the rediscovery of ni zan, longmen dubu tu

The Rediscovery of Ni Zan, Longmen dubu tuAuthor(s): C. C. Wang and Kathleen YangSource: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 47 (1994), pp. 70-76Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20111245 .

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The Rediscovery of Ni Zan, Longmen dubu tu

C. C. Wang and Kathleen Yang

In the course of our work in collecting impressions of

seals of painters, calligraphers, and scholars from Chi nese paintings in the United States, we were excited to

discover a truly rare treasure in the collection of the Phil

adelphia Art Museum. This painting, Longmen dubu tuy*

(Fig. i) is remarkable because it has been mentioned

throughout the Ming and Qing periods for its unique ness, although its present existence has been in question.

Ni Zan (i 301-1374), one of the great Yuan masters, "was the prototypical late Yuan literati painter.

... He

successfully melded poetry, calligraphy and painting into an expressive unity.

"* Although Ni rarely painted human

forms, it has been mentioned in many old records since

the late fifteenth century a. d. that Ni painted one specific

painting including a human figure. This painting was

entitled Longmen dubu tu (Solitary Stroll at Longmen). This historically significant painting, excluding

mounting, measures 133.35 centimeters (4 feet 4 V2 in

ches) in height and 68.88 centimeters (2 feet 3 Vs inches) in width. The condition of the painting is good, though the paper is somewhat worn, and the ink is light. The

paper used for this painting is of a kind often seen in

paintings of Ni's time. There is an inscription in the

upper right-hand corner written by Ni Zan, signed and

dated yisi (1365) by the artist. The inscription (see Figs. 1 and 4A) translates as follows:

Yunlin, the recluse, painted Longmen dubu for monk [elder] Fuan

When Elder En was living at Tianping [Longmen Temple was at

Tianping Mountain]2 Under the woods, [he] went to receive the monk.

After having walked to Longmen, the monk was left with little

strength in his feet.

In his priestly robe, he was eating cherries.

This poem was composed by Waishi [scholar] Boyu when he was

visiting Elder En Duanjiang. I used to enjoy a mentor-like friendship with Waishi. In the year of yisi [1365], I visited Fuan, and stayed in

the mountain for a few days. Fuan was reciting this poem incessantly while I did the painting. I wrote the above to narrate the incident as

told to me. Signed by Ni Zan.

In addition to the inscription written by Ni Zan, there is a colophon on the right vertical side of the mounting

written by Wu Yun (1811-1884) (see Fig. 1), a noted

collector and a prefect of Suzhou.3 Wu wrote the follow

ing: On January the second of gengwu [year 1870], Mr. Cai Xian took

out a painting from his case, and asked me to decide on its quality.

70

Fig. i. Ni Zan (i301-1374), Longmen dubu tu (Solitary Stroll at

Longmen) (1365). Hanging scroll, ink on paper, h. 133.35 cm (4 feet 4 Vi inches); w. 68.88 cm (2 feet 3 Vs inches). '29-40-172.

Philadelphia Museum of Art: Purchase.



Fig. 2. Impressions in facsimile of a, seals of Wu Yun; b, seals of

Jinxian; c, seal in upper left-hand corner; d, seal in lower right hand corner of Longmen dubu tu, Figure i. Photographs by Denis

C. Yang.

I judged Yunlin the Recluse Longmen dubu Tu to be number one.

Caixian immediately gave the art work to me. I was delighted and

brought it home. I am recording this to inform my good friends

about this precious gift and the month and the year in which it came

into my possession. Narrated by the retired man at the age of 60.

Underneath this colophon there are two impressions of

the seals of Wu Yun, reproduced here in facsimile (Fig. 2A).

In the top right corner, lower left corner, and lower

right corner, there are one, two, and one seals, respec

tively, of Wanyan Jingxian, also named Jing Pusun,b a

noted late nineteenth-century Manchu connoisseur who

collected early Chinese calligraphy and paintings with his friend and fellow collector Duanfang.4 The impres sions of these seals are reproduced here in facsimile (Fig. IB).

In the upper left corner, there is a seal of a third collec tor (Fig. 2c), whom we could not identify and in the

lower right corner, under the seal of Jingxian, there is an

illegible old seal of a fourth collector (Fig. 2d).

The existence of this painting was first mentioned

when Du Mu (1459-1525) recorded the entire inscrip tion as seen in Figures 1 and 4A. Li Rihua, in his Liuyan zhai sanbi, published in 1626, gave a description of the

painting before he too recorded the entire inscription.5 Other scholars of the Ming and Qing dynasties, such as

Zhang Chou (1577-1645), Dong Qichong (1555? 1636), Chen Jiru (1558-1639), Wang Luoyu (b. 1587),

and Bian Yongyu (1654-1712), mentioned the unique ness of this painting through references made to these two sources,6 but this painting was not recorded in many other records published between 1626 and the early nineteenth century.7

In Liuyanzhai sanbi, Li Rihua describes the painting as

follows:

The outline of the mountains is rather large, the brush stroke is very

fine, and the ink is light. A pine tree looks up and an oak is adjacent to it. At the corner of the road, a monk walks underneath in a stately

manner. This must be En Duanjiang referred to in the poem by

Zhang Boyu.

He then went on to record the entire inscription as seen

in Figures 1 and 4A.

Qian Duc (1763-1844), in his Songhu Huayid said that

he had this painting in his collection. However, his de

scription of the painting is vague, and there is no seal of

Qian that we can trace.8 In the early years of the emperor

Guangxu (around 1874), Li Fang,e a noted nineteenth

century connoisseur of Chinese calligraphy and paint ings, recorded that he had seen Longmen dubu tu in Mr.

Chen's collection in Shangqiu/9 The painting is listed in Jingxian's Sanyutang

shuhuamu.? In 1924, Jingxian was in negotiation to sell

his entire collection of calligraphy and paintings. Since

1929, Longmen dubu tu, acquired from the Vladimir G.

Simkhovitch collection, has been owned by the Philadel

phia Museum of Art.10

When a long-lost painting resurfaces, the most cogent

question will be whether it is genuine. This painting, in

spite of its fame, does not have a rich provenance to trace,

except the seals of two important late nineteenth-century collectors, a colophon written by Wu Yun, a brief entry in the published record of Jingxian, the often mentioned

record of Li Rihua, and the records made in the nine

teenth century. The composition of the painting, show

ing numerous high mountains in the background, is not

seen in many of Ni's extant paintings. However, after

having studied the painting on numerous occasions and

comparing it with many other extant Ni paintings, C. C.

Wang thinks this is the genuine Ni Zan "Longmen paint

ing" referred to often in many records.

Wang's reasons are many, the foremost being the cal

ligraphic stroke and the brushstroke, which in his opin ion are typically Ni's. The calligraphic stroke is charac

teristic of Ni's mature period, and the brushstroke is

done in his typical late style. The most important clue is

71



Fig. 3. Ni Zan (1301-1374), Enjoying the Wilderness in an Autumn

Grove (colophons 1339 and 1354). Ink on paper, h. 97.0, l. 68.5 cm. 1989.363.38. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Bequest of

John M. Crawford, Jr., 1988.

his calligraphic brushstroke in his inscription; it is his

typical mature-period work and is very difficult to forge. The supporting evidence is in the painting itself, which

72

is done in Ni's characteristic dry brushstroke, zhedai cun, and his horizontal, sparingly executed taidian (moss

dots) dotted in his own distinctive manner.

C. C. Wang and his teacher Wu Hufan consider brush

stroke and calligraphic stroke to be of great importance in authenticating paintings and calligraphy, particularly in works done by literati painters. Many scholars, dating to the Ming period, have mentioned this approach in

their writings. In the colophon appended to the upper left side of Ni Zan's Enjoying the Wilderness in an Autumn

Grove (1339) (Fig. 3), now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York City, Wang Aoh wrote:

The century-old painting still retains its spirit. For true con

noisseurship, [one] still defers to Elder Du [Du Qiong1]. Today, Changyuan* [Du's son] has left [us] evidence of [Du's] skillful eye, so

that we know [Ni's] youthful work is like his person. I am reading Mr. Dongyuan's [Du Qiong's] old manuscript in

which he mentioned that authenticity of Yunlin's work is determined

by the world through Ni's calligraphic stroke in his calligraphy. [We] did not know that his early work was so rare. This [work] is young like his person. I therefore compose this poem to show agreement that the teacher [Du Qiong] knows paintings really well.

Du Qiong ( 1397-1474), a scholar, painter, connoisseur,11 and teacher of Wu Kuan and Shen Zhou, was a student

of Chenji,k son of Chen Ruyen,1 and nephew of Chen

Weiyin,m one of Ni Zan's best friends.12 Through Du's

connection with Ni's intimate friend Chen Weiyin, Du

would have access to first-hand knowledge not available

to later scholars.

Wang Ao (1450-1524), a noted scholar, calligrapher, collector, and grand secretary (1506-1509),13 edited

GusuzhF drafted by Wu Kuan,?14 former owner of En

joying the Wilderness, a scholar, calligrapher, and collector.

Wang Ao's inscription shows the respect accorded to Du

Qiong's judgment and Wang's reliance on calligraphic stroke for authentication.

Wang Shimin, Wang Yuanqi, Wu Qizhen of Shuhua

Ji, Wu Sheng of Daguan Lu, Wu Hufan, and Zhang

Daquian are some of the other scholars, calligraphers,

painters, and collectors who have relied on calligraphy and brushstroke in addition to seals, provenance, com

position, and paper when studying a painting.15 For the study of his calligraphy and paintings, using

the extant examples, we have arbitrarily divided Ni's

work into three stages: his early stage; a transitional stage, when he was in his forties and fifties; and his mature or

late stage, from his mid-sixties to his seventies, each

stage with its own characteristics.

In his mature stage Ni's calligraphy takes on a flat and

oblong appearance, where the width seems to be wider

than the length of each character. At each corner, each

turn, and each ending of a stroke there is still a meticu

lous, deliberate wait at each pause; but each stroke is

executed with a steely, springy, elastic, dancing quality. The calligraphy inscribed in Longmen dubu tu is typical of

his mature period.



Fig. 4. A, Inscription from Longmen dubu tu com

pared with B, that from Ni Zan, Pavilion by a Stream (1365).

We have compared the calligraphy appended in the

poem in Longmen dubu tu with the calligraphy seen in

some of Ni's other extant paintings,16 and they all share

similar characteristics. The calligraphic strokes of the

inscription of Longmen dubu tu and those of Pavilion by a

Stream (1365) (Fig. 4) are especially close.

The painting itself has Ni Zan's characteristic dry brushstroke, zhyedai cun, which is not seen before his

time and was most likely his own invention; and the

sparcely and horizontally applied taidian can be done

only by Ni.17 We see similarities in the way the mountains were rendered in Longmen dubu tu when compared with

the mountains in Empty Groves after the Rain (Fig. 5). The

trees in these two paintings are similar, and also compare

very well with trees in many other extant paintings of

Ni's late period.18 The monk in Longmen dubu tu is painted very small, with a simple line to sketch the outline of a

head and robe, executed in a brushstroke similar to the man in Enjoying the Wilderness in an Autumn Grove,

Fig. 5. Ni Zan (1301-1374), Empty Groves After the Rain (1368). Hanging scroll, ink and light color

on paper, h. 63.5, w. 37.6 cm. YV 81. National

Palace Museum, Taibei; Palace Museum Photo

graphic Distribution, Ann Arbor.

73



Fig. 6. Monks from (left) Longmen dubu tu (Fig. i) and (right) Enjoying the Wilderness in an Autumn Grove (Fig. 3).

painted 26 years earlier (see Fig. 3). The latter is also very small and wears a robe sketched in a simple outline;

Figure 6 brings the two monks together for easy com

parison.

Longmen dubu tu is also an important historical docu ment of the activities of some of the Yuan scholars.

Zhang Yu (Boyu), a daoist, scholar, and painter, was

known to be one of Yunlin's best friends.19 Elder En

Duanjiang renovated the Kaiyuan Monastery in Suzhou

in the Zhizhi period (1321-1323). Ni, while taking ref

uge on Lake Tai during his later years, still went by land to visit the cities, and Kaiyuan Monastery was one of the

places where he stayed in the years 1365 and 1366.20 Fuan was Laifii,p or Lai Jianxin,q a highly respected callig

rapher at the time.21 The inscription appended by Ni in

his own handwriting in the painting verifies for us the

feelings of warm friendship and considerations shared

by En, Zhang, and Ni. One of Ni's contemporaries,

Yang Weizhen, considered En, Zhang, and Ni to repre sent three of the seven important different schools of

poetry during the late Yuan period.22 Longmen dubu tu is an important discovery. Histori

cally, it is a painting mentioned in many old records for

its uniqueness because it has a human figure, which is

very rare in Ni's paintings (see note 6). However, from

the time it was described in Liuyanzhai sanbi in a. d. i 626, its provenance was ambiguous until Wu Yun recorded it

in 1870, when the painting went into his collection.

74

Therefore, for approximately 240 years, the existence of

the painting was in question. It is possible that Qian Du

and Mr. Chen owned this painting for a brief period of

time. However, from 1870 on two eminent collectors, first Wu Yun and then Wenyan Jingxian, had this paint

ing in their collections briefly before it came to the United

States of America. Our discovery confirms the existence

of this painting, considered by many Chinese scholars to

be very rare. The writings of the numerous nineteenth

century scholars left us with enough evidence to recog nize the significance of this art work when we saw the

genuine painting.

The dates given in this manuscript were checked with

the following references: L. Carrington Goodrich, ed.,

Dictionary of Ming Biography (New York: Columbia Uni

versity Press, 1976); Guo Weiqu, Song Yuan Ming Qing

shuhuajia nianbiao (Beijing: Renmin Meishu Chubanshe,

1962); Yu Jianhua, Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian

(Shanghai: Shanghai Renming Chuban Shu, 1990).



Notes

The authors would like to thank Denis C. Yang for photographing the seals reproduced in this article.

i. Wen C. Fong, Beyond Representation (New York: The Metropoli tan Museum of Art, 1992), p. 475.

2. Shen Shiliang/ ed., Nigaoshi nianpu,5 reprinted from Lidai min

gren nianpu (1909), pp. 70-71.

3. Yujianhua, Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian (Shanghai: Shang hai Renming Chuban Shu, 1990), p. 302.

4. In Wanyanjingxian's Sanyutang shuhuamu, on p. 1 of the preface, editor Su Zongren mentioned Jingxian's reputation as a connoisseur

and collector and his friendship with Duanfang. Many paintings in

Jingxian's book were listed as properties of Duanfang. C. C. Wang

knew of the quality of Jingxian's collection, many of the paintings of

which have entered eminent collections since its disbursement. In our

search for seals, all paintings bearing Jingxian's collector's seals are

precious.

According to Yujianhua, Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian, p. 321,

Jingxian was born in 1861 and died in 1911. However, these dates are

likely to be incorrect because as reported by Ye Gongchaot in Xiaan

tanyiluu, Jinxian was negotiating to sell his collection in 1924. In

addition, in his own Sanyutang shuhuamu, p. 1, Jingxian mentioned

that in 1919 Li Wenzheng borrowed from his collection. Moreover,

the dates 1861-1911, confirmed by Song Yuan Ming Qing shuhuajia

nianbao, are the same as those given for Duanfang. The odds are

against the chance of Jingxian and Duanfang, collectors and friends,

having the same birth and death dates.

5. The entire inscription by Ni in Longmen dubu tu was first re

corded by Du Mu in his Tiewang shanhuv; see Shen Dejian, ed., Du

Mu, Tiewang shanhu (Ziyang Shuyuan), juan 7, p. 8; see also Li

Rihua, Liuyanzhai sanbi, reprinted from the 1778 edition of Siku

quanshu, 7 Ji, p. 12.

6. Scholars mentioning Longmen dubu tu in their works include

Zhang Chou, Qinghe shuhue fang, reprinted from 1763 ed., p. 47.

Zhang said, "the painting on the right [Enjoying the Wilderness] has a human figure in the straw pavilion.

... Or it was said that Ni did

not paint human form in his paintings, except for two that have

[human forms] are Longmen Monk andJingman min.w [I am] afraid it

may not be so. "

Dong Bangde, ed., reprinted from 1768 ed. of Dong

Qichong, Muachangshi suibi (Shanghai: Saoye Shanfang, 1934), juan 2, p. 12. Dong said, "Ni Yunlin in his life did not paint people, the

only exception is the 'Longmen Monk' painting"; Chen Jiru, Nigu lu, reprinted ed. (Taibei, 1977), p. 5. Chen made a statement identical

to that of Dong Qichong; Wang Luoyu, Wangshi shanhuwang, 1643 ed. (Sichuan Xinhua Shudian, reprinted 1985), p. 951. Wang also

repeated Dong Qichong's entire statement; Bian Yongyu, Shigutang shuhua huikao, 1696 ed. (reprinted Taibei: Zhengzhong Shuju, 1958), p. 251 refers to Wang Luoyu's statement in Wangshi Shanhuwang, and

p. 265 refers to Zhang Chou's statement in Qinghe shuhua fang. Dong

Qichong's statement is repeated again in Cao Peilian, ed., Qingmige

quanji (Taibei: Guoli Zhongyang Tushu Guan, 1971), p. 578. Peiwen

zhai, reprinted 1705, juan 66, p. 17 reproduces Li Rihua's description in Liuyangzhai sanbi in its entirety.

7. No reference is made to Longmen dubu tu in the publications listed

below. Since Moyuan huiguan, Pingsheng zhuangguan, Shuhua Ji, and

Daguan Lu are supposed to cover important collections of the late

Ming and early Qing (see the prefaces of Pingsheng zhuangguan and

Shuhua Ji), and the fact that Longmen dubu tu is not mentioned in these

publications, it is likely that the whereabouts of Longmen dubu tu were

kept quiet between some time after 1626 and the nineteenth century. An Qi, Moyuan huiguan minghuajuan (reprinted Youzheng Shuju

Cangban, 1900); James Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Painters and

Painting (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), pp. 308

316; Fong, Beyond Representation, p. 475; Fong et al., Images of the

Mind (Princeton: The Art Museum, Princeton University, 1984); Gu

Fu, Pingsheng zhuangguan, 1692 ed. (reprinted Taibei, 1971); Wai

Kam Ho et al., Eight Dynasties of Chinese Paintings (Cleveland: Cleve

land Museum of Art, 1980); Sherman E. Lee et al., Chinese Art Under

the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of

Art, 1968); Liang Zhangju, Tuianjinshi shuhua ba, 1845 ed. (reprinted

Taibei, 1971); Wu Qizhen, Shuhua Ji, dated 1677 (reprinted Taibei, 1971); Wu Sheng, Daguan Lu, 1712 ed. (reprinted Taibei, 1965).

8. Qian Du, Songhu Huayi (1830), in Meishu congsu, sanji, p. 89.

Qian Du said: "I have three of Yunlin's paintings, one of which is

Longmen Teahouse. It is the same as the one known worldwide as

'Longmen Monk'. . . "x The seals on Longmen dubu tu were checked

against the known seals of Qian Du listed in V. Contag and C. C.

Wang, Seals of Chinese Painters and Collectors of the Ming and Ching Periods (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1982) and

Zhongguo shuhuajie yinjian kuanshi (Shanghai: Shanghai Museum, 1990), and we did not find any that matched the seals on Longmen

dubu tu.

9. Xu Naichang, ed., Huaibin zazu congsuy (1909), p. 15, says: "In

HuanxiaV paintings, there are no human forms. However, when it

came to the Longmen painting, he was unusually extravagant. The

inscription is pure, fresh and difficult to reprove. In his priestly robe, he is eating cherries.

"Ni Zan's 'Longmen Monk' painting, on paper, is a small hanging

scroll. Ni painting has no human forms, except this one, therefore it

is named 'Longmen Monk.' It is a famous work with a trace of

drama. I have often seen it in records. In the painting, there are not

too many rocks and trees, but there are huge mountains. Outside the

opening to the cliff, a monk is walking in his priestly robe. The lines

for the clothing have a classic floating feeling resembling that of an

immortal. In the early years of Guangxu, I saw it in Mr. Chen's

residence in Shangqiu (Henanaa). "The one in the priestly robe is Juju waishi,ab who composed the

poem, while Yunlin painted this. Son Chongguoac (Li Fang) hereby

carefully acknowledges." See also Yujianhua, Zhongguo meishu renming cidian, p. 365. 10. Wanyan Jingxian, Sanyutang shuhuamu, SuZongren, ed. (Bei

jing, 1933), p. 6; Ye Gongchao, Xian tanyilu (no date, no place), p.

5; correspondence dated 12/4/1928 between H.H.F. Jane and J. S.

Jenks, Philadelphia Museum of Art.

11. Yujianhua, Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian, p. 341. 12. L. Carrington Goodrich, ed., Dictionary of Ming Biography

(New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), p. 829; Cao Peilian,

ed., Qingmige quanji, p. 478.

13. Ibid., pp. 1340-1343.

14. Ibid., pp. 1487-1489.

15. Wang Yuanqi, Yuchuang manbi, in Meishu congsu, Chuji, Dier

Ji, p. 20; Wu Qizhen, Shuhua Ji, pp. 47, 195, 237, 363, 393, 395, 549 for comments on various paintings by Ni Zan; Wu Zheng, Daquan Lu, p. 2 of the preface written by Wang Shan. Wu Hufan was a teacher

of C. C. Wang, and Zhang Daqian was Wang's friend.

16. Fong, Beyond Representation, pp. 491, 493; Mountain Scenery with River Lodge and Mountains Seen from a River Bank, both in the

National Palace Museum in Taibei, are reproduced in Chinese Art

Treasures (Geneva: Skira, 1961), nos. 84 and 85, pp. 162-163.

17. Li Linean,ad Shanshui hua cunfa, taidian zhi yanjiu, p. 40. C. C.

Wang agrees with this assessment.

18. Fong, Beyond Representation, pp. 491, 492; cf. Mountain Scenery with River Lodge cited in note 16 and Empty Groves After the Rain, reproduced here as Figure 5.

19. Cao Peilian, ed., Qingmige quanji, juan 11, p. 489. 20. Shen Shiliang, ed., Nigaoshi nianpu, p. 46. 21. Ibid., p. 46, and see Yujianhua, Zhongguo meishujia renming

cidian, p. 470. 22. Wang Jiqian, "The Life and Writings of Ni Yunlin," Gugong

Jikan, National Palace Museum Quarterly 1 (2) (October 1966): 3 9.

75



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