The Philippines Under the Arroyo Administration:

A Graveyard for Journalists

Bullets pierce the silence in the atmosphere as they hit their target. Down goes the martyr

– a seeker of truth. The irony of the Philippines being once known as “the freest press in Asia” is

now fully comprehended looking upon the state of the press under the Arroyo administration.

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has already recorded a total of 68 journalists who

were killed since President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (PGMA) took power in 2001. Journalism

in the country has become a hazardous job which affects the Philippine press, its freedom and the

profession itself. This paper aims to uncover the effects that these media killings have dealt to

country’s press and seek possible solutions to this ailing problem.

The Philippine Press : Its Functions and Problems

Since the turn of the 21st century, the Philippine press has undergone a great change. The

scope and audience of the mass media have broadened significantly with more Filipino homes

having television sets, radios and computer units as well as access to the internet. With these, the

press’ influence has greatly increased over the Filipino people (Arao, Bulatlat Vol. IV No. 32,

2006).

According to Dunn (1969), the press is a “political and social force” (270). The press and

the journalists have a role to report, interpret and criticize the government as well as the

politicians in whatever they may say and do. It acts as a bridge to relay the events concerning the

nation and its state to the citizenry and to arouse public opinion (271). A journalist also has an

economic function. This is satisfied through advertising and the reporting of fiscal updates of the

nation (Ferguson et al., 1990, p.20).

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This grave importance of the press to serve the people as well as the country’s best

interest gives a vital reason for it to be preserved and to be able to exist and function in a

peaceful environment. Notwithstanding this imposing fact, the press has been incessantly

attacked. Its freedom and rights continue to erode. Professor Luis Teodoro, former dean of the

U.P. Diliman, College of Mass Communication, names the cause of these as the unabated

killings of journalists in the country (qtd. in Olarte, the Daily PCIJ, 2007).

Killings of Journalists under the Arroyo Administration

Carlos Conde, an online journalist for Bulatlat.com-Mindanao Bureau, in his online

article about the Philippines becoming the next Columbia in terms of safety for journalists, says

that there has already been a trend going on even with the past regimes on the exploitations of

media men and women (Conde, Bulatlat.com, 2003).

Despite the “normality” of such violence under present and previous governments, the

Arroyo administration in its expanse of eight years has proved to be the worst not only for the

Philippine press, but also for Filipino journalists. Alcuin Papa (2009) argues in his article in the

online version of The Philippine Daily Inquirer that it is only now that the Philippine media has

been in jeopardy since martial law. Papa adds that the number of killings of journalists under

PGMA’s government is double that of the figures under Marcos’ reign and even higher than the

combined killings under Aquino (38), Ramos (21) and Estrada (7) presidencies.

These alarming numbers have caught the attention of the local and even the global press

community. In a letter by Christopher Warren, the president of the International Federation of

Journalists (IFJ), which was addressed to PGMA, he criticizes the Arroyo administration on its

lack of action to protect its journalists and to fight impunity:

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Murder and violent attacks on journalists are the worst forms of attack on press

freedom and civil society. Attacks such as these must be dealt with swiftly in order to

ensure press freedom in the Philippines. According to our information, no cases

relating to the murder of media workers have been solved since 1986, illustrating a

disturbing lack of action by the Government of the Philippines (qtd. in Conde,

Bulatlat.com, 2003).

A Paris-based group named Reporters Sans Frontieres investigated the situation in the

Philippines and were alarmed not only by the murders but the fact that little to no arrest of the

criminals has been made. Likewise, the IFJ concludes “that a widespread culture of violence that

is tolerated and condoned by the government and officials” (Meinardus, Fur Die Freiheit, 2005).

“Culture of Impunity”

Professor Luis Teodoro explains in his talk which he delivered in a discussion on Press

Freedom and Philippine Law, that the “culture of impunity” is a prime reason on why there are

relentless killings of journalists in the country and that the country’s weak justice system further

diminishes any chance of hindering this growing threat. Teodoro adds that the witness protection

program of the police fails to do its sworn mission citing instances of the “silencing” of the

witnesses of the killings of journalists through threats and even murder by the people responsible

of the crime (LuisTeodoro.com, 2006).

Despite even international concern by foreign governments and organizations, the

clamors of the local press groups remain futile as the Arroyo government shows little to no

concern over these merciless killings of journalists. Out of the 68 murders, only a meager three

of those were the culprits brought to justice though their masterminds still remain unknown

(Papa, 2009).

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One of the most known cases of murder among journalists is of the ruthless killing of

whistleblower turned investigative journalist Marlene Esperat. Esperat was gunned at her home

in Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat, in front of her own two children by assassins allegedly

ordered by officials of the Department of Agriculture (DA) due to her exposing of graft and

corrupt practices in the DA (Espejo, Sun.Star, 2006). Though Esperat’s case served as a

milestone in justice brought to these killings of journalists, the indictment of the two purported

masterminds, Osmeña Montañer and Estrella Sabay, is up until now unresolved.

(GMANews.TV, 2009).

Edgar Damalerio, a journalist in Pagadian City in Zamboanga del Sur who was killed in

2002 due to his assertive exposés involving local political figures as well as the local police in

illegal activities such as graft and suspected “salvaging” (Rimban, PCIJ, 2002). Only after three

years did the murderer, Guillermo Wapille was found guilty (GMANews.TV, 2007). Teodoro

argues that this case lingered for so long due to “normal institutional processes… were

practically inoperative because of the lethal combination of police involvement, the flabby

justice system, central government indifference, and the climate of fear in Pangadian” (qtd. in

Olarte, the Daily PCIJ, 2007).

In the IFJ-Asia Pacific’s statement, the organization demands an explanation on the

seemingly “shoulder shrug” of the Arroyo administration towards the media killings:

The failure of Arroyo’s Government to show true resolve in protecting journalists in

the Philippines is a disservice not only to the media as a pillar of democracy but to the

general public whose right to information these journalists defend (Asianpress.net,

2008).

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The CPJ made the Global Impunity Index which lists and ranks countries where there is a

significant number of killings of journalists and where there is failure in the solving of these

crimes.

CPJ 2009 GLOBAL IMPUNITY INDEX

COUNTRY INDEX RATING RANK

Iraq 2.983 1

Sierra Leone 1.552 2

Somalia 0.690 3

Sri Lanka 0.452 4

Colombia 0.347 5

Philippines 0.273 6

Afghanistan 0.248 7

Nepal 0.178 8

Russia 0.106 9

Pakistan 0.062 10

Mexico 0.057 11

Bangladesh 0.044 12

Brazil 0.026 13

India 0.006 14

Table 1. 2009 CPJ Global Impunity Index (Source: CPJ, 2009)

The Philippines ranked sixth in a list of 14 countries having an impunity index rating of

0.273 unsolved journalist murders per one million inhabitants. Shawn Crispin, a Southeast Asian

Representative for CPJ, points out the irony in the Philippines being depicted as a ‘peacetime

democracy’ and yet outnumbering Afghanistan and Pakistan and even nearing Sri Lanka’s index

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rating which presently are countries having armed conflicts. Crispin adds that even though the

Arroyo government has launched numerous task forces in solving the murders of its journalists,

not even a single court case filed against the perpetrators of the killings has been given

“complete justice” (qtd. in Ilagan, the Daily PCIJ, 2009).

Effects of Media Killings

The repeated killings of journalists both in the provinces and even in the heart of

metropolitan Manila, as well as reports on abductions has dealt a massive blow to the Philippine

Press, most especially to the people who work for it.

According to a statement released by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines

(NUJP) in mourning of the murder of the 56th killed journalist under the Arroyo administration,

Benefredo Acabal, "fears about the lack of official action on the killings of journalists and the

Government’s repeated attempts to muzzle the press have scared journalists into ‘the ultimate

censorship’” (IFJ Global, 2008).

Vincent Brossel of the Reporters Sans Frontieres, adds that the press atmosphere in the

Philippines, in which there are lots of critiques towards both local authorities as well as the

nation’s political bodies, make these interests resort to even physical pressure to Filipino

journalists (qtd. in Meinardus, Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty, 2005).

Death threats are not a surprise for a journalist. When one enters the dangerous territory

of writing volatile topics such as corruption, he or she is susceptible to attacks from people who

do not want their activities to be known public. This danger to the lives of journalists has brought

a “chilling effect” to those in their profession. In an interview with an anonymous journalist from

a city in Southern Philippines by Joseph Torres Jr., the director of NUJP, which was published in

his article for the World Association of Newspapers, the said journalist stays away from

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investigative stories for he believes that these stories are “not worth dying for” (wan-press.org).

Many journalists also avoid these risky areas for their writing due to the fear for their loved ones

safety.

Herbie Gomez, the executive editor of the Cagayan de Oro City-based Gold Star Daily,

admitted that his colleagues have already started to bring licensed firearms with them and also to

learn how to fire them. Gomez adds that the Arroyo administration has not provided them with

the needed security as well as a safe environment to work in. (qtd. in Conde, Bulatlat.com,

2003).

In an editorial article by the Southeast Asian Press Alliance, Filipino journalists are

considered as “endangered species”, citing the multiple fatalities of these media men and women

and the impunity that comes with it (SEAPA.org, 2004).

The apprehension the Filipino journalists feel in turn denotes less uncovering of truths

and therefore lets the illegal practices in the country remain hidden from public knowledge.

Dario Agnote, a Manila-based reporter for Kyodo, says that “[the killings are] meant to suppress

hard-hitting, critical, outspoken, enterprising journalists who are able to dig up corruption and

abuse of power of government officials” (qtd. in Conde, Bulatlat.com, 2003).

Press Freedom

Press Freedom is made up of four elements according to Prima Jesus Quinsayas, the legal

adviser of the Freedom Fund for Filipino Journalists (FFFJ), namely the right to information, the

access to it, right to broadcast it and the freedom from any preceding consequences after the

information is published (qtd. in Sarmiento, IPSnews.net, 2008).

Clearly, the four elements mentioned do not exist fully in the Philippines especially the

last which is violated through the constant ruthless attacks against journalists in the country.

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Journalists neither get libel suits nor just death threats, they pay with their lives by their exposure

of the vile acts of dishonesty within the local and national government. In an article written by

Robert Meinardus for The Japan Times, he says that “when journalists fear for their lives, one

cannot say the press is truly free” (Meinardus, Fur Die Freiheit, 2005).

Supreme Court Chief Justice Reynato Puno, compares the attacks on Filipino journalists

not just as abridging the freedom of the press but also as “putting the country’s democracy under

siege.” He further explains that the bullets fired at the journalists destroy even the principles of

our republic (qtd. in Pabico, the Daily PCIJ, 2008).

The Press Freedom Index is a list of all countries ranked based on the state of the

country’s freedom of the press denoted by the “note.” This index was started by the Reporters

Sans Frontieres in October 2002. In their online article about the first Press Freedom Index, the

Paris-based organization gives their methodology in ranking and making the said index:

The index was drawn up by asking journalists, researchers and legal experts to answer

50 questions about the whole range of press freedom violations (such as murders or

arrests of journalists, censorship, pressure, state monopolies in various fields,

punishment of press law offences and regulation of the media) (rsf.com, 2002)

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The 139 countries included in the 2002 Press Freedom Index were ranked based on the

number of incidences of breach against press freedom in each country. The first country in the

index has the least number of press freedom abuses while the last has the most.

Press Freedom Index 2008

Table 2. 2008 Press Freedom Index (Source: rfs.org, 2008)

Rank Country Note

130 Niger 37,00131 Nigeria 37,75132 Malaysia 39,50133 Chad 41,25134 Djibouti 41,50135 Sudan 42,00136 Bangladesh 42,70137 Gambia 42,75138 Nepal 43,25

139 Philippines 45,00140 Mexico 46,13141 Russia 47,50142 Ethiopia 47,75143 Tunisia 48,10144 Singapore 49,00145 Rwanda 50,00146 Egypt 50,25147 Swaziland 50,50

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Table 2 shows the current rank of the Philippines in the Press Freedom Index of 2008.

The country already outranks Georgia (120) and Niger (130), which had a resumption of fighting

which led to a dangerous environment for its journalists in 2008, even though these countries

have a democratic political system (rsf.com, 2002). This emphasizes the fact that even though

there are no wars in the Philippines, the oppression Filipino journalists feel and receive outweigh

countries which are in the midst of societal unrest.

Year Ranking in Press Freedom Index

No. of Killed Journalists

2002 89 32003 118 7

2004 111 13

2005 139 10

2006 142 13

2007 128 5

2008 139 5

Table 2.1. The Philippines ranks in the first up to the recent Press Freedom Index and the

respective number of murdered journalists in each year (Source: rfs.org, 2002-2008)

Table 2.1 shows an effect made by the number of Filipino journalists killed to the

country’s rankings in the 2002 up to the 2008 World Press Freedom Index. While there is no real

consistency with the increase and decrease of the country’s rank with the number of murdered

media men and women due to other factors, the year in which the country has the highest ranking

in the table is the years which has the most number of deaths that is 2006, having 13 incidences

of killings and being the 142nd country in the index.

The aspects which may have contributed to the rise of our country’s rank through the

expanse of 2002 up to 2008 are the events of maltreatment of journalists and the violations of

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their rights. The controversial assassination of Marlene Esperat in 2005 which caused an uproar

in the local and international press society along with nine other murders pushed the country 28

notches up the index. In 2006, First Gentleman Miguel Arroyo sued multiple libel charges

against journalists who have written hard-hitting comments about him and his family (Antonio

Zumel Center for Press Freedom, 2006).

Possible Solutions

It is without doubt that the protection and preservation of the Philippine press and its

journalists remains an imperative responsibility for everyone. Certain steps hence must be taken

to accomplish this.

Professor Luis Teodoro cites some measures to protect the country’s media men and

women. In his talk at the roundtable discussion on Press Freedom in 2006 at the College of Mass

Communication in U.P.Diliman, he first addresses the need for the betterment of the education of

journalists especially the future media personalities in the college level in the aspects of

professional and ethical training. He mentions the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility

(CMFR) as an organization who takes on the law community so as to create change in laws

concerning press freedom and asks other media and press bodies to do the same as CMFR.

Teodoro ends his speech stressing the vital mission the press has in society and that the

responsible practice of journalism remains the best way to achieve this (LuisTeodoro.com,

2006).

The laws governing all aspects about the media, its practitioners and their protection must

be strengthened and implemented in all parts of the country. Journalists who receive death

threats, fear for their lives as well as their family’s welfare. It behooves upon peace officers to

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provide ample security to media men and women. It is also necessary for journalists who engage

in deep investigation to be trained in self-defense in combat as well as with the use of firearms.

As a symbol of justice and fairness, the judicial system hears and tries cases involving

media as expediently as possible but due to the adversarial aspect in court trials, it takes time to

come up with a final decision especially when dilatory tactics are resorted to by opposing

counsel apart from the clogged court calendars. Likewise, prosecutors should discourage and

immediately dismiss patently unfounded complaints of libel against journalists filed on the most

flimsy grounds intended to harass and prevent them from exposing anomalies in the government.

Organizations designed for the protection and wellbeing of journalists in the country

should hold symposiums to discuss about the risks involved when they practice investigative

journalism and the possible safety measures that they may take up as well as the people and

groups that they may ask for help.

The administration plays an important role in counteracting these media killings and the

impunity that comes with these. The government must cooperate with international and local

organizations of journalists in solving these problems and be open as well as to heed the

suggestions given by these groups. Approved laws regarding press freedom such as the right to

information should be applied strictly without fear nor favor and in fairness to all concerned as

well as corresponding penal provisions be firmly imposed.

The killings of Filipino journalists will continue as long as corruption and unknown

illegalities exist in our country. The Philippine press has not only lost a great number of media

men and women due to incessant murders of journalists but has also lost the needed courage to

be critical to people no one dares to criticize about, to investigate anomalies where no one dares

to probe and to write about the truth when no one dares to take up his pen. The bullets that kill

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Filipino journalists are the ruthless hands that strip away the press’ freedom. Unless the “culture

of impunity” is destroyed and that the criminals which shed the blood of our seekers of truth are

behind bars, journalists will continue to live in fear and the pen that they hold dearly will fail to

achieve its sworn duty to inform, to criticize and ultimately, to bring about change.

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