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The Jagannath Temple and OnlineDarshanHeinz ScheifingerPublished online: 12 Aug 2009.

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Journal of Contemporary Religion,Vol. 24, No. 3, October 2009, 277–290

The Jagannath Temple and Online Darshan

HEINZ SCHEIFINGER

ABSTRACT Darshan—the act of seeing the divine in an image—is an important formof worship for most Hindus. Darshan is now available via the Internet. In this articleI consider the possible significance of online darshan for the important JagannathTemple in Puri in the Indian State of Orissa and for devotees of the Hindu godJagannath who resides there. From this case study I conclude that online darshandoes not necessarily bring about a decline in the importance of temples and theirdeities. This challenges those globalisation theorists who claim that local sites declinein importance as a result of advanced communications technologies and instead supportsRoland Robertson’s theory of ‘glocalization’. I further conclude that despite this, onlinedarshan is an important development for devotees of Jagannath, because it allows accessto the deity which may previously have been difficult or even impossible for most ofthe year. I also consider online darshan in general and suggest that the glocalizationprocesses that it is giving rise to are worthy of future research.

Introduction

In most forms of Hinduism,1 ‘‘what unites worshippers from the most ardentto the most pragmatic is the belief in the need to stand in the presence of the deityor deities to have. . . darshan’’. Darshan involves ‘‘both beholding the deity andbeing seen by the deity. An exchange takes place through the eyes, and devoteesmay feel that they have been granted a vision of the deity or have experiencedthe divine, favoured glance’’ (Beckerlegge 62). Gwilym Beckerlegge (88) adds that‘‘there is considerable empirical evidence that sacred images have remaineddeeply embedded in popular religious practice. In fact, research from the 1970sto the present day shows that the use of sacred images has remained bothwidespread and constant.’’ This further demonstrates the importance of darshanwithin Hinduism. In addition, commenting on the importance of the imagewithin Hinduism, Smith (201) goes as far as to say that Hindus ‘‘revel in theperfect visibility of the spiritual’’.

Darshan can now be taken via the Internet as a result of the appearanceof images of gods and goddesses on the World Wide Web (WWW). In fact, theInternet is an especially suitable medium for darshan. This is because the WWWuses image above all else (Brasher xii; Cowan 259; Wertheim 25). Online darshaninvolves devotees gazing at an image of a god or goddess on a computer screen.Such images are offered by numerous web sites dealing with Hinduism.Although darshan is a religious practice in its own right, it is also an essentialpart of the Hindu puja ceremony. A puja is a form of ‘‘’worship’ [which] involves

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the presentation of ‘honour offerings’ to the deity’’ (Eck, Darsan 89). Pujas are alsooffered on the WWW (see e.g. blessings on the net.com2). Online pujas involvedevotees clicking on various icons to carry out the processes involved in theritual.3 As darshan is the most ubiquitous form of worship, only online darshanwill be considered in this article.4 The fact that darshan is a key aspect ofHinduism suggests that online darshan has the potential to be a significantdevelopment. This is because conditions surrounding access to the deity can beovercome. For example, online darshan allows devotees to view a deity that mayotherwise be unavailable to them. In this article, issues surrounding onlinedarshan of the god Jagannath (a form of the god Vishnu) will be explored.

Jagannath

The principal murti (image which contains the deity) of Jagannath resides in thelarge twelfth-century Jagannath Temple in Puri. Puri is an important pilgrimagecity in the Eastern Indian State of Orissa. The city has approximately 160,000(2001) inhabitants and is roughly 500 kilometres south of Kolkata. TheJagannath Temple was chosen as a case study in order to investigate issuessurrounding online darshan for three main reasons. Firstly, it is a populartemple of pan-Indian importance. It is famous for the annual Ratha Yatra orCar Festival, when the murtis of Jagannath, along with those of his brotherBalabhadra and sister Subhadra, are dragged through Puri, seated in giantchariots. This festival attracts vast numbers of devotees from around the world.Secondly, the Temple’s administration has embraced the Internet and offersonline darshan of Jagannath via its web site Swagatam Jagannath Dham, Puri.5

The web site was set up in 1998 by The National Informatics Centre (an ITorganisation of the Government of India) which also develops, maintains, andhosts the web site free of charge. Thirdly, non-ethnic Indians (including thosewho have converted to Hinduism) are not allowed to enter the temple. Therefore,the presence of images of the temple’s main deity online could be significant,as this allows a level of access to the deity that was not previously availableto non-ethnic Indians. This is especially the case because, as will be explainedbelow, prohibiting this group from entering the Jagannath Temple is a contentiousissue. Of course, access to deities afforded by the Internet is a potentiallysignificant development to Hindu devotees regardless of ethnicity by virtueof the fact that online darshan may be far more convenient than attendance ata temple. However, focusing upon the Jagannath Temple where access to the deitywithin the temple is actually forbidden gives the research a further importantdimension and emphasises that online darshan can give rise to an opportunity toperform worship that was previously not possible.

Notwithstanding the fact that there are other factors that determine templeattendance (see below), it appears at first that, because darshan of Jagannathis possible online, the local site (the Jagannath Temple) declines in importance.This is because a devotee does not now need to visit Puri in order to obtaindarshan. Instead, darshan of Jagannath is available to any devotee with an Internetconnection. A number of theorists have asserted that the decline in the importanceof the local site is the result of advanced communications technologies. AnthonyGiddens (20) claims that as a consequence of such technologies, ‘place’ and localeno longer simply coincide and, instead, time and space have become separated,

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which he calls ‘time–space distanciation’. A key feature of time–spacedistanciation is ‘disembedding’—‘‘the ‘lifting out’ of social relations from localcontexts of interaction and their restructuring across indefinite spans of time-space’’ (21). A similar idea has been advanced by the cultural anthropologistPaolo Apolito with his concept of ‘delocalization’ (152), which, he argues,reaches its culmination with the Internet (155). Manuel Castells, drawing uponthe ideas of Jean Baudrillard who considers the nature of images, is of a similarview. He emphasises the importance of the Internet which ‘‘radically transformsspace and time [meaning that] localities become disembodied from their cultural,historical geographical meaning’’ (406). Analysts of religion online, Helen Bergerand Douglas Ezzy as well as Mia Lovheim, have accepted Giddens’s theory ofdisembedding and assert that this is clearly evident in the case of the Internet andreligion. Lorne Dawson and Jenna Hennebry also follow Giddens and refer to ‘‘thedisembedded freedom of cyberspace’’ (165).

However, an investigation of the availability of Jagannath’s darshan online leadsme to believe that the local site does not necessarily decline in importance.Jagannath does not become disembedded from the temple in Puri. Instead, as aresult of Jagannath’s appearance online, there is interplay between the global andthe local. Such a process has been identified by the globalisation theorist RolandRobertson. He refers to this as ‘glocalization’—derived from ‘to glocalize’,originally a Japanese marketing term which refers to the tailoring of productsto local markets (1734). His theory, which helps in understanding the processesthat are occurring, will now be outlined.

Roland Robertson’s Theory of ‘Glocalization’

Robertson argues that ‘‘Globalization as a concept refers both to the compressionof the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole’’ (8).Consciousness has been globalised in the sense that people conceive of the worldas one place (Beynon and Dunkerley 35; Beckford, Theory 139) and, according toRobertson, religion is a key factor in giving rise to this change in consciousness.This is because many religions espouse globalising themes (175). However,although various religions may promote and disseminate universalistic notions(such as the oneness of humankind), it is important to note that universalisticclaims made by religions can never be purely universalistic. These claimsnecessarily derive from a specific cultural viewpoint (Beckford, ‘‘Movements’’173, 181). Therefore, universalistic claims are actually particularistic notions ofuniversality and this seemingly paradoxical statement provides an example ofthe core dynamic of Robertson’s theory: that there is a ‘‘massive, twofold processinvolving the interpenetration of the universalization of particularism and theparticularism of universalism’’ (Robertson 100, emphasis in original). Put simply,there is constant mediation between the global and the local—‘glocalization’.

Glocalization and the Jagannath Temple

Glocalization is demonstrated in a number of ways in the case of the JagannathTemple and its use of the Internet, not just in issues relating to darshan. The factthat the Temple administration has an online presence is, in itself, an example

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of the universalisation of the particular. Furthermore, to different extents, allof the facilities on the Temple web site constitute a deliberate attempt by theadministration to universalise the particular. The web site offers informationabout, and photographs of, the Jagannath Temple and its deities. In addition,videos of past Ratha Yatras are available and, during the festival, live web castsare available. Devotional music can be listened to and there are schemes wherebydonations can be made to the Temple. Although the Jagannath Templeadministration uses the Internet, through its web site, as a tool in order topromote claims of universality (which derive from a particularistic viewpoint),such an attempt has been made since long before the introduction of theInternet. For example, although Jagannath sits squarely within Vaishnavism(the tradition centred on Vishnu), his name means ‘Lord of the Universe’(Tripathy 1, 17); the Sri Jagannath Temple Administration (3) claims thatHe ‘‘represents all the Gods and Goddesses known to the entire Hindu World,either directly or indirectly’’. Further, in the case of the Jagannath cult, theinterplay between the universal and the particular is likely to have alsooccurred at another level. For example, although the origins of Jagannath,Balabhadra, and Subhadra are shrouded in mystery, it is likely that they wereoriginally tribal deities (Gupta 51). Therefore, it appears that even beforeclaims were made about the universal nature of Jagannath, the pre-Hindu tribaldeities of Orissa were de-particularised and absorbed into Vaishnavism.

Online though, especially since there is no injunction in Hinduism againstthe replication of deities (Pocock; Eck, Banaras), the universalisation of theparticular takes on a new level, and this appears to be fully grasped by theJagannath Temple administration. For example, the chairman Gajapati MaharajaDibyasingha Deb writes on the web site:

As a token of humble offering at the lotus Feet of the Lord, this service throughInternet is being provided for the benefit of devotees all over the world and forthose keen to know about this unique and glorious tradition. . . Every effort willbe made to add more features and relevant material to this new initiative fromtime to time.

In August 2005, Bhaskar Mishra, the Temple’s spokesperson and one of the threepeople responsible for the text of the web site, was interviewed in Puri. Heemphasised that the administration is delighted that Jagannath appearson television and online, ‘‘because the Jagannath culture will be spreadthroughout the world’’ (interview, 31 August 2005, Sri Jagannath TempleOffice, Puri). His view on the matter was further emphasised when he gavethe following enthusiastic response: ‘‘There are no disadvantages. Rather it isadvantageous. The Jagannath Temple Administration is very proud of thespread of the Jagannath culture throughout India and the world.’’ SureshChandra Mohapatra, the chief administrator, confirms the willingness toembrace the universal when he writes on the web site that ‘‘It is all the morewelcome when scientific contrivances are harnessed for spiritual purposes. . . Letthe viewers derive maximum benefit from the Website.’’

In addition to the universalisation of the particular, the particularisationof the universal occurs as a result of Jagannath’s presence online. This isdemonstrated when philosophical views regarding the deity are considered inthe light of online darshan.

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The Nature of Jagannath and his Online Image

It is important to point out that online darshan does not lack validity. Asmentioned, the replication of deities in Hinduism is unproblematic. Further,Hinduism has a capacity for adaptation (Venkatachari) and, according to Smith(201), ‘‘more than any other religion, Hinduism welcomes science with openarms’’. This suggests that it is highly unlikely that the screen acts as a barrierto darshan. Also, religious respect to on-screen images had already beenwitnessed before the advent of the WWW, during the televising of the Hinduepic The Ramayana in the late 1980s:

. . . many of those who watched the series conducted themselves as if receivingdarshan in front of a murti. Some bathed, put on clean clothes and removedtheir shoes before the transmission began. In some areas, a television set wasset up as the focal point of a shrine. It was draped in garlands, anointed withthe substances used in conventional puja rituals, and incense was burnedin front of the screen. After the transmission, prasad [consecrated offerings]was distributed. . . (Lutgendorf 242, qtd. in Beckerlegge 92)

Another example which shows that the screen is not a barrier to darshan can befound at the Taraknath Temple in Tarakeswar, West Bengal. Here, a video screeninside the temple shows the lingam (symbol of the god Shiva) that is housed in theinner sanctum. This allows those in the temple who may have their view of thelingam obstructed to receive darshan.

In considering online darshan of Jagannath, it is necessary to look at thephysical murti. The commonly held belief is that the Jagannath murti containsan essence which is actually Brahman. Brahman—also known as the Absolute—defies definition, but has been referred to as ‘‘undifferentiated existence,consciousness and bliss’’ (Krishnananda 102). It is the ‘Supreme Reality’ (Cross123). As Tripathy (11) relates:

Lord Jagannath is also called Darubrahma. It means the prime soul enshrinedin wood. He is shrouded in mystery like Brahma in Vedanta philosophy.In the sacred body of Jagannath, something unknown has been kept in acavity. This ‘something’ is called Brahma. [Tripathy uses the term ‘Brahma’ for‘Brahman’.]

As this quote suggests, the murtis of Jagannath and his brother Balabhadra andsister Subhadra are made of wood. Because of this material, the murtis need to bereplaced periodically, on certain auspicious days in a ceremony known as theNavakalebara (new body) ceremony. During this ceremony, after the new murtisare made, ‘‘the life substances (brahma) from the old images are transferredsecretly into the new images’’ (Tripathy 43). Because the old murtis arereplaced and the essence is actually transferred to a cavity inside the newmurtis, it is clear that it is this essence that is the focus of devotion.

The Temple administration firmly holds this view of the nature of the Jagannathmurti. Of course, there may be devotees who do not share this view, as, inHinduism, devotees can display a wide range of views regarding the deity.For example, for some devotees, the murti itself might be worthy of veneration,while for others, the murti may be a symbol of the divine (see Beckerlegge 108).However, while it is certainly true that Hinduism in general allows for differentconceptions of the nature of the murti, in the context of the Jagannath cult, there

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is an established view. This statement is not based on the uncritical acceptanceof the views of the Temple administration; it is consistent with the view putforward in the literature. While there will always be those who regard themurti as a symbol of the divine and despite an absence of data regardingdevotees’ views as to the nature of the Jagannath murti, there is no reasonto suggest that the ‘official’ view of the murti is not the one commonly held.Therefore, the nature of the murti outlined above will be accepted in thisarticle, albeit with the caveat that it is possible that some devotees mayconceive of the murti in another way.

Because Brahman is literally enshrined inside the Jagannath Temple murtis,other murtis of Jagannath do not hold the same power (Jagannath is replicatedin numerous temples in Orissa and in other parts of India and abroad). As aresult of the important difference between the physical murti and the onlineimage, online darshan is not of the same value as darshan at the physical site.While the image on the screen may be an image of the actual Jagannath murticontaining the essence which is Brahman, it is not identical with it, because theessence cannot be present in an image which is a replication.

Despite the fact that full darshan cannot be obtained via an image replicatedon screen, there is evidence from both the Jagannath Temple administration anddevotees of Jagannath for the belief that online darshan is worthwhile. BhaskarMishra emphasises that there is ‘‘some difference—some difference’’ between theoriginal murti and an image of the deity on a computer screen. However,photographs of Jagannath and the other deities on the Temple web site havebeen placed there specifically to enable visitors to obtain darshan. As Mishramakes clear: ‘‘We have put original pictures of the deities on our web site!We are scanning the original colour photographs and put them on our web sitefor darshan of the general devotees.’’ As for the devotees, Bhaskar Mishrarecounts that ‘‘there were devotees taking snaps of the deities on the chariotsduring the Car Festival and they scan the photographs and keep in their owncomputers, on CD and monitor of computer’’. He added that ‘‘some devoteeswill . . . offer puja to the deities on the . . . computer monitors’’.

The presence of images of Jagannath on the WWW has not resulted in a declinein the importance of the local site. If a devotee wishes to obtain full darshan,it is still necessary to travel to Puri physically. In other words, the presence ofJagannath online has not meant that this image has become ‘disembedded’ fromPuri, as Giddens and others suggest. Instead, Robertson’s theory that thereis mediation between the global and the local as a result of globalisation (hererepresented by the Internet) is of use in the understanding of the processessurrounding the image of Jagannath appearing online.6

That an online image of a deity can still be inherently related to the murti at thephysical site is further demonstrated by the fact that a deity’s power is affected byactions performed at the temple. For example, Charles Brooks explains that thepower of deities is directly related to the level of devotional service that theyreceive from pujaris (Hindu ‘priests’), emphasising that the services of the pujarisare crucial. At the Jagannath Temple, Mishra also underlined this point andexplained that the high level of service that the deity receives at the Templefurther differentiates it from replications of Jagannath in other temples. AnISKCON (International Society for Krishna Consciousness, popularly known asthe ‘Hare Krishnas’) source (see below) also pointed out that the level of service

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given to deities by pujaris is crucial. As will be described below, the implicationsof online darshan of Jagannath are especially significant for this organisationand its members. As in the case of the nature of the Jagannath murti, the viewregarding service to deities is a standard belief, so that there is no reason tosuggest that it is somehow untypical of widespread popular belief. Accordingto this view, an image of a deity on the WWW can only give an efficaciousdarshan, if the physical murti is given adequate service.

Implications of Jagannath’s Appearance Online

Although, in the case of the Jagannath Temple, the Internet has not given rise to adecline in the importance of the physical site, there are implications arising fromJagannath’s presence online. The main implication is that those who, for differentreasons, are unable to visit the Jagannath Temple and to receive darshan fromJagannath, can now receive it—albeit at a reduced level. This would apply toHindus who are temporarily considered to be polluted, for example by birth,death or menstruation (Fuller 16) or through lack of personal cleanliness(Coward 10). However, given the belief that devotees must be in a pure state inorder to be fit for worship (Fuller 76), online darshan for those in temporary states ofpollution is of limited benefit and significance. The situation is of more significanceconcerning devotees of Jagannath in the diaspora, for whom regular attendance atthe Jagannath Temple in Puri is not possible, but who have access to the Internet andcan receive darshan online. It is also significant for devotees in India who, for onereason or another, may find it inconvenient or difficult to visit Puri.

However, for those who are permanently restricted from entering the JagannathTemple online, darshan of Jagannath has the most significance. Members of the‘scheduled castes’ (the term used by the Indian Government to refer toso-called ‘untouchables’) are allowed to enter the Jagannath Temple, unlike atsome other temples in India where they are not permitted to enter (Pattnaik;Lahangir). Yet, as in the case of other temples in Orissa (Hindu PressInternational; personal experience), non-ethnic Indians are restricted fromentering the Jagannath Temple, because they are considered to be polluting.This even applies to non-ethnic Indians who have converted to Hinduism orare born Hindu. While non-ethnic Indians may constitute a small percentageof Hindus, in the context of the Jagannath Temple, they are important. Further,while online darshan may be beneficial to those for whom attendance at Puriis difficult, the fact that non-ethnic Indians are excluded from entering theTemple clearly demonstrates that the availability of online darshan of the deityresiding there is a significant development.7

Non-ethnic Indians and the Jagannath Temple

In November 2005, the entrance policy at the Jagannath Temple gained publicitywhen a Thai princess was denied entry, despite the fact that she is Buddhist andBuddhists from the countries that make up the Indian sub-continent are allowedto enter (Hindu Press International). However, the entrance policy at the Templeperhaps makes it the most well-known and significant of all the temples thatdo not allow non-ethnic Indians to enter, because Jagannath is an important deity

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to members of ISKCON. This world-wide Hindu religious organisation, whichis seeking to align itself with Hinduism in general (see Knott; Carey; Nye, ‘‘HareKrishna’, ‘‘ISKCON’’; Zaidman) and whose temples are open to all, is keenthat its non-ethnic Indian members be granted entry. Non-ethnic Indianswere the first members of ISKCON when it was founded in 1966 in New Yorkby the Bengali A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada (1896–1977). Prabhupadabelieved that members could become Brahmins (high caste Hindus) through theiractions—contrary to the orthodox view that this position was dependent uponbirth. Later, ethnic Indians in India and abroad became involved with ISKCONthrough membership of the organisation and in other ways, for example throughtemple attendance (see Brooks; Nye ‘‘ISKCON’’).

The Jagannath Temple web site lists a number of ‘Do’s and Don’ts’, the numberone being: ‘Only Hindus are allowed to enter in the Temple’. The Temple’sspokesperson Bhaskar Mishra emphasised that non-ethnic Indians cannot,under any circumstances, enter the Temple, because, here, this definition doesnot cover those who have converted to Hinduism: ‘‘As per our traditions onlyHindus are allowed. . . only born Hindus. If we have a doubt we are calling thepujaris. Hindus are allowed, no restriction. Converted Hindus are not allowed!. . .

like ISKCON people—they are not allowed.’’ This rule is strictly enforced byguards at the entrances to the temple.8

Although the Temple administration sees non-ethnic Indians as polluting, thegods and goddesses in Hinduism cannot be polluted themselves. Instead it is thepure environment of the temple that becomes polluted when someone consideredto be in an impure state enters (Hamilton 72). Therefore, there can be no dangerfor the deity or the temple environment when someone with perceived impurityis worshipping online. This does not break the accepted rule that ‘‘no pollutedperson should approach the gods and goddesses to worship them in their templesor shrines’’ (Fuller 16, emphasis added). This is the key point about the imageof Jagannath (or any other Hindu deity) appearing online. Because it is possiblefor a devotee to receive darshan while posing no danger of causing pollution,the Internet not only creates an entirely new way of taking darshan, but alsocreates an entirely new set of conditions relating to darshan.

A high-ranking ISKCON member whom I interviewed at the JSKCON templein Kolkata in July 2005 also highlighted issues concerning pollution andsuggested that the conditions relating to online darshan are different fromdarshan taken at the physical site. Although he could not speak for ISKCON asa whole, Ashraya Gauranga Das, the general manager of the Kolkata temple (andan ISKCON devotee of ten years’ standing), emphasised that online darshan was agood thing. He recognised that it offered convenience and that, although it wasnot as beneficial as darshan taken at the temple, it still had value. Furthermore, heasserted that, unlike at the temple, there could be no danger to a devotee whoreceived darshan while in an impure state and that such a devotee could evenderive some benefit:

. . . people all over the world can take darshan every day of their deities and thisis good. . . If you appear in front of the deity then the offence is there—counted.In the screen you will not offend but you are taking some benefit. . . Even if theyare not in that pure consciousness, but still they are taking darshan, it is goodfor them. It is like better something than nothing—like that.

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Thus, for Ashraya Gauranga Das, there are no negative points regarding darshanvia the Internet. ISKCON in general advocates the practice of online darshanand offers this facility on a number of its web sites. An example is the web siteof Mayapur, the organisation’s spiritual world headquarters, which containsa ‘Daily Darshan Gallery’ (see mayapur.com). ISKCON’s acceptance andpromotion of online darshan is noteworthy in itself. However, in the light of thesituation at the Jagannath Temple it is especially important. If ISKCON hadreservations regarding online darshan, images of Jagannath on the WWW wouldarguably be of limited significance to its membership, although individualdevotees may still choose to receive darshan via the Internet. However, theorganisation is in clear agreement with the Jagannath Temple administrationthat devotees can receive darshan of Puri’s Jagannath via the Internet, even ifthey cannot attend the Ratha Yatra (or the smaller Snana Yatra or BathingFestival, when Jagannath may also be glimpsed).

However, because online darshan of Jagannath is not as beneficial as darshanreceived from the original murti, it has similarities with the darshan that can behad from a lesser Jagannath, which is available for non-ethnic Indians all yearround. The replica is known as Patitapavana or the ‘Redeemer of the Fallen’.It is situated at the main entrance gateway to the temple complex andwas placed there in the eighteenth century specifically in order to allow‘non-Hindus’ to obtain Jagannath’s darshan (Tripathy 29). Therefore, an onlineimage of Jagannath, which has the advantage of being able to offer darshanwithout necessitating travel to Puri, could be seen as a kind of twenty-firstcentury version of Patitapavana.

Limitations of Online Darshan

I have recognised that, although ethnic Indian Hindus are not excluded from theJagannath Temple, the increased level of access that is available as a result ofonline darshan allows them to benefit from it as well. The same can be said, ofcourse, about darshan of other deities online. Online darshan is certainly moreconvenient than visiting a sacred site. However, there are, of course, otherfactors which determine whether a devotee travels to the physical site andthese are unrelated to views about the efficacy of online darshan. For example,even if a devotee holds the view that online darshan of a deity is as powerful asthat received at the temple, visiting the temple is still likely to be preferable toreceiving online darshan, for a number of reasons. As mentioned at the outset ofthis article, although darshan is a religious practice in its own right, it is also partof the puja ceremony. This ceremony stimulates the entire human sensorium (seee.g. Eck, Darsan 11–12, 49; Brasher 4) and, consequently, the experiencecan be fulfilling for devotees. This provides one reason why attendance at atemple may still be preferable to performing one of the online pujas mentionedin the introduction. This is despite the fact that online pujas offer convenienceand constitute a valid form of worship (see Scheifinger). Similarly, attendanceat a temple puja of which darshan will be a part may be preferable to receivingdarshan online.

The actual physical environment of the temple is also important. Certainfeatures of a traditional temple are designed to aid the devotee in fosteringa devotional attitude suitable for conducting worship (see Preston 48;

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Krishnananda 155; Kanitkar and Cole 19; Yocum 78–80), but despite attempts (seeJacobs 5) to achieve this, this cannot be fully replicated online. Further,pilgrimage to the physical site can provide benefits. The presence andperformance of activities at a place ‘‘endowed with special merits’’ (Vidyarthiet al. 126) is believed to result in various benefits for the pilgrims (Morinis 279–82;Kanitkar and Cole 114). Embarking on a physical pilgrimage can also bebeneficial in other ways. Through communitas (the relationship amongunfamiliar participants of different social status) it could give rise to a‘liminoid’ experience (Turner Ritual; Dramas; Turner and Turner), a transitionalstate which could give pilgrims ‘‘a new depth of understanding of their lives’’(MacWilliams 232).9 Further, visiting the sacred site to receive darshan may simplybe enjoyable. However, the advantages of physically going on a pilgrimage, asopposed to receiving online darshan, are of limited significance, becausepilgrimage is not a daily practice like darshan. It is also interesting to note thatthere are instances in which online darshan may actually be preferable to darshanat a temple. For example, the web site upportal.com proclaims that:

Before you go through the grind of embarking on religious tourism, we bringyou these great shrines just a click away. Tighten the grip on your mouse and beready for a scintillating darshan experience. We just seek a little patience onyour part as the package is loaded. . . But the wait would be much shorter thanthe queues outside these shrines, rest assured.

It is certainly important to appreciate that the belief that online darshan is possibleand that it is convenient are not the only factors which may determine whetherdevotees choose to receive darshan online. However, regardless of other factorsassociated with attendance at the physical site, which highlight the limitationsof the practice, the fact remains that online darshan is not only convenient forHindus with busy lives, but that it can also allow for an act of worship to beperformed that may previously have been difficult or impossible.

Conclusion

This article has demonstrated that, in the case of Puri’s Jagannath Temple, thelocal site remains important, despite Jagannath’s online presence. The particularnature of the deity makes online darshan not as beneficial as darshan at thetraditional site. Therefore, in order to experience full darshan, devotees stillneed to travel to Puri. Further, the actions performed by pujaris at the Templeaffect online darshan. This is because an online image can only be efficacious,if the deity at the temple is given adequate service. Thus, online darshan givesrise to glocalization.

Despite the physical site not declining in importance as a result of onlinedarshan, the practice can have significant implications for devotees of Jagannath,especially non-ethnic Indians. Online darshan allows them to gain access to thedeity at all times, provided they have access to the Internet. This contrasts withthe situation prior to the introduction of this facility, when non-Indian devoteesonly had access when Jagannath left the confines of the Temple during festivaldays. This heightened level of access available to non-ethnic Indians suggests thatthe Internet has the potential to contribute to the universalisation of Hinduism.

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This article has largely focused upon online darshan of Jagannath. However,it was also mentioned that the practice can be beneficial for Hindu devoteesin general, regardless of their ethnicity and preferred deity and despite the factthat attendance at the physical site may be preferable. At this point in time, it isnot possible to say if and in what ways the availability of online darshan willhave a significant effect upon temples. It could result in a decline in attendance.10

This would have an economic impact upon the temples, their religiousprofessionals, and the local area. However, it is also possible that templesoffering online darshan could experience a rise in the number of visitors. Forexample, Steve Woolgar notes that ‘‘when museums go on-line, more personsvisit them in person’’ (qtd. in Maxwell 352). Patrick Maxwell (352) adds that onecan perhaps extrapolate from this a similar effect for religious institutions.Bhaskar Mishra at the Jagannath Temple firmly believes that the online darshanfacility offered on the web site Swagatam Jagannath Dham, Puri will attractmore devotees to Puri. He points out that, although the Ratha Yatra started tobe televised a number of years ago, with a large number of different channelstelecasting it now, the number of pilgrims attending the event has actuallyincreased: ‘‘We are thinking that the people will not come here because theyare sitting in their room and seeing the festival through their TVs. But actuallythere are more people. The amount of devotees are increasing.’’ It is doubtfulwhether the increase in visitors to the Ratha Yatra can be attributed solely to thetelevision coverage, but it suggests that online darshan is unlikely to result infewer devotees visiting the temple in the future. However, there is evidenceelsewhere that some Hindus in India have chosen to worship online ratherthan visit a temple (Indo-Asian News Service).

The suggestion that online darshan can affect attendance at physical sitesstrongly indicates that there are further glocalization processes that areoccurring as a result of online darshan. An increase in the practice of onlinedarshan and a subsequent effect upon temple attendance would clearly be asignificant development within Hinduism. Although there will likely be otherinstances of glocalization, which deserve consideration, for this reason alone,future research into the glocalization processes that are occurring as a resultof online darshan is important.

Acknowledgements

I gratefully acknowledge Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) fundingwhich allowed me to undertake research upon which this article is based. Thanksgo to James Beckford, Steve Bruce, and the anonymous referees of the Journal ofContemporary Religion for reading drafts of this article and making suggestions forimprovement. Thanks also go to my informants in India featured in this article:Bhaskar Mishra (Officer-on-Special Duty, Jagannath Temple, Puri) and AshrayaGauranga Das (General Manager, ISKCON Temple, Kolkata).

Heinz Scheifinger completed his PhD in Sociology (funded by the Economic and SocialResearch Council) at the University of Warwick in 2007. His doctoral thesis examined therelationship between Hinduism and the Internet. He is currently a PostdoctoralFellow at the Asia Research Institute at the National University of Singapore.CORRESPONDENCE: arihs@nus.edu.sg

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NOTES

1. There is no homogenous religion that can be called ‘Hinduism’. The term encompasses adiverse range of practices, beliefs, and groups that can be subsumed under the term ‘Hindu’(see e.g. Jackson; Vertovec 265). This article primarily concerns the devotional tradition centredupon the god Jagannath—one of the widespread traditions in which images of gods andgoddesses are the focus of devotion. These traditions are often collectively referred to as‘Popular Hinduism’ (Fuller).

2. Full web site addresses are listed in the references.3. Online pujas should not be confused with pujas ordered online (see footnote 6).4. Online pujas are considered in detail in Scheifinger. See also Jacobs.5. Darshan of Jagannath is also available on other web sites, for example, jagannathtemplepuri.com.

Although it may appear to be so, jagannathtemplepuri.com is not the official web site of theTemple administration.

6. The processes involved in online puja ordering services can also be understood by recourse toRobertson’s theory. Web sites which offer such services are briefly mentioned by Dawson andCowan (3), Dawson (20), and O’Leary (41) and are considered in more detail by Helland. Via suchweb sites, devotees can pay for a puja to be carried out on their behalf at a temple in India. In thesecases, the physical site remains important, because, although the person who has ordered the pujadoes not attend the temple, the ritual is still performed there. Further, prasad (consecratedofferings) is sometimes sent to the customer and this further emphasises the interpenetration ofthe global and the local. The Jagannath Temple administration does not offer a puja orderingservice on its web site, but it does send prasad to devotees who make donations online. Theprocesses involved in the puja ordering services and in receiving prasad through the postfollowing a donation provide clear examples of glocalization. However, because both serviceshave been available prior to the introduction of the Internet, their significance for the context ofthis article is limited.

7. Online darshan which allows some devotees to perform an act of worship that they could notpreviously undertake has parallels with the online pilgrimages mentioned by ChristopherHelland. Virtual pilgrimages involve simulated sacred journeys via a web site (seeMacWilliams). They ‘‘provide people with an opportunity to see a sacred place that they couldnever visit in real life. For instance, a non-Muslim can travel through virtual reality to experiencethe Hajj.’’ (Helland).

8. Bhaskar Mishra revealed that there have been discussions with interested parties concerningnon-ethnic Indians entering the Temple, but nothing has been resolved as yet. AshrayaGauranga Das, the General Manager of the ISKCON Temple in Kolkata, told me thatJayapataka Swami, a member of the ISKCON Governing Body Commission (GBC), had beengranted entry, but he declined to do so until all ISKCON devotees are allowed entry.According to Mishra, the administration is unable to change the rule, because the policy of notallowing non-ethnic Indians to enter is part of the ‘Sri Jagannath Temple Act 1954’, by which theadministration must abide.

9. Mark MacWilliams believes that a liminoid experience can occur during a virtual pilgrimage.However, since the experience is dependent upon communitas and MacWilliams (236) admits thatthere is something missing in online communitas, this appears unlikely. Nevertheless, because‘‘pilgrimage is as much an act of the mind as an act of the body’’ (MacWilliams 224), I agreethat virtual pilgrimages are theoretically possible.

10. In his discussion of ordering pujas online, Helland (15) similarly mentions that this could resultin fewer people attending temples. He adds that it is too early to tell and that ‘‘the fullimplications of this activity have yet to be determined" (Helland).

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