THE IMPACT OF THE SIXTIES ON SAN JOAQUIN DELTA COLLEGE

(1960 - 1970)

A Thesis

Presented to

the Faculty of the Department of History

San Joaquin Delta College

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements

of History 10

by

Licia A. Wells

May 1979

TBLE OF COT=S

CHAP= PAGE

1. BCKGROUKD OF TT 7 SIXTIS 1

Student Protest . 1

Civil Violence 2

usic 3

Art . 3

Fashion 3

Political Consciousness Groups 4

The Youth International Party 4

Eartin Luther King jr 5

The Black Panthr Party 6

The Black uslims 7

The Stut7'ents for a Der(loc .-7ttic Society 8

The Weathermen 8

2. T-1'7 DF,LT COLLEB 7.1:FTION7.7NrP 9

The Histo-ry of San Joa-..uin Delta College 10

Factors Preventing the Formation of Student 7rotest

Grouns 11

The ?oliticl Athmosphere 14

The Quiet Cam.r,us 14

3. THOSE 7;7W CTIVI"Jv; 15

The .2,adicalizr3tim of The Colle7,ie.n 16

The aadicali'3ation of the Student Council 18

The SJDC Cha.oter of t'%e SDS 18

1

I

i

The Nexican- American Stv.dent Associatinn 19

Tjovimento Estutliantil Chicano de Aztlan 19

The Bobby Seale Speech 19

The Bail P,ond ReferenThm 20

4. ESCALATIW,.- E1T -2TTS ( 1968-1970) 24'

The SDS Draft Counseling Tent 24

The Brown Power 7)rotest 25

The Ylexican-Americall Protest of the California

Junior College Governmmt Conference 25

The Black Student Association Float Incident . . • 25

The 7-Locton Youth Liason Committee . . • • . • . • • 27

The Activities of the 1),SA 28

The Veterans Association 28

The October 15, 1969 Vietnm War Joratorium . . • 29'

The November 1969 Vietnam War Morator'um 30

The Controversy over "The Student as a 7.',i,s2;er" . . • 31

The Let Us Vote Ca'Ipaign 32

The Campus Unrest Commee 32

The Racism Committee 32

The -r-ent State Tragedy 52

The Stude-it Alliance Corn ittee 33

The lexic7-:.n-kmerican Ethnic Stu'lies Department . . • 53.

5. OVERVIEW 38

317,LI0RA7HY 40

CHAPTER 1

BACKGROUND OF THE SIXTIES

During the decade 1960-1970 the United States underwent

a mass social revolution which undermined social, political,

and economic values. The chief proponents of the movement

were the nation's youth, largely led by intellectual uni-

versity students. Under their tutelage, a large-scale chal-

lenge was directed at society's purpose. Foll-swing the way

of their peers, many college campuses condoned the movement,

San Joaquin Delta College being no exception. In fact,

"Delta College became the focal point in the valley for

change,"1 With this view in mind, San Joaquin Delta College

will be explored in terms of it's receptiveness to the impact

of national events that occurred in one of the most socially

active periods in America's history.

Student protest encompassed a wide range of reforms.

Their reforms demanded civil rights for minorities and women,

encouraged student input into school administration, embraced

environmental concerns for the air and water, and advanced

the search for alternative living styles in reaction to stag-

nant middle class values. The Vietnam War occupied center

stage of student protest and later pervaded the liberal camp

of the "establishment" under the wing of Adlai Stevenson,

lInterview with Richard I. Ricks, Stockton, California, April 17, 1979.

2

Eugene ;cCarthy, and George McGovern, Nationwide moratoriums

and campus protests on the was attest to the extent and influ-

ence of their protest.

Attempts to transform the status quo resulted in wide-

spread violence which erupted on such diverse school campuses

as Berkeley, Columbia, Wisconsin, and Kent State and in the

ghettos of Watts, Chicago, Cleveland, Brooklyn, and Baltimore.

Violence resulted in the deaths of student protesters and

blacks and in charges of police brutality, It also heightened

mistrust of government. In the climate of social unrest,

many radical underground leftist groups organized during

the Sixties and became a potent force for political

ad_tation, This agitation was largely carried out by such

groups as the Students for A Democratic Society, the

Weathermen, and the Black Panthers and often advocated the

use of violence.

Social consciousness paralleled political conciousness,

both questioning accepted standards. Basically, the Puritan

ethic, material success, and competition came under attack in

contrast to the alternative living styles which advocated a

communal society of brotherly love.2 "Hippie" communes, the

Haight Ashbury district, cohabitation, flower children, and

drugs became the way of life for a generation of seekers.

Oriental religion enjoyed a surgence of followers as many

2Editors of Time-Life Books, This Fabulous Century 1960- 1970, 3 (New Yorkaime-Life Books, 1970), p. 59,

3

young people attempted to find their uptopia through the rigor

of faith in Zen Buddhism, Hare Keishna sect, through meditation,

or by becoming intensely involved in Christianity, particularly

the concepts of Jesus.

Youth attempted to brand themselves with symbols of their

own identity- long hair, ragged jeans, beads, body paint, and

the mini-skirt which was legitimized by iary uant in London

fashion circles and popularized by "illod" model Twiggy,-'

The decade was also a search for exploratory expression

in art and music. The Sixties began with Dick Clark's American

Bandstand and was followed by Fo)kmusic, the Beatles, the

rrotest songs of Bob Dylan, and later by such musical groups

as the Jefferson Airplane, the Doors, Buffalo Springfield,

i-'lamas and Papas, Canned Heat, the Byrds, and Quicksilver

essenger Service whose music was inspired by the political

and social climate. Social and political conditions were.

themes utilized in much of the music, as does the following

excerpt:

'One generation got old one generation got sold this generation got' no destination to hold pick up your pride Now its time for you and me to start a revolution got to Revolution come on marching down to the sea.,. We are voluteers of America, volupteers of America, volunteers of America...'

3ibid p, 105.

4 RCA Records, Volunteers, The Worst of Jefferson Airplane,

The Jefferson Airplane.

L .

7:1'-77usic began with hootenannies in small cafes and gained

a wider audience as folk artists Peter, Paul, and nary, Bob

Dylan, Jcan 3aez, Arlo Guthrie, and Judy Colins recorded.

In 'F.6= -beatlemania", struck the United States as millions

of listeners strove to imitate the Beatles' music, hair and

clothing styles, The period was marked by such artists of

outstanding originality and tragedy as Jim Ti.orrison, Janis

jonlin, and Jimi Hendrix whose early deaths reflected the

hyperactivity of the period.5

In art as in fashion, color and the unusual were the mode

and was termed "Pop art" by those who felt they knew better,

"Psychedelic" designs found themselves on nosters, buttons,

and 7clkswagon vans. The chief artists of "Pop art" were

Peter _ax and Andy Warhol.

The discrepancy between political promises and the absence

of social advance led to the formation of various political

consciousness groups, each demanding recognition of their

legitimate rights, Among the political spectrum were Tom

Hayden, Abbie Hoffman, and Jerry Rubin who were members of

the Chicago Eight, They were charged in September 1968 and

- later convicted of conspiracy to violently disrupt the 1969

Democratic National Convention.-6 The notority of this trial

stems from the political biases that it encountered, Abbie

Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, who popularized the phrase "Kill your

5Lecture of Western Civilization 4,b, instructor Delmar

Jason Epstein, The (Meat Conspiracy Trail, (New Yerkt Random House, 1970), p.--77

narentc,", founded the controversial Youth International 7;-..rty

or the "Yippie" party in 1967, 7 Tom Hayden was instrumental

in formulation of the Port Huron Statement, the rolitical con-

stitution of the Students for a Democratic Society.

blacks were no longer content to weather social,

political and economic subordination, The process of black

activism resulted in a cohesive black consciousness.

notable among the black leaders was oiartin Luther King Jr.,

a Baptist clergyman and a civil rights leader, whose policy

of Passive resistance brought him national prominence and a

Nobel Peace Prize in 1964. His assassination in 196r.:),, caused

national outrage and the void of his leadership allowed rad-

ical leaders to gain influence. Other black activists included

alcom X, one of the first to imbue blaci.:s with a seise of

nride, Stokely Carmichael, 'one time Chairman of the Student

Nonviolent Coordinating Committee", who coined the phrase

"black power", LeRoi Jones, a playwright whose work in voter-

registration met with success in Newark, Eldridge Cleaver,

author of "Soul on Ice", written while serving a prison sentence

in Folsom State Prison, and Angela Davis, an avowed Communist

Who first gained notority when she accepted a UCI. offer of

7Lynda Rosen Obst, (ed,) The Sixties; The Decade Remembered Nov.', 13v The People Who Lived in it Then, (New York: „Rolling Stone, Random House, 1977), p. 171

P -Ibid. p. 70.

Assistant Professorship of Philosophy, 9 There was mass public

disapproval of her link to the Black Panthers and her support

of extremist positions. On October 10, 1970 she was indicted

on charges of murder, kidnapping, and conspiracy and was

later acquitted on all three counts.1° •lajor radical organizations such as the Black Panthers,

Students for a Democratic Society, and the Weathermen were

also formed in the 1960-1970 period, The Black Panthers was

a black militant party founded in 1966 in Oakland, California

by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale. The Black Panthers orig-

inally believed that violent revolution was the way to achieve

black liberation. In 1972, a split occurred in the Black

Panthers when 'Newton and Seale announced their rejection of

11 violent methods.

The Slack 1,:uslims led by Elijah ivluhammed was a religious

sect which prescribed strict moral conduct for the black man

in an effort to elevate him to a loftier, spiritual, social,

and intellectual level in the eyes of white America.

The Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), the major

student organization of the Sixties, had multiple interests

9Editors of Time-Life Books, This Fabulous Century 1960.--1970, Vol, III (New York; Time-Life Books, 1970), D. 154-157.

Reginald Iajor, justice in the Round: The Trial of ftr,P:ela Davis. (New York: 'Third Press, 1973), P. 1 7.

11.1uey Newton, The New Columbia Encyclopedia, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), p. 377.

which enabled it to become involved in various activist move-

ments, it had a "loose" anti-capitalist ideology and stressed

a campus orientation. It accepted students as legimate parti-

cipants in social change in America,

The Weathermen were a faction of the SDS which was devoted

to urban guerilla warfare and violent confrontation with the

"system", The Weathermen were concerned with ending the

Vietnam War and causing major social change. The Weathermen

took their name from the words of a song, "you don't need a

weatherman to know which way the wind blows. “12

in spite of the turmoil of the Sixties, the vitality

of the Sixties was noble because of its attempts at movement

of comprehensive change. The spirit of awareness captured

the entire American audience. The German word, "Zeitgeist",

or "spirit of the times" was used by Lynda Rosen Cbst in her

introduction to "The Sixties" to express an all-encompassing

era when society is pervaded and directed by the electricity

of change, The Sixties was such an era.

12 Philio G, Altbach, Student Politics In ZiTieric.,at A

historical Analysis. ( New York; ;,c("raw-P:ii7 took Company, 1974), p, 222,

CHFTER 2

THE DELTA COLLEGE 71•VTFION.:,7 m

A typical community college during the sixties was San

Joaquin Delta College, The College was first established in

1935 under the management of the Stockton Unified School

District and was known as the Stockton Junior College, The

College operated under the laws of the Stockton 'Jnified

School District and the State of California and was financed

through public monies. It has remained a tuition-free instit-

ution until the present day. Until 1947, all classroom space

had been leased from the College of the Pacific, That year

the Stockton Board of Education acquired a Vi-acre site.

Construction began on-a new campus near the College of the

Pacific, and the name was changed to Stockton College,13

In part, due to a concern for future growth and educational

requirements, Stockton College ultimitely expandeci its educat-

ional orientation and established a community college service-

able to all areas of San Joaquin County and beyond. On June

30, 1963 Stockton College became San Joaquin Delta College

and began operating as the San Joaquin Delta College Distrot,

Today, Delta College serves Stockton and Lincoln school dis-

tricts, and the cities Lodi, Escalon, Ir.anteca, Tracy, and

I3San Joaquin Delta College Faculty Handbook.

Salt, Later annexation has, included Grant, Holt, isleton,

11U, Cp Venice, 7.ie Vista, and San Andreas, L4 •,1.

San Joaquin Delta College until 1976 leased campus

facilities from the Stockton Unified School District, The

drive for a permanent campus failed with a 1966 bend issue

but plans for a new campus received a support of 78g in a

1969 bond election of $19,850,000, The new campus was built

on the 165-acre site of the former headquarters area of the

California State Hospital Farm in Stockton, The partially

constructed new campus opened during the 1973 Sumner Session

and the building of the campus continued until 1 ,77. 15

Due to the magnitude of the sixties, it's imnact,

however small, penetrated into the smaller communities that

were not direct participants in the major manifestations of

the period's turbulence, The organization, the multiplicity

of communities serviceable to the college, and the environment,

Prevented a cohesive student body, which in turn,

motivated student activist groups, The Zeitgeist

Sixties, however, permeated the college although

ism did not.

From 1960-1966, the students

inhibited

of the

the radical-

of San Joaquin Delta College

were relatively unconcerned with events on a national scale

and were instead, more or less preoccuppied with scholastic

events and student extracurricular activities. However, even

7,

10

events of this sort did not occupy the primary attention of

Delta College students in general. Attendence at school

plays, school elections, and homcoming parades failed to

elicit a substantial student support and because of this, the

homcoming parade was later discontinued.16 School events

attracted so little attention that they caused a Collegian

article to comment, "Student support at Stockton College is

very lax these days. Not only lax in supporting the team

but also lax in voting for class officers. "1?

• Charges of apathy were made by students themselves,

While Delta apathy was chastised, the bombasters often gave

reasons why a prevailing apathy existed, reasons that success-

fully discouraged any significant protest. Basically

the main reason cited was that the college was "just a pass-

ing scene", a transitory base, until students transferred to

a four-year institution,15 The fact that Delta College con-

tained no student residencies also prevented a feeling of

solidarity among students. The Delta campus, in turn, was

occuppied by many older students whose philosophies were

fundamentally different from those of younger students. This

16Interv1ew with Dr, Edward Raleigh, April 17, 1979, ; homecoming parades on college and high school campuses were discontinued during the later sixties because of student unrest,

17The Collegian, November 2, 1962, ,c Raleigh, loc.. cit;

inhibited a cohesive ideology for a student 1,ovemc,,,t,l';

college was also situated in a basically "agricultural" region

and was near enough to the Area for those interested

students to narticinate in the events srark1nF national

controversy, 20

In The Colie.cian, journalism student Pam Curlee explained

Delts 'S relunctance to join in nrotest activities such as

those occurring at the University of California in 3erkeley,

The wrote that there is n0 need to fear that "Delta is 'headed

for the same unruly state that U,C, :Lierkeley has found itself

in," Two year colle7es "do not become involved enough to

form an interested, active body with a substantial opinion

that they remember over two weeks," She continued that non-

residence schools are not conducive to student 1-,ovements,

Furthermore, Stockton was not a large metropolis and lacked

"individuals who have nothing better to do than cause trouble"

as "on 0,C, campuses" and noted that Delta students are "too n,

muchA'Itelligent to listen to agitators,

The environment of the community colle7e was not the only

D7.ctor in disuading the disturbances that were happening else-

Stockton was not a metropolis and because there is

tenden3y for the larger nopulation centers to be more liberal

1b1d.

23Ibid. 21pam Curlee , "The Better Half", The Collegian,

November 1903, P. 8.

r.osmopolitan in their outlook, it is conceivable

Stockton, in comarison, was not a receptive environment to

raiCal thoug,ht. Viewing Delta College in the context of its

.r.rep.tr surroundings, the campus can be seen as a reflexion

0-r the community itself. Gan Joaquin Delta College is cur-.

round ?d by an agriculturally oriented community that has

foctered a conservative philosophy in keeping with its

irterests. This is illustrated by the following Collegian

article which describes the attitude of Stockton and .environs.

We can only say in the first reaction to the Negro unrest in Stockton :onday afternoon, that we asked for it. Stockton is not a cosmopolitan city. It is a San Joaquin valley town with its roots strongly F-et in agriculture, and we have the uneasy feeling that it is simply not equipped to handle its long-simmering racial problems.

Stockton has far too long held the attitude that it can't happen here. .Well it has„.. 22

A survey on SJDC marijuana was conducted in 176F; during

the he i ght of Delta's responsiveness to outside events. The

su-!-ve was carried out by the Psychology Department under psy-

C-Loloy instructor F.ichard ,;:aslow and showed that one-fifth

ef 2.E:lta students had smoked marijuana and that "most

Y;o.dents are not sufficiently induced to even try marijuana

ancl of those who do, most of them are not prone to continue

it. The poll indicated a campus relatively free of dis-.

ru-otive drug use, This was not reflective of other campuses

12 J- U

nL 1968,

...py 10,

13

afflicted by serious drug problems.24

Commenting in 1967 on the political atmosphere of Delta

in comparison with the Bay Area was Connie Fanos, a former

Collegian staff member who later attended San Francisco State.

The political atmosphere here is a completely dif-ferent one, where the Students for a Democratic Society and the Young Socialists are taken quite seriously and indeed, seem to dominate the campus scene.. 25

From earlier Collegian articles written in regards to the

Free Speech Movement at U.C. Berkeley, the political attitude

had not changed.

The evil beast is raising its head here at Delta campus in the form of petitions which are intended to change administrative attitudes toward student publications.

Before the rational students at Delta College allow this disease to infiltrate student life, let's examine our motives and be absolutely certain we have a reason to protest.26

Indicative of both the early and later Sixties were those

critical of apathy and those who beseeched change. Typically,

they were journalists or students who were interested enough

24A youth culture as here orientated toward drugs and infused with ideals of peace and brotherly love as that of the Haight Ashbury District in San Francisco, was absent from the area. The mild drug abuse and typical dress of the period was copied by Delta students but did not reflect their life style. Commenting on this idea was Glen Kennedy, who noted, "As I recall they were the dirtest and slouchiest looking bunch of kids I had ever seen, trying to be hippie but didn't know how."; Letter to Delmar McComb, March 30, 1979.

25The Collegian, October 13, 1967.

26Ibid., December 11, 1964.

14

to write letters to The Collegian. This suggests .a relatively

small percentage of the student body. That is not to say

Delta college students were oblivious to national events, es-

pecially during the later Sixties, but national problems did

not preoccupy their interest and motivate a desire to imple-

ment reforms. In light of the momentous activity happening

on other campuses, SJDC was a quiet campus. Supportive of

this idea, is one teacher's recollection of that period.

"My classes were calm. Most of our students went home"27

27Raleigh, loc. cit.

CHAPTER 3

THOSE FEW ACTIVISTS

During the early Sixties while interest in national

events was low, there was campus mention of Francis Gary

Powers, violence in the South, the injustice of racial pre-

judice, the Bay of Pigs fiasco, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and

the promise of Kennedy, "the dynamic young man."28 Such

topics were not typical however, and it appears that the

isolation of Delta students frustrated a small percentage

of students. A prime example is an excerpt which gives one

journalist's disenchantment while polling SJDC students for

the "Let's Question" column:

It is becoming increasingly difficult for me to believe that I am attending an institution of higher learning. My job on the Collegian staff includes interviewing three students a week to get opinions and viewpoints on subjects of general interest, and this week I was able to get exactly two intelligent answers to my question concern-ing the Peace Corps (see front page). I attempted to interview at least a dozen people on the sub-ject...most knew next to nothing about its func-tions, and also every one of these acted like a giggling sixth grader.29

By the mid-Sixties the tone of The Collegian began to

change from a campus orientated to a national issues student

newspaper monopolized by such national events as the Vietnam

war, racial prejudice, and campus riots. It also began urging

28The Collegian, October 26, 1960.

29I5id., April 17, 1961.

16

student involvement in political affairs. A minority of

politically aware students chafted at the conservatism of

The Collegian and helped to pass control of the paper to

more liberal journalists. For example, in a letter to the

editor on November 3, 1967, Dick Elizondo, who later became

editor of The Collegian, complained of this conservatism and

chided it as being "a lost, insecure youngster" and added

"In youngester's minds are thoughts of war in Vietnam; newly

elected Governors that proclaim they are anti-intellectual,

misanthropic slobs, in each an every speech designed to lead

to the Presidency...Will the Collegian prepare us for that

so-called burden by letting us tell the world how we think

and feel? Or do you think it will offend Santa Claus."30 In

another letter to the editor on November 17, 1967 a student

criticized The Collegian. He sarcastically began by stating,

"while happily skimming through your November 10 edition of

your All-American, Grade A, Triple-Strength newspaper. "32

In still another letter to the editor, a writer complained,

"Read your editorial on the underground newspapers and found

it disgustingly conservative (as expected)... The very fact

that there are people on this campus who have the guts to air

their gripes is remarkable when considering the apathethic

conservatism prevailing at Delta."33 While managing editor

32Ibid., November 10, 1967.

33Ibid., September 29, 1967.

17

of The Collegian in 1968, Doug Curlee came under attack for

his scathing editorial on the SJDC chapter of the Students

of a Democratic Society. Curlee appeared as an ultra-conser-

vative representative of The Collegian in comparison to the

liberal theme of the "marketplace of ideas" advocated by

then Superintendent-President, Dr. Julio Bortolazzo. Many

students wrote attacking Curlee for the following excerpt

of his editorial.

While we agree wholeheartedly with Dr. Bortolazzo's vision of a college as a "marketplace of ideas", we are unalterably opposed to the idea of an SDS chap-ter on this campus. The reason-simple. We do not feel that SDS advocates any worthwhile ideas or philosophy.34

By 1969, the Collegian had passed into more radical

orientation in politics and did not embrace the majority

political attitude of Delta students. Many of the Collegian

staff of the later Sixties were members of the SDS and their

political ideology appears to have altered their journal-

istic objectivity.35 Editor, Dick Elizondo who helped to

usher The Collegian in a new direction, realized the dis-

parity of thinking between the journalism staff and the

34M - in., September 27, 1968; Under Sunerintendent- President Dr. Julio Bortolazzo, The Collegian was encouraged in the new direction it was taking. Managing Editor, Dick Elizondo writes "The day that Doctor Bortolazzo arrived there to assume his duties as President, we of the Collegian staff were somewhat excited--we expected a man who would let us Print a student newspaper worth writing! At last, we could be free to print a real newspaper with real news in it!; Editorial in The Collegian, March 21, 1969.

35Interview with Richard I. Ricks, April 21, 1979.

18

student body. Elizondo wrote, "The Collegian has become an

instrument of the radical left", and vowed to include "all

views of the political spectrum in upcoming issues." "Journ-

alistically", he. wrote, "we are leaning too much to the left,

without any mention of the far right or moderate political

belief--this must be corrected."36

Corresponding to the "liberalization" of the Collegian

was a similiar radical absorption of the Student Council by

SDS members and other activists.37 The Student Council was

so effective in manipulating opposition and using the apathy

of the SJDC campus that it successfully eradicated opposition.

This was done by instituting a coalition among the SDS,

Black Students Association, and the Chicano students.38

During elections, the SDS, BSA, and the Chicanos put forward

a slate naming the conservative opponents running for Student

Council. Delta students were so apathetic that they voted

for the SDS faction, believing that they were voting for the

more conservative element of the student body.39

The SJDC chapter of the SDS was comprised of a membership

of about thirty students. It was led by Dennis Parker, an

36Editorial in The Collegian, May 2, 1969.

37Interview with John A. Walker, May 1, 1979.

38Ibid.

391bid.; The more conservative faction on campus was com-posed of police science and agricultural students.

"Interview with both Dr. Edward Raleigh (April 17,1979) and John Walker (May 1, 1979).

19

over-thirty, ex-marine, who had attended U.C. Berkeley and

Sacramento State.41 According to one instructor, Parker was

"a master at manipulating" .42 He seemingly used the Delta

campus as a playground for his political strategies. The

second lieutenant of the SDS was Glen Christmas, known as the

"mad bomber", because of his advocacy of violent problem sol-

ving. In spite of this, "he was very well informed" as were

all the SDS students.43 This was in contrast to the majority

of Delta students. "The.most intelligent and supported" act-

ivist was Pat Haynie, an ex-marine who was endorsed by the

ESA, the Chicanos, and the SDS. In many respects, he was

"more radical that Dennis Parker. "44 Haynie was able to

unite the tripartite coalition and smooth over differences.

Remarks one instructor, "the members of the SDS were naive,

innocent kids who followed leaders who were capable of organ-

izing and inspiring their following."45 Their ability at in-

spiring is illustrated when a campus demonstration erupted

in the Delta cafeteria under the provocation of Parker, Haynie,

and a black student activist Lee Bryant. The triple leader-

ship was in effect espousing a movement to close Delta down.46

4 -Interview with Dr. Edward Raleigh, April 17, 1979.

42Interview with John Walker, May 1, 1979.

43Tbid.

44Ibid.

45Ibid,

46 Ibid.

20

These three showed themselves to be capable of captivating

the attention of a substantial number of the student body.

Other campus activists were the leaders of the Black Student

Union, (BSU) a group founded in 1968, and led by Glasgow and

Lee Chilton. The Chicano students formed the Mexican American

Student Association, (MASA) and later the Movimento Estudiantil

Chicano de Aztlan (MECHA) organizations to promote Chicano.

interests on the campus. It was largely through their agit-

ation that an Ethnic Studies Department was formed at Delta.47

The Delta Democrats was also formed about this time (in 1967);

however, they were not a radical group and mainly conducted

community services and invited various Democratic politicans

to speak.48

It was under the auspices of the Student Council that

Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panthers Party, was

invited to speak on campus. His fee was $500.49 The Bobby

Seale speech, filled with obscenties, caused a current of

shock waves to generate weeks after his departure. Due to

his abusive language and the subsequent reaction on campus,

the district speaker policy still effective today, was set

47Interview with Roberto Vallejo Pantoja, April 29, 1979.

48One important community services conducted by the Delta College Democratic Club was the Big Brother-Sister Pro-gram which involved work with young children.

49The Collegian, November 15, 1968.

21

for all future speakers to conform to an accepted standard of

language. Violation of the policy was a serious infraction

which could result in loss of payment to the speaker. Pro-

fane language was not the only controversy caused by Seale's .

speech. Due to the infamy of the speaker, the community was

"alienated" and it was feared that the bond issue under con-

sideration at that time, would fail. Under Bortolazzo, a

promotion of public good will began with the cooperation of

Delta students and Delta public relations man, Phil Esler.

The combined forces met with success. One of the public

relations promotions was a poster depicting a Delta student

along with a caption which in effect said, Delta students

do not bomb their camPus.5°

The bail bond referendum was another controversial

issue which caused students to question the amount of control

students held over the Student Association Fund. The con-

troversy began on April 9,1969, during a noon rally to raise

bail bond money. It was suggested that money from Student

Associations funds be used for a student bail bond fund.

Later that afternoon a special meeting of the Student

Association Council approved by 5-0-2 vote a $8,000 fund.

50Interview with John Walker, May 1, 1979.; The trustees of the Lodi school were so disturbed by the Seale speech that they voted to set the date for the Lodi bond issue a few days before that of Delta's. This was intended to "Kill Delta's chance to move it's own campus." However, the Lodi bond issue was defeated on November 4.; The Collegian, November 14, 1968.

22

The bail bond fund was to be available to any Delta College

student who needed the ban bond money. This allowed the

student to continue his classes without interuption until

the time his case came to trial, At another meeting on

April 10, it was decided that the Coke stand at the Fun Fest

be utilized by the BSA for the bail bond fund. Another special

council meeting was held the following day to reconsider the

establishment of the fund and it was abolished by an 8-4-0

vote, This caused crieS of indignation by many students who

felt that the Student Council had conducted secret meetings.51

On April 17, the Council Parliamentarian found the recon-

sideration of the bail bond fund illegal since only a council

member who has originally supported an issue can move for

reconsideration. At an April 18 meeting of the Council, the

bail bond issue was discussed as to the recent information

received from the Business Manager, Mr, DiRicco, who found the

fund to be such an. "unsual expenditure" that its legal status

was "clouded4 " Approval of the fund would therefore be delayed.

The Council then froze all Student Association funds "until

more ii-formation could be gathered on the limitations to be

applied to council-authorized expenditures," It was decided

that the bail bond fund was an administrative matter at a

April 22 student council meeting since, according to the

From a statement issued by President and Superintendent Dr, Julio Bortolazzo to all members of the San Joaquin Delta

Cellege Community, including a statement by the President-Superintendent and a Chronology of Student Concern over .2.stab-

;ishment of a Bail Bond Fund, April 24, 1969,

23

County Counsel, no precedents on a student bail bond fund

existed in the law. The County Counsel advised that a

student referendum be held in the advent of a court case

where strong support would be needed to win approval. The

Student Council decided instead to seek Dr. Bortolazzo's ap-

proval. The Student Council adjourned and later the outer

office of Dr. Bortolazzo was occuppied by thirty students.

Although the Stockton Police Riot Squad was ready to come

on campus, the matter was settled peacefully five hours

later.52 Dr. Bortolazzo then issued a statement whose in-

tention remains controversial, and reads:

I, Julio Bortolazzo, as Superintendent of San Joaquin Delta Junior College District, hereby agree that the student bail bond fund of $10,000 as approved by the Associated Student Council, be implemented immediately with the further understanding that this bail bond fund may be rescinded if not approved by the student body at a free election at a date to be determined by the Student Council as soon as practical.

Further, I agree to negociate with the, Student Council, the larger Associated Student finance problems as related to the Cafeteria, Book Stall, Lounge and other sources of student funds.

I further agree to negociate with the Student Council concerning traditional expenditures which have been assumed as budgeted items.5.3

The ColleFian summarized the sentiments of managing

editor, Dick Elizondo. "It was business as usual for all

Delta student operated facilities-it was loud and clear that

our student council did not have any power at all. All this

5Interview with John Walker, May 1, 1979.

53Statement issued from the Superintendent-President Dr, Bortolazzo, loc. cit.

24

talk about the democratic process was nothing but rhetoric

to keep the students in line,"54

However, in "the largest turn out of Delta students to

vote since Delta and formerly Stockton College came into

existence", the student referendum was voted down by a 4-1

margin with 1,610 students voting against while 421 students

voted for the baid bond. Ironically, in a following student

election only twenty-two percent of the students voted-55

54Editorial in The Collegian, April 25, 1969,

55Phe Collegian, May 2, 1969.

CHAPTER 4

ESCALATING EVENTS 1968-1970

Events from 1968 to 1970 escalated as the SDS and min-

ority groups increased their activity. One incident invol-

ved a confrontation between opposing students regarding the

draft counseling tent set up by SDS members, The conflict

arose when curiosity seekers gathered around the tent. One

student was pushed into it, encouraging anti-SDS agricultural

students to continue the process. The event not only exem-

plifies the hostility of some Delta College students toward

the formation of the SDS but also illustrates the multi-

plicity of factions on campus and the friction between them.

Students at Delta were divided into conservative, mod-

erate-activist groups as well as along the lines of ethnic

background, discipline areas, and associations based on

ties to community high schools. Segregation induced by the

students themselves inhibited a mixing among the population

and contributed to the loss of solidarity,56

By 1968, minority organizations designed to promote

ethnic awareness and minority rights, were active and well-

organized. The same year a "brown-power protest" was

staged by concerned Chicanos who picketed, at the front of

the Kensington Way campus, the dismissal of a Mexican-American

56Interview with John Walker, May 10 1979.

26

from a work-study job.57 The protest rally was successfully

utilized again in 1969, when Mexican-American students voiced

their disapproval of the absence of minority representation

at the California Junior College Government Association

Area 8 Conference. The conflict began when a picture of the

conference hostesses illustrated the lack of minority part-

icipation. Due to the absence of Mexican-American involve-

ment in the conference, the spokesman for the Mexican-American

club, Ponce Ruiz, resigned his post on the Student Court. He

urged minorities to select their own student body president

and cabinet. The magnitude of minority protest caused several

resolutions favoring ethic priorities to pass at the confer-

ence. It also allowed for the appointment of nine minority

representatives for the remainder of the conference.58

Mexican-American students, one of the most active groups

on campus, extended minority support on campus by hosting

conferences for visiting organizations and by taking

active part in more traditional campus activities,

The most explosive situation causing racial tension

Occurred when an offensive BSA float was ordered removed

from the 1969 Homecoming Parade by the Stockton Police.

The float depicted scenes showing the police characterized

as pigs assaulting blacks. In addition, some members of the

5r7The Collegian, October 18, 1968.

cn March 28, 1969.

27 BSA float were armed with five unloaded rifles and one unloaded

pistol. Police reserves, whose function was to patrol the

parade, "threatened to leave" if the float was not removed.59

Police Chief, Jack O'Keefe maintained that "the authority for

removal of the float was contained in Chapter 10-012.5 of

the Stockton Municipal Code, which states in part, 'The Chief

of Police must be guided solely by consideration of public

peace... “60A Collegian article pointed out the injustice

of the act when a Prarie Schooner float was allowed to dis-

play a shotgun "to protect whites against Indian attack".

This was equally offensive to Indian minorities. 6i

Strained relations led to many BSA students flocking

to a City Council meeting. The City Council members supported

the actions of the police. A rally had previously taken

place at the College to protest the BSA float incident.

Superintendent-President Blanchard spoke at the rally and

"asked for definite guidelines so that future incidents of'

this nature would not occur. 62 Conflicts arising from the

BSA float incident resulted in the formation of the Stockton

Youth Liason Committee to improve communications between

59Ibid., October 31, 1969.

"Ibid.

61Ibid.

62Ib1d., November 7, 1969.; President-Superintendent Joseph Blanchard began his office as of July 1, 1969 and ended it in July 1, 1976. Dr. Julio Bortolazzo served as Superintendent-President from July 1, 1968 to July 1, 1969.

28

city government and students. A few members of the City

Council first met the proposal with suspicions that it was

a "plot to overthrow the established city governmenl,."63

The committee, which became fairly active, was composed of

five Delta students selected by the Student Council and

high school delegates elected by their student body. The

committee was formed with the idea that it would represent

all "ethnic, econoMio, political and social backgrounds" in

order to prevent misunderstandings such as the BSA float.64

Other beneficial effects resulting from the BSA float was

the attempt of the agricultural students to sympathize with

the BSA. The agricultural students hosted a barbeque and

invited all BSA. members to attend and discuss the BSA float

incident. Through discussion', they formed a "semi-coalition .

mutal bond to aid and give comfort to each other."65

The BSA, like its Mexican-American couterpart, attempted

to solve the minority problem through a holistic approach.

The BSA was concerned with community service and helped to

co-sponser a Black Student Union Conference with the University

of the Pacific's BSU. The conference hosted about 250 students

from Northern California and included speeches and workshops

which dealt with all aspects of the black dilemna.66 When

63The Collegian, January 30, 1970.

64Ibid.

65Ibid„ October 30, 1969.

March 21, 1969.

29

racial conflicts flared at Franklin High L_hool, Delta's BSA

lent support to the BSU of Franklin in order to implement

solutions to the racial problem.67

The Vietnam issue on Delta's campus was met by a variety

of organizations to deal mainly with the student as a possible

draftee and to help former servicemen deal with civilian life.

The Veteran's Association was formed on the Delta campus in

1968 in order to help the more than 600 veterans attending

Delta. The Veteraris Association was founded by former Student

Association President Pat Haynie and was composed of less than

thirty veterans.68 Pat Haynie later led a group of veteran

unaffiliated with the Veterans Association in a protest on

;arch 10 and 11,1970 against recruitment on campus by the

illarine Corps Officer Training Program. The group of veterans

passed out literature examining the "negative aspects of

military life" and also position sheet listing their objectives.

Additional support for students confronted by the possibility

of draft was promised by the President-Superintendent to help

students keep their deferment until at least the end of

school semester." Other support was given by the ill-fated

SDS draft-counsuling tent, informative articles in The

67Ibid., March 7 1970.

March 20, 1970.

69Ibid., March 13, 1970.

70Help was promised by President-Superintendent Dr. Julio Eortolazzo.; The OolleEian, November 1, 1968.

30

Collegian, two war moratoriums organized on campus, and by the

following "We Won't Go Statement" printed in The Collegian in

anticination of the Anti-Draft Week (March 16-22;1970)1

We, the undersigned, are college students who are eligible for the draft, Believing that the United States is waging an unjust war in Vietnam, we can-not in good conscience cooperate in anyway with the military. We therefore declare our determination to refuse induction as long as the United States is fighting in Vietnam.71

The first war moratorium at SJDC occurred on October 15,

1969, one among the other 500 projected campuses across. the

nation that would take part in the one day moratorium:72

The program was organized by the Student Council Committee

in order to inform students of the Vietnam issue, The mor-

atorium was designed to be a three part program. The first

part entailed two movies, one pro-Vietnam, the other con,

The second section featured a debate composed of four

speakers and one moderator. The topic was "Resolve: that

Congress should prohibit unilateral military intervention

in foreign affairs."74 The last part of the program invited

representatives from different political clubs and the VeteraA

.Association to give their views on Vietnam, The moratorium

met with several criticisms, one being cited by journalist,

Ron Ezell. He maintained class attendence was confused by

71The Collegian, March 13, 1970.

72Ib1d„ October 10, 1969.

73Ibid.

74Ib;d,

31

leaving it up to the prerogative of the teacher. The topic

of the moratorium was also criticized, deeming a debate

centered on Nixon's policy to be more pertinent.75 Despite

the criticism , the Vietnam War Discussion Assembly lasted

for two hours before a "packed house" in the Speech Arts

Auditorium. 76

The second war moratorium (November 1969) was a three

day affair which included speeches, a march through Stockton,

and a concluding rally. The moratorium began with a speakers

forum staged in front of the Speech Arts Auditorium. The

speakers incluced political science instructor and Delta

Faculty Senate Chairman, John Walker, Reverend H. D. Skiller,

J.C.C., Vice Chancelor of the Diocese of Stockton, and Reverend

Stan Stevens of Anderson YMCA. Student Association President'

Pat Haynie acted as moderator. The Function was frowned

upon by President-Superintendent Blanchard who felt the col-

lege should remain neutral on the question of war. The

moratorium also featured a march which consisted of a group

of nearly "600 students, faculty, and community members" who

"walked, chanted, and sang their way down Pacific Avenue to

Center Street. "7? The march halted at the Police and Fire

Alarm Central Station where the participants were met by

751b1d., October 24, 1969.

76Ibid., October 17, 1969.

77Ibid., November 21, 1969,

32

speakers and a mariachi band, Speakers included ex-Army

officer Jim Brigham, U.C. Berkeley social psychology professor

Edward Samson, Ponce Ruiz, spokesman for the Mexican-American

Club and a forensic debater, Dr. Paul Hayward and Reverend

Stan Stevens. Volunteers were asked to distribute leaflets

concerning President Nixon's National Adult-Youth Communications

Week (September 28 - October 4) around the city after the con-

clusion of the speeches.78

In 1969, students also championed the cause of "imperiled"

academic freedom when a similiar reaction as that of the Bobby

Seale speech occurred.7 -q The furor started when Delta Afro-

American history instructor, James Buntin, was criticized by

one of his students, Packard Polin, for objectionable words

used in a reading assignment entitled, "The Student as a

Nigger". Believing Buntin had been arrested, students turned

out for a rally to champion Dr. Bortolazzo's "marketplace of

ideas",80 Students supported Buntin's right to academic free-

dom. Bortolazzo threatened to resign at a Board of Trustees

meeting if he did not get full support from the Board. The

Board acquiesced; however, certain elements on the campus

persisted in attempting to ban vulgarity.

Other socio-political activities occurring in 1969 were

Let Us Vote (L.U.V.) campaign on the Delta campus to promote

78Ibid.

79Ib1d„ April 11, 1969.

80Ibid.

33

the eighteen year old vote, and the Campus Unrest Committee

which was approved by the Delta College Board of Trustees on

September 16. The committee was to be composed of students,

faculty, and administrative representatives. "Colleges in

California" were "called upon to initiate policies on campus

disturbances.... Also established was a Racism Committee

"to investigate and recommend changes on charges of racism."82

The Kent State tragedy of May, 1 970 marked the turning

point of the turbulence of the era. Many activists gave up

in dispair and repudiated society. It also marked a widening

rift between the parent generation and their children because

of parental condonning of repressive actions taken at Kent

State. Commentating on the disillutionment which penetrated

SJDC, political science instructor John Walker recalls students

who gave up in "quiet disgust", became "Jesus freaks", or

"dropped out of society" because of the feeling of futility

in attempting to work within the existing political system.83

Angry denouncements of government action appeared in The

Collegian citing similiar repressive measures used in the

People's Park demonstrations and in a Black Panther raid.

non-violent group organized the Student Alliance Committee,

headed by Ted Gregory, in direct reaction to the Kent State

deaths and to United States involvement in Cambodia. The

BlIbid., September 26, 1969.

82Ibid.

831nterview with John Walker, May 1, 1979.

34

great increase in membership was attributed by Gregory to

"Nixon's involvement in Cambodia. “84

The minority push for an active social and political

change was more typically the product of the Sixties' aware-

ness. Minority organizations were very active on campus in

contrast to "whites" who "were apathic". Minority students,

especially Mexican-American students, were a "tremendously

cohesive group" and it was under minority pressure that the

Department of Ethnic Studies. was formed on the Delta College

campus. in 1969. The Department was subdivided into three

A grow-Ds, black, Mexican, and Filippino, whose agitation

caused its creation.85

The Ethnic Studies department was formed on a strong

philosophical basis. The Mexican-American division believed

that minority students had been "maligned and taken advantage

by the establishment!". "Establishment" meant banks, teachers

the schools, even grocery stores where minority students had

investigated them and. found prices to be significantly higher

in southern Stockton than in the north.86

However, making minority students aware of prejudice and

social restrictions was no the only goal. Awareness was to be

tempered with and understanding of how and why prejudice was

allowed to ferment and to boost minority students "to help

84The Collegian, May 15, 1979.

85Interview with Roberto Vallejo Pantoja, April 29, 1979.

"Ibid.

35

themselves". Due to this philosophy, the Me:dcan-American

students became "not a closed group but a nucleus" with a

philosophy of "one for all, all for one". The group was

a "live, viable thing" with a definite sense of "belonging",

and pledged with the promise that if "we helped ourselves

it would be together". With this philosophy in mind, a work

study program was initiated as were tutor sessions. Here

students were to help each other. There was also a con-

scious drive to make students aware of scholarships, and

then help them apply. Assistance was given in college

placement and training in writing resumes, "teaching them to

.succeed a little bit." In all the group interaction and with

the rapport between students and teachers, it was feared that

students would become too comfortable at Delta after a time

and would not move on to a lour-year institution. After a

certain length of time when the student was believed to hake

mastered the necessary skills to graduate, he was Urged to

87 move on.

The goals of the Mexican-American division of the Depart-

ment of Ethnic Studies were seen as a series of steps. The

first step was "to hire a faculty with a teaching body empathic

with the student body". The second step was to absorb the

teachers into the various departments of the school as psy-

chological reminders of greater achievement and to prevent an

island of Mexican-Americans being congregated into one area

8711Y;(1.

36

of the school program. The push was for absorption of the

well-rounded Mexican-American into society capable of

achieving any goal he chose to master.88

Instructor Roberto Vallejo Pantoja remembers, "we were

just as fcolish and naive as the students". "Our mistake was

that we had hired too many teachers too fast." Their goals

and philosophy were often not associated with those of the

existing faculty, sometimes not even concerned with minority

Problems. As a result "the student body lost its positive

impetus". Part of the conflict arose over large lecture

classes. It was the feeling of some of the department heads

that classes of these types would deter minority students -

because they were less capable of receiving individualized

help. It was these fundamental differences in philosophy

that eroded the cohesive spirit which had originally founded

the Mexican-American section of the Ethnic Studies Department."

Nevertheless, their activity illustrates a campus response to

the issues of the Sixties.

S8 Ibid.

2STbid.

CHAPTER 5

OVERVIEW

It was the "Zeitgeist" of the Sixties rather than its

radicalism that influenced the Delta campus. The underlying

Philosophy of the era advocated the need for "relevancy" which

affected the orientation of traditionally taught classes.

Mandatory physical education classes were dropped and place-

ment exams which deprived the individual of the right to

fail" were eliminated." In step with the spirit of the

times, the dress code was relaxed at Delta. Concern for air

and water pollution resulted in the formation of two ecology

clubs, WASTE and the Delta Ecology Club, one of the first

community colleges to implement a recycling program. The

arts at Delta were also profoundly affected by the Sixties

with the organization of Chicano and Black theatre.

Of the radical groups that did exist on campus, the

minority organizations were more the statement of inspired

Sixties. Minority groups were cohesive, active bodies with

immediate attainable goals. Their movement appealed to a

receptive audience and reflected the currents of social re-

form that were being directed by Martin Luther King and Cesar

. 91 Chaviz.

90interview with Richard Ricks, April 21, 1979.

91 -Union Organizer of Mexican Laborers.

38

Conversely, the SDS had a membership of thirty at it's

height and did not have a directed program. Their activities

centered on unrelated issues. They were at one time concerned

with the bail bond which was an issue of BSA origin. The SDS

was also preoccuppied with the question of prohibited parking

on Kensington Way. Interested in the Vietnam War issue, the

SDS attempted to set up a draft counseling tent to inform

students on the different aspects of the problem. However,

the Veterans Association offered a more effective program

and was more instrumental in helping the veterans and student

face the prospect of the Vietnam War. Furthermore, the major-

ity of Delta's student body did not support the SDS. Students

were apathetic and for those interested students there was

a variety of clubs that competed for their interests. This

multiplicity of interests prevented a Unified student movement.

The incidents of radicalism such as the BSA float incident,

the bail bond, and the Chicano protest were isolated events

and were not reflective and supported by the Delta student

body.

The environment also hindered an active student body.

Delta was surrounded by an agricultural environment and served

many different communities. In addition, students varied

in ages and there was an absence of student residences.

Stockton was also located near enough to the Bay Area for

those interested students to participate in the social and

political protests occurring there.

39

Playwright Lillian Hellman best sums up the student

activity during the Sixties. "God knows many of them are

fools, and most of them will be sell outs but they're a

92 better generation than we were."

09 771ooks, on. cit., p. 59.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Altbach, Philip G., Student Politics in America: A H's-,-orical Analysis.; New York: Mc Graw-Hill Book Company, I----

Editors of Time-Life Books, This Fabulous Century, 196--107n • -, Vol. VII, New York: Time-Life Books, 1970.

Epstein, Jason, The Great Conspiracy Trial., New York: House, 1970.

Hans, William H.and Judith S. Levey (ed.$), The New Columbia Encyclopedia., 4th ed., New York: Columbia UnI7Ersity Press, 1975.

Interviews: Dr. Edward Raliegh (April 17, 1979); Rich., , Ricks (April 21, 1979); Roberto Vallejo Pantoja (April 5, 1979); and John Walker (May 1, 1979).

Malor, Reginald, Justice in the Round: The Trial of Angela Davis., New York: Third Press, 1973.

Obst, Lynda Rosen (ed.), The Sixtie : The Decade Rembered by The People Who Lived it Then., New York: ROTTIFE---Stone, Random House, 1977.

The Collegian, September - May 1960-1963; Vol. 1-2, September May 1963-1965; Vol. 3-4, September - May 1965-1967; Vol. 5-6, September - May 1967-1970.

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