common in theinput

    (1) Is the little boy who is crying ___hurt?

    (2)*Is the little boy who ___ crying ishurt?

    Kam, Stoyneshka, Tornyova, Sakas, Fodor(2005)

    Differentiate who-rel vs who-wh andcorrect output is no longer selected (17%correct, 30% incorrect, 44% cant choose)

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    Ideas: Old and New I

    Trends in linguistic sciences: computers,

    corpora, & babies, more powerful thanpreviously thought

    What LSLT actually said

    Distributional learning: (perhaps morepromising) way ... is through the analysis ofclustering. We define the distribution of aword as the set of contexts of the corpus inwhich it occurs, and the distributionaldistance between two words... (34.5)

    Information theory: This conception of

    syntactic analysis has an information-theoretic interpretation ... We have in factdefined the best analysis as the one thatminimizes information per word in thegenerated language grammaticaldiscourse (35.4)

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    Ideas: Old and New II

    Minimum Description Length (MDL) Principle: itis interesting to note that any simplificationalong these lines is immediately reflected inthe length of the grammar. (26)

    Probability in grammar: though we have strong

    reasons for a nonstatistical conception of theform of grammar, it might turn out to be thecase that statistical considerations arerelevant to establishing, e.g., the absolute,nonstatistical distinctions between G and ...(fn. Note that there is no question being raised

    here as to the legitimacy of a probabilisticstudy of language. (36.3)

    many other revived, or rediscovered ...

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    Ideas: Old and New III

    Statistical Learning: Investigation of his [Z. Harris]

    data seems to indicate that word boundaries can beplaced much more effectively than morpheme boundariesby this method. (45, fn)

    8-month-old infants can do this (Saffran, Aslin, &Newport 1996)

    Learning Rediscovered it flies in the face ofreceived wisdom... learning is much more powerfulthan previously believed, and arguments about theinnateness of language and other forms of cognitionneed to take that undeniable fact intoaccount (Bates & Elman 1996)

    45, fn (Cont.): The problem is whether this can bedone on the basis of a corpus of a reasonable size ...

    Psychological plausibility: a stronger theory, i.e.,of converting this evaluation procedure into apractical discovery procedure (38)-not just corpus

    analysis

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    Whether This Can Be Done

    Gambell & Yang (2003): computational modelingusing CHILDES data

    Experiments vs. reality

    Statistical learning does not scale up

    not enough big words.

    Is it a practical discovery procedure?

    P(A->B)=P(AB)/P(A), every time hear A, mustchange P(A->B) for all Bs (thousands inpractice)

    Statistical learning can work well whenconstrained by what appears to be innateknowledge of how prosody marks linguisticallysignificant structures (Gambell & Yang 2005):another POS argument

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    The Richness of Data

    Too much data, and too powerful a statistical learner,are both very bad things! (Goodman, Quine)

    Statistical learning is no Universal Acid: the learner

    pays attention to certain statistical correlations butnot others (Nespor et al. 2002, Newport & Aslin 2004,Newport et al. 2004)

    Language acquisition as innately guided learning: Theanimal is innately equipped to recognize when itshould learn, what cues it should attend to, how to

    store the new information and how to refer to it inthe future (Gould & Marler 1987)

    Learning demonstrates innateness: Auxiliary Inversion,Word segmentation, ...

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    Yalies vs. Rats

    b bili i d

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    Probabilities andParameters

    Probability matching behavior (Bush & Mosteller1951, Herrnstein 1961); cf. Labov (1994)

    Yang (2002): parameter setting as probabilitymatching (cf. Jakobson 1968, Mehler 1974,Piatelli-Palmirini 1989, Clark 1993, Werker & Tees1999, Roeper 2000, Kroch 2001, Crain & Pietroski2002)

    Head Initial/Final: domain-specific space

    Quantitative correlations between developmentand frequency of specific linguistic data in the

    input

    Bloom (2001): no WAD but domain-specific syntacticand semantic constraints remain indispensable(Lasnik 1989, Gleitman 1990, Pinker 1994 etc.)

    Recall statistical learning in word segmentation.

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    Representations vsMechanisms

    A nativism of domain specific informationneednt, of course, be incompatible with anativism of domain specific acquisition

    mechanisms ... But I want to emphasize that,given his understanding of POSAs [Poverty ofStimulus Arguments], Chomsky can with perfectcoherence claim that innate, domain specific PAs[Propositional Attitudes] mediate language

    acquisition, while remaining entirelyagnostic about the domain specificity oflanguage acquisition mechanisms. (Fodor 2001:

    p107-8)

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    Language Design

    Three Factors in Language Design (2005):

    Genetic endowment ... which interprets part of theenvironment as linguistic experience

    Experience, which leads to variation, within afairly narrow range ...

    Principles not specific to language ... (a)principles of data analysis that might be used inlanguage acquisition and other domains; (b)principles of structural architecture and

    developmental constraints ... including principlesof efficient computation

    LSLT (1955): At the present stage of our knowledgewe must surely keep an open mind ... (36)

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    Thank you Noam!