the impacts of neighborhood design on physical activity ... · guertin, and stuart e. marsh...
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The impacts of neighborhood design on physical activity and wellbeing
Adriana A. Zuniga-Teran, Randy H. Gimblett, Barron J. Orr, Nader V. Chalfoun, David P.
Guertin, and Stuart E. Marsh
Abstract
The way we design neighborhoods may affect the level of physical activity that the residents
have and their wellbeing. In this study, we explored these interactions between four types of
neighborhood designs: traditional development, suburban development, enclosed community,
and cluster housing development. Through a questionnaire, we assessed walkability levels for
each type of neighborhood design and their relationship with physical activity and the physical
mental, and social health of the residents. Findings show that the most walkable neighborhood
design is traditional development and this is where most people walk for both transportation and
recreation. However, this neighborhood design was also correlated with higher levels of
perceived crime and lower levels of mental health. Suburban development showed the highest
levels of mental health, while cluster housing showed the highest levels of social interactions
with neighbors and perceived safety. Enclosed communities did not show any outstanding
wellbeing benefits, including safety. In addition, presence of trees was significantly correlated
with recreational walking, perceived safety, and increased social interactions; while incivilities
(trash, litter, graffiti) was correlated with perceived crime and lower mental health. Results of
this study shed light in some aspects of the built environment that can be used to increase
wellbeing. For example, introducing trees and increasing maintenance in walkable
neighborhoods may result in healthier communities.
Key words: neighborhood design, walkability, physical activity, wellbeing, crime
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Background
It has been well established that the built environment affects lifestyle physical activity and
consequently human health through different levels of walkability (Cooper & Barton, 2015; Ellis
et al., 2015; Zuniga-Teran et al., 2016). Although walkability has been studied in many research
domains (e.g., public health, transportation, land planning), urban design has been largely
ignored. Urban design determines indirectly walkability in the built environment through
ordinances, zoning regulations, street standards, and street layout, for example, that affect
accessibility and connectivity of neighborhoods, the provision of greenspace, the distribution of
trees, the pedestrian and cyclist infrastructure, and the interactions between buildings and public
spaces. Therefore, examining walkability through the lens of urban design at the neighborhood
scale becomes critical to the understanding of the relationships between the built environment
and wellbeing.
It is important to distinguish the motivations for walking that have been found in previous
research studies – walking for recreation and walking for transportation (Giles-Corti, Timperio,
Bull, & Pikora, 2005; Jackson, 2003; Saelens & Handy, 2008). Walking for recreation refers to
walking activities that are meant for leisure, exercise, dog-walking, or simple recreation; while
walking for transportation refers to walking with the purpose of reaching a destination. Each
motivation for walking is influenced by different aspects of the built environment (Hartig,
Mitchell, de Vries, & Frumkin, 2014; Zuniga-Teran et al., 2016). Therefore, different
neighborhood design may affect the motivation for walking differently.
The purpose of this study is to examine the interactions between different types of neighborhood
designs, physical activity, and wellbeing. The neighborhood design types included in this study
are (1) traditional development, (2) suburban development, (3) enclosed community, and (4)
cluster housing.
Traditional development refers to neighborhoods built in the U.S. before World War II, when
most families did not own a car. After 1950, this type of neighborhood design declined with the
mass adoption of cars and the migration of wealthy people to the suburb. In terms of design
features, traditional development includes mostly single-family houses with front porches and
with retail and offices at a walking distance (less than 5 minute walk), and sometimes a small
park. It usually follows a grid-street network with small blocks. When cars were introduced,
traditional development incorporates garages that were placed off the street, sometimes facing
alleys (Montgomery, 2013).
Suburban development began in the 1940s in the U.S. and proliferated in the 1950s, becoming
the neighborhood design norm in the U.S. (Frank, Engelke, & Schmid, 2003) and many other
countries. Suburban development is low density and is composed of single-family houses in
maximized lot-size that include yards and driveways. A suburban development is mostly
residential with a cul-de-sac street network, where traffic is discouraged by few entrances to
arterial streets (Kearney, 2006; Montgomery, 2013).
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Enclosed community refers to neighborhoods that are fenced and/or gated. This type of design
originated in the late 1950s when wealthy homogeneous neighborhoods occupied large tracts of
land (Jacobs, 1961). Since then, enclosed communities became a trend in how cities are growing,
not only in the U.S., but also in other parts of the world (Kenna & Stevenson, 2013). Enclosed
communities are a response to a fear of crime, displayed by their security-oriented approach and
by the exclusion of people outside the gates and the lack of diversity in household income (Le
Goix & Vesselinov, 2013).
Cluster housing groups houses together in order to preserve greenspace. This type of design
emerged as an alternative to the urban sprawl caused by the proliferation of suburban
development. In this type of development, homeowners share the greenspace between clusters of
housing, and is maintained through homeowners associations. In terms of design features, cluster
housing usually involves groups of dwelling units – mostly townhomes – that share facilities
(e.g., swimming pools, community center, tennis courts) in order to preserve greenspace
(Kearney, 2006).
Specific issues
This study explores the effects of neighborhood design on the levels of physical activity in the
residents that live there, and wellbeing. We are interested in understanding how neighborhood
design may affect people’s behavior in terms of walking for recreation and walking for
transportation. In addition, we examine the impacts of neighborhood design on wellbeing, which
is assessed by the combination physical, mental, and social health. Finally, we study the effects
of some elements of the built environment that are not particular to any design type, such trees
and incivilities. By increasing our understanding of the effects of neighborhood design we can
start to build healthier communities.
Methods
In order to collect data on the different features of the neighborhoods, residents’ perceptions, and
their behavior, we designed a questionnaire that was based on previously validated tools (Cerin
et al., 2013; Craig et al., 2003; Saelens, B. E., Saliis, J. F., & Frank, L. D., 2003; Toit, Cerin,
Leslie, & Owen, 2007; Ware Jr, Kosinski, & Keller, 1996), and design elements from the
Leadership for Energy and Environmental Design for Neighborhood Development (LEED-ND)
certification (USGBC, 2014). The questionnaire was administered in Tucson, Arizona between
January and March 2014. Neighborhood design was assessed by using an aerial image of a
prototype for each type of neighborhood design (Figure 1). Traditional development includes a
grid street network with back alleys and services close to homes. Suburban development shows a
cul-de-sac street network and includes single-family houses in big lots. Enclosed communities
have restricted access points through the use of fences and gates. Cluster housing involves
townhomes clustered together with shared facilities and surrounded by greenspace.
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Figure 1. Aerial images of the neighborhood design types included in this study. From left to
right, traditional development, suburban development, enclosed community, and cluster housing.
We measured walkability using the Walkability Model, which categorizes the design elements of
a neighborhood into nine categories: (1) connectivity, (2) density, (3) land-use, (4) traffic safety,
(5) surveillance, (6) experience, (7) parking, (8) greenspace, and (9) community (Zuniga-Teran
et al., 2016). Because there is a high availability of parking in Tucson, we did not include this
category in the questionnaire. Physical activity was measured according to the two motivations
for walking (recreation and transportation) and the questions were based on the International
Physical Activity Questionnaire (Craig et al., 2003). The wellbeing section was divided into
physical mental and social health; with questions from the 12-item short form health survey
(Ware Jr et al., 1996).
The questionnaire was distributed online with the help of ward officials and neighborhood
leaders, who forwarded the invitation email to their listserv of residents. Because most responses
came from residents who reported living I traditional developments, we decided to broaden our
recruitment method to include visits to the Rillito River Park. After examining our sample using
these two recruitment methods, we found that we still had a low sample size for participants
living in enclosed communities and cluster housing. Therefore, we decided to mail surveys
directly to neighborhoods that we identified as enclosed communities and cluster housing. Our
final sample size by neighborhood design is displayed in Figure 2, and the number of responses
in terms of recruitment method is shown in Figure 3.
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Figure 2. Sample size according to neighborhood design.
Figure 3. Count of responses by recruitment method.
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
200
Online Park Mail
Count of responses
Traditional Suburbs Enclosed Cluster
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The data analysis include bivariate correlations for non-categorical variables, where we
considered moderate results when the Pearson correlation coefficient (r) was found larger than
0.30 and significant when the p value was found smaller than 0.05. In order to correct the
potential bias of our recruitment method (people visiting the park were already doing physical
activity), we used a mixed model to test the random effect of the recruitment method variable
(online, park, mail) with the dependent variables (physical activity, wellbeing, perceived crime,
and social interaction). Finally, we used an univariate analysis of variance (one-way ANOVA) to
determine the magnitude of the relationships, where we established as moderate when the R
Squared value was found larger than 0.200. This research was approved by the Institutional
Review Board for research on human subjects.
Findings
Demographics from our sample population show that 46.4% is over 60 years of age, 63.1% are
female, 87.7% are white, and 48.7% have a high-income (Table 1). In terms of neighborhood
design and demographic data, age and income were found significantly correlated. Both the
highest number of young people and the highest number of low-income respondents were found
in traditional development. The other demographic variables (gender, education, and ethnicity)
were not found significantly correlated to neighborhood design.
Table 1. Demographics according to neighborhood design.
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Our mixed model showed that the only neighborhood design that was significantly related to
walkability was traditional development. This design showed the highest mean for the
Walkability Index (all the neighborhood design categories compiled together), and the
confidence intervals do not overlap with the other neighborhood design types (Figure 4). This
means that traditional development is distinctively higher than the other designs in terms of
walkability.
Figure 4. Mean values for the Walkability Index according to the neighborhood designs.
We evaluated walkability using the Walkability Model and its categories for each neighborhood
design. We found that all the walkability categories were significantly correlated to
neighborhood design. However, the mean values for each category varied according to
neighborhood design (Table 1). Traditional development obtained the highest mean for
connectivity, land-use, traffic safety, surveillance, greenspace, and community. This
neighborhood design type also obtained the highest mean for the overall Walkability Index.
Cluster housing obtained the highest mean for density and experience.
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Table 1. Results for the univariate analysis of variance between walkability categories and
neighborhood design.
In addition to obtaining the highest mean values for most walkability categories, traditional
development was also found to have the highest mean values for physical activity and the two
motivations for walking (recreation and transportation), all with significant results (p < 0.05)
(Table 2).
Table 2. Results of a mixed model (p values) and one-way ANOVA (R) between neighborhood
design and physical activity and the two motivations for walking.
We tested whether neighborhood design was correlated with wellbeing, that is the physical,
mental, and social health; and we found significant correlations with wellbeing and mental
health. In both cases, suburban development obtained the highest mean values. We also tested
the relationship between perceived safety from crime and neighborhood design and we found
significant results. In this case, cluster housing obtained the highest mean value for safety while
traditional development obtained the lowest mean value (Table 3).
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Table 3. Results of a mixed model (p values) and one-way ANOVA between neighborhood
design and wellbeing with its three components (physical, mental, social health), and perceived
safety from crime.
Because we found significant correlations between neighborhood design and mental health, we
decided to explore this wellbeing variable further. We found that mental health was significantly
related to perceived crime and the perceived presence of incivilities (trash, litter, graffiti).
Furthermore, the presence of incivilities was found significantly correlated to perceived crime.
This means that neighborhoods that show incivilities are perceived as dangerous and people
show a lower level of mental health.
In this study, we found that active people (who reported higher levels of physical activity) are
healthier. Physical activity was found significantly correlated to physical health (p < 0.001),
social health (p = 0.001), and overall wellbeing (p < 0.001).
Finally, we tested the effects of trees in the neighborhood and we found that this variable was
significantly correlated to physical activity, walking for recreation, social interaction with
neighbors, perceived crime, and social health (Table 4). This means that neighborhood that have
more trees are related to people walking for recreation, to people talking to their neighbors, and
to perceived safety from crime.
Discussion and conclusion
In this study we examined the effects of four types of neighborhood designs on physical activity
and wellbeing. We found that traditional development is the most walkable design type as
assessed by the Walkability Model (Zuniga-Teran et al., 2016). This design type showed the
highest levels of physical activity and the two motivations for walking (recreation and
transportation). However, traditional development also showed the highest levels of perceived
crime and the lowest levels of mental health.
Suburban development was not found to be walkable, but it showed the highest levels of mental
health and wellbeing. We believe that the reason for these high results on wellbeing is a
consequence of large lots that include vegetation. Previous studies have found that contact with
nature is related to better health (Ambrey, 2016; Smiley et al., 2016).
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In this study, we did not find outstanding wellbeing benefits in enclosed communities, not even
perceived safety from crime. This results is contrary to the objective of this type of design where
people exclude themselves from the rest of the city. Because fencing neighborhoods disturbs the
connectivity of the city as a whole, it becomes critical to continue doing research on both the
perception of safety and the actual levels of safety in these communities.
Although cluster housing was not found to be a walkable neighborhood, it still showed some
wellbeing benefits. This type of design showed the highest values for social interaction between
neighbors and it was perceived as the safest from crime. In terms of walkability, cluster housing
showed the highest levels of the experience category. This results is compatible with the
distinctive feature of this design – to preserve greenspace – because the experience category
includes perceptions while walking and contact with nature enhances these percpetions.
A takeaway message from this study is that the presence of nature, particularly trees, may
provide several wellbeing benefits that include walking for recreation, wellbeing, perceived
safety, and increased social interactions between neighbors. These results provide empirical
evidence of the need to include vegetation (trees) throughout neighborhoods in order to increase
physical activity and wellbeing. In addition, our results show that regular maintenance that
remove incivilities may improve mental health and wellbeing. Therefore, regardless of
neighborhood design type, adding trees and maintenance to neighborhoods may result in better
health. We recommend further studies on the effects of these two strategies (increasing trees and
maintenance) in the most walkable design – traditional development. These key enhancement
may result in healthier communities and more livable cities.
Acknowledgement: This study is part of a larger study that was published as a dissertation at the
University of Arizona. This paper is a reduced and simplified version of a research article
published in the International Journal for Environmental Research and Public Health, available
at http://www.mdpi.com/1660-4601/14/1/76
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