THE L W D EXPERIENCE OF A TRADITIONAL FEMALE OJIBWAY ELDER

Michde C. Frost

A THESIS SUBMITI'ED ÇN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF EDUCATION

FACULTY OF EDUCATION

LAKEHEAD UNLVERSm

THUNDER BAY, ONTARIO

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This qualitative study exaaiined the liwd experhce of a traditional feaiale Ojibway Elder

and her perspectives of leadership. An emergent hmework of traditional femaie Ojibway

ieadetship reSuIfed h m the data, and w s supporteci by the review of the relateci

herature. Impiicit wmponents of the exnergent fiamwork of traditional fernale Ojr'bway

leadership inclded culture, a belief m the Creator, community, and wisdom Two

predominant themes enierged fkom the data. These themes were: cuitme and wisdom.

Cultute was divided into three subthemes. These sub-bernes were: beiieving in the

Creator, Taryn7s teaching in her b i i and community. Cuiture was considered with

attention to spintuaüty ôecause in traditional Ojibway cuhurp the two comple~~~ent each

o k in their maMig. Wdom was d i s c d in tems of the importance of passing on

traditional and spintual teachings to others in ber coannunity anâ culture. C m and

spirituaüty provided the foundation on which the research participant understood her role

in the world and the meanhg of ber lie. Wdom @lied biowledge of indMdual roles

which focused on the cormnan good of the community. As such role specification was

evident and necessary for fomiing parts of a whole in her community. In that process

equaüty among community members emerged as a vutue. The emergent fhmework of

traditionai fende Ojibway leadership is presented as hoüstic in nature. The fiamework is

derived firom the participant's world view a d illustrates her intense personal integrity.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

1 would like to tbank Dr. FermeII, who supenised my thesis with a critical eye and

supportive reassurance. Dr. FenneII's expertk and exprieme in the area of leadership, offered

a wealth of lmowiedge h m which to draw. Her consistent professiooal guidance, sincerQ and

wnmiitmnt throughout the thesis wriiing process is greatiy appreciated. 1 am gratefid to her.

1 would also like to tbank Dr. Fiona Blaikie for k insight, and hroughness.

Dr. Blaikie's assistance was remarkabiy mstnimental in the development of this thesis. 1 woukl

also like to aclmowledge Dr. JUanaa Epp, m t d examim, whose mterest and assistance in the

development of this thesii is innnensely appreciated. Dr. Ryan, e x î e d examiner, needs to be

acbiowbdged for the rigor m which he reviewed this thesis. Hi9 dedication to p r o f k s s i o ~

is admirable, and 1 thank him immeasurably.

I am e ~ a n e i y gratefbi for the personal support 1 received in this process To my fàther

and mother who bave consistently supportecl me in my pursuit of a higher education, thank you.

Your encouragement has prevaiied throughout my Me.

Angus, my son, perhaps to you 1 owe the greatest thaaks and perhaps the greatest

apology. You witnessed bast hsad the effort, detemination and time required to complete tbis

document. Your unconditional love d wihgmss to understand are trdy bkssings in my We.

1 wish to also acknowledge Seven Generations Education Institute, whkh has spotwred

my education over the past ten years. Sincere appreciation is given to Heather Anderson and

Mark Sauit for k i r support and encouragement.

Finaily, 1 would fie to thank God. 1 thank Him for rny lifé and for the late Wapepinese

'Que,whowasrnyteacher,andmydear~.

Table of Contents

Abstract

Ackaow1edgements

LIST OF FIGURES

CHAPTER

I THE PROBLEM ................................................ ............... ..................**.. Rirpose of the Sndy ..

Need for the Study .......................................... Personal G r o d ....................... ... ............*....

............... Definition of Terms ... ......................... Research Design. .............................................. . . ....................... ......... Lhtatlons .................... . . . ......................... ...... Dellmltatlom ,,................

............................................ Assumptions .... .... Organization of the Thesis ........................ ........... REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE

....................................................... introduction Cuihual and Aboriginal Perspectives of Leadership . . Western Traditions ................ .... ......................

......... Ojibway Perspective of Leadership ...... History and Evolution of Canadian Federal Govemment

.................. Policy Regarding Aboriginal People Canadian Federal Govemment Policy Regarding Aboriginai Women .......................................... Abonginal Women's Lived Experiences ............

Women in Aboriginal Communities ....... Language ..................... .... ....... Eld ers .......................................

...... ...................... Spuihlaii ty. ... ................................. Moontime

SUmrnJlfY ................ .. ......................................

V INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS

ûelieving in the Creator ............................ Taryn's teacbing on ber birth ....................

.............................................. CornmUIljty ........................ Widom ................ .....

Moontime teachings ........... ..... .. An Emerging Framework of Traditional Female Ojibway Leadership .............................................

..................... The Belief in the Creator culture ...................................................

............................................. community .............................................. Leadership

.................................... .......... Summary ..

VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The Lived Experiences of an Elder in Taryn's Community Concentrated on Teaching and Leading ...............

Taryn Perceived Her Role as Perpetuating Cultural Values .................

Taryn's Personal Life History Largely ................... Centred Amund Spirituality

Taryu's Expenences are part of Traditional Ojibway Spuituaiity ............................ ......................................................... Slmmary

implications for Furthet Research ............. .. ......

REFERENCES

APPENDICES

A Letter to Participant and Translater ..................

B Consent Form to Participant and Translater.. ...

C Interview Questioas Sample ............. .......

D T d p t Sample.. ........ ................. ...............

Figure

1 An Emerging Framework of Traditional Female Ojibway Leadership*. .... . 94

CaAPTER 1

THE PROBLEM

Tbere is a lack of information and research regarding the cuitural factor m

educatiooal admhktmtion and in leadership theory. Hallinger and Leithwood (1998)

recognize that the knowledge base in aducatiod . . ion addressing cultural

foundations in leadership is scarce (p. 10). Their wacern is tbat most of the published

theory in . . ion "assumes that leadership is king exercised in a Western culwal

contcxt" (p. 100). Lopez (1998) states that scbolars have discussed the penrasiveness of

white/Eun>pean male bi in maiastrram educational hwledge base and research

techniques (p. 225). Accordhg to Ferguson (1 984) discussions of organization and

leadership theory bave been wnsidered largeiy h m the white male experiex~:e.

Leadership -ives fiom outside westem cuitme have ban der-represented as bas

the fernale perspective in leadership theory. There is littie information in the research field

with respect to traditionai Ojibway female leadership. ChuchryL and Miller (1996) state,

"Until recentiy, much of the research upon which we have had to rely for our knowledge

abut Aboriginal women bas refhstd racist, se*, a d o r colodkt 6iameworks" (p. 4).

Leadership is a tenn that o k much debate when it is related to Aboriginal culture, as

traditionaily most of those societies did not djffhntiate power into f o n d speciaiizeâ

institutional structures (BoMt, 1993, p. 1 18). Rather, traditional Abriginai leadership

was an outcome of social systems o q @ d a r o d b h i p gioups, with relationships d

duties deriwd h m cultures whrh were essen- communal (p. 1 18). In the absence of

2

fonnal ~ o n s vesting authority in mdividuals that legit- statw, traditional

Aboriginal societies vested status based on one's abiiity to establish a reputation for

generosïty, wisdom, spirihiality, courage, a d kindness (Boldt, 1993, p. 1 19). Status was

given out of respect to those who h a . eamed it. Many times, those earnhg special status

were EIders. This work focuses on revealing the lived experience of a traditional f d e

Ojibway Elder and her role as a leader m her wmmunity.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of ths study was to explore the lived experience of a traditional

feniak Ojibway Elder and ber d e as a leader in ber community. The main m h

question was: What is the lived experience of a tracütiod female Ojibway Elder? The

foliowing questions helped guide the investigation:

1. What are the lived experiences of an Elder in her community?

2. What is the personal iifê history of this Elder?

3. How does the Elder perceive her role?

4. How are her leadership experieaces part of traditional Ojibway spirituality?

üitixnately, this study aims to generate data and hdings on the lived experience of

a traditional f d e Ojibway Elderand h a role as a leader in her community. The

disaission around her role as a leader in ha community wiil be considaed in relation to

Western theories of leadership.

Need for the Study

Expioring a traditionai f e h Ojïbway Elder's lived experience and ber role as a

leader wiU coqlement the field of leadership and educational adminstration. This is

accompüshed by broaclening our unàersiandiog of leadership theory and by adding to the

field of cultural research in educational admmstm . . tion Hallinger and Leithwood (1998)

state, TRhout placiug biame anywhere, it is time to enrich theory and pracfice m

education by seekmg out the divers@ of ideas and practices that have existai largely

hidden m the shadows of the dominant Western paradjgms that have guided the field" (p.

100). Dmim>ck and Waiker (1 998) suggest tbat as researcb and poiicy makers gain

acoess to new knowiedge, there coms a responsïbii to reassess tbe research that is

produceci and disseminateci* This can happen, they say, ifresearchers stretch beyond the

gro* m Western theory toward muhipie cuitural wntexts within which ducational

. . admmistnition taka place (p. 559). Based on this study's nndiogs and supportai by the

rewiew of the reiated Merature, a theory of traditional féniale Ojibway leadership emerged.

Aboriginal communities were organkd to focus on the best interests of the

community (Boldt, 1993, p. 1 18). Wabin Aborigïnai comrnunities, Elders have been

traditioaally bestowed leadership roles (please see the dennition of temis regarding the

term "Eider"). The purpose of an mdMduai's duties and obligations wss to contribue to

the welfàre of the communfi (Boldt, 1993, p. 150). Leadership roks m these Aboriginal

communitii were a product of this c o d existence. An individual's ieadership traits

Bicluded wsdom and spirituality, qqualities gained h m years of We experience.

4

Ethnobistoricai descriptions of t n i üfe in the pst have placed the focus on ma

and men's roks causing the roles of women either to bave been ignored altogether or

placed m a position of subservience a d o r secondary importance (Chuchryk and Miller,

i9%, p. 6). The nrst band biowledge imparted by a traditional female Ojibway elder

lends itseif to enlightening the field of research on Aboriginal women, and @es voice and

legacy to the people of this geographic region. This study bas emphasized the importance

of Aboriginal f e d e biowledge as a means to illuminate leadership theory in generai by

exploring a traditional fernale Ojibway elder's lived experience and her role as a leader in

hercommunity.

Persona1 Ground

Over the last ten years, 1 bave felt an increasing need to make positive and

personally meaningful contributions to my community and to my culture in general. 1

believe that as Aboriginal people we need to maice a conscious effort at honoring our

Elders. Their wsdom and guidance is k i r for ou. seelring; 1 bave heard many Elders

comment that their coume1 is not sought after enough. Our Elders are leaving this world

for the next. 1 believe that carefui and respectfbl documentation of their knowledge is

essential both socially and politidy at both the micro and meci0 levels. 1 believe this to

be especially important in the growth and development of our young people. increased

cuitural awaremss about traditions, history and language and other general knowledge

carrieci by our Elders is of importani social purpose by aküng m the development of self-

esteern and seIf-concept m our young peopk.

5

1 am a graduate student m the Master of Education program at Lakehead

University. My aducational background, employment and Mie experiences have been

focusecl closely on my culture and commuaity. As a graduate of the University of

Alberta's four year Bachelor of Arts in Native Studies program, 1 have a broad

und- of Aboriginal history, culture and language and of current socid and

political issues. 1 graduateci fiom Lakehead University's Bachelor of Education program

m 1998. 1 have been able to use this knowledge, as weU as that wtirh I gaioed h m my

Native Shdies degree, withn the elementary panel and in first year couege, wbRe 1 have

taught Abriginai students.

1 bave worked m my comunity m the areas ofjustice and educatioa As a

community kgal worker, 1 became aware of legal issues k i n g my colll~llunity, and

advocated on behaifof laany baud members. As a chairpmon to the Local Education

Authority, and trustee to the area's Pubiic Scbol Board, 1 leamed of issues in education

k i n g band mmbers. M y position as tnistee was an appointment by Cbief and C o d .

Therefore, 1 worked on behalfof our Fkst Nation me-.

1 have held a long tirne belief that many of our Aboriginal traditions and oral

histones are leaving with the Eiders as they pass o n Oral histories of Aboriginal people in

this geographic region need to ôe documente& aibeit m a reqnxtful and carefùi maimr. 1

believe that we need to keep these stories alive for our children and for people in general-

The resuit could be an o f f i of understsnding to us dl.

The fobwing terms were denn#l for the purposes of this study.

Aboriginal - For the purposes of this study Aborigïnai people are de- as original

peoples of Cenada having been put here by the Creator (Cbarter of the

Assembly of Fi Nations, 1999, p. 1).

Aboriginal Ladership - For the purposes of tbis study Aboriginal leadership is de-

as a pocess that exists by and for the people. Power is not diaerentiated by spechiized

iastitutional m. Power and authority are vested in the community as a whole, and

consensus is the goal of which decisioas are made (Boldt, 1993, p. 1 1 8). Qualities such as

kbdnes, generosity, autonomy, mninterfererice, ssharing and the importance of

cornrnumty are desnable m a leader (Gamt, 19%, p. 17).

CiviliPng - For the purposes of this stuày, cRrilizing is defined as a terrn historicaliy used

by the Canadian Govemment when reférriag to the goal of the assmiiiation process of

Abonginal people into European or Western society (Tobii 1983, p. 39).

Culture - For the purposes of this study, cultute is defined as a set of values, des , and

attitudes which guide bebavior and give meaning to social lifè. Culture provides the

guidelines for estabhlhg telationships and social links., it t e k us why these relatiomhips

are important d Religion, language, beliefk, myths, and symbols are al1 part

of this cultural meaning (Brkhki, 1989, p.3).

Elder - For the purposes of this study, an Ekier is deheâ as sorneone who is honored as

highly respectai person because of the lifétime's worth of wisdom he or she bas acquired

7

through conthmous experhce (Garrett, 1996, p. 16). An Elder bears an important

responsibüity for the t r i i community by fûnctioning as a parent, teacher, connnunity

leader, and spiritua3 guide (p. 16).

Researrh Design

This is a study of one traditional femaie Ojibway woman's hed experknce and ber

role as a leader in her conmiunity. The research design, phenomenology, included open-

ended interviews, field notes and participant observation Open-ended interviews were

conducted durimg six sessions. Field notes were M e n . Data was coiiected via

participant observation during ceremonhi events.

Limitations

This study, as with quaiitative research in general, cannot be generaüzed because

it only considers one subject's personal lived experience. Leedy (1997) notes that,

"Qualitative re~e8~1:h which operates m n a d settings is at tmies so spesific and context-

bound that the resuits caimot be generalized" (p. 108).

The inportance of this study rested in gain@ an understanding of who tbis

woman was - examinhg her iived experience with respect to traditionai Ojibway

leadership. In saying tbat, one particular boundary was created. Because the study

focused iargely on her traditionai belief system, there was the need for d;srretion and

respect. 1 believe that sharing her traditional beliefk is deeply personal and requires

disnetion, so 1 lirnited the amount of English language that was used by the participant.

On laaguage, Kir- (1 998) states,

Most of our culture is in the lauguage and is expresseci in the language. Laaguage is kst able to express most easily, most accurateiy and most richiy, the values, customs and overail mterests of the culture. I f you take away language h m the culture, you take away its greethgs, its curses, its praises, proverbs, its cures, a s wisdom, its prayers. ..when we bse our ianguage .. ..we do mt nerely lose a lexicon of words, but we lose our culture and the essence of wtio we are. (p. 84)

Unfomuiately, with transhtion, came this los. However, aiiowing the participant

the opportunity to speak m her true voke enriched the data collecteci in the researcb

Assomptions

1. It is assumed that the Wonnation given during the interviews is based on the

actual subjective lived e x p i e m e of the participant.

2. It is assumed that the Elder is a lcnowledgeable and credl'ble participant for this

3. It is assumed that the translater for the participant is a knowkdgeable and crediile

Oji'bway language speaker.

4. It is d that the researcher's mterpretation of the meaning of wbat is heard

miay be culhnany b o d in a diierent way than the participant's.

Orgrnartion of the Thesis

In chapter two the reader will enwunter the review of the related literature.

Information about Abonginai peispectives of leadership7 Canadian Gove-nt

Aboriginal poiicy and Aborigjnaî womn7s lived e>rpriares are pfesented. In the third

cbapter the research methodology is presented. Research design, questions which guided

the researcb, the research process, ethical consideratioas, data collection, data m i s ,

and methods for achieving vaüdity are discussed. Data collection strategies and nndings

are presented m chapter four. In the the clmpta the interpretation and discussion of

findings is presented in which understandings arising h m ths study are discusseâ. In the

sixîh chapter the conclusion and implications for furthr research are presented.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF TEE RELATED LlTERATIT9E

Intioductîon

It is a couunonly held view that the history of the Caoadian government's

relatioosbip with Abriginai people has afkted Aboriginaî culture. This is evident in the

Caaadian Meral govenment's Aborigmal poky and the reciamation of culture ôy niany

Abonginal people in Canada As the wriier wili reveal, tbrough the literature, the

mtention m designhg the féderal govamwit's Abriginai policy was ta ultimately

assimilate Aboriginal people into mahmeam society. In a society, leadership is rooted in

culture. AssMiilation, a process by which Aboriginai cuiture was to be replaced ôy the

maktmm cuhue, afltécted Aôorighd lesdership as a result. The hed

e>rperienws of Abongioal womq are testaumm to the ongoing stniggle to revive

Abriginai tradition and spaituality in an effort to peipetuate Abonginal culture.

In the nrst section of the review of related literature, leadership is explored fiom

cultural and Aboriginal perspectives, in which the Western traditions a d Ojibway

perspective of leadership are discussed. In the second section, the history and evolution of

Canada's policy regarding Aborigmal people is explored fkom the perspective relating to

the Indian Act. In the fiaal section of the review of the relateci literature Aboriginai

women's hed experiences are explored.

Coltun1 and Aboriginal Penpectivcs of Leadedtip

Leadership theory is a growing body of knowledge. More bas been M e n about

leadership than any of the other beliavioral sciences (Sergiovsmii & Corbally, 1984). In

the Merature, it is reveakd that Ojibway and Western leadership perspectives share a focus

on the importance of considering leadersbip fiom the viewpoints of context and d ~ e .

Bolman and Deal (1992) distillecl theories of organktions into a series of

paradigms (structural, human tesource, political, symbolic). They used these paradigms

to highlight the diffèrent styles of leadership used by leaders of Merent cultum. They

found that leadership, in th& partidm study, was contextuai. Their study indicated that

diffèrent styks of leadership surfiiced in diffèrent situations and was Wamt for people of

Mixent cultures (p. 3 14-329). One concl~~sion was that leadership style was contextual

or situational. O'Toole (1995) believes that context is so pervasive in leadership theory

tbat relativiPm reigns @. 7). O'Toole (1995) holds that good leaders are guided by

principies that are not 44context dependent, but that represent universal beliefs about right

and wrong" (p.7). A l t d v e l y , W e (1998) supports the view that leadership is context

dependent. hiLe (1998) states, "separating leadership fkom conta is anaiogous to

identifying the food one waats for dinner while ignoring whae it is to bc co~lsumed" (p.

166). Hessleôein (1996), Shein ( 1 9%), and Covey (1996) hold simüar beliefs. The

authors believe that leadership style depends on circumstances and its relation to culture

and community. BriPnski (1989) defines culture as a set of values that guide behavior and

inchdes such aspects as reiigion, language, beliefk, and mytbs. Sagiovanai (1984)

considers cox~munity to be the centre of the order of symboIs, values and beliefk tbaî

govern society (p. 9). Sergiovanni (1984) states:

Centres (Communities) provide a sezrse of purpose to seemmgly ordiaary events and briug worth and dignity to hiniian activity within organizations. Centres, *fore, are cultural imperatives - n o d and necessruy for estabMing social order and providing meanmg. (P. 9)

Sergiovanni (1984) holds that values and beliefk form the centrai zone, which is what

govems society (p.9). Community, as a forum in which to apply values and beliefk,

mates social orda and provides meaaing. Sergiovanni (1984) believes that values and

bekfs stem h m a community's religion or spiritual beiief system (p. 9). He reférs to

every society as bavïng its own religion. Sergiovanni (1984) states that religion is

aspects (p.9). Sergiovanni (1984) holds that religion is the source h m wbkh values and

beliefk are derived (p. 9). He states:

Developing, and nurturing centre value patterns and accepthg centre mrms which dictate what one should believe and how one should behave represent a ~ s p o n s e to feh needs of individuais and groups for stability and order and for a mechanism whereby the new and varied c m be absorbed in a meaniagful M o n . (p. 9)

Beebe (1997) states tbat most reügions of the world enipbasize a conmon spÿihial theme

that is illuminateci w&n ethical codes or fidamental principks of the worlâ's peoples are

considered (p. 15). The idea of a conmion spiritual thcme amng cultures is rnirrored m

Covey's (1996) concept of principle-centred leadership. In this concept of leadership,

values, and principks are compared to compasses in that they do not change or sbift.

Cowy (1996) contends tbat by u s e priocipks one is prevented h m beconhg bst,

13

confiised or fwled by conflrtiog voices and values (p. 1 15). The invariaKi of values,

beliefs d fidamental phciples o f f i stability to community members who develop,

nurture and accept them Peck (1 997) says tbat values are derived h m priocipks (p. 3).

Peck (1 997) holds that principles are like territory and that values are iike the maps we use

to navigate through the tenitory (p. 3).

Bolman and Deal (1 992), Duke (1 998), Hesslebein (1996), Shein (1 W6), and

Covey (19%) have stated that leaâership theory has evolved to focus on culture.

Sergiova~i (I984), and Covey (1996) hold that cuiture rekts vahes, beliefi, and a set

principies. Covey (19%) contends thaî principles have been discussed m terms of theu

origin in a community's religious or spiritual beiief system. Leadership then, has sMed to

foais on context and cuiture, and is presented here as having spiritual or religious

afnliations when it is considered in the contan of cuinire and commun@.

The intefcomectedness of leadership betwecn culture and spiritual beliefis similar

to that of the Ojibway perspective of leadership. Spirituality or religion and culture are not

mutuaily exclusive categories, with respect to Aboriginai societies. Abonginai spirituai

Lae is founded on the belief in the interconnectedness of all natural rhings, al1 f o m of Me,

with primary importance h g attacheci to the land, Mother Earth (Meno Bimahdizewin).

Hem then lies the importance of considering leadership fiom the Western and Aboriginal

perspectives.

Western tnditions

Many current theories of leadership are based in the structural tùnctionaiist

paradi- Leadership h m the structurai fùnctionalist perspective focuses on organizjng

actions sequentially for the purpose of maicmwing efficiency (Scott, 1998, p. 33).

Stnicturalism is based in ratio- and as such structural hctionaüsts use reason and

science to mierstami leadership (Slater, 1995, p. 455). Structural fhctionalists believe

that leadership is a set of measUrable behaviors or skills (Slater, 1995, p. 451). Western

leadership theory, ahhough deriveci h m a structural fbnctionaüst base, has evolved to

include a more natural or nonrational perspective. This is evident in transfomational,

reconceptualist, aesthetic and critical humankt theories of leadership.

In the Western tradition a natural system of organization emerged in iarge part

h m the inadequacies of the rational system. The rational system refers to, "the extent to

which a series of actions is organized in such a way as to lead to predetermined goals with

maximum e-ieocy" (Scott, 1998, p. 33). The emergence of the natural system shifted

this focus fiom being exclusiveiy goal oriented to collective oriented. The shift focused

more on people, their fèelings a d thoughts. The shift focused more on the entire

o r g ~ i o n , albeit the entire person, than ody on outcornes.

A people-centred focus is refiected in human relations nianagement theones which

fiuictioned between 1924 - 1933 (Sergiovanni, 1984, p. 5). The Hawthorne plant of the

Western Electric Company was the site of 1iese8zc:h by Ehon Mayo, a pioneer m the humao

relations movement (Sergiovanni, 1984, p. 5). In his research, May0 founà that people

15

were primady motivateci by social needs and that they received their greatest satisfaction

h m then reQtioMhips at work as opposed to their work-related tasks (p. 5). He

concluded that management robbed work of man@, and that meaning was found in the

social relationstiips of the job (p. 5). Swtt (1998) proposes that it is miportant to

recognk that when this shift in hunmkhg the work place o r i w occurred, it was

ÿiewed prsnarüy as a means to increase productivity, not an end in itself" (p. 65).

Ahhough more humanking, the u l t k t e goal was still to maxmiee efficiency. Important

in the shift is the idea that administering a social orgmintion without consideration to the

nonrational aspects of social conduft seemed nonrational (Scott, 1998, p. 56).

Research in the field of leadership bas continueci to emerge in such a way that

addresses nonrational aspects of social conduct (p. 56). Barnard (1 938) states that

rationai systems require nomational systems. According to Barnard (1 938) "Formal

organizations arise out of and are necessary to infonnal organizatioa; but when formal

organizations corne mto operation, they create and requiie informal organizations" (p.

120). He bol& tbat idormai structures encourage communication and cohesiveness (p.

122). Informai organizations also enable leadership. Barnard (1 938) states that idormai

organizations create the w i h g m s of the foUowers to serve thus enabhg the s t a b i i of

the leader (p. 122). Thus, when goals are imposeci h m the top down, their a ttainment

relies on conipiiance h m the bottom up.

Uitimtely, leadership has besn met with diffaing definitions from rrservchers

(Slata, 1995, p. 45 1). Slater (1995) believes that schohrs disagrce on a dennition of

leadership because of their diffkent assmptions and paradigms or reference points.

16

Lambert (1995) suggests that amid ciifferest definitions of leadership patterns ewrge

characterizhg what leadership is and what leaders do (p. 30). Some of those definitions

characterize leaciers as king inviting to others in sharing authority, and resjxmsibility, and

as fosteriag mutual respect, building tearns, and workiag with followas for a common

P m = (lamm 1995, p- 30).

Hesslebem (1996) klieves ttiat great opportunities lie ahead for leaders to tead

k i r enterprises anci coumies into a new kmd of cornmunity of heahhy chikiren, strong

têmiiifs and work that dignines the inàividual (p. 124). It is m this arena that leaders with

new minri-sets and vis'mns will forge new reiationships, crosshg al1 three sectors to build

partnerships and community (p. 124). Hesslebein (1996) states that wise leadership brïogs

together ail those concemed into a circle that includes the corporation, the organhtion,

the people and the wrnmunity (Hesslekin, 1 9%, p. 1 24). Hesslebein (1 9%) and Shein

(1 9%) hold that leaders wiii transfomi theii leadership styles to accommodate the needs

and desires of comrnunity members. The emergence of a focus on context and community

addresses the individual whiie at the same t h e remahhg mincüùl of society.

Transforrnational, reconceptualist, aesthetic and critical humanist theories are th r i e s of

leadership which address the emergence of this focus on comrnunity and society.

Transformationai, reconceptuaiist, aesthetic a d ctitical hunianist theories of

leadership propose that leadership is context bound and sociological in nature. Acwrdng

to Burns (1 978) tnuisforniational leadership is a "mutual excbange of resources in which

both or all parties involveci are transformed by the mteractions" (p. 1 7 1). Leadership is a

sociai telationship between tbe leader and the hllower. Slater (1995) holds that, "WRhout

17

followersbip there can be no leadership; without folbwers there can be no teaders" (p.

449). In th sense leaders demir their meanhg and power fiom those w b are being lead.

Stogdil(1974), in referience to interactionist theory, holds that leadership is a functon of

action and "truly exists oniy when ackaowledged and conferred by other members of the

group" (p. 14). In transformational ieaàership theory leaders and foilowers transcend

the5 mmdiate seWinterest and engage is such a way b t both the follower and leader are

r a i d to higher levek of motivation and rnorality (Duke, 1998, p. 17 1). Ben& (1 984)

states that the transformative power of leadership is the a b i i to raise human

consciousness. He states, "It k visioq purposes, beliefs, a d other aspects of

organizatioml culture tbat are of prime importance" (p. 70).

Reconceptualists sbare this view in that leadership is best understood, "in the

belieh of the bebolders tban the behaviour of the beheld" (Duke, 1998, p. 174). This view

is mtcd as fiu back as m the ielationship between Machiaveili and the Prince. Machiaveili

told the Prince that bis subjects' perception of him was the most important aspect of

presmhg the nation-state @uLe, 1998, p. 174).

Duke (1998) developed an aesthetic theory of leadership based on the growing

interest m leadership as a matter of perception (p. 176). In the aesthetic theory, leadership

oniy exists w k n it is perceived by an observer (p. 176). Ddce (1 998) states, "A leacier's

proclamation of leadership by itse& tkefore, is of iittk value... for the perception of

leadership to occur, an observer must nnd sometàing about a leader meaningfiil" @. 176).

He fiirther states that maoing amy be derived h m a Mer's actions or what the Wer

symboiizes (p. 1 76). This interest in the social aspect of leadership is specific m criticai

18

humanist leadership theory.

Critical hinnaaisi ieadersbip theory focuses on the symbolic aspects of leadership*

Critical humanists beliew tbat social structure is socially constructed (Slater, 1995, p.

453). They disagree! with structural fiinctionalists m that social science research is value-

k. It is the critical huaianist perspective that values are an inherent component m the

deciwon-making process (Slater, 1995, p. 455). Critical humanists are committed to

society and etnphasize the miportance of tmmcending the ümitations of ex&* social

order @. 455).

HessIebeio (1996) states, 'Key to soc id significance of tomorrow~s leaders is the

way tbey embrace the totaiity of ldersbip, not just including "my organization" but

reaching beyond the w d s as well" (p. 123). This SM in the Western tradition of

leadership theory ta foais on context and community is siniilas in those respects to the

Ojibway perspective of leadership. The &if€ is focused in celeôrating individual

circumstauces, or context, whüe at the same time remaining nimdfid of community. It is a

foais with the view that both the individual and community rmst work togethet to

achieve balance and hamony. This foais is a tenet of Ojibway culture.

Ojibway perspective of leadership

The litemture reveds that present day Western leadership theories have shifted to

f9ais on comext, culture, and coimnuiity. Boldt (1993) state thit Ojibway leadership was

traditionally communal with the interest rrstiag in what was best for the community (p.

278). The importance of community and an individual's obügation to his fellow

19

community members was mrnin?ned in individual roles in Society u d in bestowllig

leadership on Elders, as they were the logical choice.

The European-Western idea of authority and hierarchy was rooted in feudalism

and t s usociated belief in the inherent inequality of men (Boldt, 1993, p. 278). The

Ealightamtcnt concept of egditacianïsm emerged as a response to hierarchy in order that a

more hwnan political structure wouid result (p. 278). Boldt (1993) writes, "In traditional

Indian society, however, the idea of egalitarianism did not emerge as a reaction to

excesses of hierarchical authority" (p. 278). Further, the author states that authority or

the o&g and reguiating fora in traditional Aboriginal soci*y was aistom and

tradition. Boldt (1993) states, "conformity to autom was a matter of religious obedience

that accorded with the generaily accepteci moral standards of the tribe, the mechanism

used in traditional Indian society was direct participatory democracy and d e by

coasensus" (p. 278). Boldt (1993) holds that in a very real sense, people wnstituted the

governent as there was no evidence of a body politic, and no authority or hierarchy (p.

119). Workiag toward a common goal was a cultural imperative, whaeas individualism

with no s h e d goals or vision, was a culturai liability. The prospect of working toward

common goals in Aboriginal d e t y is a difticuh process in today's &ety and post

modem era where individuaiism reigns (Maracle* 1996, p. 41).

Blwm (1991) suggests that post modem thoughf a product of our democratic

society, b r d s inâividuaiism and individual thought (p. 26). Slater (1995) disaisses

democracy as a pmduct of the Enlighteament paiod in which the central principle was

reason or science and not authority, which was derived fiom religion, nunily and the

20

community (p. 467). Slater (1995) argues that an individu81 in a dmioaracy is encounged

to follow reason as opposed to authority (p. 467). In this process, individuais are given

the W o m to think things through and arrive at one's owa opinion. Abongiaal

cornes, in ttieir quest to maintain equaüty7 remainecl non individuaüstic. Boldt

(1993) states, "Equality was derived nom the Creator's founding prescription" (p. 278).

In disaissing post modernist beliefs, Blmm (1991) considers ailbirJ relativism, and

suggests that it is contributing to the detrimeut of our society. It is his view that a society

open to "al1 kinds of men, al1 h d s of We-styles, al1 ideologies" without any "shared goals

or vision of the public good" questions whether or not the socid contract is at ail possiibk

(p. 27). Bloom (1991) fbrther states that even with aii of the seKinterest, and apparent

independence of thought doubt Win emerge mong individuais (p. 27). Bloom (1991)

holds that when individuais are in doubt they wül look to some lrind of authonty to assist

in the decision-making process. He states, "In the absence of anythhg else to which to

tum, the cornmon Mefs of most men are almost aiways what will detamine judgement.

This is whae tradition used to be most valuable*' (Bloom, 1991, p. 247).

Boldt (1993) States, "Traditional Abriginai societies had a bdmentaily different

theory of the individual in relation to the community ikom that impiied in Western-liberal

ideology" (p. 150). Boldt (1993) states that an individual in Aboriginal Jocieties was

defined in t a m ~ of duties and obligations to the coiiectivity (p. 150). In Westem-liberal

ideology individusls were defineci in t a m ~ of their legal rights (Boldt, 1993, p. 150).

Boldt (1993) states individuals in traditonal Aborigiarl society were expected to

subordhate individuaiism and respect the customs and traditions of the community (p.

150). Customs engendered mutual respect and loyaity and held communities together

(Boldt, 1993, p. 150). Luik (1 991) holds that when individualism reigns, Wlividual t m t h s

becorne the virtues and religion, fsmily and tradition no longer bemme our intellecnial

authorities (p. 246). BIwm (199 I), and Luik (1 99 1) cbaüenge the majority's claim that

there is truth in the existence of individualkm and independence of thought. Bbom

(1991) nnds that, "The paradoxical resuît of the l i t i o n of mason is greater r e b e on

public opinion for guidance, a weakening of independence" (p. 247). Luik (1991) states:

The confbsion between equality of prospects and equality of outcornes, between judgement based on the a r b i i and irrelevant and judgement founded on the justifiably gemme, between the

to bave an opinion and the nghimess of an opinion, between the equaiity of daim and the equahy of capacity, between the relevant as the wntemporary and the relevant as the tmieless, between the hadaion as imprisoning and tradition as I i i t i n g . @- 9)

Traditional Ojlbway teacbings requin of individds not to seek their own

happiness but the well-king of others. Maracle (1996) states, 'Ws means that the sdf-

indulgent ideology of me nrst r u s contnuy to our kws. In fW, individuaiism destroys

the potentid of each of us to contribute to the dewlopment of the nation" (p. 41). Boldt

(1993) believes thrt today's challenge is in retainhg what is left of traditional Aboriginal

communaiïsm @. 15 1). He holds that this will help to -te human dignity offered in

the traditional aistoms of an individual's role geared to the best interests of the

commmity (p. 151). Tradition, inhemt in Ojibway ashum, is daiveci h m the beliefin a

higher power. The l i t m e revealed that principles are Iüre compasses and stem fiom

culture (Covey, 1996, p. 1 15). Principles in Ojibway culture have traditionally speciûed

22

roles for men, women, and elders based on spiritual laws. Spiritual beliefk were the major

components m bestowing decisiin-aiaking power (Bo@ 1993, p. 27). In k t , spirituai

beliefs were the foundation of which Aboriginal culture hctioned traditionally. The

Ojibway people's holistic view of leadership is a product of their traditional culture and

belid.

Role spesification in Ojibway culture enables the society to fbnction eflticiently.

Men and women have th& own tasks and positions in the culture which complement each

other and therefore create meanhg for ail participants in their conmiunity. It is andogous,

to a degree, to a hienuchicai organizationai (minus the bierarchy) structure such as that of

the rational p d g m whae each member of the biefarchy has distinct d e s that hdsbe

must perform to mpimnia eflrciency. In their roles, individuals in Ojiôway culture are

coosidered to carry special giAs which ultimately complement the wrnmunity. Spiritual

@s daive th& meaning îrom the reiationships created among di membas of the

community. They cerry these gifts Uao the predetermiaed roles that were traditiody

based in a spinnial belief system. In traditional Ojibway society individuals were cast h o

prdetennined roles by being expected to perform specific tasks, wbkh complemented the

tasks of others in the comrnunity. Otha revered qualities such as kindness, gmerosity,

autonomy, noninterference, sharing and the importance of comrnunity are qualities that

aiso M t a leader, in the traditional s e a ~ e (Gamet, 1996, p. 16). Auger (1 999) stated, "The

seven spirituai güts bestowed upon us by the Creator, such as humiîity, love, respect,

hoaesty, tnith, bravery, and wisdom is supposed to be passed down and shared with

others in our community (p. 41).

23

In Aborigiaal societies the power of leadership and decision-making was

traditiody bestowed upon Elders. Eldm exerted pohthi, social and moral influence m

their traditional connnunities (Boldt, 1993, p. 1 19). In an oral culture, Elders bad the

essential role of mmsmmmg . . t n i custonis and traditions to the younger children (BoIdt,

1993, p. 1 19). In traditional Aboriginal societies, Eklers have ban those bestowed the

role of leaàer based on their lcnowledge of the spirihiaüty of their cuhues aad the

traditions inherent therein. Boldt (1993) states that the colonial politid and bureaucratie

structures that were imposed in Aboriginal communïties, lead to the decline of the

infiuential role ofElders, with the e l d leadership provisions in the Indian Act (p. 199).

Today, Elders hold different positions that vary among communities. Some beiieve that

Eiders' roles have becorne largely unofficial, while other beiieve that Elders rrmain

respeaed for their social aud moral Muence and participation in sacred caernonies

(Boldt, 1993, p. 120).

Traditionally, Aboriginaî leaders were servants to thek people. Today Eldas hold

a lot of responsibility in th& roles as parents, terchers, cornmunity leaâers and spiritual

guides (Garret, 19%, p. 16). Specificaüy, leadership is fostered through seKmasttery,

imm strength, and the development of ind~dual abilities. Elders gained these qualities

through years of experience and knowledge. Boldt (1993) States that with the advent of

colonial political and administrative stnichucs, based on hierarchical structures, Aboriginal

leaders of today are, without choice, cast into a niling-class system @. 120). Today in

Canada, Aboriginal people bave faad an alien leadership systm i m p o d on them by the

Goveniment. Boldt (1993) holds tht "for more than a century the Caiuidian Goverment

24

has p u r p o d y aimed its policies and practices toward the goal of replaciag traditional

Indian leadership systems, philosophies, and noms, with coloniai institutional stnictures,

philosophies, and norms" (p. 120). Boldt, (1993) fùrther States that the Department of

indian AfFhh, acting under the authority of the Indian Act, Jmnd as the parmount

instrument for destroying traditional leadership systems (p. 120). It is, thedotel

important to give general consideration to the history and evolution of Canada's

Aboriginal policy.

History and Evolution of Canadiin F d e d Covcrnment Poky Reguding Abriginai people

A general undesstanding of the history and evolution of Canadiau Fderal

Goverurnent Abonginai pdicy is helpfbl in gainhg insi& into Abonginal people and how

that policy leed to the systematic attempted d c a t i o n of Aboriginal culture. The history

of Abmiginai people in C d has beai a bleak one and the bistory and evolution

Canadian Federai Govemment Policy regarding Aboriginal people bas ban no better.

Canadian Federal Govenunent Poticy regarding Abonginil Policy has bad three

main goals: protection, chiihtion, and assimilation (Tobias, 1983, p. 39). Historidy,

the govemment believed that Aboriginal people n d e d protection from Euopean

exploitation (p. 39). The development of the goverment's patemaüstic attitude stemmeci

from the early Abonginai and non-Aboriginai contact. The advance of non-Aboriginal

Settlements r d t e d in the inabitity of Aborigiiuil people to defaid themselves or th&

land. The Government became the buffa between the two cultures (Gibbins & Ponting,

25

1986, p.25) This distinction was made part of the coLlStitUtiona1 structure of Canada

tbrough the British North America Act of 1867 (Tobias, 1983, p. 39). However,

legisiation used by the Government to fMll this responsib'iiity, hu always had the dtimate

goal of extinguishing Aborigllial special sutus (Tobias, 1983, p. 40). Tobias (1983) holds

that the means by whkh the Govemment attempted to e&ct assimitation was tbrough

what the Govemment termed civilzring @le- see definition of terms) Abonginal people

(Tobias, 1983, p. 39). Through civilimig Aboriginal people, the Government believed

that Aboriginai id- and culture would be eliminated thereby rmikllig Aboriginal peopk

more assimilable (Tobias, 1983, p. 39). The F e d a l Govemment d&ed a civiüzcd

pason in Canada at that time as someone who was dowed to vote, own land, s j d c and

write eitha Engiish or French, p d c e Christianity and be of good morai character

(Tobias, 1 983, p. 40). Ironicaiiy, many new immigrants to Canada at could not m w these

requirements. The Canadian Federai Goverment policy of 'civili9ag' Aboriginal people

required Aborigllial people to h m e even mon civiiized than Euopeans immigrants.

The concept began afker 18 15 and would form an integral part of the Federal

Govenunent 's relationship with Aboriginal people (p. 40). By 1 830, the Federal

Government initiated several atternpts at their Aborigi~I civilization mandate.

Cbrisitimhhg Aboriginai people and instituting the resene system were established as

means to that end.

In the 1830's Aborigmil p p k were encouraged to settle on isolated -es

whae they wcre taught to farm and receive rrligious instruction and education (Tobias,

1983, p. 41). The poiicy of ash ih ion was stren@ened by the s p d of Christhity to

26

the Aboriginal populstion. One way in which the government attempted to ChristiraiiZe

Aboriginal people was through the educational system and residential schools. Many

Elders today r e d their experiences at residential schwl. It is a widely held belief that

many of those Q<paiences were unpleasmt ones.

Boldt (1993) says, "It is clear that the Cadian Government created a great aime

against Indisas and their cultures when it forced Indian children at aga five to fifteen to

attend residential schools" (p. 188). Conmion and Frost (1994) state that the "entire

educatiod program for the last 250 to 300 years was designed to change and assimilate

the F i Nations of Canada" (p. 10). In the early years, the Govemment delegated the

responsib'ity of educating Aboriginal people to the Church (Gibbins & Ponting, 1986, p.

27). Religious midemiril schools isolated Aboriginal children fiom their familes, culture

and European settlers. This had a two-fold & i . It deprived Aborighal children of th&

culture, their language and family support and replaced them with an institutionai

environment which provided instruction in English and in Christianity. G i b b i a ~ d

Ponthg (1986) state that this process mer deprived Abonginal people of p&cing not

ody their traditional W s but speaking th& language as weU (p. 28). Further, Kirkness

(1998) states that residential schwls were devUed to isolate chilcireri 60m their parents,

fhïlies, and influence of the resewe, in an &on to prepare children for a domesti~~

Christian life (p. 10 1). Kirkness (1998) provides an account fkom a residential school

We were removed at age five (somctimes earlier) fkom our parents, community, dumped into an alien hostile environment of residentiai schools .. .we were ailowed to see our parents two months out of the year . . . we

were beaten for spclking our languages. We were ridiculed when we spoke of our aistoms and teachings ... we were tau@ European values and when we retumed home to our own coramunities we had becorne strangers - little brown white men who couldn't speak th& language, or maLe a simple fire or track an animai through the woods. (p. 101)

Residential schools are noted for their high mortality rates. It is estimated that

neariy n f t y percent of the cbildren Who attendeû residentiai schools did not SUrYiVe; many

died hom loneliness (Kirkness, 1998, p. 101). The issues ficing the tesidentid school

system have bewme moral dilemmas for botb the Federal Govenunent and the Church.

Aboriginal leaders have sina demanded govarmient assistance in order to revive t h e

Ianguages and cuitures.

Residential schools were aclditionally unable to provide Aboriginal children with a

secular education (Gibbins & Ponbng, 1986, p. 28). The Federal Govemment believed

that a s d a r education would help assimilate Aborigïnai children into wider Canadian

society (Gibbins & Ponting, 1986, p. 28). However, the isolation ofmany of the

residential schools prevented this. The Federal Govemment believed that separating the

two cultures by the process of isolate reserves would replace the nad for residential

schools and help Abonginai people cope With Ewopeans (Tobias, 1983, p. 42).

Tobias (1983) states thet in1 850 an evaluation of the resewe systern was needed

because of the resistence of Abor im people to settie in these isolated communities @.

42). The F e d d Government looked at the American system and found that .Abonginai

people in Michigan were more eady assimilatecl when located near European Settlements

(Tobias, 1983, p. 42). As a resuit the Federal Government mabmbed the resewe systeni

but locaied theai closer to European Settlements. No longer was it interested in mereiy

28

havhg Abarigmal people tau* how to cope with Europeans but how to actuaüy become

European and to become f U y apsimiated h o colonial Society (Tobii, 1983, p. 42).

Therdore, in 1857 an Act was plssed to "encourage the gradual civilization of the Indians

in the Province (ûntario) and to amend the laws respeaing Indians" (Tobias, 1983, p. 42).

Legislation regadhg Abonginai people proceeded to dedine an Abonginai pason.

Legidation outiined that Aboriginal people would not be accordecl the same rights as

European Cadians uatil he or she d d meet certain criteria, such as being able to d e

or speak Engüsh, be fia of debt and of good moral character. It wodd follow in 1869

that the Act for the gradual enihuchisaneat of the Aborigmal population would becorne

law (Tobias, 1983, p. 43). The enhnchisement provisions of the Indian Act equated

citirenship with cuitural charscteristics. It was only those Abori@ people who did not

cling to th& Native traditions and who fit the dominant cultural rnold, who wuld becorne

fidl citizens (Gibbins & Ponting, 1986, p. 29). Whik enfianchisement offixed various

rights such as the ri@ to vote, the enfhnchise system faüed as less Aboriginal people

opted to relinquish their Abonginal specid status and treaty ngbts. It was not untii 1960

that ail Aboriginal people were granted the ri@ to vote in federal elections (Gibbins Br

Ponthg 1986, p. 30).

Ova the years the Indian Act would undergo s e v d amenciments and rewisions.

Sorne menciments would be received witô greater resistance than others. In 1969, as part

of Rime Ministcr Trudeau's Just Society agenda, the Liberal Government introduad the

White Paper (Boldt, 1993, p. 65). This particular piece of proposcd legislation is one

example of the Canidiaa Federal Governrncnt's continuad attempt of adinguishg

29

Abonginal spccial -S. The 1969 White paper proposed that the legisîative aud

constitutional bases of disaiminaton be removed and therefore calleci to repeal the Indian

Act (GiWins & Ponting, 1986, p. 33). The 1969 White Paper was met with enormous

Abonginai resistance (Boldt, 1993, p. 66). The new Canadian Federal Govenunent at that

tirne had a strong Liberel ideology of stresshg individuaiism and uphoiding individual

nghts (Gibbk & Ponting, 1986, p. 34). The 1%9 White Paper proposed to remove ail

legisfative and constitutional bases of discrimination in an d o r t to promote equality

(Gibbins & Poaing, 1986, p. 34). The Indian Act was to be repeaied on those grounds

(Gibbins & Ponting, 1986, p. 34). The federai responsibüity to Aborigiaal people was to

corne to an end. Trudeau would later concede in a 1983 F i Minister's Conference

Clearly, our Aboriginal peoples each acaipied a special place in history. To my way of thinking this d a than special recognition in the constitution and to th& own place in Canadian Soaety, distinct from each other and distinct from other groups. (Boldt, 1993, p. 24).

Tbere is certain irony in Trudeau's statement when considering the general histov

and evolution of the Canadian F e d d Govertment's policy regarding Abonginai people

which had the main goal of assidating Aboriginal people. Foliowing 18 12 with

Aboriginai people no longer being considcd as usefùl allies in times of war, and the fia

tracle gradually king replaced by agriculture, a shift ocaured tbrit focused on European

values and n o m (Giibins & Ponting, 1986, p. 25). As such, the ideology of civiiizing

Aborighî people was the fonis of policy for the govenunent (Gibbins & Ponting, 1986,

p. 25). Tbis iapght into the oppression &ceci by Aboriginai people is specifically notable

30

with respect to women. The rok of Aboriginal womai in Canadian history and the &kct

the Canadian F d d Goveniment's Abonginiil policy had on those roles is u d when

considering their lived experiences.

Canadian F d e d Goveraicnt Poüy Rcgrrdiag Aboriginai Women

ûver thne Aboriginal women have ban assigried lesser fùndamental legal rights

than either Aboriginal or Canadian men and women. Several aspects of the Indian Act

discriniinate against Aboriginal womai; this is redhned with the passing of Bili C-3 1 in

1985.

In its niliog in 1981 the United Nations Human Righîs Commission decland that

with its section 12 (1) (b) of the Indian Act, Caiisda was in direct contravenîion of article

27 of the U.N. Charter of Rights. Section 12 (1) (b) of the Indian Act denied Aboriginal

staais to Aboriginal women who &ed non-Aboriginal men (Boldt, 1993, p. 208).

Aboriginal women would lose their status upon marrying a non-AboriBinJ man or upon

marrying an Aboriginal maq who niinquished his status through previous legislation By

not repeali~g that section of the Indian Act the Canadian Federal Government would have

also been in direct contravention of its own Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Boldt, 1993,

p. 208). Conversely, there wa9 no legisiation 8ccord'i the same fâte to men, who

marcjeci non-Atmriginai women. In fsq non-Abon@ women gained asr~s upon

rnanying an Aborighai man. According to Boldt (1993) the Cansdiui Humaa Rights

Couunission stated that section 12 (1) @) amounted to Matant gender discmmaû . . . on

(Boldt, 1993, p. 13). As a d t BiIi C-3 1 (1985) was passed which reinstated status to

31

Aboriginal women, who had marrieci non-Aborigiasl or non-status Abonginal men who

lost status under previous legislation.

Aboriginal women's nwriages to non-Abonginai meo date back to the eighteenth

cmhiry. In the îast 20 years' approximately haifof aU Aboriginal women's maririages have

been to non-Aboriginal men (Jamieson, 1986, p. 125). During the fùr tracle, a recogaized

form of marriage emerged berween Abonginai women and white male fur traders. These

"customary maniagesn were instrumental for white nir traders because Aboriginai women

possessed a number of important SUS. These skiils proved to be indispensable and of

considerable economic bene&. Their a b o i to malce snow &as, &in clothing, presewe

meet, and interpret language becarne vital to the survivaJ of th& white husbands

(Jamieson, 1986, p. 1 14). Significant events would prove to weaken this iole of

Abonghal women. One such event was the graduai shift of the ecmomy fiom fin trading

to agriculture.

Aboriginal women's roles in today's society can be considemi a reflection of the

dimimination they have faad in the past. Some Aboriguid women's lived experiences

highlighted in the review of the related litaahire reflect history and Canadian Federai

Govemment policies.

Many of the themcs derived fiom the literature on Aboriginal womai's üved

experiences, are a product of a history of oppression. This section wilî explore Abonginal

women's iived cxperiences.

Women in Aboriginal cornmunitics

Women play an important part in Abonginai communities. Disaissing women

with regard to traditional Aboriginal Soady Armstrong (1989) states:

It was women who shaped the thinking of al1 its members in a loving, nurturing atmosphere withia the base of the faraihr unit.. . We fïnd ourselves and our power in our ability to be what our grandmotbers were to us: keepers of the next generation in every seme of the word - physicaUy7 inteiiectdy, and spintually. (p. xi)

It is h a view that t is the strength of the f d e who holds the fiimilies and nations

together' proviâing the bridge to the next generation. Women are the key to Survival (p.

xi).

The importance of the role of the f 'ede is reafhned in W d ' s (1993) compilation

w ~ d ~ m ' ~ DauPhters. Conversations with Women Elders of Native Arnerica in which a

fernale elâer states:

We as Indian people have never forgotten the status of women. Those who have go- away fiom the traditions may act as ifthey don't remember, but aü of us know inside. Our memories are long, as long as the liae of generations. The elders have aiways passed on this biowledge. (p. x)

Downey (1993) noted that t is tirne for recophing what women tW and say (p.

12). She says, "It might be prophesied or doesn't have to be prophesied, but the feeling

is so strong that the women wiil come out and voice theV feelings ... wtiether people want

to hear it or not, it's going to corne because it's meant to be - it's that tirne" (Dowwy,

1993, p. 12). in light of the oppression and marBuialiption women have k x l , Downe~

believes the t he has come that women's voices and thoughts arc heard. The subhgation

of Aborighd women, howeva, has been a procas encourageci in Canadian bistoiy and

colonial Society.

Beverly Hungry Wolf(1993) acknowledges that even with the advent of

colonialism and the attempt to Christiaoize Aboriginal people, rnany Abori@ societies

remaineci very strong. The f d e roles in these Socides were and continue to be

important, and yet equal to the role of maies. Although women's daüy roles were

Wolf(1993) stetes, "In d our important t n i ccmnonies, women phy au @ pan

with the men, and rnost ceremonies would not take place without women" @. 78).

S ~ d y , with respect to ceremonies Hungry WoV(1993) asserts:

Usuaily, it is the womna who has the job, morning and evening, of making inceme for the budie; she dso has the job of taking the buadle outside every momia$ and bringing it in every evening. And she has h a rok to play when it is time to open the bundle. There are spacific songs tbat are sung for her. When it comes time to u n b u d e the pipe, that too, is her job. (p. 78)

The roie of women in ûjibway society exists simultaneousiy with 0th- in their

communities. Each person's role wmp~amnts anotha's d in an effort to work

communaUy for the benefit of the community as a whole.

The literature reveals that there is a resurgence of culture and tradition that is

noticeable when Aboriginal women speak of their lived npaiences. The importance of

retrieving mainhg and papnustmg their Ianguage and cultural values was evident for

Ojibway women. Culanal dues were d i s a i d in tams of rrrainiag them and passing

th- on to c M h so that thy may passed on fùture generations. Some ways in which

language and cultural d u e s were pissed on w a c tbrough the role of Elden, through

spnhiaüty, and thrwgh moontime (menstniation) teachmgs.

hnguage. The importance of rrtaiaing your Aboriginal language is important for

king &le to relate to mother nature, your Elders, and to perpetuate your culture. Paul

(1999) says, "Language. Holy crittas, ifyou don't have your language, that's how 1

rehte to Mother Earth, Our songs, druaiming, and singing. Tbat's my Me, singing and

dnmniing" (p. 5). When you are communicating with the Creator and the spirit wortd,

you are understood because you are speaking your language. Mosher (1999) an Ojibway

elder lost h a ianguage when she l a home to attend residential school. H a view is tbat

Native language is very important because the teachings are imbedded witbin it. Mosher

(1999) says, "Native language is very important because our tezlchings are in the language.

You miss the meaning when you tak about it in Engiish" (p. 160). So important is

language in retainhg your culture, that Penashue (1999) says, 'Zurguage and culture are

related. If you h o w the language you u n d m the culture" (p. 212)- The intertwined

nature of langusge and cuiture is a tenet of Aboriginai society.

Mosher (1999) reflects on the importance of respecting elders by examinhg the

protocol required when one is saking an Elder's guidance, wisdom or prayers. She says

that it is very important for one to understand how to properly address an Elder. Mosher

(1999) says:

An Elder is one that knows the teachings. To approach an Elda the tobacco offerhg always cornes first. An Elda is not going to tell you rnything umil you o&r tbat to- and you pray with that tobacco ka , you don't just go and buy it. You can fecl tbat tobacco whai you'n holding it when a pason cornes and @ves it to you, you can f a 1 it ifthae's no heartbeat in that toôacco, then that person did not say th& prayers for that tobacco, on w b t thcy

wanted it for. Because they see it done, they don't understand so they just hrow you're supposed to give tobaeco to an Elder but they don? know the meruring of it. (p. 148)

Many times th& counsel was sou@ for their wisdom and yean of Me expenence. Elden

were able to explain cultural practices and spiritual laws.

Elders. Elders or the "keepers of wisdom" (Garret, 19%, p. 16) are the

gatekeepers of traditionai knowledge used to papehiate social order and provide

meaning. They are honond as "highly respectai persans because of the lifetime's worth

of wisdom they have acquired through continuous acpsrience" (Gemt, 1996, p. 16).

Traditionaliy, Elders held diverse positions in which they were revered as leaders snd

teachers in passing on cultural values. As teachers Elders passed on hiowledge through

dream interpretation a d storytelling. As leaders, Elders were sought and respecteci for

their ab'- to make decisions based on th& wisdom fiom many years of experience and

Cajete (1999) says that almost without exception Aboriginal cultures vdwd

d r m (p.58). Dreams were used by dinerent cultural groups for a vari- of reasons. It

was a v d u d method of leamkg. Mosher (1999) considers that many times UiJight into

MeYs meaning was deriveci fiom understanding the signincance of one's dreams (p. 161).

Dreams remain hi* regarded in Abriginai culture because of the teachings they offer.

Some sought their sisnificance in deteminhg and understanding the finire, othas used

them in search of a deeper undetstanding of themselves. Gcneraüy spcaking, the dream

state ans of speciai significrnce because it was in this state that one could k in contact

with spirits to gain power and knowledge fiam them (Cajete, 1999, p. 58). P d (1999)

36

has leamed a lot f b m h a drecmu. Many of the songs that she bas learned to shg have

been tau@ to h a in her dreams (p. 20). She says, "In my drearm, this old woman is

teacbing me the songs, those are the songs of the living and the dead" 63-20). Mosher

(1999) acknowiedges dreams as phenornena which have helped her through lifi (p. 161).

Many times it was Elders who helped h a as they interpreted tbeir signifiana. N i h

(1999) describes ciream as personal experiences that wnsist of past expaiences and

prophecies (p. 85). Nitsch (1999) says that dreams like prophesies WU provide

information of things to corne in the fbture (p. 85).

Another way in which Elders passeci on knowledge was through storytehg.

Stoxytehg w u au effective way of teaching traditional way of life. Elders tested and

trained the mernories of the listemr so tbat history and traditions wuld be preserved and

passed on (Beck, Walters, Francisco, 1996, p. 57). The art of storytelling heiped children

to exercise sküls like mernory, imaghtion, verbal and non-verbal communic~tion (Cajete,

1999, p. 56). The hidden symôolism inherent in storytehg msed the îistener to r d

between the lines for hidden meanings, concepts or ideas (p. 56). Stories taught by

Elders might include sharing th& own experiences, and teacbing about c d t t d values like

respecting the animais, the land and the importance of sharing. Storytelhg provided

knowledge about ceremonies, and models of behaviour that helped one understand the

wodd (Beck, Walters, & Francisco, 1996, p. 58).

Elders were also respected as leaders because of their insight and a b o i to d e

decisio~~~. Penssbue (1999) on Elders and leadership says, "A leda was chosai beuuPe

of bis knowledge and eXpenence of the land. It was usuilly an elderly person who was a

37

good hmter, the best one. This leader kuew evaythmg in the country, knew whae the

animais were" (p. 204). It was O* when one eamed the role as leader tha one could

give direction (1999, p. 204). Pemshue (1999) fiutha stated that once an Elda assumes

the role as leader, he or she is listenecl to without disagreement (p. 204). Eldas were

obeyed, and respecteci (Kdchyski, McCaskill, & Newhouse, 1999, p. 260). In descn'bing

the seven stages oflife of the Midewiwin tmdition of which she practices, Mosher (1999)

says that the Mnth stage is when you are deaing on Me. This stage is reserved for

Eldas. They are to k the teachers to p a s on knowledge to the children (p. 159). Elders

continue play a sigmficant d e in &ri@ society today.

SpirituaMy. The spiritual beiief system of Aboriginal people is diverse.

However, a common beliefin the Creator and in traditional practices was evident m the

review of the related literature. Pau1 (1999) began learning more about h a spirituality as

an adult. She was raised by her mother, a ptElCficing Catholic, who used to support the

hunüy by selling baskets made of sweetgrass. As Paul (1999) grrw older, h a mother

would provide ha with ldtover sweetgrass to use while she prayed. Ahbaugh their

spirihial befiefs differed, Paul's mother encourageci h a daughter's revival of th&

traditional spintuality (p. 6). The sweat lodge ceremony was also ap-t among womai

in rcviving th& traditional spixituaüty. Penashue (1999) wmmented on the use of sweat

lodges in her cuiture in which thy were used for praying and h&g. Penashue (1999)

states, 'Sweat lodges wae uscd for heaiing ....my sweat lodge is m w for women, but men

can corn in. It's a pmying sweat for sbuiqg burdens. It's good to use in d&g with

our ddy problems" (p.206). Mo- (1999) a b used sweats to heal herseIfand for

prayer. She States:

1 ~81lted so much to leave dmgs and alcohol. I wanted to get better and 1 was wiiiïng to try anythhg and that was my îast resort. And boy, that was the best time of my Me7 the best time of my life was when 1 first went h o the sweat ldge. Even my first swt!at was a healiag sweat. 1 just cried and aied in thae... when 1 came out of there 1 was just floating on air, 1 wasn't even touchiag the ground. (Kulchyski, McC- & Newhouse, 1999, p. 146)

Mosher (1999) beliwes that she was hded by the Creator in the sweat lodge.

Paul (1999) beüeves that s k and h a people nexd to go back to a beliefin the Creator for

help in heaüng She says, "That7s why a lot of us people bave to go back ... to help you to

smiggie with dmgs or alcohol or whatever is going on out there7' (p. 24). Rehinnng to

the teachings of th& spkhai belief system ans an essential elment in their quest to heal

themselves and understand who they were.

Moontime. Many of the teachings women received were pas& down by 0 t h

women. Certain teachings such as thor surroundhg moontime (menstruation) were

those which were only appropriate for women to impart. Leeming about moontime was

important for young women in Abongiail society because during their moomiw that they

wae considend spirihially strong. Mcnstnial blood was equated with power which could

be used for hesliag or curing. It was beliwed that a women on h a moontime could cure a

sick person by waiking ova the sick person's body (Beck, W & m & Francisco, 19%, p.

213). Moontime teachings are still important today, as wül be noted in the data dect ion

section.

Moontime laws vuied among Abonguial cultures but there wae some common

fegtures. Moontirne laws were spirituai in nature because they were derived from a

39

spiritual beiief system. Women were generaüy separated fiom the rest of the community

members at this t h e because of its spintual significance. Young women wae n o r d y

isolated for four days during th& moonthne (Beck, Walters & Fmcisco, 1996, p. 213).

Whüe in isolation women ate their m d s separately &om the rest of the commumty

members (Beck, Walters & Francisco, 19%. p. 2 14). They either prepand their meais

themselves or mother wotnaa who was attending to their needs prepared them (Be&

Walters & Francisco, 1996, p. 214). Young men wouid aot eat from the same dish or

drink ârom the same cup of a woman during her moontirne.

Whik on their mwntime, women were not allowed to touch any sacred bunâie or

object or eutre a lodge where these items were kept (Becek, Wahas & Francisco, 1996, p.

214). Mcastnial blood was equated with power. It was believed that the d a t i o n of

rnemtmhg womai with others at tbis tirne, espeaally during ceremonies was disruptive

to social order grounded in its spirituai belief system and its ILSSOCi(lted laws.

Mwntime teachings were important so that young women Iww what their roles

were while they were rnenstniating. As an Ojibway woman, who has been taught by a

traditional Ojibway f d e Elder, my experieace has ban that moontime teachings are stii l

being tau@. We are dways reminded not to participate in carnonies whüe we are

menstniating, or to prepare food for others. We are also tau& that ifwe cary a pipe,

d m or 0 t h sacred objects we are not to hancile th- at this tirne. W e are reassured

that these teachiags an not to imply that woman are unclean but tbat we are spirihially

strong during our moontime and that we must be very ureful. As women learning these

teachings, it is expected thirt we wiii tesch other women, espcaally the younger women

about moontime teachins.

The I.eview of the niated literature provides information on Aboriginai cultural and

how traditionai Aboriginal communities have k e n affected by Canadian Federal

Goverment Policy regarding Aborigmal people. The role of the Canadian Federal

Govemtuent Abrighd policy is discussed in terms of how that policy upset tr;i8ditioaal

Aborigid c o m m d e s and the roles of Elden and Abonginal women. Canadian Fedaal

Goverment policy is presented with respect to its mandate to assimilate Aboriginal

people into mainstream Society and its subaequent effects. One of those &e*s, a

retuming to traditional teaching, is highligbted. Eldas, the traditional teachers in

Abohginai cultures, are considaed in terms of the simüarities of th& roles as teechers and

leaders. Leadership is discussed in tenns of its evolution to f w s on contact and

community. In sa d o h g a traditiod Aboriginal perspective is provided in terms of ts

focus on wmmunity.

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Introduction

The pirpose of this study is to examine the lived experimce of a traditionai female

Ojibway elder and ha pempedves on leadership. This chapter is or- in two

sections. First, there is a foai~ on r-ch design, including the rrsearch question, and

the methodology used in the research praass. Second, there is a foais on the protocol

used to gain participation of the participant, ethicai considerations, and methods for data

00Uection and adysis.

A phemmenological approach wu used to explore the lived experience of a

traditional f d e Ojibway Elder. LaRocque (1989) suggests that research about

Abriginai people in generd is sigmficant in tbat it brings another Paspective of Canada

into light. LaRocque (1989) states:

Not ody do we offa new ways of Samg and saying things, but we also provide new directions and fiesh methodologies to cross- ailturd research; we broaden the anpirical and theoretid bases of numaous disciplines, and we pose new questions to old and tired traditions. (p. 12)

On phaiomnenology and lived acpaiences, Vaa Manen (1994) states: "To do

phenomen010gid research is to question something phemmenologidy, and also, to be

addressed by the question of what something is ''mûif' üke. What is the nature of this

k e d arpaience?" (p. 42). He also brings attention to the importance of king

42

"constantiy niindfUn of one's original research question as it wül aid in inbccoming

"orientd to the h e d experience that makes it possible to ask the "what it is Wren q d o n

in the fkst place" (p. 42). Emphasis is aiways on the meauing of Lived experience with

phenomen010gical research. Meanhg is derived fiom human experiences which is the data

of human science rrsearch (p. 63).

Van Manen (1994) states that hameneutic phenomenological research "may be

seen as a dynamic iutaplay among six nsearch activitiesn(p. 30). niae strategies

encourage the researcher to choose an area of interest to study that will aüow for an

investigation of experience as it is lived rather than how it is oonceptualized. The

strat egies ais0 allow the researcha to reflect on the essential themes t h characterize the

phenornena through writing and rrwritiag about them. Uhimately, the strategies

encourage the researcher to maintain a strong orientation to the phenomena baog studied

and to balance the reseirch context by considering parts and whole (Van Manen, 1994, p.

30).

Van Manen (1994) states tbat the interview process in hemmeutic

phenomenologral human science serves specinc purposes. It may be useà to explore and

gather expiential narrative material m order that a deeper und- of human

phemmena is reached and it may also be used "to devebp a conversational relation with

the interviewee about the meaning of an e><perinice" (Van Manen, 1994, p. 66). In the

process, hawever, he says that it is mipaative that the researcher is "discipiined by the

ibndamental question that prompted the ueed for the interview in the iÙst place" (p. 66).

This means that the researcher neeûs to keep the main research question in mind at al1

43

times. This procegs was supportexi by the use of close observation as the researcher

mahtained a close relationship witb the participant, and gathered relevant information

with respect to the main research question.

On the topic of close 0-n, Van Manen (1994) States:

close observation involves an attitude of assuming a relation that is as close as possible while retahbg a hernieneutic aIertness to Situations that allows us to constantly step tmck and reflect on the xœaning of those situations. (p. 69)

Close obsenation was an important tao1 m the research pmcess for two main reasons.

Since the lived experience of this subject revolves around the Ojibway spiritual belief

system, it was assumed the oppommity to participate m ceremonies wouid present i t s K

nie researcher knew h m previous experknce with the research participant that

~errwnies often open and close discussions focusing on teachings, and conversations

about spintual lüè. For the purposes of tbis study, it was necessary to use close

observation as an objective and reflective participant observer. Close observation was

also important m fàciüitatiag a descriptive derstanding of the participant's sumunàings,

such as the home, beaüog circle, and other appropriate locations of data wiiection. It was

recognized that these descriptions would be necessary to provide the researcher with a

ckar picture anci deeper understamting of the rrsearch process and of the data collecteci.

Van Manen (1994) notes that, ''the researcher who is involved in closeiy

observing situaiions for their lived maning is a gatherer of anecdotes" (p. 69).

Anecdotes, narratives with a pomt, need to be 9 ' xi of aii extrammus, possibly

intenstmg but irrekvant aspects of the stories" (p. 69). Descriptions were traasmitted via

Researcb Questions

The main research question was: That is the lived qerience of a traditional

W e Ojibway Elder?" The foiiowing four questions helped guide the research:

1. What are the lived experiences of an EMer in her cornmunity?

2. What is the personai lité history of this Elder?

3. How does the Elder perceive her role?

4. How are her experiences part of traditional Ojibway spirituaiity?

Protocol to gain consent of researcb participant

The participant in tlas study is an Ojibway wornan who is aiso a traditional Elda in

her community. She is considered a traditional Elder due to h a Lifé's grounding in the

Ojibway spiritual belief system, which foaises on the Creator and the respective spiritual

laws deriveci nom that beliefsystem. She is a pipe and water boy drum carrier and

participates in sacred ceremonies. Pipe and water boy drums are gifts bestowed upon

those who are chosai to cany those gifts for their people. The t a m carry is significant.

Gats such as pipes and drums are not owned ôy those upon whom tliy are bestowed.

They are d e d for the people and used to help them in times of neeû. For example,

some people may neeû cou~lseiiing, heaüng or prayer. Those who yrry gifts such as

pipes, and Qums wiU use than to help others in times of need.

45

The s e l d o n of the participant involveci a specinc process to gain consent

consistuig of three steps: Taryn's dream, the ElderYs permission, and T m ' s decision.

The protocol involveci the researcher, the research subject Taryn, h a son Heath, and two

0 t h E l d q who are Taryn's traâitiod teachers. These Elders travel fnwn a F i Nation

commuaity in Manitoba to Northwestem Ontario three times a year for the Spring,

Summer and Fail Ceremomes. Heath would prove to be my own pasonal teacher, leading

me through the protoool process and maditional ways of doing tbmgs. Protocol indudeci

offixing Taryn and the Elders tobrcco, and gift(s).

Tuyn's drcrm. 1 was told by one of Taryn's son's that she knew someone was

coming to visit her to ask her to talk about ha üfe and h a teachings. She told h a son

that she dreamed about it. When 1 visiteci Taryn a h a home and offered h a a pouch of

tobacco to a& ha i f1 couid write about h a life story, 1 was brought into her smoke rwm

where she, h a son and 1 prayed. I do not b o w exactiy why we wae praying but 1 know

it had something to do with her dream. 1 did not ask why. But it was codorting to know

that my interest in Wnting about h a lived eXpenence was, in some way, related to Taryn's

dream. Taryn was inibilly skepticai explaùwig that she did not want to appear thst she

was ayiag to "out-do" or be "highef' than anyone. She said that 1 needed to contact the

old men, her (our) teachers and tell them what 1 wamed to do. Ifthey approved, she

agreed to participate and share h a He story. 1 assured h a that 1 wouid speak to the old

men at the upcoming aunual fall ceremonies. Fall cerernonies are spiriaial cmmonies

held at a provinciai park in Northwestem Ontario where land has been set aside for the

Ojibway people of the surroundhg treaty nhe area. The provincial pdc is buiit on land

46

that is part of the Ojibway people's traditional hunting and trapphg gnwds. Land in the

provincial park is no longer used for hunting and trapping but it has been set aside so that

the Ojibway people may use it to practice their tradhional cuiture and spicituai beliefs,

wbich indudes ereciing teachiag lodges and sweat lodges for aremonial use.

The Eldeir' permission. It was durhg one of the aftemoon rest periods of the

Fali cefernonies between the fm and the sweat lodge when 1 approached the old men

with tobacm and explaineci what 1 wanted to do. 1 told them that 1 wanted to docimient

Taryn's iifii history. 1 explained my field of work and what 1 was doing in school. 1 told

them the requitements that 1 needed to fiilfill in orda to graduate. 1 also told than of my

desue to enrich the field of education with our owrt aihural knowledge end values. Mer

l i s t e to me, they stplained why they thought that it was good for me to document

Taryn's üfe. They said that as we get older, our medicine bunâie gets fuil of teachings and

we must &are those teacbings because that is why we are given them. They ais0 said that

it was up to Taryn to decide ifshe wanted to shan h a Me story with me.

Tmya's decirion. Heath and 1 went back to his mother and told her what the old

men had said. She agreed to share her life with me when I was r d y . 1 explained that 1

would not be stariiag until the University gave me approvai and that this proccss may take

a few months. Upon approvai to begh my dau collection, 1 contacted Heath and

amangeci an interview date with this mother. 1 then travelled home, and visited Taryn at

h a home. 1 followed protocol once again, by offeriog h a tob- and sitting with h a for

the fint time to discuss her life with her.

Ethicai Consideratioas

Informed consent

The process of phhg idormecl consent included the use of a letter to the

participant and translator describing the study (Appendix A) and a consent fonn to the

participant and the transistor (Appendix B). The participant does not read English,

thadore, the letter and consent form w m r d to the participant to ensure that she

understood the research process.

The participant and translator were made awan that there were no risks to them in

thek participation in the study. They w m informecl that they could withdraw from the

study at any time even a&r signiog the consent fom- They were made aware that

anonymity and confidenthlity would be assurecl with regard to al1 information that would

be coilected about the participant. They were assureci that neither the participant nor the

translator would be identifieci in any way. It was explained that each participant would be

assigned a pseudonym, which appean in reports of the fiwmgs. The participant in the

study, including the translater, were assureci that the data generated in the research

process would be confidentiai. The translator was made aware that all of the data

wllected in the study would be kept coddential.

Ali of the data t h t were coliected in tbis study are behg securely stored for seven

years in a locked fiiing cabinet in the researcher's home. The r d t s of the shidy wiU be

securely stored at Lakehead University for men years. The dissemination of the findings

of the resarch which is in the fonn of a thesis wül be in the Lakehead University Library

and will be made avaiiaôle to the participant upon wmpletion of the study.

Phenomenology

Phenonmenological research is the study of lived experience (Van Manen, 1994, p.

9). It is the study of We as it is king lived, rather than by refiecting on t . It is recdective

rather tham introspective (Van Manen, 1994, p. 9). As such, phenomenology does not foois

on offaiqg theories in which to explain or wntrol the world in which we live. InSiead,

phenomenology o f f i insight as a means to u n d m d the nature of experiences as they are

being experienced (Van Manen, 1994, p.9). It requires the researcher to %tep h o the shoes"

of the participant in an effort to undastuid the essence of the participans's lived experience.

Phenomenology is necessary in orda to unwver the lived experience of a tmiiitional

fernale Ojibway elder. It allows the researcher the nrst hand opporhinity to experience Me

dongside the participant. it is not a process by which the researcha is attcmptmg to descriie

the fkquency of parti& events or relate them to other events. It is a process by which the

researcha is attempthg to undastand what Mie is iike as a traditional f d e Ojibway Elder.

The researcher baving lived with the participant for four days during traditional spinaial

ceremonies, contributeci to the vaiidity of the research.

The m&od for achieving vaiidity was to foais on the txustworthiness of the study.

TrustWorthines ofthis study is based in prolonged engagement ofthe researcher at the data

collection site, persistent observation, as a participant obsawr with the research participZiIIt

during the Eell ceremonies, and through member checks, by coIifirming that interpretations

were correct in discussing them with the research participant and traosletor.

Guba (198 1) states that trustworthiness in naturalistic inquiry can include the use of

prolonged engagement at a site which allows for a researcher to check his or her own

developing perceptions (p. 84). in tbis particular study the researcher remained at the fall

ceremony gromds for the duration of the ceremonies as it was one of the data couection

sites. Guba (1 98 1) also ststes that trustworihmess is achieved through persistent observation

which leads a researcher to understand the relevant or imlevant aspects of the phenornena

in question (p. 85). As a participant observer in the Mi ceremonies along with the research

participant, the researcher was able to achieve persistent observation. Guba (198 1) holds

that, "memba c h a h are the single most important action inquirers can take, for it goes to

the heart of the crod'bility critaion" @. 85). The researcher participateci for the duration of

the Ml ceremonies in partnership with the rrsearch subject. Through feedback fkom

participant, the mearcher was able to check h a perceptions and interpretations for their

relev1111cy. Once the document emerged as a complete Qaft Heath was given the document

to nad. He suggested féw misions, wbich were made. Prolongecl engagement, persistent

obmt ion and member checking were aU employed during this study.

The entire pcess h m seiection to data collection took quite some tirne. Upon

approval to begin the study, data collection commenced. Conversations were conducted

during two separate visits and m two different sites. The sites selected for the siudy

included TV's home and the fall ceremony grounds. The &st conversation took place

ai Taryn's home and lasted approximately five hous. The second conversation took place

at the fd ceremony grounds during the third day of the four day ceremoay. Andotal

information was gathered throughout the four day ceremony. It is important to note that

some of the i n f o d o n gathered during conversations requked the use of a aaoslator

since the participant prdened to speak Ojibway, and since the researcher does not speak

Ojibway fluently. The r-cher disaissecl with the participant the need for a translator.

The participant requested that h a son act as a translater. The use of the particulas

translator was important for two specific reasom. F i y , the translator needed to be

someone that the participant trusted with the personal and spintual information she

impruied. Secondly, the translator neeûed to be able to understand certain spintual

andor cultural concepts as they emerged in orda to aid the translation process. The

participant's son was chosen for these reasons.

The lived experience of Taryn, the participant, was obtained through the use of a

tape recordeci conversations (Appendix C), close observation and andotai Uifonnation.

Conversations with Taryn in her h g room were straightforward. We sat together on

the sofa, and her son, the interpreter, sat ncrd to us. 1 began by arplaining that 1 n d e d to

51

read ha a letter and consent form 90 that she understood the research process and what

h a rights wae. Her son interpreteû what I said, and they signed the consent f o m More

the interview process began. The data gathered through conversations was an exchange

betweai the intaviewer and the interviewa. For example, the participant was askd the

question, "How much have your spiritual M e & ban a part of your Me?" The participant

responded at length descn'bing her bhh, " I was bom in (nearby) an open fire. My dsd

told my mom to go out and have tbat beby outside. So my mother went out got ready for

childbirth."

Taryn's resides in a community that was established in 1950. Prior to the

estabtishment of this resave, the people who now inhabit this community iived in other

isdated wmmunities with most of h m migrating ïkom a nearby village approxhtely

one hwr and a haif away. Therefore, much of the traditionai land of these band manbers

was not includal when the resave ôoundaries were established. This is an ongoing source

of grievance with respect to political issues and ecowmic development.

Taryn's home was welcorniag and simple. Her living room was sparsdy

decorateâ, mostly wnsisting of pictures of h a M y on the wails. The M g room

window was covered with airiaias that seemed to never be oped. 1 thought this may be

due to the regularity of heaüng circles, at wbich time the room is darkened. It was a d i

lit room with a sofh, chair, coffèe table and television. Taryn's home mirrored what 1 have

gathered to be h r phüosophy of Me ova the lut tbree years of knowing h a . 1 have corne

to recognize that T m ' s philosophy of Me retlects simplicity and quaüty. She is fuii of

purpose. She d a s not have a lot excessive decorations, and she does not spaid a lot time

52

and mon9 on thïngs that she does not n d . But she wüi shsn what she with

someone in need.

F i I ceremony site. The second canversation was more involved as it was held

during the fan ceremonies at the fsll ceremony site in the provincial park. The

conversation occumd at a sepatate site away fiom any distractions. She was very car&

about not advertising this process. The conversation was initiated by traditional Ojibway

protocol. On the evening of the first night, 1 offaed h a tobacco and gifted h a with a

blanket. The blanket was speciaUy chosen for her. It had a picture of a male lion on the

fiont of it. Taryn has an d b t y toward the mak lion. She once told me that considers

biim to k a special and very powerfîd animal.

Interacting with Taryn at the fàiî cenmony included participating with ha in the

teaching and sweat lodge. 1t also involved taking her direztion in tams of what tasks

needed to be done. 1 had set up my tent beside T m ' s which allowed us to interact on a

more intimate level.

Tents dotted the ceremonial ground in M y groupings. A teaching lodge was

erected near the entrance of the camp when the noon feans were held. There were

specific places for men and women in the teaching lodge. During the cefernonies the male

Elders sat at the fiont of the lodge on the west side. nie women dders sat to their Iefk on

the north with the other women beside them. Inside the teaching lodge the men sat across

the teaching lodge fiom the women , who sat on the south side. The ujtrance to the lodge

was on the east Qde, where a "smudge bowi" was pîaced. People who enterd the

teaching lodge for the feiist could smudge or pvify themseîves when they entered. A

53

sacrecl ike burned in the rniddle of the lodge for the duntion of the four days. Over those

four days, Fue Keepcrs kept watch over the fie, to ensure that it stayed lit. Fuekeeping is

said to be a dïûïcuit job because it involves coiiecting and chopping wood and watching

the fire for long hours concurrently. Sacreci items, such as dnuns- cagle feathers, and

pipes remainecl at the west side of the lodge for four days. It has been said that SaCrrd

items can visit and talk with erch other during this time.

A rnake-shift kitchen was set up nearby. There seemed to be one woman

participant dedicated to taking care of the kitchen. This woman bore most of the

responsibüity for cooking, but was assistai by other women, who helped her washing

dishes and preparing food. A s p i a l f d tent fianked the kitchen. This was where ail of

the dry g d s wae stored.

The sweat lodge was set up on the east side of the grounds, near the lake. This is

a sacreci area. Chüdren were encouraged not play in this ana. A special fie bmed in

fiont of the eastem door of the sweat iodge. This was where the grandfhthers or rocks

wae heated for the sweat lodge ceremony. Women are dways apected to Wear their

s k h in the sweat lodge area, and during most of their stay at di ceremonies. Toilet

faalties were iocated a short distance from the main camp, and were made accessible by a

number of different paths.

Everyone had a job to do during ceremonies. Women were responsible for

preparing the food, the ôerry offèring for the sweat, and t a h g care of the sweat ldge

and the teaching lodge. They deaned these ldges prior to the next gathering. Men were

rtsponsi'ble for collecting the grandfàthers (rocks) used during the sweat lodge. They

54

were also responsible for collecting and chopping all of the wood that was used for the

h s in the teaching ldge and for the fke that heated the grandfathers for the sweat lodge.

Some men were also given the role as "skabesh" or helper. These helpen heated the

grandnithers and passed than through the door ofthe sweat ldge. He ais0 closed and

opened the dwr of the sweat ldge during that ceremony. These were men's duties.

It is accepteci that everything happais in its own t h e when ceremonies are going

on. It is important to focus on the ceremonies h t , and ail other activities second. As a

result, our conversation came second. However, the indirect and anecdotal data gathered

aside nom the proass of converdon o f f d a wealth of information in tams of men

and women's roles, and how these roles are insnifested in the teachings they offi. There

is special sigmficance in every role. There are teachings in th- roles, so they hold

euormous meaning. For example' it was the women's job to clean the sweat lodge and

teaching lodge and the men's responsibility to c o l k t rocks or "gran&thers7' for the

sweat lodge ceremonies.

The first day was spent setting up the camp and preparing for the first sweat.

People arrived hugged each otha, anci told each other how good it was to see them again.

It was a welcoming tirne¶ with good feelings ail eround. By the t h e m g arrîved and

the sweat was over, everyone was tind and r d y to rest. Foîlowing the traditionai

protocol of tobecco and gift offerings, Taqm and 1 spent some thne chatting, hghing and

en- socllli9ng. 1 felt a bit anxious at this point because 1 needed more cknty of

when our next conversation would take place. However, 1 did not want to be "pushf or

disrespectfùl so I accepteci tbat the conversation would procecd when the time arrived.

55

The second day begm 4 t h breakfaPt. 1 d e Taqm some tea and took it to h a

tent. We joined others in the kitchen, where we sat around the picnic table and talked

with the Eldeis. 1 made them coffee, we smoked cigarettes and talked about what had

been going on in our lives. Not long &er breakfbt, Heath, bis 0 t h brotha, and his

nephews began getting ready for the afternoon fbast and sweat by collecthg wood and

grandfàthers. 1 spent some tirne kaping H d s little daughter distracted, and checkhg

in on Taryn now and then wiîh tea. She rested throughout the day in ber tent, and would

sneak cigarettes fiom those who visited her. Heath did not like her smoking due to her

health problexns, so she sneaked c i m e s when he was not around.

Near noon, the fm was held in the teaching lodge. The men and women Elden,

and other men and women participants took their respective seats on either the north,

south or west sides of the lodge. Taqm sat at the top of the north side near the male

Elders who sat at the fiont on the West side. It is diflicult to know what one is able to

impcl~ fkom participathg in these ceremo~es, but my intuition and judgement tell me that

what was said in there, just as in the sweat lodge, is to be kept in there. However9 1 think

that 1 can say that Taryn, because of her regard as a f d e Elder, was asked to sing a

Song to thank the Creator. She sang "Meegwetch Manitou" or "Thank you, Creator"

More the feast ended.

Mer the aftemoon feast, Taryn tdd me that the sweat lodge needed to be clcaneci.

This was her indirect way of tebg me to go there and make sure it was clean. 1 went to

cl- the sweat lodge with another wonuia W e shook out the mats, that covered the

flmr of the sweat lodge and we then made a ce& trail. The cedar td foîlows the fue

56

into the sweat lodge and amund the interior pit where the grandfàthers wili rest when they

are brought in during the ceramny. Tuyn came by to check on me and to moke sure that

1 hed put the cedar d o m the right way. She told me that the dark part of the cedar has to

be tiicing up. Some time Iater 1 asked h a why cedar bas to be place with the dark side

fàcing up. The reason she gave me was that is the way the boughs gnnv on the tree. 1

would leam tbat a lot of the answers to my questions would reved thmiselves by

watching, listening and being patient.

Taryn and 1 met back at our tents to get ready for the sweat. We changed into the

clothes we were gohg to wear. 1 put on a t-shirt and removed my bra. We an not

supposed to go into the sweat lodge with metai, or other foreign objects. Most of us take

off our jewehy when we arrive at the thecaenies and do not put it back on d the day

we lave. Once we were dresssd, we grabbed our towels and tobacco and headed to the

sweat lodge. Tobacco is offered at each sweat to the ''skabeh'' who puts it into the

tobacco bowl.

The sweat lodge ceranony is sacrai. We are not supposed to discuss what we see

or hear in the lodge. AU that 1 fa1 that 1 cau say âom this point on is that 1 sat beside

Taryn in the lodge, watched, üstened and leamed &om her.

Following the sweat ldge ceremony that evening, we retreated to our tents to

change out of our wet clothes. We met a the kitchen to eat some chiii and to sociaüze

wïth the others. Mer -one was finished eating, one of the Elders began playing songs

on a hand drum. It was a very p d d time, because the moon was out, and we al1 held

h d s and b c e d around the fie. 1 hefd Tuyn's h n d and aied to help her so that she

57

would not trip over any s~imps. 1 soon found out that she was very adept at w a h g in

the bush and did not need much help fiom me.

Foilowing the drum songs, we rrturned to Our tait, sneaked another cigarette

together, and dked for awhile about our day. We said goodnght and retreated into our

own tents.

The third day began k e the previous day with brcaLfast and socialking. mer

br- Taryn approached me and asked me if1 wanted to do my interview. 1 accepted

the invitation and we waked to my car and closed the doors. She told me the story of

when her motha became iil and she had heipeâ ha . We were intenupted by h a nephew

who just anived with his gidfkieud. He explaineci that his &fiend just got out of the

hospital wah pnauaonia. Taryn was very concemeci and told him to take her to h a tent

to lie dom. We both left my car to attend to h a nephew's gkliiiend. 1 offèreci to move

out of my temt and bunk with my fiend. 1 later learned that her nephew had brought his

girfiend to the cerernonies to a& for help from the Elders.

The affanoon and evening proceeded uneventfidy from the feast to sweat lodge.

Most of us turned in d y , as we needed our rest to get r d y to leave the next day. This

day wouid invohre a lot of work packing up our tents, the kitchen and other thiogs that

n d e d to be put away.

Kt rained heavüy that ni& der we went to W. 1 awoke the next morning in a

pool of water. 1 emerged from my tent and went to nsit Taryn to s e e if she was okay.

She explained that there anis lightning that night and because of that she did not get much

sleep. She said that when thae is lightniag you are supposeci to put a üght on aad sit up.

58

She said when you do this, the thunder birds (ligbtaing) that are out WU be able to

recognize you. Putting a iight on and sitting up is done out of respect for them.

1 had to pack up and travel for six hours to get back home. Before 1 l e 1 helped

with cl- up the lodges and putting the g r d e s away. Following these chores, 1 said

h e 1 1 to those who were there, gave Taryn a bug and told her that 1 would set her

Data Anaiysis uid Inttrpretation

The data wliected in the conversations, as a participant observer and through

mecdotai information were transcribed as soon as 1 retumed home. Emergent themes

developed through chtri adysis. Van Manen (1994) o&rs a usefbl analogy with respect

to understanding themes. He States, "Themes are the stars that make up the universe of

meaning we live through- By the light of these themes we can navigate and explore such

universes'* (p. 90).

Just as mecdotal information simpMes and reveals important aspects in a

conversation, lmding sigaificame while somahimg is happening, themes emerge Mer one

has gathered the material (Van Manen, 1994, p. 69). In isdaîing thematic statements. Van

Manen (1994) describes three approaches to reveaüng thematic aspects of a phenornaion

@. 92-93):

1. The hoiistic or sententious approech;

2. The seiective or hi@- approacb;

3. The detailed or iineby-line appr08cb.

59

For the purposes of this study, the tbird option of the detar'Ied or 1.-by-fine

approach was used (AppaidBr D). Each sentaice or sentence cluster was anaiyzed to

uncover whst it nveakd about the phenomeuon bang de~cn'bed (Van Maaen, 1994, p.

93), the phenornenon in this case king the nature of traditionai Ojibway f d e leadership.

Notes were d e dïrectiy on the transcripts. These notes were then the basis for deriving

thanes. These themes were then intapreted and clisaissed in relation to the research

questions. The themes were composed tbrough the dmlopment ofparagrapûs and

formeci the basis of the written study.

Metbod for icbieving vdidity

Qualitative research focuses on the nature of data. Quaiitatie research is

characterized by being a descriptive process, in wbich m&g about phenornena

occurring in nahval settings is sought, with a researcha as the key research instrument

(Bogden & Bikien, 1992). Phenomenology is the qualitative research approach used in

gathering the data in this particular study of lRMd expience. The validity of the research

or its tnistworthuiess is discussed in terms of prolonged engagement at the site, persistent

observation and member checking.

CEU'TER IV

PRESENTATION OF DATA

Imtiodaction

This chapter is presented in two sections. In the nrst d o n there is a description

of the research participant. In the second section there is a discussion of the findings

presented in the form of emergent themes.

Description of Reseamh PartiQpont

Taryn is a very humbfe, nspectfiil and bappy woman. She is seventy two years old

and she has lived in "the bush" her entire Me. She has a strong spirit and sharp rnind. She

is a very wise woman, who uses storytelihg as a means of teaching. 1 have a pleasant

bl ing being in h a Company. Taryn can be seen with ber long grey hair in a braid most

days. As an ûjibway speaker* she p d e n not to speak Engüsh. She can ofien be heard

t e h g non-Opbway speaking Abonginai people ta leam to speak their native language.

She teils them that the Creator wiU be happy if they do.

Taryn has firm beiief?r in the Creator. ûne of her bedrooms has ban convertecl

into what is ref ied to as the "smoke room." This is where she and her son keep al1 of

th& sacred abjects: water boy drums, eagle f a d e s , drymg sage and otha sacreci

items. 1 bave s p t a lot of tirne in this room with them over the fast few years. 1 have

watched how carefùiiy she and h a son care for the sacred items they have ban given to

cany for theh people.

61

Taxyn is respecteci for h a beliefis and ofien is offered tobacm by 0th- who wish

to s a k her coud. She wiU light her pipe and pray for people in the sweat lodge, heahg

circles, and in h a smoke rwm 1 have been told tbat she says, "pray for others and not

yourseKn She says, "good things wili corne to you ifyou pray for ouiers." Sometimes

her smoke room is too srnall to accommodate those who visit her house for heaiïng

circles. Furniture wiU then be moved out of her living room to maite room for a circle tbat

wiil acwmodate everyone.

Taryn has five children, three boys and two girls. AU of her childrea follow

traditional ways. She üves with ha youngest son, a very traditional man, who s p d s a

good deal of thne praying to the Creator. Tatyn hes next door to h a daughter. Her

other children are not very fsr d o m the road. They have gmat reqxt for their mother

and take very good care of her. She and her children teach her graudchildren traditional

ways.

Taryn is o b heard saying, "Yeesh, yeesh na!" as an exclamation to something

that surprises her.

Leadership roks and responsib'ilities, were revealed as inherent aspects of Teryn's

lived experience as a traditional ûjibway f d e Elder. Leadership roks and

responsibiies were aiso illuminateci through the miiew of th related literature. It is

hoped that the research fmdings will add to the field of leadership thwry and educational

administration by offaing an emergiag fiamework of traditional fernale ûjibway

62

leadership. The data gathered ftom the snidy of the iived experience of a traditional

f d e Ojibway Eider as weii as information fkom the review of the related fiterature forxns

the bais of the hnework. The 6amework emerged as an implicit concept which

included components such as: dture, a belief in the Creator, coconimumty, and wisdom.

It is hoped tbat this b n m o r k wiU broaden our understaudhg of the lived eXpenence of a

traditional f d e Ojibway Elder and add to the fields of leadership theory and educationai

administration.

Two predoniinam themes emergeû fiom the data. These themes were: ailturr and

wisdom. Cdture, considerd a way of He, was sddressed with attention to spiritualjty

because in traditional Ojibway cuiture the two cornplesnent each other in their meaning.

Culture was dmded into tbree sub themes: believïng m the Creator, Taryn's teaching on

her birth and community. Wisdom was disaissed in terms of the importance of pasoing on

traditionai and spiritual teachings to others in h a community and culture. The research

participant's obligation ta society included h a role of imparting women's spirinial

teacbings to other wown. The spiritual teachings that were prevalent were those on the

menstniation cyde and what Taryn referred to as moontime teachings. The emergent

th- are used to present the interpretation and discussion of findings.

Culture

Culhue and spuituality ana@ together as predorninant themes because together

they formcd the basis of how Taqm understaxi ha world. Her ailaual and spirituai

bdiefs pmvided the foundation she useû to understand her role in the worid and the

meaning of her He.

Bdieving in the Creator. Beliefin the Creator was a nindamentai component of

Taryn's Me. She derived h a meaning of Me, in how the Creator prescrjbed tbat we live if

"By the way, I'm good way, now today. 1 know now, Indian used the gcxd way." It

would seem that Taryn becarne confident about and proud of her cultural beliefk as she got

older. She was not encouragecl as a child to believe in or practice her traditional spirituai

beliefs. As an Elder, not only âid her beliefk affect h a Me, but those around h a as weîi.

Her deep resolve to impart h a beliefs and teachings was directeci to her own chiidren and

grandchildren. She beiieved that the traditional teachings were being reviveci. 0?1

imparting teachings to h a family, Tsryn said:

Everything you see 1 keep for now. 1 keep it for my grandchildren. 1 didn't teil my dad about the d m , my mom told me not to teil him She kept her bundk bag (traditional teacbings) with h a always, t was in her heart. She kept it, now 1 biow why, for her children, grandchildren. It's coming back now, slowly it's coming back.

She taught h a chiidren and grandchildren that h a way of life is something to be

proud of She redirmed that the Creator was centrai to practicing traditional b e l i d and

ways of Me:

... don? be shy to be traditional ways, to play your dnun, light your sage, light your sweet grass, to put your tobacco down even when a lot of people an there. That is the traii that we have ban ginn to use. Don't ever be shy.

This was a testament to her fierce resolve in the Creator, and what she considered

a component of the gift of the teachings given by the Creator. Taryn stressed that the

t e a ~ b g s that one receivd n a d not be imparted exclusively by people but niay be o f f d

in d m m s as weii. Dreams were met with great respect and given enormous si@cance,

"you dream about t ifyou do it this way (traditional way), ifyou believe it. Ifyou want to

leam this way." Dnams were iadeed a matter of fhith as imparted in her tived experience:

When 1 dreamed 1 dreamed offood apples, oranges, jam, and baloss and tea and candies and when 1 got up 1 asked my mom, Cui 1 have an orange'? Where is those candies (raisins)? My mother told me 1 was dreaming, that the drrimi I was hving is way fat up ahead in the b e . h the fuaae you are going to see lots of tbat. The dreams of the fùture are what 1 have now, now that 1 see these epples, oranges now 1 am happy. There is a lesson to be taught in that-

Taryn believed in the significance of dreams. Aithough Taryn was not explicit

about the lesson to be trnight in her dream, it may be suggested that the lesson is directly

relateci to the importance of having fath in and respect for yow dreams. She believed that

dreams w m prophesies. She dreamed of h i t and of other food tbat did ôecome a nality

for her and this is what h a mother toid h a . It cwld aiso k mggesteci that the lesson is

also a lesson in having faith auci respect for your parents or eiders. In traditionai ûjibway

Society, parents' and Elder's roles are important as they transk Lnowledge and traditional

teachings to the younger gaieration. In thru proass it is expected that each child wül

have respect for those teachers and leam fiom their teachings. Taryn's dream becsme a

reality' and it could be suggested that she leamed a lesson about having fhith in h a

mother's tachinp.

Taryn's tüth was reLLffirmed when she ans askeâ, 'Vhy do you thhk that it is

important that your children rad grandchiidmi lesm this way7" She responded, "because

it is important for what it teaches you" and she poundeâ on h a h m . They were very

important to ha. Further to her opinion about h a culture, she was asked if she was

proud of her way of Mie. She nsponded, "Yes, 1 am proud. Those dreams they came

fiom the bush not the town or &y. Nanabush. Those things that an big, kids need to

how." She confimis the importance of children king tsught their culture and tradiional

Her belief in the traditional way of life a d in the Creator consisted of spirits, other

supernatural üfe f o m , and a beIief in the signiaicance of animais. She explained that

during a thunderstom and lightening, 'CThunderb'ids" came around to visii people. She

said that during the nU ceremony, whea there was thunda and îïghtning she set up in her

tent with a light on. She explaineci that when she sat up and put a light on, she was

acknowledging their presence, and by doing so they would know her. She also beiieved

that animais are part of the circle Me:

Even my daddy, he doesn't want too maoy white mankhan (things). If a moose is cailing, don? bother hh. Just go and get him ifyou want one. Moose, she says, she make if food for people. Newr left over dead moase. White people, whai they hear moose callîng, they grab the gun. She is not cahg for nothing, she make it food for us.

1 understood her to mean that d e n moose were mating and &g they were making

food for people ôy procreating and people need to be respeaful of that. Iftoo many

moose are hunted during d g seasoa, people 4 have no food for the ftture.

H a role in caemonies, firom preparation to participation, was pavaded by ha

spiritual beliefs. She taught othem how to Iay a cedu cedar for the sweat lodge. As an

Elda woman at the fall cefernonies, she was asked to sing the song to the Creator to give

thnks. She played her water boy ârum and sang "Meegwetch Manitou" or "Thank you

Creator." She also offered her tobacm during the fa ceremony. It is said that wiai the

tobacco you offer is placeû in the fke, the smoke carries your prayers up to the Creator.

Taryn spoke about the time her mother became ill. Her mother was disonented in

the bu& and h a Mer could not understand wbat was wrong. It was Taryn's Mefin the

Creator that guided her in hdping her mother. Taryn reco11ects a conversation between

herself and her fàther. She said:

My morn tried to bide behind some trees. 'What happened your mom?" (Her &ha asked her) 1 tell him exactiy. "What he do people?" @as someone done something to your mother?) Tabiga (and to think) 1 was young. 1 was fourteen (She thought she was quite young to undagaid what she thought w u happening) "You know he do people today? (There are many Christian Abonginil people today) You know, Paba (fàther) you can use the bible lots. You won't corne in good," 1 tell him (Taryn bdieved the answers to h a mother's illness were to be found in traditional Ojibway spiriniality). "Cari you let me do what 1 wanna for morn?" (She wanted to pray to the Creator for h a mother) He said, "No, not when 1 see you." He just lefk ha. Just üke that. Me, 1 didn't give up on h a . 1 wanted ha to live, 1 want everybady, my sisten to sa my mother again.

Taryn and h a fàther's kliefis conflicteci. This is apparent in th& di&Mg views

on her mother's illness. Her belief in the Creator was so strong that she used to hide her

teachings from h a M e r , an Anglican d s t e r . She said, "Keemootch (-as.) my

fàther was an Anglican minister. My dad didn't wait to teach me too much about chwch

way but 1 stili did it out of respect." Taryn kept h a spiritual N e f s a secret fiom her

ather because she did not want to disrespect bia She would l e m later in afc thu her

fatbn Iww that she was to k an Elder 4 t h spintual wisdom and that was why he did not

pressure her into practïcing Christianity. This is re8ffitmed in Taryn's teaching on her

birth.

Taya's t u c i h g on ber birth. It bcume quite obvious fiom the data gathered

in the interviews that she believed that her role as a teacher was formed at birth. This

insight would not becorne apparent until Taryn was older. As a chiid pwing up with

b w l e d g e on her b i i Taryn often wondered why she was the ody one required to be

bom outside sime al1 of her other brothers and sisters were born inside. Taryn shand the

story of h a birth. This story is very sigmficant B understanding her life as an Elder and

teacher. She stated:

1 was born in an open fm. My dad told my mom to go out and have that baby outside. So my mother went out and got ready for childbirth. She put cedar. First she made a fire and then she put cedar. She put spruce on bottom and then cedar to make it sof'ter. He told my mama to go out and have that baby. Atta she made the bed where 1 was bom, my msma used some rabbit skias. She dried them in the open fÙe, before m y bi. She used rabbit sloins and mo S... when 1 was 13 1 started asking why my fkther asked her to go outside to have birth. 1 always used to wonder why my dad did that and when 1 got older 1 felt it in my heart why my dad did that (because she was chosen to be a spinaul guide and elder). 1 asked him why he wantd to use me? (She wanted to know why h a fàther chose her to be born outside but none of h a other sibhgs). My dad had me work realiy bard fkom when you have moomime. And evay time 1 worked bard 1 used to wonder why 1 was born outside. And whm I didn't want to work hard 1 used to think about why I was born outside. He used to say he only teii me one time or we used to get punished. " P h (Mer) why you wanna use me? You chased my mama out when 1 was a new bom baby, me, just me, and 14 in the timiüy." 1 fed bad when 1 couldn't teli my brothers or sisters 1 couldn't be born inside ... w ody. "1 wonder why mom" 1 asked my mother and my said, don't hiow why." 1 asked ha if it is because 1 am another man's child and she said, "No, no honest to kitchi mimitou (the Creator), no." 1 tell this story a lot. Now 1 know why. 1 am happy. It gave me a good feeiing. Tbere was one

pason who teil me why. This old man told me why. He said, "Elda woman, I'il tell you why your dad did this, be happy what he did. Your paba (fâther), you don't iike what he dicl," that elda said. "Stop king mad at your dad now," that old man told me. "Your dad knew what you were gohg to do in the htwe and out of 14 chikiren he picked you."

Taryn l m e d that h a d e as an Elda, teacher and spintual guide was decided at

her birih Taryn believes that her fither knew this and that is why he wanted her to be

bom outside. Her birth outdoors was a meam to cement h a nlationship with nature and

pay respect to the Creator. This was a very p o w d l message, as t gives d e n c e to her

Me and offas insight to those who wish to understand h a life's meaning and the role she

chose to live.

Community. In her role as an Eider, Taryn believed that the traditional way

taught you how to hve a good We. This was expressed in the conversations. Taryn's

conam was that in today's society not enough foais is pfaced on tradition or the way

things used to be done. She said, "It is different days now. There's too much. Too much

White people things. It's goma get bard t h e to ga it back." She finds that d s t

Aboriginai people's foais and participation in nisuuitream society, traditional ways are

behg lost and that men and women, boys and girls are forgetthg how to live off of the

land the way they used to. She stated:

He caa't go huntïng (men do not hiow how to hunt today), even girls, they can't put a net (they caa't set up a net to catch fish). They can't set rabbit snares. Us guys, me and my sisters, maybe when 1 was fourteen or sixteen, my mom we sit dom and watch. Tepwe (really), 1 do it (she wodd watch h a mother perform traditional tasks so as to retain the knowledge).

69

Taryn believes that traditional ways of We and their teachings are king lost

because they are not king taught to the next grneration- When she was young, she said

that h a motha was an important teachex in teaching the girls how to perform certain

tasks. She stated:

1 did what my mother ~~ l l l fed me to do. Ifyou wam to set a net al1 you have to do is sit down and set it. We get a n a in morning and bring in lots of fi&. It heppened. He won't do it (no one will do t today). Kinwes (it is hard). 1 don't think it was hard. 1 think that's my Me püco (oniy). That's what 1 think. 1 go with my mom to set the net.

Her conceru is that no one is learning how to practice traditional ways of Mey

'Wow what's going to happen? No one knows how to do any of it." She said that

traditiody children w m taught by watching and doing. She and h a sibhgs wodd

watch how to hunt or to set up a fish net and then they wouid have the knowiedge to do it

themselves. Ha concem was that no one is teaching children these tasks anymore and

because of that lack of teaching, it will be hard to continue with a traditionai way of We.

The velue of retaining traditional knowledge and roles for mai and women in her

cuitme was a h e . The prevalence of the western wodd or as she said "white people

things" caused hardship in perpehiating h a dturaVtraditiona1 ways. Her daily üfe was

consumeci 4 t h hm beiief in the Creator and how that bdiefprescribed behavior. She

The women were told di the time not to wslk over the men's things they used in the bu& thm ~ n o w shoes, guns. A long thne ago. the men were treated with respect ôecause they went to get the food and b ~ g it home. 1 used to tel my brothers go now, go hunting and bring food back btxause we treated them with respect. We used t a dry theïr clothes, h g up their bats, everythiag they used

to go huntiog but my mom used to hang up the snow shoes baruise they were too important for young girls to touch.

Rescrii behavior includeû everyone in her society. The behavior thst is

expected of individuah was meaat to save the Iarger purpose of society. Young women

were (~ccorded spedic tasks as wae the men. These roles were folowed because they

complemented eacb other and aded in the efficiency of the operation of their culture.

Wisdom

Wisdom emerged as a predominant theme nom the findings. In h a We Taryn

adhaed to spirituai Iaws. Wisdom impüed knowledge of individual roles focusing on

common goals. These roles geared to the common good of the community memt a ôelief

in specific duties for mm and women. Men and women each formed parts of a whole.

Although there were specific roles fot women ôased on th& moontime, the virtue of

equaiity reignd because no one person's role was considerd to be more important than

another's. Each pason's role complemented the other's and thedore, gave them

meanhg. The data f?om the research revded tbat a woman's role was, in large part,

based on h a moontime or mmstnial cycle. Taryn explaineci that ri woman's moontime

was con to understanding her role in traditional Ojibway culture.

Moontime. Moontime, the tirne when a woman menmutes, was considerd a

sacreci tirne in which a woman was punSriiig herseIf. k wu regardeci with great nspca

and signi6ied the roles of women. Taryn said:

When young girls now, when 1 was young, on my mwntirne, my mother used the same cup every thne 1 ate. And she used to get charcoal and wipe my hands reaîiy gooâ and my mom wiped charma1 on herself and thai she could start cating. It's not dirty' it 's just strong (spirituaüy), powerfùl.

The belief was that women on their moontime had to be separateci fiom the rest of

the commmity because of the spirituai strength associateci wah it. This was why h a

mother would make sure t h she only ate fiom specific dishes and use charmal for

cleansing More they ate. Young women on moontirne, were normaliy guided by their

mothers or 0th- women in the commumty. Taryn was taught moontime laws by her

mother. She stated:

When 1 was on my moontime, my mother make it trail (cedar trail) for me.. .one faaiily cloth (to k used outside to cover your face). And you covered up your face nom the sun and the moon out of respect for the wui and the moon. Good tirne to leam somcbody. You heard Medicine Man? Good tiw to leam fkom your grandmother and eiders.

The powerful nature of moontime was reafEmed by women covering their faces

fiom the sun and the mwn- Out of respect for the sun and the mwn, women would hide

their hces and hence hide their power so as not to appear more powaful than the sun and

the moon.

Taryn mplained that a woman was so powaful on h a mwntirne that she would

Sect ceremonies if she was nearby. She states:

Whem a woman on moontime and if there's a big ceremony going on and there's elders sittiag at the bwit (th& seating position duriag ceremonies) and ifa woman cornes in and she is on moontime, those elders will h o w . The ceremouies wili stop. You put everythhg away. It 's not because she's dirty. It 's ôecause a wornan with rnoonhe is very strong (spvmially strong, and very

powanil). It's not out of disrespect for women.

Elders have the ability to di- if a womsn is on her moontime or not. The

strength assxiated wah moontime wül affect ceremonies and the sacred bmdles that are

present. Women on mwntime should h o w their role well espociauy because of this

Te850n. It is the responsibüity of other women to make ram the teachings about

moomiim are passed on. Specific acts are rquired during a women's mwntmie. She

explainecl the process that she had to go through during t&is t h e . She States:

When we had moontime, we were put in a t a . And we were taken there. My motha gave us black cloth. 1 got nothing what 1 am going to use. Biack cloth to wear for five days. Same thhg five days.

This process, she explained was nuuiifêsted in the roles that al1 women pedormed

to help each other duriag their moontime, "When girls used to get moontime women used

to go hunting, rabbii saariag four days der. 1 watch him my sister when they get

mwntime, watch them r d y good, get th& faad and tel them wbat not to touch. It was

hard those days. Tbings 1 used to do a long tirne ago." Taryn reiaforced that having her

moomime was not an easy time when she was young. Regardles of how difticult it may

have been, she accepted it as part of h a life as a woman, "It was hard in winter tirne

because it wouid f k z e and they had to sit by the fie for awhüe and take it out. In the

summer we would go to t&e lake where no one would sa us and clean up thae."

The spiiiaial law or teacIimgs around rnwnthe, she explainecl, org8nïzed ber

Society. It specitied a woman's action a that tirne, and thus how she m l d or could not

intcract with others. She said, "Young girls cen't wak over th& brother's snow shas,

she can't use his mitts, she cm't use bis snow shoes, she can't walk over bis brother's

thing s..d the tirne, your brother twk thern for h h g . Whatever he wants she get it

nght away." The spiritual strength of moantime wouid afféct not ody ceremony but

humiag gear as well. Women were very powerîui when they were on th& moontime and

they had to be responsiile in their actions and roles.

In her traditionai Ojibway Society* it seemed that each person's role complemented

the other's and equaiity was achieved by behg uphefd as a virtue and that wbich shouid

be strived. In this sense, she explained that evai the leacier was considemi equai. No one

was higha than another. She saki, "There is this laice* 1 could tell you every Elder knows

about this lake. 1 could tell you but 1 don't want to be bigha than anyone. Everyone is

equal Born a baby to a grandmother." She reidorad the tenet of equality. The process

of acquiring access and permission to write about h a lived m e n c e was a testament to

that fiict. She made it clear that 1 needed to ask her teachers if1 wuld write about her lXe7

More she would agree. She did not waat to be perceiveci as trying to be better or greater

tban anyone by having her iived experience researched. Once the approval was sought

and gained, she agreed and only then muid the research process begin. Ha unfailing

devotion to equality prevailed and revealed itsdfin the data. She said:

How you feeling? 1 am not perfect (she is saying that she is not trying to be better than anyone), like how young you are. 1 am the same, everyone is quai, no is perfect, -one is quai doing this kind of way (traditional way). A long time ago we didn't have any clothes. 1 kept wearing the m e clothes for one wedr to two weeks and now a womui has lots of clothes. 1 am not going to say you'n pedkt or m. No one is @kt.

74

Equality among m a and women were upheld as a v h e in traditional Ojibway

society. No one was placed in a bigha position than another. Everyom's roles were

valued and their roles complimentcd each 0th- gave them m&g and were neassary

for the efficiency of the society.

Summug of Data

The data gathered in the research proass were discussed as emergeat themes that

dowed for insight into the hed experience of one traditional female ûjibway Elder. In

that process the importance of cuhure as a prevaüiag theme included Taryn's belief in the

Creator, her role as an Elder as imparted in the story behind h a birth, and comrnunity

focus- W~sdom was presentd as an Elder's obligation to impart the knowledge

prescribing specific roles for men and women. Moonthe was presented as one prevalent

example. These themes provïded for some understanding of how she lived h a life and the

m e h d she useâ to d e her We's choiccs. Uhimately, h a spirituality manifiesteci in h a

belief in the Creator, and obligation to the greater good of her community were used as

moral compasses. The wisdorn of role specificity for men a d wornen, and the prevalence

of equrrlity in those roles, were derived firom h a spiritrul belief system. The behavior

expected of men and womm was seen as a iarger obligation to Society. This study

reveakd thrt the methd in wbich members of her SOCjety perpetuted those traditional

values ans largely the responsibiiity of Elders. Taryn ailudd to the underiying role of an

Elda to @art traditionai teachings to children and other members of society. In this

role, an elder wu, looked to for @dancey and therefore, a leader in traditional Ojibway

75

culture. Once T a y uadastood the teaching on her birth, she fealited that ber role was

to be an eldm in ber c o d t y and guide its m e m h in such a way that traditional ways

of life would be understood and maintaiued-

CHAPTER V

INT'ERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

This chapta is presented in two sections. In the fïrst section of the Uderpretation

and discussion of the finâings, the threads of research are addressed. In the second

section understandings arising fkom the research are orgaaized and discussed in the fonn

of emergent themes arising &om the rrsearch.

The purpose of this study was to examine the üved Qcpenence of one traditional

f d e Ojibway Elda in a Northeastem F i Nation comunity and her perspectives on

leadership. The data which resuhed from this study emphasi i the importance of

Aboriginal f e d e knowledge as a means of illuninating leadership theory in general. in

so dohg au emergem h e w o r k of aaditional femaie Ojibway leadership resulted.

Thernes derived fkom the data support the emergence of a theory of leadership fkom one

traditional Ojibway f d e Elder's perspective. A greater insight into the lived experïence

of one traditional Ojiôway f d e Elder and her perspectives on leadership as an outwme

of this study leads to a greater understanding of the social purpose of Aborigllial f d e

knowledge and adds to leadership theory in general.

The main research question ans, "What is the lived experimce of a traditional

f d e Ojibway Elder?" The followiag questions helped guide the investigation:

1, What are the lived experiences of an Elda in h a community?

2, What is the personal life history of tbis Elder?

3. How d a s the Elder perceive h a role?

4. How are her experiences part of traditional Ojibway spintuaüty?

The research questions were designecl to uncover the lived experiences of one

traditional Ojibway Elder and the Elder's paspectives on leadership. At the same the,

mecdotal information was gathereâ fiom a fd ceremony site where the researcher

participated in spirituai cenmonies with the research participant. The data gathered nom

the responses given to the research questions, and tbat which was gathered as andotal

idiormation were compikd hto themes. The thanes daived fiom the data support the

view that a perspective of leadership did emerge. Themes forrned the ôasis for discussion

and have been useâ as the mnhod to interpret and disaiss the hdings.

The data gathered bom the research and the review of the related literature

revealed the following two predominant and mergent themes: culture and wisdom.

Culture was divided into t h e fiirther sub themes. These sub themes were: beliefin the

Creator, Taryn's teaching on h a b i i and community. WUdom was presented as that

78

which held traditional and spintual knowledge about d e s for men and women. The

emergeat theme of moontime teachings preded as that which held teachings for a

woman's role in traditional Ojibway society. These themes fomi the basis for the

interpretation and discussion of the fiadings.

Culture

Culture and spirituaiity mierged togdher as predominant themes. They were the

foundation of which Taryn derived m e h g in her Life and formeci the basis of how she

understood h a world. The ûjibway cuitun is not homogeneous. It varies in its practïces,

beiiefig values and nom from community to community. One community's spiritual

beliâs may di&r îrom auother's. Although each community may have maabers who

beiieve in the existence and importance of the Creator, their methods of prayer and

ceremonid practices may met considerably. For the purposes of this study, T m ' s

traditionai Ojibway spirituai belief system was the foais and the context from which the

exploration was launched to understand her üved experience.

Among th& dinetences, Aboriginal CUItures have suffereû in the evolution of the

Caaadisn govemment's Aboriginal policy. Taryn understocxi that teaching and leamiag

traditional ways have beai in jcopardy. Her Me's meaning was derived Eom h a bdiefin

the Creator and she believed she was a vessd for perpetuting ha beliefs to others by

teacbing traditioonal ways to h a childnn, gruidchildren and others who came to her to

lesm Downey (1993) holds tbat in light of the oppression Aboriginal women have faced,

tbat the time has corne to recognize what Aboriginal women have to say (p. 12). Downey

(1993) m e r states that the oppression has ban encourageci by the F e d d

Government's history of colonking Aboriginal people (p. 12).

The Canadian Government's Aborigmal policy has hed three main goals,

protection, civilization and assimilation (Tobias, 1983, p. 39). Tobias (1983) states that

the uitimate goal in Canada's Aboriginal policy was to abolish Aboriginal special status (p.

40). In this process Aboriginal cuîtures in Canada lmve undergone systernatic attempted

&cation. Historically, the Govertltnent became the b u f k betweem two cultures.

Gibbins and Ponting (1986) state that the advance of non Abonginal Settlements was

manifesteci in Aboriginal people's inability to defénd themselves @. 25). The Canadian

Govemment, in their patemaüstic relationship with Abonginai people, in thar role as

buffers b a n two cultures, e v d y lead to the creation of reserves. Tobias (1983)

states that the evolution of the Federal Govemment's relationship with Aboriginal people

c h g e d from protecting Ab0rigi.d people to assimilating them into colonial society (p.

42).

This reality is reflected in Taryn's üved experiencc. Teaching traâiional ways of

He was regarded as a necessity because of the past and current difficuîties traditional

culture fàced 4 t h the approach of non-Aboriginal settiement and the development of

mainstram Society. Con- were apparent in the data about the n a d to revive ûjibway

culture. Taryn said, "It's diffefent days now. There's t w much. T m much White people

thuigs. It's goma get a hard time to get it back." She reafiirmed this in h a discussion

about young men and women, who were not beirig taught the traditional ways oflife. It

was h a view that traditional ways of We were being lost and r e p l d with the values of

80

mainstream &*y's. Gibbins and Ponthg (1986) hold that &a 18 12 whm Aboriginal

people were no longer required as war allies, and whm the fLr trade was replaced by

agriculture, t h e was a shift to focus more on European values and noms (p. 25). Ln this

proass of relying on mainsaam values and nomis, Taryn bdieved that Ojibway people

were forgetting how to iive off the land. She said, W e can't hunting, even girls, he can't

put a net. He can't set rabbit snares... Now what's gohg to happen? No one knows how

to do any of it." The prevalence of the Western world or as she said ''white people things"

caused hardship in perpetuating her cultural aod traditional ways.

Traditionally, Taryn said that children were tau@ first by watching and thm by

doing, or discovery leam@. As a child she remembered that her mother used to take the

t h e to teach her children how to set fish nets, and rabbit snares. She said, "1 did what my

mother waated me to do. Ifyou want to set a net aU you have to do is sit dom and set

k . U s guys, me and m y sistas, maybe when 1 was fourteen or sixteen, my mom we sit

d o m and watch. Tepwe (reaiiy), I do it." Taryn's mother's role was d d b e d as passing

on traditional culture by teaching her children. Armstrong (1989) states that the strmgth

of women holds feiniles together and provides a bridge to the next generation and key to

survival (p. xi). Wall (1993) states tbat 'We as Indian people have never forgotten the

status of women" (p. x). In Taryn's opinion no one was leaming how to practice

traditional ways of We to the degree that would maintain the culture. Taryn's life's work

rdected ber love for h a culture and the teachings that it had to offa. She felt tbat thm

were not enough people teaching children traditionai ways of He. Taryn was asked why

she thought is was important to teach traditionai ways to children and she said, "because it

81

is important for what t teaches you" and then she pounded on her heart. Ha lifé was

devotd to passing on traditional knowledge. Understanding her devotion was reaked in

the teaching she received on ber b i i and about community of which she was devoteâ,

were d a i v d fkom her lived experience.

Believiag in the Cmtor

Taryn's üved experience was embedded in her cuiture and spiritual beliefsystern.

Taryn's experiaices were part of traditional Ojibway spirituality in their totaiity. Ha üfe

had ban consumed with her beiiefin the Creator. h was significant because of what it

tau@ others about the significance of ciream and participation ceraaonies as means to

preserve cultural identity. On culturey Brinnski (1989) stated, "Culture provides the

guidelines for establishg relationships and social links; it tells us why these relatioriship

are important and r n d g I i i i . Religion, languagey belids, myths, and symbols are d part

of this dtural meaning" (p. 3). Taryn's culture needed to be wnsidered concurrentiy

with h a spirituai beliefk, as it was h a fierce resolve in a hi* power or spiritual bdief

system which infonned her Mey and gave it meaning. Taryn stated, 'Xikendum (he

know) Manitou (God) anyway, nobody he can beat Manitou. He (mortal people) think

long tirne ago I'm gonna be the God but he7s not." This fiaith in a spmtual belief system

orguiized her society and the hinctions imbedded therein. Her sense of the world and h a

role as an Elder was founded on a ôelief in the Creator, and the priaciples fwid witlillr her

spirinial beliefsystem. They al1 informed h a on how to live h a üfé. Paul (1999) states

that Aborigiiili people need to go back to believing in the Creator for help and heaüng (p.

82

24). Believing in the creator was 8 basis h m which Taryn was able to hterpret the

nusna of h a We. Her experiences w a e a testament to h a beliefin the Creator and were

revealed h a hith in drsuiis aud the necessity of participation in ceremonies.

Taryn oftm dreamed about t h g s she bad mer seen More. She had drsams of

fniit and she did not h o w what they were. Her mother told h a that she was dreaming of

the ftture. Nitsch (1999) d e s c r i i drearm as personai experiences that consisteci of past

experiences and prophesies and that they provided information of things ta corne in the

futun @. 85). Cajete (1999) said that without exception almost ali Aboriginal cultures

vaiued drearns (p. 58). hgms were a valued teaching tool and that insight into life's

meaning was d a i n d &om understanding the si@caace of one's dreams (Mosher, 1999,

p. 161). Mosher (1999) rdects the advice of Taryn's mother and says that drruns were

what helped h a through h a Mie (p. 161). Paul (1999) said that she ieamed a lot fiom her

~~~. As a traditionai Aborigind singer, she said that rnany of the songs she leamed

came fiom dreams. Pad (1999) stated, "In my drearns, this old woman is teachhg me

songs, those are the songs of the lMog and the dead" (p. 20). The dream state was of

special sipüicance because it was in this state that one muid be in contact with spirits to

gain powa and knowledge âom them (Cajete, 1999, p. 58). Dreams were met with great

respect aad given enonnous signiîïcance. Taryn stateâ, "you dream about it ifyou do it

tbis way (traditional way), ifyou ôeiieve it. If you want to l m this way." Taryn's

.Xpaietlce~ of âreams were b d in h a spirihial beliefsystem.

Practicing h a spiritual ôcicfs were additiody madèsted in ha participation in

cercmonies. Her role in ceremonies fiom preparation to participation was preciuded by

83

her spirituai beliair. As a traditional f d e Elder at the fiill axernonies, T m ' s roies

inciuded teaching other women how to lay a cedar trail for the sweat lodge and singing the

Song of thruiks to the Creator. The sweat lodge was an important ceremonid practice

m n g Aboriginal people. Penashue (1999) rdected on the use of the sweat lodge in her

Me. She stated, "Sweat lodges were used for heaiing ... my sweat lodge ... it's a praying

sweat for sharing burdens. It's good to use in dealing with our daily problems" (p. 206).

Mosha (1999) bdieved tbat the Creator healed h a in the swat lodge (p. 24). Rehiming

to traditional teacâings was an essemiai element in hcaliag themseives. The hdings reveal

that h a M e f i n dnams, and participahg in cefernonies were significant aspects of her

lived experience with respect to ha spirhdity. The awareness thk provides may be used

to aeate a croSSICUlturaI f-on of ideas. The d t i n g ideas rnay serve a purpose

academidy, or sociaüy. Ultimately it adds to current idorxnation about traditional

Ojibway fahale elders and reioforces the social purpose of Aboriginal fernale knowledge

in general.

Taryn's teaching on ber birtb

The personal Me history of this Elder was grounded in traditional Ojibway culture

and spirituaiity. Taryn's personal life history was foaised on a beliefin the Creator.

Imparthg this aspect of her life in the research process was signifiant because of the

insight it oared to othem about understanding the Ojibway culture. The findhgs revealed

that the teachiog she received on h a b i i was a signïficant event that shaped her pasonal

lifé history. The teaching she received on h a birth aad what that meant for her Life wodd

84

prove to corne into direct conflict with her Christian fàther.

The literature regarding AboRginai cultures revealed that they were marginaüd

in the process of the Candian Govemment's relationship w i t h Aboriginal p p l e as

manif i id in the Canadian Government's Abonginai policy. Spintuai ôeliefs, imbedded

in Aboriginal culture were margmhd . . as a result. E d y Canadian Government policy

with respect to Aboriginal people foased on ChristianiPng Aboriginal people as a means

to assimilate them into mainstream Society. In the early years, the Government delegated

the respoasility of educating Aboriginal people to the church (Tobias, 1983, p. 41).

Taryn's fiither was a testament to the succas of this policy.

T m ' s Eather was an Anglican mimster who foflowed Christian beiiefs. He and

Taryn's beliefs conflicteci. She said, "Keemootch (she kept her traditional Ojibway

spirituai beiiefs a secret fkom h a hther) iqy fBther was an Anghcan minister. My dad

didn't want to teach me too much about church way but 1 still did it out of respect for

him." She kept her spintual ôeiiefk a secret &om her M e r but she would learn as she got

older that her father knew what h a role would be later in Lifé. She thought tbat perhaps

that was why he did not want to teadi h a too much about Christianity. Taryn leamed

later in We that h a father hKw that she was to @art traditional spiritual beliefs as she

got older. This understanding was derived fiom the story sk received about h a anh and

the exphnation about h a birth story that she received h m an Elder as an adult.

When she was bom, T m ' s fither ensurecl thu she was bom outside. Tuyn

stateâ, "1 ahways useû to wonder my dad did that aud when 1 got older 1 felt it in my heart

why my dad did tbat (because she believed that she was chosen to leam traditionai

85

teachings and üve a mditionai way of life). Throughout her childhood she did not

understand why out of fourteen children she was the oaly one required to be bom outside.

T a y stated, 9 was bom in an open fire- My drsd told my mom "go out and have that

baby outside." So my mother went out and got nady for chiidbyth.." Mer cousulting

with an Elda she l e a d that ha father chose h a to foliow the traditional way of We.

She said, "this old man told me why, he said, Elder woman.. .be happy what your fàther

did ...y0 ur dad hiew what you were going to do in the fbture and out of fourteen children

he picked you." This was a very powerfùl message and it gave credence to h a life and

off& insight in undetstanding h a We's meankg and the role she had chosen to live.

She reveds that this role was in h a heart and part of her life as far back as she can

remernber.

As an Elder and leader* Taryn was in a position to impart the principles inherent in

h a culture. This proeess focuseci on community and was pncticed in the best interests of

Society. Gamet (19%) States that Elders today have a lot of responsib'ity in their roles as

parents, teschers, cornrnunity leaders and spiritual guides (p. 16). As a community leader,

Taryn revealed that teaching traditional ways and perpehiating spicituaüty cbmterized

h a role in the community. As a teacher, Elda and leader* Taryn taught traditional ways

and spintual iaws to ail people.

Teaching traditionai ways was a predominant message ngcuding ber the lived

experience. Taryn stated, "Everythiag you see 1 keep for now. 1 keep it for my

86

vdchildren." She reaEumed the importance of chiidren larnuig the traditional ways of

Me, she said, "Yes, 1 am proud. Those dreams thy corne ikom the bush not the town or

city. Nanabush. Those t h g s that an big (important), kids need to know." Taryn was

stating the children need to be taught their traditional ways of iifè. Taryn exuded a

traditionai way of Me. She was askd why she thought that it was important to teach her

traditional way of life to others. She replied, "Because of what it teaches you," and she

pounded on her heart. The Sgnificance of Taryn's traditionai ways, prescribed by the

Creator, is r e a 5 m d when she stated:

... don't be shy to do traditional ways, to play your drum, iight your sage, iight your swat grass, to put your tobacco down even when a lot of people are t h a . That is the trail that we have ban @en to use. Don't ewr be &y.

Taryn believed tbat the Creator gave Aboriginal people teachings and bat as

Aborigmal people, thy should not be ashamed or shy to practice than. It was Taryn's

role as an Elder in pssing on that knowledge. Boldt (1993) states, "In a Society with an

oral aihure Elders played the essentiai and highly vaiued fkction of tmmnithg the tribal

customs and tradition to the younger generation'' (p. 1 19). The data revealed the

importance of Taryn's role as a teacba and hencefiorih as a leader in perpetuating

spirituality and teaching traditional ways. Refierence to these roles as an Elder and teacher

was made both cxpïcitly and impiicitly. These principles existed in her varied roles as a

teacher, elda and leader in the prooess of imparting traditional ways and spiritiuil

87

in imparting spirituai teachings Taryn prayed and participatecl in ceremouies.

Praying for others w s a very important part of Taryn's Ne. Taryn's son revealed that his

mother told him 30 pray for others a d not yourseE" He said that she told him that "if

you pray for othefs good things will wm to you m tïme."

Taryn's borne bas a separate n>om they call a smoke mom tbat is set aside for theii

s a c d kindks, k i r pipes, drums d otber sacred items. They have healing circles m

there someîimes. People corne to Taya with tobacco and a& her to help them by holding

kaling circles or sweats so that she can pray for them Taryn said that as an Elder once

you are &en tobacco you have to do what you have been asked, whether it is to have a

heaiing circle or hold a sweat. S h said that you caonot teil people that you cannot help

them if they are ofliering you tobacco.

Her participation in the f d ceremonies reveded her role as an Eider, teacher and

leader as varied and multi disciplinary. hiring the fàll ceremony, T a y was loaked to for

spirituai guidance 8s an Elder when she was asked to sing the song to give thuiLs to the

Creator. She also played the role of teachcr in imparthg womea's teachings to other

women. Her role as a leader was evident as was her role as a teacher.

In cmmonies participants wae taught that JI people were e q d and that Eldm

were to be respected. Boldt (1993) States, "eiders' roles today have been limited to Saad

and mod influence, to spiritual coullseiÜn& and to carrying out ceremonid fùnctions at

traditional gatherings, sacred cefernonies and meetings (p. 120). In her role as an Elder

Taryn believed that spiritual teachings tau@ you how to live a good Life. Taryn stated,

'%y the way, I'm good way ww, today, 1 ùnow now Indian useci the good way." Her

88

role was sigmficant because of the understanding one was able to cultivate regarding

traditional Oji'bway Society.

Taryn's role as a teacher inciuded p d g on biowledge about what women were

expecfed to do in traditional ûjibway culture. She tau@ 0 t h women spiritml laws and

teachings. In addition to showing them how to lay down a ceâar trd for the sweat lodge,

she tau& womm that it was their job to take the grandfàthers (rock) out of the pit in the

centre of the sweat lodge. She showed them how to take the grandfàthers out of the West

door of the lodge. She also showed thern how to clean inside the todge, in preparation for

the next sweat. This exempiified Taryn's roles as Elder and teacher.

Taqm tau@ traditional and spiritual teachings in a kind and gentle way. When

she wanted to teach somane something she did do so indirectly, often through telling

stories. Teachings werc implicit in the stories she told. Many times the subject of her

stories was presented in the third person. For example, she would not say, "You should

take those grandfàthers out of the sweat lodge. Don't let them sit t h a e too long. The

Creator won't iike that" but she might say, "As women we are to take the grandfkthers

out of the sweat lodge, the Creator wili be happy ifwe do that." This was her g d e way

of teaching you sornething. Garret (1996) States that quaüties benning leaders in the

traditional sense included, Ioadness, genaosity, autonomy, noninterference, shanng and

the importance of comunity (p. 16). Taryn was looked to as a teacher, Elder and leader

and subsequently held a diverse role in h a culairr. Her non intedering approadi is

characteristic of traditional Aboriginal leadership.

Wisdom

Wïsdom, a quaMy befitting Eiders, is presented hae as the characteristic by which

traditional and cultural i n f o d o n was held. Taryn perceived h a role as an Elder

member of the community as someone who was always conscious about rnaintaining

eqiulity and transfèrring traditional knowledge about women's teaching to otba women.

Taryn shand h a Lnowledge about rnoontime teachings. Howeva, the wisdom of

traditional Lnowledge was greatly impeded by the arrivai of Europeans and the

Eurocentric world view.

ûver time, one can obserw that women's traditional roles in Aboriginal societies

were signiiicantly aBected by the Canadian Govemment's Abonginai policies. Historidy,

and to the preseat day, Aboriginal women's roles can be considend a rdection of the

discrimination th9 have faad in the past. The literature revealed that Aboriginai

women's roles changed drarnatically f?om pre contact, with western Society, throughout

the fur trade and to present day. Traditonaliy, Aboriginal women were the strength that

held fimilies togethet. Armstrong (1989) stateà, "It was women who shaped the thinking

of ail its membem in a loving, n u r t u ~ g atmosphere within the base of the f a d y unit" (p.

) hniag the fur eade Aborigiaal women became indispensable and of considerable

economic baiefit because of thei. varieci abilities in malong snow shoes, skin clothing,

cooking and interpreting (Jarnieson, 1986, p. 114). Significaat events such as the sliift

from the economy based on fk trading to that of agriculture, proved to weaken the role of

Abriginai women further.

90

. . Subsequent Canadian Goverxment legisiation continued to merguialize Aborigid

women. Legislation determinecl that Aboriginal women's status was dependent on the

husbands they chose to marry- Section 12 ( lm) of the Indian Act denied Aboriginal

rnatus to Aboriginal women who m8med a non-Aborigmal man. Later, in 1986, the

Canadian Government repeaied this section of the legislation due to pressure fiom the

United Nations Human Rights Comniission anci Aboriginal political groups such as the

Native Indian Brotherhd (Boldt, 1993, p. 208). The United Nations Human Rights

Commission declareci that section 12(1)(b) of the Indian Act was in direct contravention

of article 27 of the United Nations Charter of Ri@s. In spite of the negaiive e f k t s

legislaion bad on Aboriginal womea, Taryn's Mie was an attempt to maintain traditional

beliefs and mipart those be l i d to 0th- in h a culture.

Msmtoiaing equality and transfèrring traditioual knowledge was signifiant because

she perceiveci this to be the fomdation of wbich to retain her culture. This was her role.

Taryn stated, "There is this laice. 1 muid tell you about every Elder lcnows about this lake.

1 could tel you but 1 don3 want to be higher than anyone. Everyone is equal fkom a baby

to a gmdmother." Huagry Woif(1993) admowledged that in traditional Aborigiaal

socïeties the f d e roles were important and equal to men's. She stated, "In ail our tribal

axernonies, women play an equal part with the men, and most ceremonies would not take

place without the women" (p. 178). The roles of women existeci Simuitaneously with

in their communities. These roles existeci in direct relation to moontime teachings.

91

Mooaüme teaclings. In h a role as a f e d e Elder, Taryn acknowledged that a

large part of her responsibility was to teach other women about the women's mhnnial

cycle, what she has referred to as moontime teachings. Moontirne teachings wexe very

important consideration in traditional Ojibway Society. Taryn elaborated on moomime

teacbiugs ôecause of its significance in determinjllg a woman's participation with others in

the community. Taryn stated that when she was on her moontixne she wouid be separated

f?om the rest of ber wmmunity and given specinc dishes and u t d s to use when she ate.

Dioawsing moontime, Be& Walters and Fmcisco (1996) on moontime stated that

women were required to be in isolation for four days during their moontime, and tbat

while in isolation they ate their m i l s separately from the other community membas (p.

213-214). The ôeüefwas that moomime was spiritdiy powerfbi, with the abüity to

affect ceremonies neerby. They m e r noted that learning about moontime was important

for young women because of its spiritual smngth. Measmial blood was equated with

power which wuld be used for heaiing or curing (Beck, Waltas and Francisco, 19%, p.

213). Women on their moontime were not aliowed to attend ceremonies because the

spirinial powa associated with it. Taryn stated that when a ceremony was is in progress,

Elders would know if a woman on her moontime was preseut. The Elders would stop the

ceremonies. She emphasizeù that it was not because women w m dirty but spiritually

strong during th& menamai cyde. Be&, Walters & Francisco (19%) reafkned this in

saying that whea a woman w u on h a mwntime, t&ey were not allowed to touch any

sacd bundle or object or enter a lodge where these items were kept (p. 214). Taryn

r e i d o r d the importance of teaching moontixne laws to other women because they

92

or&& society and the roks of women in h a society. It Spenned a woman's actions at

that tirne' and how she could or could not interact with others. She said that a young

woman needed to lcnow how to behave when she was on her moontime if traditional

Ojibway culture was to be practiced and ifshe was to live in the wntext of her spiritual

belief system. Taqm believed her role as an Elder was to impart these teachings in the

proceu of her participation in traditional Ojibway culture.

An Emerging Firmework of Tmd'iond Femilc Ojibway Imdecship

The data that were gathered regarding the lived errperience of one traditional

f d e Ojibway Elder revealed the importance of ber role as a tacher, Elder and

hmceforth leader. An important hding in the study was bat9 leadership in the sense of a

traditional female Ojibway Elda, was holistic. Leadership emaged as existing

conaimntly with Taryn's wodd view. Taryn's world view is presented in Figure 1- es an

emergent theory of traditionai fende Ojibway leadership. Taryn's world view included

four components: culture, a beliefin the Creator, wisdom, and community. At the centre

of Taryn's world view fhneworlc, leadership ocists as part of a whole and is show to be

compnsed of the Creator, culture, cornmunity and wisdom.

The Witt in the Cnrtor

The beliefin the Creator forms the outside circle. As an ail encompassing theme,

the belief in the Creator as pnscntd by the data, is the basis from which Taryn r d v e d

h a Me's meaning. O'Toole (1995) holds that leaders are guided by principles that are not

93

''context dependent, but that represent universal beliefj about nght and wn>ng7' (p. 7).

Sergiovanni (1984) believes that values and beliefs stem &om a community's religion, or

spirituai bdief system (p. 9). Beebe (1997) suaests that most religions of the world

ernphasize a cornmon spirituai theme which is illuminated when ethical codes and

hdarnentai principles of the worid's peopies are considered 15). Boidt (1993) States that

spirituai beliefk were the major components in bestowing decision-making powa and the

foundation of which Aboriginai cuiture fimctioned traditionaliy (p. 27). Taryn's spiritual

belief system or the beiiefin the Creator forms the outer cirde and is the foundation of her

world view.

Fiaure 1: An Ememim Framework of Traditional Female Oiibwav Leadership

Culture

Culture is presented within the bdief in the Creator as the nart &de M e .

Cuiture was informed fiom a belief in the Creator. Bolman and Deal (1992), Duke

(19%)' Hesslebein (19%)' Shein (1 9%) and Covey (1996) state that leadership thcory ha9

evolved to foais on culture. Sergiovanni (1984)' and Covey (1996) hold that culture

refiects values, beliefb and a set of principles. Covey (19%) contends that principles ihd

their origin in a culture's religious or spiritual belief system (p. 115). In that sense!, Covey

(1996) wiggests that prinaples do not change or SM thus preventing one fkom becoming

los& confiised or fwied by conflicting voices and values (p. 1 15). Bloom (1 99 1) states

that culturd relativism reigns in today's society by its opemess to all lsnds of ideologies

@. 27). He fùrther states that amidst the varying ideologies and independence of thought,

doubt will emerge. Bloom (1991) states, "In the absence of anything else in wbich to nirn,

the conmion beliefk of most men [and women] are aimost always wbat wül determine

judgement. This is where tradition used to be most valuable" (p. 247). Tradition and

custom were the regdating foras in traditional Ojibway Society (Boldt, 1993, p. 278).

Boldt (1993) states that "conformity to custom was a matter of reügious obedience that

accorded with the g d y accepted moral standards of the tiibe, the mechanism used in

traditional Indian Society was dind participatory democracy and rule by consearais" @.

278). In Taryn's culture equality was key. Taryn stated, "1 am not paf&, Wre how

young you are MichelleY I am the same, everyone is equaf doing this kind of way." In

traditiod ûjibway Society individuais were equal and th& roies were based on the best

96

interests of the community. The Ojibway perspective of leadership is gmerally a process

tbat exists oc by and for the cultural collectivity. TV's strong cultural aûjliation was

necessary in perpmiatuig her culture amidst the past and current diffidties traditional

culture has faad in C d bistory and h the cievelopment of mainstream society.

Con- were apparent in the data about the need to partalce in the difïïcult but important

task of reviving Ojibway culture. Culture was the foundation on which Taryn derived

meqning in her daily Life and it formed the basis of how she understood her worid.

Community

Commumty formed the third inside circle. Community was the immediate or more

trmgibk f m s for TV's Me. Taryn's iived a<perience teaches us that leadership is

contexhial, community-focused and based in a belief in a higher power. The tesLs she

pafomed, the traditional and spirituai teachings she imparted were part of ha obligation

to society and h a love for her people and culture. Taryn's behavior in h a commuMty

was Uifonned by her ailtural beliefs. Gamt (1996) states tbat in traditional Ojibway

Society individuals were cast h o pred&e&ed roles by king expected to perfom

speafic tasls, which complimenteci the tasks of others in the comunity (p. 16).

Today, Western theories of leadership have evolved to include a foais on context

and commuaity, a tenet of Ojibway culture. Much of Western leadership theory has

traditionaily been based in structurai hctionaiism. Structural fùnctionalism is based in

rationality, order and regdation, and actions are organized in such a way as to lead to

predetermined goals with maximum &cieacy (Scott, 1998, p. 33). Western leadership

97

theory has sbifted to k miodful ofcomunity. More recently, transformationai,

reconccptuaüst, aesthetic and critical h u d s t theories of leadership have emaged which

foais on wntext and community.

According to Bums (1975) trmdormational leadership allows al1 parties to

archange resources and as a result b m e transformed in the process (p. 171).

Reconcepniajists share this view in that leadership is best understood, "in the beliefk of the

beholùers rather than the behavior of the behelâ" @uke, 1998, p. 1 74). DuLe (1 998)

developed an aesthetic theory of leadership. He suggests that an aesthetic theory of

leadership only exists when it is perceiveci by an observer (p. 176). This interest in the

social aspect of leadership is specific to critical hunnmist leadership theory which focuses

on the symbolic aspects of leadership. Critical hinimioists believe that social structure is

sociaily constnicted (Slater, 1995, p. 453). They disagrPe with structurai fùnctionalists'

views that attempt to be det erministic and value-&. It is the critical humanist

perspective tbat values are an mherem component m the decision-making pmcess (Slater,

1995, p. 455). Criticai humaaists are connnated to society and emphasize the miportance

of transcending the limitations of existe social order (p. 455). Transformational,

reco~~ceptualist, aesthetic and critical humsnat peispectives of leadership are similar in

nature to the Ojibway perspective where society, ad wmmunity are the focus.

Hesselbein (19%) States, 'Xey to societal significance of tomorrow's leaders is

the way thy embrace the totality of leadership, not just including organization" but

reaching beyond the waüs as weW' @. 123). This focus on society was apparent in

Western leadership theory. On leadership and conte%, Ddce (1998) stated, "Separathg

98

leadership h m wntext is analogous to i d m g what one wants to est for âinner while

ignoriag where it is to be collsumed" (p. 166). Hdlcbein (1996) and Shein (1996) heid

similas M& in that leadership style depended on context and community. They stated

that leaders wouM transform their leadership styles to accommodate the needs of

community members. Utimately, wise leadership brought together d those concerned

into a cirde tbt included the corporation, the organktion, the people and the comrnunity

(Hesslebein, 1996, p. 124).

The masformation of Western leadership perspectives have become more hoüstic.

The transformation has been an attempt to include more parties into the leadership

process. This is a huge Merence from its rwts in f a d a h m which believed in the

inberent inequaüty of men (Boldt, 1993, p. 278). The Enligbtenment concept of

egalitarianism emerged as a response so îhat a more human politid stnictun wouid result

(p. 278). The foais on humsnisiag the process of authority bas been a long process in the

Western tradition. In traditiod Ojibway sociw egalitarianism did not emerge îrom an

existing concept but was fomded in the Ojibway Society's spiritual beliefk. The Ojibway

perspective of leadership was and continues to be a holistic process. It incorporates

culture, a Win the Creator, community and wisdom.

Leadership fwms the core of Taryn's world view and it is divided into four

qwdrsats baseci on what the data revealed about d a 1 elements and Qualities benning

an Elder in the traditionai sense. These four quaüties f a s on knowledge of and dBction

99

for: the Creator, Culture, Wisdom, and Community. A leaàer mibodies a focus on these

four qualities anâ is the vesse1 in which they are enacteci, and in the traditional Ojibway

perspeaive, is chosen because he or she possesses al1 four. Thetefore, leadership is

bestowed on and not a position to be assumed by an individual. Garret (19%) states that

in A b o r i w societies Elders have been the ones to have the role of leader bestowed on

than based on the spirituaiity of their cultures and tbeir traditions (p. 16). Further, Gamt

(19%) sietes that Elders stiii hold the responsibility as comrnunity leaders and spirituai

guides @. 16). The MediWin tradition described the m e n stages of lifé in which the

seventh stage was m e d for Elders, and for retlecting on We. Elders were considered

to be those who were to pass on knowledge to theV children (Mosher, 1999, p. 159). In

that sense, Elders were obligated to papauote traditional teachings as a means to

maintain their society and culture.

The holistic nature of leadership as shown in the four quadrants is closely guarded

by what bas been presented as Tarp's world view in the larger circles in which they are

e n c o m p d . As illustrated in Figure 1, ea& quadrant is encircled by each component of

Taryn's world view - the Creator, culture, and community. The qiinrfrants do not exist

separately fkom one another but in coexistence inform each other and give meaning as

TV's worid view. For ewmple, a leader's knowledge of and S e a i o n for her culture is

guarded by the wida view of the Creator, culture, and comrnUIIIty. Similady, a leader's

knowledge of and afEection for widom is guarded by the same principles. The

same holds true for the howiedge of and affèction for community and of the Creator.

100

The holistic view of leadership as illustraîed by Figure 1, is informed by the

Creator, culture, and conmninity. Leadership, the centre of this holistic view, exists in an

individual who possesses the qualitïes of knowledge of and af)iliation 4 t h Creator,

culture, wisdom, and wnnmunty. Taryn's We's work teaches us that leadership exists

whm t is bestowed upon an individual by the people of a community.

The relationship and conclusions drawn betweem the interpretation of the fkdings

and the review of the related literature wur sigdicant with respect to emagsm implicit

traditional f d e Ojibway elder's perspective of leadefship. The prevaient themes culture,

ôelieving in the Creator, mmmunity, and wisdom were key. The research participant,

T m ' s lived experiences were distiaguisbed by h a personal characteristics dia were

based upon and guided by believing in the Creator, and living a traditonal We. In Iiving a

traditional We, Taryn epitomized a humble servant to traditional teachings of equaiity and

teacher to others about traditional laws. Traditional Aboriginal leaders are often deîïned

by th& wisdom, experience, kindness, generosity, and spinturl insight. Her resolve to

maintain and prpeacate traditional Ojibway culture in her daily life with such quaüties was

a tesîarnent to her role as a traditional f d e Ojibway leader. A leacier in the traditional

sense seeks mt power h m above but is empowered by the community members. Their

authonty was vested in the cornmuaity and decisions were amde by consensus. Ha

determination to mintain equaüty and include di community members in ceremonies and

offa teachings in those proasses spealrs of her role as a leader.

101

Traditional Ojibway leadership was a gift that she offered and was b a d on

qualities, that she possessed. The tradiiod f d e Ojibway pcrspeEtive of leadership

irnplicit in h a lived experience and supprted by the miew of the related fiterature

emerged fiom h a world view. Her world view included a belief in the Creator, the

importance of Culture foi iaformhg society, and the n a d for a comunity foais in our

da@ lives and actions. Leadership, at the con of this world Mew, was and is bestowed on

those who have kwwledge of and ; i f f i on for the Creator, cuitwe, wisdom and

cornmunity.

Taryn's life work teaches us that leadership is not a position that is taken but one

that is given. Leadership exists for the best mterests of society and is not based in

individuaiism. Leadership in traditional Ojibway Society upholds equality as a virtue and in

that process, non-individuaüsm exnerges. The fiodings of the r e m c h are paradoxid to

those noted in a pst-modem society, in which equality breeds individualism. Individual

truths are the authority and everyone is e q d in their ideas, opinions and life choias. In

Taryn's traditionai f d e Ojibway concept, equaîity is maiatained dong with the social

âibric. This is possible because of the p~c ip l e s reflected in traditional Ojibway

spirituaiity. Taryn's spiritual belief system requires individuais to pedom specific tasks.

Each task complements tbat of another's and no one person's task is more revered than

another's. Together these tadcs create Me's meaaing whiie maintriiniag equaüty mong its

members at the same t h e .

cxAFmRVI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Introduction

The summary of the data generated in the research process ceaPed on themes

rekted to culture, a belief in the Creator, community and wisdom. The emergent themes

formed the basis of Taryn's worid view and informeci leadership at its core.

Cultural and Aborignal perspectives of leadership were nvealed as W a r in their

focus on context and commmity. Traditional Abonginai Elders were discussed as the key

to pasPmg on traditional knowledge in th& roles as teachers and as a result were looked

for leadership. Elders held a signiûcant position in traditionai ûjibway society because of

theV wisdom, years of experience, and spinhial insigbt. Maracle (19%) discusses

Aboriginal ideology about leadership and how leadership is an obligation ta SOQety and

not a secindulgent focus on individuslity.

The advent of colonialism was presented as a -or which disrupted traditional

Aboriginal vaiue systems. The process of assimilation, iargeiy a product of the Canndian

Goverment's Abonginai pdicy, as legislateci in the Indian Act was a key factor in the

disruption. Boldt (1993) stated that the Canadian Govemment pwposefùlly airneâ its

policies towud Qmnguishiag Aboriginal special status, by replacing many trachional

structures with colonial structures. Tobhs (1983) upheld this vKw in stathg that early

Canach Govemment policy used the church as means to assimilate Aboriginal people.

The systematic disintegration of Aboriginal spirituai belief systems lead to the disnrption

1 O3

of traditional d u e systems and spintual laws. Traditional Aboriginal teachings b a d in

spintuai iaws were considered as a neassity in perpetuating ailtural anci ceremonhi

practices.

Mucb of the legislation seriously uadermined the position of Aboriginal women as

interpreters and traditional teadias of culture in their c o m m e e s . In recent years,

&orts have ban made to pnsave traditional teachings rnd to emphasize the importance

of women's roles and teachings within that structure. One of the key iindings of this sîudy

concerning women are women's mwntime teacbiags as essential for their understanding

of the context of tbw roles in the community. Beck, Walters and Francisco (1996)

r e a 5 m e d this faa in th& consideration of moontime7 noting t b t women were required

to separate themselves fhm others during their maistnial cycle, because mwntime was

regarded as a the of spintuai strerigth. The importance for these teachings to be passed

on to otha women is regarded as an essential eiement in Ojibway society.

The Lived Espcrienccs of an Elder in TV's Community Concentmted on

Tcrcbing and Leadhg

An Elder is given the role of t r a n s f h g traditional knowledge to others in the

community. The lived experiences of aa Elder in her community are disthguished by the

Elder's role as teacher of traditional ways and as a leader. An Elder's role is revealed as

king muiti fkceted, and includes teaching about areas as diverse as teaching traditional

ways, and spiritual lam. Teachbg traditional ways of We is considered as bang disrupted

by the approach of European mainstream Society. It is empbskd that retaining

tracütional Ojibway cuiture is a dif5cult process because of the assidation of Abonguial

104

people in a non-Aboriginal society.

Assimilation hm prevented continuity in teaching traditional Ojibway culture. An

Elder's role is uist of a teacher and many times implicit in that role is leadership. In the

traditional sense, leadership was defined as a social obligation with power and authority

resting in the collective and not in one particular individual. With the advent of

colonialism, traditional Ojibway leadersàip systems were cast into a M g class system,

where a hierarchicai leadership structure was the foundation. In spite of the adversity

fhced, Taryn continueci in her traditional role as a teacher of traditional ways of life aud as

a leaâer in the traditionai sense.

Tmyn Perceiveâ Her Rok as Perpehirting Culturd Vducs

The bdings reveaied that Taryn's resoive in maintahg the culturai tenet of

equdity and teacher to other women about traditional laws regardhg moontime teachings

(menstnration) was important. Ha role as a traditional f d e Ojibway Eider was

discussed in terrns of the signifiant ef5ects of history on Aboriginal women's traditional

roles in Aboriginal communities. Armstrong (1989) stated that womni's roles wae

inhiential traditionally, because of their ability to affect and care for the famiy unit.

European contact, presented in the contexts of the hr trade and in Canadian Govemment

legidation, Unpacteci Aboriginai women's roles. The culminating of these events

was the systematic attempted marguialuriti . . 'on of Aboriginal women. Boldt (1993)

considerd this by reflecting on the Indian Act legidation which withdrew Aborighl

wown's staais upon marriage to a non-Aboriginal man. The U ~ t e d Nations cballenged

the Canediaa Govelnment's poiicy regardhg Aborigïd women and viewed it as a blatant

process of discrimination.

Aboriginal women wae cornerstones in traditional Aboriginal Society, of

considerable e~nomic ben& during the fur trade and victims of the govefnment's

legislative discrimination. in spite of these diflbicuities, Taryn perceiveci h a role as a

auiitional femde Ojibway Elda. Ha contiaued participation in her cultural practices and

spiritual beliefk was a testament to h a role as an Elder and in that pracess, and a leader in

the traditional sense.

Tugo's PersonII Li& History L y d y Centreaï m u i d SpiritriaMy

The researcher's fiadings revealed that the personal We tiistory of this Elder was

shapeâ at b i i and ôy the conflicting dationsbip that sbe had with her fither. Ha bdief

in the Creator serveci as a backdrop to these considerations Throughout ber teenage

years she was in confiict with her fhther* an Anglicaa minister of the Christian tradition.

Although she respected his spiritual belief system, she found that her fither would not

teach her too much about Christianity. He Imw that her role was to be that of a

traditional f d e Elder who followed traditiod spiritual teachings. As an adult Taryn

lemeci that her fàther was instnunental in determining her He's work as a traditional

Ojibway f d e Elder. For years, she wondend why she was born outside as opposed to

the other m e e n children who were boni in her parent's house. The reason was revealed

to her as an adult, through consultation with another Elder. She was told that her fhther

chose her out of aU of his children to be born outside so that she would be welcomed and

blessed by the Creator and so that she would carry on the traditional ways of me.

106

TV's Experienca a m part of Truiitioul Ojibniy Spiribulity

The study of Taryn7s lived experience revealed h a ôeiiefin the Creator and in her

spirituai beîiefs. H a fath in dreams and need to participate in traditionai Ojibway

ceremmies as means to presave her culturai id- prevaüed. On culture7 Brizinski

(1989) reinforcexi the important role that cuîture played in providing guidelines and

establishing social links. Taryn imparted her beiiefin the signific(u1c.e of ciremm and the

importance of cerernonies in living h a culture. As a young girl, she apaienced Qeams

as prophecies, and continued to value them into aduhhood. Her participation in

ceremonies was an aspect of h a life for wbich she M d monnous respect. It was durhg

various ceremonies whae Taryn's cuituni M e f k were mdèsted f h n h a preparation to

participation in teaching and sweat lodge ceremonies.

The purpose of this study was to explore the hved experience of one traditional

Ojibway f d e Elda in a Northwestem First Nation community and the Elder's

perqmtives on leadership. This study has ernphasii the importance of Abonginal

f d e knowleâge in its investigation of one traditional Ojibway f d e Elder. In doing so

the study bas broadened our understanding of leadership theory and how it included a

bcüefin, respect for and perpetution of tradjtional and spiritual values. The study has

considered mmy aspects of traôitional Ojibway society in which culture, a belidin the

Creator, community and wisdom have lead to a greater understanding of Ojibway culhin

and leadership in genefal.

Implications for Furthtr Research

In the process of uncovering one traditiod Ojibway f d e Elder's üved

experience and h a perspectives on leadership observations reveded the med for W e r

research. Additional research wouid provide an explicit understanding of traditional

female peispectives on traditional leadenbip. Discussions of Western leadership theories

bave large been f d on the d e male experienas. Women's perspectives have

been under represented and Ojibway women's perspeaives are lacking. Mon qualitative

research wodd add to the understandings of Aboriginal f d e leadership theory by

uncovering the similarities in the iived experiences of other Abonginai women.

Aboriginal Elders have largeiy meci the roles as leaders as they held the qualities

befitting leaders in the traditional sense. It was understood from the findings and the

review of the relateû literature that traditional Ojibway dture hted adversity in many

respects. One important respect was the degree to which Aboriginal people were

integrated into muaSmun society. The research participant, Taryn, imparted concem

that not enough people were practicing traditional ways of life or passing on traditional

teachmgs to the younger gaieration. In that procesS. the elders of today are leaving this

world for the next and many of their stories, wisdom, and tescbings are going with them.

Additional research regardhg elders and traditional Ojibway leadership neeâs to be

conducted in a timdy hshion. RealiPng that culture is not static, and that Aboriginal

ailtwes within North America are not bomogeneous, it is conceivable that new and other

themies of Ojibway leadership wül emcrge fiom 0th- research processes. Uhimateiy, it is

108

ho@ that additionai research in the field of traditional Ojibway leadership wüi be

undertaken to beueiit the field of leadership tbeory, the field of educational administration

and society in g e n d .

In aunniuy, recomrnendations for M e r research include:

1. Lived experiences of traditional fanale and d e Ojibway Eldas represeatative of

the same geographic region as the participant in this study.

2. Leadershipspecific inquiry about traditional Ojibway Elders.

3. Lïved experiences of Aboriginal f d e and male Eldas throughout North

America.

4. Leadershipspecific inquiries about Abon@ female and d e Elders throughout

North America.

I am ho- that additional research in the above noted areas wül enhance the

field of leadership theory, the field of educational administration and society in general.

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Dear Participant:

ThanL you for agreeing to participate in tbis study on tditional Ojibway f&e leadaship.

The pirpose of this study is to explore the lived experience of your traditionai Ojibway life as a leader and to discuss this experience with consideration @en to other theories of leadership.

During this mdy you will be asked to participaîe in a series of conversations which wiU be stnictured a r d these questions:

The intaview process will take approximately thme days. 1 am suggesthg tbat we meet for three hours a day, for an approramate total of nine h o m of interview tirne. 1 wiii k traveüng to ywr wmmunity to coaduct these haviews, thedore, 1 d allot a total of seven days in which to schedule them. This wiU provide additional thne ifcircumstances suggest that we need to rescheduîe any interviews.

There are no risks to you as a participant in this study. You may withdraw h m this study at any the. AU of the information that is coiiected about you &ring the stuây wül be kept coddaitial, and you wilî not be i d d e â in any way. The data of this study wiü be securely stored at Lakehead University for seven yean and will be made available to you upon comp1etion of the research. The dissemination of the findings of the research wiil be in the form of a thesis which wiil be in the Lakehead University Library.

I look krward to your puticipation in sharing your liveâ experience with m. 1 know that tbis research WU enrich the study of women in leadership, particulariy

the work of Aboriginal women leaders about which lit* is known.

If you have any questions concerning the study, 1 I be reached at: (807)345-8787. Please maii your consent to paxticipate to me as soon as possible so that 1 can begin making appropriate arrangements for our meetings. Meegwetch.

Michelle Frost

Thank you for .graiag to participate in this study on traditional Ojibway f d e leadership. The pupose of tbis study is to aplore the lived experience of a traditional Ojibway female leaderlelder.

hiriag tbis study you will be asked to participate as a translator in conversations ocanring and sprmiiag a time convenient to the participant's discretion. 1 am suggesting the use of seven days to gather the data. More specificaily, 1 am suggestiag that we meet for three &ours a day for approximatefy three &y. Tbis aa approximate conversation thne total of nine houn.

There are no risks to you as a participant in this study. You may withdraw at uiy tirne. AU of the information that is coilected about you during the study will be kept confidenthi, and you will wt be identifid m any way. You wiU also be reqMed to keep rll of the data umfidentiai that is coIIected during these interyiews. The chta of this study wül be securely stored at Lakehead University for years and the nsults wüi be d e available to you upon completion of the study. The dissaiiination of the hdmgs of the research wül be in the form of a thesis which wiU be in the LaLehed University Library.

1 look forward to your participation as a translator in this project of sharing the lived arpaience of a traditional Ojibway female elderAeader-

If you have any questions concaniag the study, 1 can be reached at (807)345-8787. Please rnaü your consent to participate as soon as possible so that 1 c m begin making appropriate arrangements for our meetings. Meegwetch.

Michelie Frost

Appendis B: Consent form to Participant and Tnndator

1. ' W h What the Lived Experience of a Traditid Female O j i h y Leder/Eïder?"

2. k casent to take part m a study which will examine my lived experience as a t rad i t id fremale Qibway elderneader.

5. MicheUeFrost,theprincipaiMv~,basarplamedtomediatIwillbeaskt.Ato meet with her k r mterviews scbeûuied at my ccmvenience. 1 understand that the irderviews will be apptoxunately three hours long per day and take apprrncimately ihmx days to complete h r a tocal of appnnriaiately & hours of interview tirne. I also undetstand that MicbeIIe Frost bas set aside a total of seven âays in which to scbedulethun.

8. AU of the information tbat is c o l i d about me during this zrtudy will be kept addensial, and 1 wiIi mt be identifid m auy way. Micheiie Frost has hfbmied me that the data of this study wiü be stored securely at Lakebead Univemity h r seva yeam and that the resuhs wiU be made available to me upcm ~omp1etion of the study.

9. The dissemination of &&gs of this study will be in the forrn of a thesis which will be in îbe Lakehead University Library.

sigpume of Participant Date

S@atureOfWiOness Date

S-ofResearcber Date

Research Participant's Translater

"What is the Lived Experience of a Traditional Ojibway Fernale E ldermer?

I consent to take part in a study as a transistor for my mother, who will be sperlring in her own language - ûjibway.

Michelie Frost, the principal researcher has expleiaed to me that 1 will k dced to translate conversations that WU occur and span a tirne, location, and site suitable to my mother.

I understand that there wül be no rislrs to me fiom participating in this study. 1 also understand that I may witbdraw fiom the study at any the, even after si& this fonn.

1 understand that ail of the âata coliected dwing these interviews must be kept coniideafial. 1 agree to keep al1 data confidenthi tbat is collecteci during these interviews.

The dissemimion of the findings of the -ch wül be in the fonn of a thesis which WU be in the ~akehead University Library.

Signature ofTraaslator Date

Sigmûm of Witmss Date

Appendu C: Iiiterviccr Questions Sampk

Inttmew Guide

Legend Interview Guide Question Headings

-- - -

(bulieteci headings) Questions which guideci the interviews

- --

Heading

Numbered headings (1 - 4)

--

Description

Questions which guided the research

1. What are the îived experiences of an Elds in ha comrnmity?

R: (Researcher generated questions)

What was childhood like? R: What was your childhood lilre? R: Why do you tell the story of your bVth?

Questions generated by the researcher during the intenriews

Are thae Mirent roles (tasks/chores) for men and women? If SO,

can you $ive me an ocample? R: When you were growing up, were there things that you girls had to do k t were W i t than the boy's?

Ifthere are roles for men and women, have these c h g e d oves tirne? R: How corne it is different now a days?

2. What is the pasoaal life history of tbis Elder?

What can you tel me has been one of the most important parts of your We? R: Why do you think it is important for your children and grandchilcira leam th traditional way of We? R: Now you'n teaching your children and your grandchildren the traditional way of me. Ifsomebody asked you why you do that, what wodd you tell thmi?

3. How does the Elder perceive her role?

b How wodd you describe your roles, responsib'ies whm you think about your role in your family and your community? R: Why were the women taken away during their moontime? R: So a long time ago, women were talren away to a tent during moontime, what else can you tel me about moontime?

b Do 0th- people, such as your faniily or community members, have certain arpectaioas of you?

What are two or thme main tasks you value in your role?

4. How an h a atpaiences part of traditional Ojïbway spirituality?

b What can you teU me about the traditionai path you are on?

w What is that life me, such as whaî do you do? R: You W81ked on a cedar tnil when you were on your moontime?

How do you pray? R: How much have your spirituai betiefs kai a part of your Me? R: How come your fàther followed the church way? How corne you kept doing the traditional way? R: So, you are proud of this way of üfé?

Trrnscript Simple

b What was your ciddhood like?

1 wm bom in an open tire. My dad told my mom to out aad have that baby

outside. So my motha went our got ready for childb'i. She put cedar.

F i she made fie and then s k put cedar. She put spruce on the bottom

and then cedar to make it softa. He told my mama to go out and have that

W... dtben~Iw~growingup~omwhenIwa9bomuatüIwas 13 1

kind of )mw what happeneci and then 1 started ukiag my Mer why my

Mer asked her to go outside to have birth.

R: Why do you tell the story of your bi?

1 t d this story a lot. Now 1 know why. 1 am happy. It gave me a good

fkeling. Thae was one pason who tell me why. This old man told me

why. He said, W d a womaa, I'U tell you why your dad did this, be bappy

what he cüd. Your paba, you don't Wre hhn what he dia" that elder said.

"Stop being mad at yow dad now," that oM man told me. Tour dad Lnew

what y w were going to do in the fihire and out of 14 children he picked

you."