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he Impact of Empty, Second and Holidayomes on the Sustainability of Rural ommunities : SYSTEMATIC LITERATURE REVIEW

tre for Housing Policy

RC EVIDENCE NETWORK:SYSTEMATIC REVIEWS IN

POLICY AND SOCIAL CARE

lison Wallace, Mark Bevan, Karen Croucher, Karenackson, Lisa O’Malley, Vickie Orton

The Impact of Empty, Second and Holiday Homes on the Sustainability of Rural Communities –

A Systematic Literature Review

Alison Wallace, Mark Bevan, Karen Croucher, Karen Jackson , Lisa O’Malley, Vickie Orton

The Centre for Housing Policy

June 2005

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© 2005 Centre for Housing Policy All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the owner Published by: The Centre for Housing Policy Telephone: 01904 321480 University of York Fax: 01904 321481 YORK YO10 5DD Website: http://www.york.ac.uk/chp ISBN 1 874797 56 0

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Acknowledgements

We wish to acknowledge the support of the ESRC for funding the University of York to conduct the project Systematic Reviews in Social Policy and Social Care (Award No. H14125106) in order to empirically test and develop the methodology of systematic reviewing. We would also like to thank all those people who responded to our requests for information and reports.

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Contents

Acknowledgements.....................................................................................................iii Contents ........................................................................................................... v List of Tables and Figures.......................................................................................... vi Executive Summary ...................................................................................................vii Chapter One ............................................................................................ 1IntroductionChapter Two: Methods................................................................................................ 7 Chapter Three: Researching empty and irregularly occupied dwellings:

definitions, methods, timing and location......................................... 23Chapter Four:

................................................... 35The impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on

sustainability of rural communitiesChapter Five: ............................... 67Reviewing policy options and recommendationsChapter Six: ................................................................... 81Issues for review methodsChapter Seven: .................................................................................... 91ConclusionsReferences ......................................................................................................... 95 Appendix One: ...................................................................... 101Databases searchedAppendix Two: ........................................................................... 103Search strategiesAppendix Three: ...................................................................... 117Websites searchedAppendix Four:Journals handsearched .................................................................. 119Appendix Five: ................................................................. 121Local Authority contactsAppendix Six: Studies identified but not retrieved................................................... 123Appendix Seven: Data extraction form ................................................................... 129Appendix Eight: Studies not passing quality criteria ............................................... 133Appendix Nine: .......................... 135Summaries of the studies included in the review

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List of Tables and Figures

Table 2.2: Dimensions of sustainability ..................................................................... 10 Table 2.3: Study selection criteria ............................................................................. 12 Table 2.4: Study selection: quality criteria................................................................. 14 Table 2.5: Identifying research .................................................................................. 15 Table 2.6: Sources of references at each stage of the review .................................. 18 Table 2.7: Studies included in the review.................................................................. 19 Table 6.1: Comparison of UK reports cited in Gallent and Tewdwr-Jones

(1996) to this systematic review .............................................................. 83 Database checklist .................................................................................................. 101 Figure 3.1 Distribution of areas used as case studies in research included in the review. ............................................................................................................26

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Executive Summary

In response to the increasing requirement for public policy to be evidence-based, the Economic and Social Science Research Council (ESRC) has funded a programme of research projects to examine how evidence can be generated in a number of social policy areas. Beyond developing the evidence base in a number of topic areas, the programme aims to develop the methods of systematic reviewing. Systematic reviews are considered to be a key tool for the identification, comprehensive assessment and synthesis of research evidence. A systematic review aims to provide a comprehensive and unbiased summary of available evidence on a given topic. This is achieved by the use of a clearly defined search strategy to ensure that an extensive range of potential sources of evidence is explored. In addition the use of explicit criteria to appraise the quality of the evidence retrieved ensures that only robust evidence is synthesised in the production of the final review. This review addresses two questions:

• What are the impacts of privately owned empty or irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities?

• To what extent have the policy interventions addressed the effects of empty of irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities?

These questions address key national and local policy concerns, notably sustainable communities and housing demand. Furthermore the social and economic impacts of second homes in particular on rural communities are contested, and have been the focus of considerable and often emotive debate over the last three decades.

Methods An essential first step was to ensure there was no ambiguity around the questions being addressed by the review. The review was concerned with vacant property, second homes and holiday homes (i.e. properties rented out on a series of short term lets) in the private sector located in settlements with populations of less than 10,000. We adopted the ten dimensions of sustainability proposed by Long (2001) as a framework for organising the evidence.

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A review protocol was drawn up at the outset of the review, detailing a priori decisions about the selection and appraisal of studies, the search strategy, and data synthesis methods. Ten electronic databases and many internet sites were searched (see Appendices 1 & 2). The process produced 1060 references. Of these 273 were relevant to the review. Once the specified inclusion criteria were applied, 30 references remained. Of these, 23 met our quality criteria and finally entered the review. Information was extracted from each study in a uniform manner (see Appendix Seven), and data synthesised to provide a narrative account of the findings.

Evidence-base Seventeen of the review studies addressed second home ownership. The studies included in the review were undertaken in various locations across the UK over a period of more than 30 years, using a variety of methods, and various definitions of second or empty homes. The definition of what constitutes a second home has been a perennial problem. Another fundamental difficulty has been the accurate identification of the number of properties that are empty or used as second homes. Different studies have focused on different aspects of empty and irregularly occupied properties. The political problematisation of second homes has led much of the research to have a relatively narrow focus, and second homes have (with some notable exceptions) been studied in isolation from other expressions of external housing demand in local areas, such as retirement and commuting.

The impacts of privately owned empty or irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities: key findings The evidence was organised thematically around four of the ten dimensions of sustainability proposed by Long (2001). The evidence only addressed the impact of empty or irregularly occupied properties on one of these dimensions – demand for housing/access to affordable housing – in any great depth. There was a smaller literature that addressed impacts of second homes on community cohesion and viability, and the built environment. There is as yet no evidence that addresses the impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on a number of dimensions of community sustainability, notably: reputation or image of the community; crime and anti-social behaviour; social exclusion and poverty; and accessibility of facilities, services and employment.

Rural housing markets • The issue of empty or irregularly occupied properties cannot be considered

in isolation from the other processes of change within rural housing, including the undersupply of alternative forms of housing, changes to local economies, loss of industries and transport.

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• Although it is widely believed that rural depopulation is a consequence of local residents’ inability to compete with incomers in rural housing markets, many studies conclude that outward migration is more closely allied to a lack of employment, education, and leisure opportunities than to a lack of housing.

• Low wage economies, restrictions on the supply of new housing and external demands combine to raise house prices and disadvantage many local people in rural housing markets.

• Second homes remain a localised phenomenon. Certainly their national significance in Wales, at least, has declined over the last decade.

• Second homes are not the sole source of external demand; however they have been subjected to more attention than other external demands such as commuting and retirement.

• Ageing and retirement are the key factors likely to impact on housing markets in the next 25 years.

Community cohesion • Early studies indicate that second home ownership was seen by host

communities to be part of a wider process of social change rather than a cause of outward migration.

• Attitudes towards second home ownership vary between locations; areas where tourism and recreation have been dominant appear to be more tolerant of second home ownership.

• There is little evidence of conflict between second homeowners and local residents.

• Profiles of second home owners indicate that they are generally middle aged or retired, and wealthier than the national average, however much of the profile data is more than 20 years old.

• It is difficult to compare ‘incomers’ with ‘locals’ as few studies profile host communities.

• More recent studies report concerns that the age profile of rural communities is unbalanced, as younger people migrate away and are replaced by older incomers.

• Demand for housing from commuters, the retired and second home owners has changed the profile of rural communities.

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Community viability • Second home ownership was seen to make a useful contribution to local

economies as part of the tourist industry, but differences in levels of contribution between different localities make generalisations regarding the impact of second home ownership problematic.

• Spending on renovation and modernisation of second homes has in the past bought new income into local economies, however these are one-off spends.

• Through payment of local taxes, second home owners support public services in their host communities without creating additional demands.

• There is little evidence regarding the contemporary spending of second home owners on local services such as retail and leisure.

• Early studies suggested that employment related to renovation was created by second home ownership; however, more recent evidence suggests that any additional jobs are low skilled and seasonal.

Built environment • Early studies suggested that second home ownership had a positive impact

on the built environment particularly with regard to conservation and renovation of previously derelict properties.

• No studies address broader environmental concerns.

The impact and effectiveness of policy interventions We identified few studies that had evaluated policy interventions, and these were mainly concerned with empty properties as opposed to second homes. There was, however, a larger literature that investigated the type of local policies that were in place to control second home ownership, and various policy recommendations were presented.

Second homes – policies, policy evaluations, and policy recommendations • Only a minority of local authorities and National Parks in England and Wales

report having a specific policy towards second homes. Where these policies do exist, they usually relate to occupancy controls on new dwellings.

• Recent research in England suggests strong support from authorities for greater powers in respect of second homes, although fiscal measures are preferred over planning controls.

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• Evaluations of specific policy interventions towards second homes have been very limited and have focused upon the use of restrictions on occupancy on new development.

• Very little work has been undertaken to assess the impact of local occupancy on rural housing markets; instead research has focused on mechanisms for delivering affordable housing in the countryside.

• Authors’ policy recommendations reflected the period in which their research was conducted. Most recently authors suggest planning and policy tools should be used in a focused way and targeted on those communities with the greatest housing pressures, with greater partnership working between local government and rural communities.

Empty properties: outcomes of policy evaluations • Policy intervention directed at bringing empty property back into use in rural

Scotland appear to offer a way of addressing housing need, especially in remoter rural locations where development of new affordable housing by housing association may prove problematic.

Conclusions Part of the rationale for undertaking this report was to reflect on the specific benefits that the methods of systematic reviewing can bring to social policy, using the example of an investigation of the impact of empty and irregularly occupied dwellings on the sustainability of rural communities. Given the often emotive nature of the view of second home ownership as a key driver causing dwellings in rural areas to be empty or irregularly occupied, the approach of ‘going back to basics’, rigorously searching for material, and considering only empirical evidence (rather than opinion or observations), allows reflection on the topic in a more neutral way. This is not to say that the study can claim objectivity or transparency, but allows the reader to see how and why decisions have been made through the process of this review, and how the available evidence has been handled. In this respect systematic reviewing offers a valuable set of methods in approaching the secondary analyses of existing evidence. However, whether a systematic review is perceived to be more rigorous and valuable in terms of output and findings than a traditional literature review conducted by experts in their field remains an empirical question. Further, in looking afresh at the empirical evidence contained in existing studies, a systematic review attempts to draw out answers to questions which the original research may not have been designed or set up to answer. This represented a challenge but it is important to note that the difficulty relates to the process of asking research studies to answer questions which are not their primary focus rather than

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to any fault in the original studies. Nevertheless, a defining feature of much of the evidence in relation to empty or irregularly occupied property is its age. A considerable body of work investigating second homes, particularly, relates to UK society over twenty years ago. The value of more recent evidence on second homes lies in highlighting the scale of the issue and the efficacy of possible policy responses. However, in relation to providing a succinct answer to the two questions regarding the impact of empty or irregularly occupied dwellings on the sustainability of rural communities and the effectiveness of policy interventions, the available empirical evidence is limited, and this in itself is useful to know.

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Chapter One Introduction

This introductory chapter describes the background to the development of this ESRC-funded review of the evidence regarding the effects of privately owned empty or irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities, and the extent to which policy interventions have mitigated these effects. The chapter explains why a systematic review of this area of public policy is important, and introduces the relevant policy context.

Introducing the study: developing evidence-based policy There is a growing requirement for public policy to be evidence-based. A key tool in the formulation of evidence-based policy is the systematic review which seeks to provide a comprehensive assessment of existing knowledge in a given area through extensive searching and critical appraisal of available evidence. The methods of systematic reviewing are commonly used in the fields of health, and education, and are increasingly being adopted to consider social and public policy topics. The ESRC has funded a programme of research projects that aim to develop and refine the methodologies required for the identification, appraisal and synthesis of evidence in the social policy context, and examine how evidence-based policy can be generated in a number of social policy areas (see www.evidencenetwork.org). As part of this ESRC programme, the University of York has established an ‘evidence node’ in health and social policy, focusing upon the methodology of reviews in social policy and social care. The first review undertaken by the node examined the evidence related to the effectiveness of current public and private safety nets available to mortgagors in unforeseen financial difficulties, attempting to link policy responses or ‘interventions’ with specific outcomes, notably mortgage arrears and repossessions (Croucher et al. 2003). Other reviews undertaken by the York node have addressed how carers access health care (Arksey et al. 2003) and the effectiveness of respite services for carers of people with dementia-type illnesses (Arksey et al. 2004). A number of other reviews have also been generated by the ESRC programme at other academic centres in the UK (see for example: Thompson et al. 2001; Atkinson, 2002; Egan et al. 2003; Blandy et al. 2003). As intended, this growing body of work has helped to stimulate methodological debate and development regarding how systematic reviews can be undertaken in complex policy areas (for a fuller discussion see Wallace et al. 2004). This review therefore adds to the growing body of work undertaken at the University of York and

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elsewhere and has two purposes: to provide a rigorous and authoritative account of the evidence in the topic area; and to take forward some of the methodological debates related to undertaking reviews in complex policy areas raised by Croucher et al. (2003).

Why undertake a review in this topic area? A review in this area of interest is timely. The topic addresses key national and local policy concerns, notably sustainable communities and housing demand. The complexities of the policy context also present particular methodological challenges. Furthermore, the social and economic impacts of second homes, in particular, on rural communities are contested, and have been the focus of considerable, often emotive debate over the last few decades1.

Policy Context As part of its publication Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister [ODPM], 2003) the Government has developed the themes that were identified in the Rural White Paper to tackle social exclusion. The policy agenda has set out its intentions with respect to sustainable and inclusive communities principally through the development of affordable housing. Housing is not only the major contributor to the experience of disadvantage in rural areas, but has been described as the principal engine of social change in rural England (Joseph Rowntree Foundation [JRF], 1999). At the same time, these policy developments are linked with sustaining and developing rural economies, particularly in relation to tourism, alongside the maintenance of environmental quality.

Vacant or empty properties A fundamental issue in relation to the maintenance of sustainable communities in the countryside is the extent to which the stock of residential dwellings in any community is fully occupied. The government have drawn attention to the issue of stock under-utilisation. Dwellings may be empty or irregularly occupied for a variety of reasons. Research has drawn attention to the need to distinguish between two types of vacant dwellings (Fielder and Smith, 1996). The first, transactional vacants, are an inherent function of the housing market and represent properties vacant whilst being sold or let. Included in this type are properties undergoing renovation or improvement and which are intended to be re-occupied relatively quickly. In contrast, the second type can be described as problematic vacants, and are unoccupied for substantial periods of time and are often in poor condition. There are many reasons for dwellings remaining vacant for considerable periods of time. The consultation paper on empty homes issued by the ODPM (2003) identified

1 See for example: The Observer, 12th November, 2000; New Society, 7th September, 1967; Pilkington, 1990; Soley, 1990; Haines, 1974; Mahon, 1973; Rowe, 2002.

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factors such as dilapidated dwellings, requiring substantial investment to bring up them to a habitable standard; in extreme cases buildings that have been abandoned by their owners; cases where ownership is unresolved, say if an occupant died intestate; properties held as speculative assets; property held as an investment, say for retirement; and property held by two home owners who begin co-habiting, leaving the other property vacant. The consultation paper noted that the latter two examples are often viewed as second homes. A significant additional factor in the rural context is that vacant properties may arise as a result of the rationalisation of agricultural labour on farm holdings and estates, which has led to a considerable number of dwellings becoming redundant as tied accommodation, although owners have often been reluctant to sell or let these dwellings on the open market (Finch et al. 1989).

Second and holiday homes Cutting across these policy areas are the factors of production and consumption in relation to leisure and housing. Increased leisure time and cultural and lifestyle choices can be expressed in the free market through the consumption of property and can act as one component of the drivers of social change in rural areas that the Government is seeking to mediate. A further variable is the use of property for leisure purposes that also coincides with individual strategies in relation to retirement planning and investment. Such dynamics have contributed to an increase in second home ownership and an influx of households into the countryside. An essential feature of such migration, alongside other migration flows resulting from commuting or retirement, is that it is differentiated by income and wealth and throws into sharp relief the unequal capacities within the general population to attain owner occupation in the countryside (Findlay et al. 1999). As part of these phenomena, second homes have a localised impact in rural localities leading to micro-crises in local housing markets (Gallent et al. (2002).

Policy responses Policy responses to second and holiday homes are centred around attempts to mitigate the impact of demand-led pressures on the rural housing stock. In contrast, policies aimed at tackling vacant dwellings in the private sector are focused upon supply-led considerations encouraging, or compelling, owners to bring properties back into use. The issue of empty homes was the subject of recent policy attention in England in the form of the consultation paper Empty Homes: Temporary Management, Lasting Solutions (ODPM, 2003). This paper set out a range of approaches for tackling empty homes, including the potential for new statutory powers for local authorities to take over the management of some private sector empty homes.

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A rationale for policies aimed at bringing empty properties back into use in rural areas is that they enable more households to live in these communities. This has a knock-on effect on the viability of local services and facilities such as shops and schools. Further, such schemes often ensure that such properties are targeted on households that need affordable housing. There are a number of examples of schemes at national level, such as the rural empty property initiative in Scotland, or at local level, the farm cottage scheme, run by Kennet District Council, Wiltshire. Second and holiday homes occupy the interface between the two policy areas of leisure and housing. Tensions between these policy areas were highlighted by the operation of the controversial policy in the Yorkshire Dales National Park whereby a redundant barn could be converted into accommodation for a holiday home, but could not be converted into a permanent dwelling to meet a local housing need (Humphries, 2003). This policy was subsequently revised, and indeed, Yorkshire Dales National Park recently adopted a policy whereby the sale of new homes or barn conversions will be restricted to buyers who qualify under the scheme as ‘local’. At the same time, the subject of second homes has been increasingly the focus of policy attention at the national level. The Government legislated to reduce the discount on second homes in England with respect to council tax from 50 per cent to ten per cent and Part 6 (Council Tax Provisions) of the Local Government Bill came into force in 2003. Local authorities can spend any additional funds thus raised on improving public services such as transport, affordable housing or policing. However, it is significant that the discount will not be removed entirely, and will be set at a minimum of ten per cent. It is hoped that this retained discount will provide an incentive for individuals to continue to register their second homes to enable local authorities to monitor the scale and impact of second home ownership within their areas. This step marks the view that from a policy perspective it is deemed necessary to separate out the impact of second home ownership from other influences upon local housing markets. Similarly, local authorities in Scotland have the new power to reduce the discount on second homes from 50 per cent to ten per cent. It will come into effect at the start of the financial year 2005-06. Any additional income generated by cutting the discount will be retained locally and used to provide new-built affordable social housing Unitary authorities in Wales have had the discretion to charge full council tax on second homes since 1998. The research by Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) noted that by 2001, all but two of 22 authorities had done this. Policy attention at local level has also focused upon the issue of second homes. A review of planning authorities in other parts of the UK has noted that a number of authorities are proposing specific second homes policies for their areas (Johnston, 2002). For example, the Draft Unitary Development Plan for Gwynedd Council sets

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out that any proposal for developments that would lead to an increase in second homes will be refused in communities where the level of second homes has reached ten per cent. Whilst policy documents in particular note that such use of dwellings on an irregular basis in rural areas may have both positive and negative impacts, the costs and benefits of second and holiday homes have not been elaborated in a systematic way. Further, it is necessary to understand the diverse impacts that vacant, second and holiday homes have upon rural housing markets and economies in the context of sustainable communities.

Methodological challenges In addition to the policy relevance, the context for the review is complex and presents particular methodological challenges. A clearly defined question is the essential first step in undertaking a systematic review; the question frames the review, generates the consequent search strategies and study selection criteria. In addressing review questions in complex policy areas, however, it is necessary to resolve the tension between the defined question (and seeking the material to address that question), and the requirement to provide a ‘contextual map’ in order to understand the question and make the conclusions of a review meaningful. Croucher et al. (2003) recognised that although the focus of their review was on the various safety nets available to mortgagors, the findings of the review had to be seen in the wider context of a complex interaction of factors - economic cycles, interest rates, housing prices, financial regulation and lenders’ practices - that impact on sustainable home ownership. The context for this review is similarly complex. Various factors, such as the growth of home ownership and the ‘Right-to-Buy’ legislation, changing patterns of employment, and the so-called ‘flight from the cities’, have resulted in growing housing demands in rural areas from both local people and new residents, high house prices, and a lack of social rented housing. Evidence gathered in the Countryside Agency’s annual ‘state of the countryside’ reports indicate growing housing demand from local people and new residents, high house prices, low incomes, and a lack of social rented housing in many rural areas. However, demand for housing and the operation of housing markets must be seen against a broader background of on-going socio-economic and environmental changes occurring in the countryside. A review of the impact of empty or irregularly occupied properties, particularly second homes, must therefore be located in this complex context. In preparing this review we have not sought to provide a ‘contextual map’ as time and resources did not allow for the examination of the wider contextual literature. Fortunately the Countryside Agency has recently published a review of countryside issues in England (Countryside Agency, 2004), drawing on the evidence collated between 1999-2003 for the preparation of the

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annual ‘state of the countryside’ reports. It provides a valuable portrait of emerging trends across a number of key themes, including: rural demography; health and social care provision; education; transport; environment and recreation; and the rural economy. It provides a valuable background to our review. A further methodological challenge relates to the difficulties of defining key concepts such as ‘rural’, ‘second home’, and ‘sustainability’. In Chapter Two we present the definitions we have adopted for the purpose of the review. It is important to note at this point that our thinking regarding sustainability has been shaped by the work of Long (2001). Indeed the dimensions of sustainability outlined by Long (see Chapter Two, Table 2.2) provided a framework for organising the evidence we retrieved. Long presents a series of headings relating to different aspects of sustainability including: housing demand; quality and design of housing; crime and anti-social behaviour; social exclusion and poverty; accessibility and viability of facilities; and community cohesion. We have sought to present the evidence against these headings, in an attempt to distinguish the different ways in which empty and irregularly occupied properties impact on rural host communities. As noted above the social and economic impacts of second homes, in particular, on rural communities are contested. There are about 100,000 second homes in rural England representing less than 1% of the total stock; nevertheless second homes are widely perceived to be a manifestation of social inequality, and a main cause of rural housing shortages (Gallent et al. 2002). A review in a contested area such as this may be particularly useful in moving the debate forward.

Report structure This report is presented in seven chapters. Chapter Two presents a detailed account of the methods and definitions employed in the review. Chapter Three presents a commentary on the research methods adopted by the studies – highlighting some of the difficulties regarding different definitions particularly of ‘second homes’, and the range of methods used in the studies that entered the review. Chapter Four presents the substantive findings of the review examining the impact of empty, second and holiday homes upon the sustainability of rural communities. Chapter Five explores the nature of policy interventions on empty, second and holiday homes, examining studies that have evaluated policy mechanisms, and also drawing together recommendations for policy, which have been set out by various studies in the review. Chapter Six addresses the particular methodological challenges encountered during the review process. Finally Chapter Seven provides the conclusions from the review, highlighting possible avenues for future research. Substantial appendices are attached for reference, providing more detail on the search strategies, data abstraction methods and studies included and excluded from the review.

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Chapter Two Methods

Introduction - What is a systematic review? A systematic review aims to provide a comprehensive and unbiased summary of available evidence on a given topic. This is achieved by: the use of a clearly defined search strategy to ensure that an extensive range of potential sources of evidence is explored; and the use of explicit criteria to appraise the quality of the evidence to ensure that only robust evidence is synthesised in the production of the final review. The review process is guided by a protocol in which the approach to be taken by the review team is explained in some detail, making transparent the basis on which decisions will be made, the source of studies, the reasons why studies will be included or excluded from the review, how quality will be assessed, and on what basis the data will be synthesised. Once a review is underway a greater understanding of the content and type of literature may develop. If it is found that changes to parts of the protocol are necessary, these are documented and justified within the final report of the review. Systematic reviews are complex (and often costly) studies, but they offer an invaluable means for policy makers and practitioners to make sense of large volumes of evidence that may be difficult and time consuming to locate and of variable quality. In addition they can be used to direct future research towards that which is poorly understood or under-researched. The six stages of the review process are set out in Table 2.1.

Table 2.1 Review process

1. Formulate the review question/s 2. Develop review protocol

Define appropriate study design Define quality assessment criteria Devise search strategy Devise data abstraction method Decide data synthesis method

3. Document identification and retrieval 4. Application of study selection criteria 5. Extraction and synthesis of data from studies entered into the review 6. Presentation of review findings.

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This literature review was conducted using systematic review techniques. It was guided by a protocol that set out how decisions at each stage of the review process would be made. This chapter discusses how we conducted this review and our thinking at various key stages of the review process: from defining the question, developing the inclusion and quality criteria, searching for evidence, and synthesising the findings of the final selection of studies. The key to a systematic review is transparency, and we are eager to ensure that the methodological process we adopted is accurately described and our underlying decisions made clear. We are also aware of the growing interest in undertaking systematic reviews in complex policy areas, and hope that our approach will help inform current methodological debates.

Formulating the review question The formulation of the question/s to be addressed by a systematic review is crucial as the question provides the focus and boundaries of the review, and shapes all aspects of the review process: the inclusions and exclusion criteria, the search strategy, the amount of literature retrieved, the quality appraisal, and the final synthesis of the evidence. This review examined evidence that could contribute to answering two related questions: Q1: What are the effects of privately owned empty or irregularly occupied

properties upon the sustainability of rural communities in the UK? Q2: To what extent have the policy interventions addressed the effects of empty

or irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities? The first question considered the evidence-base upon which policy at local, regional and national level is - or should be - based, looking at the effects of vacant and irregularly occupied properties upon the sustainability of rural communities. The second question examined to what extent current policy is actually addressing any consequences identified, and whether any changes (i.e. outcomes) can be attributed to different policy interventions.

Definition of terms Much of the evidence regarding empty or irregularly occupied properties in the countryside is characterised by the lack of consistency in definitions of ‘second homes’, ‘holiday homes’, ‘holiday lets’, ‘rurality’, ‘sustainability’ and so forth. Therefore an essential first step at the beginning of this review process was to ensure there was no ambiguity surrounding the questions that the review was intended to address. The key terms are defined below.

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Privately owned, empty, or irregularly occupied properties The review sought to assess the effects of private sector dwellings that are empty or are irregularly occupied upon rural communities in the United Kingdom. The review included vacant property, both residential and commercial, second and holiday homes. The review included holiday homes – that is properties rented out on short term lets - because whilst the property may well be occupied throughout the year, the same household does not occupy it. The review excluded the under-occupation of property, where a household may be defined as small in relation to the number of rooms available, but is occupying the home as a primary residence. Dwellings occupied by students during term-time were also excluded. Further, the review included private sector dwellings only, excluding social rented accommodation. In relation to vacant properties, the review set out to focus on problematic vacants as opposed to transactional vacants (see Chapter One).

Rural communities The ODPM definition of urban and rural areas was adopted, taking any settlement below 10,000 population as rural. This definition includes small market towns as well as villages and buildings in the open countryside. Although vacant and irregularly occupied properties are also a feature of urban areas, debates about the impact of these properties tend not only to be directed towards the countryside, but also tend to be most emotive in the rural context. Where there were studies addressing urban and rural initiatives, only the sections relating to rural localities were considered for the review. It is to be noted that very few studies reported settlement size and although it was clear they were placed in a rural setting, definitions of ‘rural’ or ‘rurality’ were not always offered. The focus was on communities rather than neighbourhoods as the former encapsulates relationships between people whilst the latter focuses upon place. Thus the term ‘communities’ allowed the review to include material that covers the concept of social cohesion, based upon relationships, shared experience, trust and social capital. This distinction was not apparent in the literature, although the issues were evident but not framed in such contemporary terms.

Sustainability Policy has focused attention on elaborating how a sustainable community should look. The ODPM define sustainable communities as:

..places where people want to live and work, now and in the future. They meet the diverse needs of existing and future residents, are sensitive to their environment, and contribute to a high quality of life. They are safe and inclusive, well planned, built and run, and offer equality of opportunity and good services for all (ODPM, 2005).

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Commentators have noted that an overarching definition of sustainability will be made up of a number of dimensions including social, economic, and environmental concerns (Kearns and Turok, 2003). A review of the literature on village sustainability pointed to the need to recognise that the importance attached to specific dimensions of sustainability will vary in a rural context compared with urban areas, specifically around the issue of the localisation of activity, and the importance of private transport and affordable housing (Shorten et al. 2001). Indeed, Long and Hutchins (2003) also highlighted this issue and noted that a single boarded up house may have very different impacts in a village than on a large estate. Looking at the issue of sustainability from a housing perspective, a definition for social landlords, not surprisingly, focuses specifically on the full occupation of dwellings. Here, sustainability is achieved where:

People continue to choose to live in a community in sufficient numbers that the housing is effectively fully occupied (Long 2000).

This definition reflects the specific concerns of social landlords, around the issues of residualisation, low demand, and limiting voids in the social housing sector as well as contributing towards vibrant communities. However, this review of irregularly occupied property focuses upon circumstances where the operation of the housing market has led to privately owned property being held vacant or not fully occupied, for whatever reason. Nevertheless, in attempting to determine the impact of irregularly occupied dwellings on rural communities Long (2001) usefully sets out a range of different factors, which together make up a ‘Toolkit of Indicators for Sustainability’. This toolkit highlights a range of different factors that can be used as a basis for elaborating the sustainability of communities in a rural context.

Table 2.2: Dimensions of sustainability

• The demand for housing/access to affordable housing; • Reputation or image of the community; • Crime and anti-social behaviour; • Social exclusion and poverty; • The accessibility of facilities, services, employment; • The viability of facilities, services, employment and business; • The quality of the community’s environment; • The quality, design and layout of housing; • The extent of community cohesiveness • The mix of the community.

Source: Adapted from Long (2001)

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Question One examined the effects of vacant and irregularly occupied property against the dimensions of sustainability set out in Table 2.2 above, drawing together the evidence under each dimension.

Policy interventions The second question was concerned with policy interventions that are focused directly upon empty or irregularly occupied properties and the extent to which they had addressed the effects of such properties on the sustainability of rural communities. Thus, the review excluded policies which indirectly may address the impact of vacant or irregularly occupied properties, but which are not targeted on the properties themselves, (examples of such policies are the development of affordable housing). The development and interpretation of policy continues throughout the various stages of the policy process, including the stage during which policies are implemented. As noted by Croucher et al. (2003) it is necessary to ‘unpack’ how policy interventions are applied, since aspects of the policy process may affect how a policy is implemented, quite apart from the extent to which local factors may mediate intended policy outcomes set out at national level. In order to unpack policy interventions, it is important to address questions regarding the way policy is set up (structure), the way it is implemented (delivery), and the effects (outcomes) that it has. Our intention in this review had been to examine these different aspects of policies directed at empty and irregularly occupied properties with particular reference to the effects on the sustainability of rural communities; however this approach proved ambitious as few policy evaluations were found, and the review was unable to fully appraise the policy impacts on sustainability. Nevertheless, what is known surrounding fiscal, planning and other such policy initiatives is reported in Chapter Five.

Study selection criteria Before studies can be entered into a systematic review, they have to be subjected to two filters. The first filter – comprising a set of inclusion and exclusion criteria – ensures that only studies that are relevant and able to address the review question/s are taken through to the second filter. This comprises a set of pre-determined quality criteria against which the studies are critically appraised to ensure the findings are sufficiently robust to be entered into the review. It is essential that the criteria against which studies will be judged to be both relevant and sufficiently robust are decided upon in the early stages of the review. These criteria effectively mark the boundaries of the review, and help focus the development of the search strategy, as well as ensuring consistency among the review team.

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Study selection criteria - relevance Our first filter is presented in Table 2.3 below. It is clear that the selection criteria were generated from the review question.

Table 2.3: Study selection criteria Inclusion criteria Exclusion criteria Geographical coverage Studies that relate to the UK

Studies that relate to countries outside of the UK

Timing of studies No date was set.

-

Population Rural communities under 10,000 population, unless not specified by the study.

Urban areas (population above 10,000).

Relevance to topic: Question 1 Studies concerned with the effects of empty and irregularly occupied property on the different dimensions of sustainability set out in Table 1.

Studies that focus upon the sustainability of rural communities that are unrelated to the effects of empty or irregularly occupied properties.

Relevance to topic: Question 2 Studies concerned with the impact of policy interventions that aim to address the effects of empty and irregularly occupied property on the sustainability of rural communities.

Studies that focus on policies that contribute to the sustainability of rural communities, but are not specifically targeted on empty or irregularly occupied properties. For example: studies of polices that contribute to the development of affordable housing schemes in rural communities.

Study Design Studies must include empirical evidence from experimental or observational research including qualitative research. It may be published or unpublished work.

Book reviews, literature reviews, discursive opinion will be excluded. In cases where there are multiple publications of data from a single study, then the main findings only will be used to avoid duplication of results.

Quality appraisal Included studies must meet all five essential elements of the quality appraisal criteria (Table 2.4 below) to secure internal validity of the study and trustworthy findings.

Studies that do not meet the essential elements of the quality appraisal criteria, and so may not have trustworthy findings.

Location and timing of studies Study inclusion was limited to material in English published in the UK. It was beyond the scope of this review to examine literature from other countries as interpretation of any studies retrieved would require a comprehensive understanding of that country’s cultural norms regarding housing markets, finance systems and perhaps leisure trends. It is unknown whether restricting the search in this way omitted any research that included empirical data relating to the UK that was not published in the UK, although this seems unlikely. The resources available to the review did not allow the additional effort required to locate, retrieve and filter literature from outside the UK.

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In setting the boundaries of a review, it is usually necessary to decide a ‘cut-off’ point, where evidence from before a given time is considered to be less useful as it addresses concerns or interventions that are too far removed from current context and practice to be meaningful. There was no obvious date that would provide a logical cut-off point for research in this field. There were no major policy changes that would suggest any prior research was inappropriate (with the possible exception of the 1980 Housing Act that introduced the ‘Right-to-Buy’ council homes which had significant implications for rural areas) or notable housing market events that would suggest major changes in the field. Gallent et al. (2002) note that the theme of second homes flourished in academic literature in the 1970s. Moreover many of these early studies continue to be frequently cited in more recent reports and publications. Initial scoping searches showed that we would not be overwhelmed with potentially relevant studies and so a decision was taken not to restrict studies on date. Studies were therefore included regardless of when they were published, which produced substantial debate within the review team surrounding the applicability of older research in this field to contemporary policy making, especially when examining dynamically changing housing markets. We return to this issue in Chapter Six.

Study design One of the challenges for a review addressing policy is deciding on the type of ‘evidence’ that will provide the most trustworthy answers to the review question/s, and this was a central concern for this review. We are aware there are lively debates about what constitutes ‘good’ or ‘good enough’ evidence when promoting evidence-based or evidence-informed policy and practice. For the purpose of this review we took evidence to mean any contribution that is based upon primary empirical material as part of the study – be that qualitative or quantitative. Any study setting out views or opinions that could not be substantiated by its own empirical data was not included in the review. We recognise that there may be other types of ‘evidence’ that could have informed this review, however given that second home ownership is a highly politicised and emotive subject, we were keen to ensure that the evidence we included could be grounded directly in empirical research. We also recognise the use of hierarchies of evidence in many systematic reviews – particularly in the health care field - that privilege experimental over other types of study design, as they are deemed to provide the most robust internally valid results when assessing the effectiveness and outcomes of health care inventions. For reviews in complex policy areas however, such hierarchies are less useful, in part due to the (almost complete) lack of experimental studies, but also because ‘evidence’ is more broadly defined and drawn from a range of research paradigms.

Study selection criteria - quality appraisal One strength of systematic reviewing is the consistent critical appraisal of the evidence-base. It examines what is known about a subject and how confident we

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can be in this knowledge. It also ensures that the conclusions and recommendations derived from a review are based on evidence in which the research design and its conduct can be assumed to offer a reasonable level of confidence in the results. Studies of poor quality are therefore excluded. A quality criteria tool developed by Croucher et al. (2003) was chosen to establish whether a study met the quality threshold. Although there is little consensus over the use of appraisal tools in reviews, this tool has been successfully adopted by other reviewers since its development (Arksey et al., 2003, Arksey et al., 2004). It was also utilised in this review as reviewer and readers alike can readily understand it; it includes guidance on its practical application; it offers prompts to aid reflection on the study and is not resource intensive. The set of criteria is presented in Table 2.4 below.

Table 2.4 Study selection: quality criteria Question Is the research question clear? E Theoretical perspective Is the theoretical or ideological perspective of the author (or funder)

explicit? D

Study design Is the study design appropriate to answer the question? E Context Is the context or setting adequately described? E Sampling Qualitative: Is the sample adequate to explore the range of subjects

and settings, and has it been drawn from an appropriate population? Quantitative: Is the sample size adequate for the analysis used and has it been drawn from an appropriate population?

E

Data collection Was the data collection adequately described and rigorously conducted to ensure confidence in the findings?

E

Data analysis Was the data analysis adequately described and rigorously conducted to ensure confidence in the findings?

E

Reflexivity Has consideration been given to alternative explanations of results? Has consideration been given to any limitations of the methods or data that may affect the results?

D

Generalisability Do any claims to generalisability follow logically, theoretically or statistically from the data?

D

Ethics Have ethical issues been addressed and confidentiality respected? D* E = Essential, D = Desirable, * Ethic may be essential in other sensitive fields Source: Croucher et al. 2003

These criteria were applied to each study that met the initial inclusion criteria. As noted by Croucher et al. (2003), those criteria marked as essential are those with the potential to alter the findings of the research, and the reviewers had to be confident that studies going forward to the review had addressed these criteria satisfactorily. Those criteria marked as desirable aid interpretation of results and may help explain variance in findings.2

2 It is recognised that there may be sensitive fields for example researching children’s experiences where addressing ethical issues may be essential for a study to be considered sound, but this was felt not to be the case in this review.

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Devising the search strategy The aim of a search is to identify as comprehensive a list as possible of studies that relate to the review questions, reducing the potential for bias that may arise from too narrow a consideration of the field of investigation. A search strategy should therefore aim to be as inclusive as possible of the range of sources of primary studies, within the confines of resource constraints of the review. This section details how our search was conducted. The subject of vacant and irregularly occupied property has relevance to a variety of different policy areas such as housing, planning, recreation and environmental health. Further, in an academic context, both housing and rural studies can be characterised as having a strong inter-disciplinary focus. These features suggest that the search strategy needed to have a very broad focus. Research evidence was identified using a number of channels, shown in Table 2.5.

Table 2.5: Identifying research

• Searches of appropriate electronic databases • Reference checking of all articles received • Checking relevant internet sites • Hand searching of journals • Contact with a sample of local authorities with high concentrations of second homes

The review team included an Information Scientist from the NHS Centre for Reviews and Dissemination (NHS CRD) who developed and conducted the electronic search strategy working with the research team to establish key search terms, and potential sources of studies. The search terms included in the search strategy are set out in Appendix One. Recognising that many social science databases do not allow for sophisticated searching, the aim was to develop a strategy that would be highly sensitive, and facilitate identification of the greatest number of potentially relevant studies in the subject area.

Electronic databases Electronic databases represent a powerful source of references for a review. However different databases are constructed in different ways, and tend to specialise in certain types of data sources (for example, some contain only journal but not book references), or particular topics or disciplines (for example, housing, economics, health care etc). In addition, some are better indexed and contain more detailed abstracts than others. It is therefore important to utilise a range of databases within any one review. The requirement to search a range of databases is increased in a complex area of study, where different disciplines may have been involved and a range of approaches may have been taken to addressing research questions. As noted by Croucher et al. (2003), electronic databases do not appear

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to be as valuable a source of references for social policy reviews as for reviews on social care or health topics. Very few of the studies retrieved from electronic databases entered this review, nevertheless the studies provided a valuable source of additional references from which a number of included studies were drawn (see below – Reference checking). A full list of the databases searched is presented in Appendix One. A total of 10 were searched including the key social science databases (e.g. Social Science Citation Index and ASSIA), as well as the databases for related disciplines like economics (EconLit) and planning (Planex), and those covering grey literature (SIGLE). The inclusion of databases covering grey literature was thought to be particularly important as a significant number of the studies eventually included in the review conducted by Croucher et al. (2003) were retrieved from indexes of grey literature. Hansard was also searched for evidence cited in government sources. The majority of databases were searched for no cost, as they are available through the University of York resources, or access to them at the British Library has been financially supported through the ESRC Evidence Network. Only some databases were sophisticated enough to run a complex search. Those where this was possible include: Sociological Abstracts, SIGLE, ASSIA, Econlit, PAIS, SCCI and SSHICP. The remaining databases were searched using a simplified version of the search strategy. To ensure consistency in searching procedures, the search strategies were designed and undertaken by a specialist Information Officer from the NHS Centre for Reviews and Dissemination. The search strategies are presented in Appendix Two.

Internet web sites Internet web sites can prove a valuable source of up-to-date material and grey literature. A number of websites were browsed for relevant documents. The websites searched in this review cover a range of national and local government sites, academic research institutes, professional organisations, and research funders. A list of these websites is presented in Appendix Three. As noted by Croucher et al. (2003), not all websites incorporate search engines or allow easy navigation. Although a number of potentially relevant references were found on the web (n=11), only one went forward for inclusion in the review.

Hand searching Electronic databases may be incomplete or not up to date in their coverage of the field so some hand searching was included in the search. Croucher et al. (2003) noted that in their review on safety nets for home owners that hand searching proved a fruitful source of studies for their review. Appendix Four includes a range of journals from policy and academic fields with a remit in the housing and rural

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studies area that were hand searched for papers that may not have been catalogued on databases or cited elsewhere.

Reference Checking The reviewers checked the reference lists of all retrieved literature for additional references, including unpublished material. Each new reference identified in this way was also searched in turn for new references until this process was exhausted (Croucher et al. 2003). Citations in retrieved studies were an important way of tracing older studies. In this particular review, reference checking provided more that half of the studies that were finally included.

Local Authority Contacts Local authorities are charged with undertaking comprehensive assessments of their local housing markets, although until recently this has primarily concentrated on the needs and requirements for social housing (Blackaby, 2000). Nevertheless, it was thought that certain local authorities may have undertaken research into empty or irregularly occupied dwellings, given the reported level of interest in this issue and recent policy changes concerning the council tax reductions for second homes. It was thought too onerous to canvas each rural local authority in the UK; therefore, a sample of authorities in England and Wales, identified by FPD Savills (2004) as having in excess of three per cent of dwelling stock used as second homes, were contacted and asked about research in their area. A list of the authorities contacted is presented in Appendix Five. If more time had been available the comprehensiveness of the review would have been improved by contacting authorities in similar positions in Scotland and Northern Ireland. One Welsh county council provided major reports by key researchers that had not been identified elsewhere, however other local authorities did not appear to possess significant unpublished research.

Document identification and retrieval The search process produced 1060 references. Once duplicate references were removed, a total of 963 remained. All references were entered into Reference Manager, an essential tool to ensure that that the progress of each reference at each stage of the review is tracked and recorded. Table 2.6 below shows the number of studies retrieved at each stage of the review, broken down by source of reference. If studies were unavailable within the research unit or University of York’s library then they were obtained from the British Library Documents Supply Centre or other university libraries and inter-loans arranged. We were unable to obtain some studies and these are detailed in Appendix Six.

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Applying the selection criteria Table 2.6 details how the initial reference set of 1060 reports and studies became the 23 included in this review. After the lead reviewer scanned each reference, 273 were identified as being potentially relevant and copies of the reports retrieved. If the relevance was uncertain because of the absence, or quality, of the abstracts then the report was retrieved anyway. The reports were then examined in more detail and checked against the inclusion criteria. Studies that looked likely to pass the inclusion criteria were then subjected to the data extraction process using the form in Appendix Seven, which was created with Microsoft Access. At least two reviewers checked the decisions made regarding the application of the inclusion criteria and quality appraisal, with disagreements decided by consensus within the whole review team. This left 30 studies that met the inclusion criteria but 7 of these did not meet the quality threshold, meaning a total of 23 studies went forward to the final review.

Table 2.6: Sources of references at each stage of the review

Databases/source Total hits

After de-duplication

Potentially relevant

Passed inclusion criteria

Passed quality criteria

ASSIA 74 59 9 - - EconLit 131 126 2 - - PAIS 69 56 4 - - SSCI 171 162 30 - - SSHI/SSHICP** 28 26 1 - - SocAbs 72 50 7 - - IBSS 50 28 8 1 1 PLANEX 165 131 57 2 2 SIGLE 300 201 31 5 5 Hand searching named journals 0 0 0 - -

Personal communication*** 0 15 15 3 2 Reference checking 0 98 98 18 14 Internet searching 0 11 11 1 1 Totals 1060 963 273 30 23 The 23 included studies are listed in Table 2.7.

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Table 2.7: Studies included in the review Bielckus, C., Rogers, A. and Wibberley, G. (1972) Second Homes in England and Wales. Wye College, Countryside Planning Unit, School of Rural Economics and Related Studies. Jacobs, C. (1972) Second Homes in Denbighshire. Tourism and Recreation Research Report No.3. County of Denbighshire. Tuck (1973) Merioneth Structure Plan. Subject Report 17: Second Homes. Merioneth County Council Pyne, C.B. (1973) Second Homes. Caenarvonshire County Planning Dept. De Vane R. (1975) Second Home Ownership: A case study. Bangor: Bangor Occasional Papers Number 6, University of Wales Press. South West Economic Planning Council (1975) Survey of Second Homes in the South West. London: HMSO. Downing, P. and Dower, M. (1977) Second Homes in Scotland. Dartington Amenity Research Trust. Bollom, C. (1978) Attitude and Second Homes in Rural Wales. Cardiff: Social Science Monographs No.3. University of Wales, Board of Celtic Studies. Bennett, S. (1979) Rural Housing in the Lake District. Lancaster University Shucksmith, M. (1981) No Homes for Locals? Farnborough: Gower. Davies and O’Farrell (1981) An Intra-regional Locational Analysis of Second Home Ownership. Cardiff: Dept of Town Planning, University of Wales. Coleman R. Second Homes in North Norfolk in Moseley, M.J. (Ed.) (1982) Power, Planning and People in Rural East Anglia. Centre for East Anglian Studies, University of East Anglia. Capstick, M. (1987) Housing Dilemmas in the Lake District. Lancaster: Centre for NW Regional Studies, University of Lancaster. Henderson, M., Shucksmith, M., MacDonald, C. (1994) An Evaluation of Scottish Homes Rural Empty Homes Initiatives. Edinburgh: Scottish Homes Murie, A., McIntosh, S., Wainright, S. and McGuckin, A. (1995) Empty Dwellings in Scotland. Research Paper No.63. School of Planning and Housing, Edinburgh College of Art/Herriot Watt University. Shucksmith, M. (1996) Review of Scottish Homes Rural Policy. Edinburgh: Scottish Homes. Damer, S. (2000). Scotland in Miniature? Second Homes on Arran. Scottish Affairs, 31, Spring, pp 37-54. Caledonian Economics Ltd, Arneil, J., Nevin, M., Finnigan, M., Johnston, D., Lees, F., Metwe, D. van der (2001) Evaluation of Empty Homes Initiative. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Tewdwr-Jones, M., Gallent, N., and Mace, A. (2002) Second Homes and Holiday Homes and the Land Use Planning System. Cardiff, Welsh Assembly. Gallent, N., Mace, A. and Tewdwr-Jones, M. (2002) Second homes in rural areas of England. Wetherby: Countryside Agency. Johnston, E. (2003) A Source of Contention: Affordable Housing in Rural Wales. Cardiff: IWA/JRF. Ashby, P., Birch, G. and Haslett, M. (1975) Second Homes In North Wales. Liverpool: Dept of Civic Design, Liverpool University. Finch, H., Lovell, A. and Ward, K (1989) Empty Dwellings. A study of vacant private sector dwellings in five local authority areas. London: HMSO. Details of the seven studies that did not meet the quality threshold are included in Appendix Eight. Three of these were conducted for Masters or Diplomas in Town Planning, and, although they demonstrated sufficient understanding of the topic and research methods, were not adequately robust to meet the quality threshold of this review. One other study did not use methods that were sensitive enough to capture

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data relating to second homes, or other empty or irregularly occupied properties, as acknowledged by the authors. Two further studies did not contain enough information about the methods used in the study to convey any confidence in the findings reported. Although this may have been due to poor reporting rather than poor research, it was nevertheless problematic. Finally one study mainly reported an unsystematic literature review; although there was some new research reported in addition to secondary data, again this was not reported in sufficient detail. Wallace et al. (2004) report how some authors express concern at the reduction of such large initial reference sets to the small numbers of studies that go forward for review, suggesting that a large quantity of relevant evidence is being lost in the process (White, 2001). The two most common reasons for studies not passing the inclusion criteria were that they did not address the issues of empty or irregularly occupied property or were not based upon empirical research. Many studies did not pass the inclusion criteria in the review of assistance for mortgagors in financial difficulties (Croucher et al. 2003) for very similar reasons, either they did not pass the inclusions criteria or were not empirical studies. As reported in Arksey et al. (2004) the table should be treated with some caution when assessing the utility of different databases for the review. Once the initial references were received the duplicate entries from different databases were removed according to a hierarchy of databases relevant to this review. The less sophisticated databases, such as Planex or IBSS, were deduplicated against the more specific ones, such as SSCI, SSHI, SocAbs, SIGLE, Econlit or ASSIA. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note the dominance of grey literature databases and reference checking as sources of studies for this systematic review. As in Croucher et al. (2003), the academic peer-reviewed databases were less helpful as a supply of studies that were worth consideration for the review. It is apparent that journal articles are not the prime publication source of primary research in housing. Those journal papers that were retrieved were usually excluded in favour of the main report to the commissioners, as they included more detail about the substantive topic and the research methods.

Document retrieval Most retrieval was conducted through the British Library Document Supply Centre (BLDSC), which generally worked very well. However, 35 reports were found to be potentially relevant but were unavailable through the BLDSC, the research commissioners or other libraries. These studies are listed in Appendix Six. They were mostly from the 1970s and generally evenly split between those focussing on second homes and those focussing on general rural housing issues. One of the reports dated from the 1960s, 14 from the 1970s, 5 from the 1980s, 10 from the 1990s and 1 from 2000 onwards. The 1970s reports were more concerned with second homes (11 out 16 reports), and the 1990s reports with general rural housing

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issues (9 out of 10 reports). Many of these studies were produced at the local authority level, and not deposited within the public domain which may account for the difficulties in locating them. Emails and letters were sent to the rural authorities with the most concentrations of second homes, but apart from one authority where a particularly interested information officer was employed, this resulted in few studies being identified, despite local authorities being charged with conducting local housing market area analysis. The information officer with whom the review team was in contact actually supplied some key studies that were not identified through any databases but that were included in the final review. It is also of concern that fifteen studies conducted in the 1990s and 2000s were also unavailable. One of these was produced for a private client who would not agree to the full report being released, but others were requested from libraries and commissioning organisations with no success. From the patterns of decisions made as the other reports went through the review process, it may be surmised that many of the reports would not have met the inclusion criteria for the review because they were not based upon empirical research. In addition many of the reports that focussed on general rural housing issues may not have included work on empty or irregularly occupied properties, as it is likely that they may have only have addressed the supply of social housing or planning concerns, for example. It is likely, however, that the earlier studies on second homes would have been the most rewarding to have found, albeit that they are several decades old.

Data abstraction and synthesis An electronic data extraction form (presented in Appendix Seven) was designed: to ensure a uniform and structured set of data was extracted from each study; to record the reasons for including or excluding studies from the review; and to aid comparison between the studies. Reviewers completed a form for each of the studies that passed the relevance criteria for the review. An Access database was used to manage data extraction forms. Over and above the bibliographic and descriptive data extracted from each study, these forms were used to record the different strands of evidence relating to the impacts of empty and irregularly occupied properties on the different dimensions of sustainability set out in Table 2.2 above. In regard to policy initiatives data were abstracted regarding the structure, process, and outcome of policy. Two matrices were developed. The first matrix charted the evidence from each study concerned with the impacts of empty and irregularly occupied properties on rural communities onto the different dimensions of sustainability. We drew on raw data from the studies and the interpretations of the authors of the studies. The second matrix charted different types of policy interventions – planning, fiscal, housing market, environmental – and evidence relating to their structure, process

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and outcomes. These matrices enabled us to organise the evidence around particular themes, and compare findings across different studies. Achieving an actual synthesis of the findings has been problematic. In particular it has been a challenge to draw conclusions from evidence on housing markets. Housing markets are dynamic systems and change considerably across both time and location. In addition, the disparate nature of the studies, in terms of case study areas, time when research was conducted, various methods adopted, and inconsistent definition across studies means the review relies heavily on a descriptive account of study findings. The review team are aware of the debates surrounding methods in narrative synthesis (see Dixon-Woods et al. 2004; Popay et al. 1998) but recognise that more empirical testing of various approaches is required to develop these methods further.

Conclusion The review has presented particular methodological challenges. These are further explored in Chapter Six. We are confident however that the rigour of the search ensures that very little evidence has been overlooked, and that through the application of study selection criteria only robust evidence has been synthesised and presented in the findings of this review.

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Chapter Three Researching empty and irregularly occupied dwellings: definitions, methods, timing and location

Introduction The studies included in this review were undertaken in various locations across the UK over a period of more than thirty years. Some studies used multiple case study areas and others were located in a single place. Different studies adopted different definitions of second or empty homes. A range of methods were utilised - most usually surveys (for example to identify unoccupied properties, to identify the characteristics of second home owners and patterns of second home usage), and interviews with different groups of key informants. As might be expected different studies focused on different aspects of empty and irregularly occupied properties. This chapter presents an overview of how the evidence included in the review has been gathered, exploring a number of key features such as:

• the focus of different studies;

• when studies were conducted;

• where research has taken place across the UK;

• the way that empty, second and holiday homes have been defined in the studies in the review;

• how empty and irregularly occupied dwellings have been identified;

• the range of methods that studies have utilised.

Brief summaries of the studies included in the review are presented in Appendix Nine. These studies passed the inclusion criteria for the review. It is however to be noted that these criteria are not meant to provide a ‘gold standard’, but more a ‘good enough standard’. At the end of the Chapter we consider the limitations of the evidence, and make some recommendations regarding how studies might be undertaken in the future.

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Focus of the studies The review sought studies that considered the impact of empty or irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities and/or evaluated policy interventions designed to reduce or mitigate these impacts. All the studies that were entered into the review were pertinent to the review questions. Four studies addressed empty rural homes, two addressed rural housing generally, and the remaining 17 studies addressed second homes. Of the four studies addressing empty homes, three were undertaken in Scotland within the last ten years and were evaluations of specific policy interventions (Schucksmith, 1996; Henderson et al. 1994; Caledonian Economics et al. 2001). One of the studies addressing general rural housing was located in Scotland, and one in Wales. The remaining 17 studies addressing second homes were almost all concerned with identifying the extent and distribution of second homes in one or more areas, and the impacts of second homes on local housing markets. Several studies attempted to measure the impact of second home ownership on the viability of local businesses and services, sometimes aggregating data from surveys of second homeowners to estimate the total contribution to county or regional economies (Pyne, 1973; Jacobs, 1972; SWEPC, 1975; Tuck, 1973; De Vane, 1975; Downing and Dower, 1977; Damer, 2000). However, those studies that tried to identify the economic contribution the second home markets provided locally were problematic, as comparison to other industries was not always included and none compared the regular expenditure of second home owners to that of a permanent resident. One study (Bollom, 1978) was primarily concerned with the attitudes of host communities towards second home ownership and the degrees of interaction between second homeowners and local residents, whilst a further study (Damer, 2000) focused on the social attributes of second home owners. Eleven other studies presented data regarding attitudes towards second home ownership although this was not their primary focus (Bielckus et el, 1972; Jacobs, 1972; Ashby et al. 1975; Pyne, 1973; Tuck, 1973; Downing and Dower, 1977; Bennett, 1979; Coleman, 1982; Capstick, 1987; Gallent et al. 2002; Johnston, 2003). The analysis of second homes was hampered by a lack of any disaggregration of the attitudes of local residents to all incomers, including those seeking housing for retirement, commuting or for holiday lets.

When were the studies carried out? As well as methodological and definitional issues, the timing of the studies in the review is of significance. Ten of the studies considered which included work on empty, second and holiday homes were conducted in the 1970s, five in the 1980s,

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three in the 1990s and five since 2000. One group of authors are responsible for most of the contemporary work on second homes. A number of the earlier studies from the 1970s were carried out in-house by local authorities, where, perhaps, nowadays, specific research would be outsourced. Indeed, more recent research has tended to be commissioned by national bodies or government such as the Countryside Agency (Gallent et al. 2002) and the Welsh Assembly Government (Tewdwr-Jones, 2002). Other research has been funded from academic sources such as The Leverhulme Trust or the Social and Economic Research Council. Ten of the studies considered were conducted more than twenty five years ago. It is pertinent to reflect on how the broader social, economic and cultural context in which this body of evidence sits, notwithstanding the views, experiences and attitudes of respondents in these studies, may have moved on to such an extent that consideration needs to be given to the application of their findings in the current context. Interpreting the evidence across time and place was difficult as it was hard to ascertain whether the circumstances were different because of general economic or societal changes over time or because of that particular location had unique experiences. Where possible we have highlighted the most significant differences between the more recent and older literature.

Location of studies Of the twenty-three studies in this review eight studies focussed on England, ten on Wales and six on Scotland3. No studies considered empty, holiday or second homes in Northern Ireland. This may reflect more pressing housing problems in the region. The studies are dominated by case study evidence of communities and counties in North Wales where the issue of second homes received great attention in the 1970s, although the Lake District also features strongly as an area with great interest in second homes. The areas examined in England, with few exceptions, relate to one piece of research. The studies conducted in Scotland also often relate to the issue of empty properties and are more recent, and consider policy evaluations of initiatives to bring dwellings back into use. Ten studies were conducted in the 1970s, five in the 1980s, three in the 1990s and five in the 2000s; it is the most recent work that explores empty as well as second homes. One group of authors are responsible for most of the contemporary work on second homes. Figure 3.1 illustrates the distribution of case study areas featured in the reviewed research, and shows the locations chosen in over three decades of research in the field. There are 52 case study areas, but many of those areas feature several times in the research, such as in Scotland the Strathspey area; in England the Lake District and in Wales Gwynedd.

3 These figures add up to 24 as one study considered both England and Wales.

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Figure 3.1 Distribution of areas used as case studies in research included in the review.

1970s 1980 1990 2000

1970s 1980s 1990s 2000s

© Crown Copyright 2004. Image produced from Ordnance Survey’s get-a-Map service. Image reproduced with permission of Ordnance Survey and Ordnance Survey Northern Ireland.

Definitions of empty, second and holiday homes The definition of what constitutes a second home or holiday home has been a perennial problem. This is an issue in all aspects of the research as it impedes comparison between studies and has the potential to cause confusion. Although

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individual studies may provide a clear definition of the types of accommodation that were included or excluded, it is unclear whether studies that compared evidence from other research findings to each other or to the Census material were talking about the same phenomena. For example, a study that reported the growth in second home ownership in local areas may have recorded the growth in purpose built holiday villages, rather than existing dwellings in villages, smaller settlements or dwellings that stand alone in remote countryside. A degree of permanence relating to the dwelling physical structure was often included in definitions of second homes. However, other studies included chalets, log cabins and static caravans. Their inclusion could be problematic as the analysis did not always disaggregate the findings for these distinct parts of the second homes market. It was therefore capable of overestimating the number of second homes in a locality with potential as permanent first homes for local people. Local demand for residence in holiday parks, with chalets, log cabins or static caravans, appears to be generated by lack of other housing opportunities rather than housing preferences, although residency in Park Homes may be more long term. Exploring these differences would have added some clarity to any analysis of the degree of competition in the local housing market between locals and second home owners. Several studies were careful to draw a distinction in principle between second homes and holiday homes (Gallent et al. 2002), Tewdwr-Jones et al.(2000), Pyne 1973, South West Economic Planning Council, 1975, Bennett, 1979, Davies and O’Farrell, 1981, Capstick, 1987). However, difficulties with differentiating between a second and holiday home were readily acknowledged by a number of the studies (for example, Davies and O’Farrell, 1981; Bielckus, 1977). Bielckus also noted that where households owned two properties, it was not always clear which could be defined as the first home or second home, since the way in which such properties were used, and also length of occupancy in the different residences were not always clear cut. Distinctions were also blurred between the dwellings used as holiday homes and second homes, as second homes were sometimes let to defray costs associated with ownership. One study defined holiday homes as a reduction in supply and conceptualised them as part of the tourist stock of accommodation, such as hotels (South West Economic Planning Council, 1975). This may also be problematic if looking comprehensively at demand in local housing markets as they remain dwellings unavailable for use as permanent residence for local people but have been removed in the analysis of total dwelling stocks. Some definitions emphasised the use made of the dwelling for leisure or recreation. As there are changing patterns of employment for some, with home-working, tele-working and dual income households, the distinction may today be less clear. One

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partner may use the ‘other’ dwelling to work from whilst the other does not, as household and working arrangements become more diverse. This pattern of changing housing consumption has yet to be explored in research concerning second or holiday homes.

Identifying empty and irregularly occupied property A fundamental difficulty that studies have sought to address is the identification of an accurate figure of the number of empty, second homes and holiday homes, either nationally, or in case study areas. As has been noted above, this difficulty relates in part to the definition of the types of dwelling that constitute empty, second and holiday homes. A further difficulty stems from the way that empty, second and holiday homes are identified in sources of data, and potential confusion over the precise use to which dwellings are put. Subsequently, these factors have implications for the comparison of the number of empty, second and holiday homes between studies and over time. The Census provides a readily accessible source, in that it attempts to measure the number of empty, second and holiday homes. The Census has provided data on second and holiday homes every ten years since 1981 – prior to this, second homes were not recorded in the Census. However, whilst the 1981 and 1991 Censuses differentiated between second homes and holiday homes, the 2001 Census only included an aggregate figure including both second and holiday homes. Furthermore, studies have highlighted that it is likely that the Census undercounts the actual number of second homes (Gallent et al. 2002). Second/holiday homes were identified in the 2001 Census as being distinct from vacant dwellings either by the enumerator or from a household completing a Census form for an address that was not their principal residence. Households that returned a form where all household members are visitors are classed as second or holiday home. Unoccupied dwellings are classified as a second or holiday home if at least one of the household spaces (i.e. flats or apartments) within it (or the single household space if the dwelling is unshared) is a second or holiday home. However, as Gallent et al. (2002) point out, enumerators exclude properties that are not known to be secondary residences or holiday homes, and this is where an undercount may occur. These authors also noted that it is not known to what extent second homes are enumerated as occupied accommodation on Census night. Difficulties in accurately distinguishing between empty, second or holiday homes was also noted by Murie et al. (1995) who described problems in the way in which properties are recorded as empty by surveyors as part of surveys of empty properties in Scotland. A number of properties recorded as empty were in fact second or holiday homes, which casts doubt on the way these are recorded. For example, the Post Census Survey of Vacant Properties (PCSVP) was conducted in

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1991 by the General Register Office for Scotland as a follow up survey of properties classified by Census enumerators as being vacant on Census night. It did not include households spaces identified in the Census as not used as main residence or occupied household spaces where the household was absent on Census night. The qualitative research conducted by Murie et al. (1995) noted problems with the classification between these two categories and the truly vacant category and suggested that it was probable that some vacants were student housing or were second or holiday homes. Other research on empty properties in Scotland has reinforced this finding. The evaluation of the Scottish Empty Homes Initiative found that many properties identified as empty were in fact being used as holiday homes (Caledonian et al. 2001). A further concern about the Census is that it only provides data every ten years, and thus the figures soon date. Studies subsequently need to have recourse to other sources to obtain current numbers between Censuses. Historically, rating registers have provided an important source of data for studies of second homes. The majority of the studies undertaken in the 1970s drew upon rating registers for this purpose. However, the registers did not identify second home owners directly, and instead noted which owners had an address outside of the county. Thus they only indicated the possibility of dwellings used as second homes. Surveys were then required to identify which properties were actually used as second homes. However, in line with the identified drawbacks of the Census, a number of studies recognised that such methods might lead to an undercount of the actual number of second homes. As highlighted by the De Vane (1975) study, the work by Tuck (1973) and Pyne (1973) estimated that the rating register undercounted second homes by about ten per cent. To attempt to mitigate this undercount, a number of studies used alternative sources to identify second homes to complement the figures drawn from the rating registers. Thus Coleman (1982), Bennett (1976), Bollom (1975), De Vane (1975), the South West Economic Planning Council (1975), Tuck (1973) used a case study approach to draw on alternative sources to corroborate the figures identified from the rating register. These studies used the local knowledge of local residents to try and identify second homes in their respective settlements. Bollom (1975) and the South West Economic Planning Council (1975) also used the electoral register as a method of identifying possible second homes. Other studies used field surveys such as Davies and O’Farrell (1981) – an approach which may offer the potential for additional accuracy, but which would be a costly method to reproduce in future research. Recent research such as Gallent et al. (2002) identifies council tax returns as the most promising source of data on second homes, although these authors also highlighted drawbacks. To a certain extent confusion arises from the way that properties may, or may not, be registered by owners for council tax. At the time that the research by Gallant et al. (2002) was undertaken, a 50% discount for properties

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used as second homes was available, and the authors point out that, individuals may not necessarily have claimed the discount of 50%, even though they may have been eligible, thereby removing themselves from any count (Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002). Murie et al. (1995) also noted that in Scotland, although the majority of dwellings that qualified for two discounts for council tax were second homes, this number was not wholly accurate as a count for second homes specifically. Greater clarity over second home numbers may develop as local authorities in Scotland develop their monitoring and identification of second home owners as part of the billing process.

Which methods have studies used? The authors of the various studies had employed a mixture of methods, primarily surveys, interviews and discussion groups with various key respondents (see below). Some also utilised secondary data sources such as previous research or market surveys. The summary table in Appendix Nine includes a brief description of the methods employed by each study.

Surveys Many of the earlier studies undertook large-scale postal surveys of second home owners (Bielckus et al. 1972; Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973; Pyne, 1973; De Vane, 1975; South West Economic Planning Council, 1975; Bollom, 1978). Second home owners were usually identified through rating registers (see below ). Two smaller studies also surveyed much smaller samples of second home owners (Coleman, 1982; Capstick, 1987; Damer, 2000). Questions posed to second home owners addressed a variety of topics across the different studies; for example, location of primary residence and distances travelled to second homes, seasonal use of property, frequency and length of visits, amenities used, average expenditure, age and socio-economic status of second home owners, as well as questions about the location, age and state of repair, and amenities in the properties used as second homes. Other studies surveyed rural officers in local authorities (Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002; Galllent et al. 2002), and local estate agents (Shucksmith, 1981).

Case Studies Nearly all the studies investigated second homes in different case study areas although the location and connection between the case studies varied. Only one study considered case study areas across the UK (Bielckus et al. 1972). Others used case studies in particular nations (Downing and Dower, 1977; Davies and O’Farrell, 1981; Henderson et al. 1994; Murie et al. 1995; Shucksmith, 1996; Authors, 2001; Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002; Gallent et al. 2002; Johnston, 2003), regions (Ashby et al. 1975, South West Economic Planning Council, 1975; Bollom, 1987), counties (Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973; Pyne, 1973; De Vane, 1975) or other

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defined geographic areas such as a National Park (Bennett, 1979; Shucksmith, 1981; Capstick, 1987). These multi-area case studies were very useful to illustrate the diversity in the experiences of the same phenomena displayed in different local housing markets. Only two studies considered second homes in a single location (Coleman, 1982; Damer, 2000).

Key informants A key feature of this body of research was collating the views, experiences and judgements of key informants on various aspects of empty, second and holiday homes through surveys or interviews and discussions. However there was some variation across the studies regarding the type of respondents that were considered as key informants, reflected to some extent the shifting focus of the research. As noted above, a feature of studies investigating second homes in rural areas in the 1970s and 1980s was a focus on assessing impacts by surveying second home owners themselves. With the exception of one study (Jacobs, 1972), all the studies also presented local residents’ views regarding second home owners and, sometimes, local housing demand, usually via interviews/discussion groups with local residents, although an alternative approach used by many of the studies was to examine impacts of second homes by contacting local key informants. In some instances, these informants included local contacts, such as police, local businesses, members of the clergy (Jacobs, 1972; Downing and Dower, 1977; Bennett, 1979; Coleman, 1982; Capstick, 1987; Gallent et al. 2002; Johnston, 2003). Some studies reflected methods of gauging local feelings that would now be considered inappropriate for research. Examples include using village gatekeepers such as the clergy, police officers, postmasters or teachers. With greater commuting and turnover in employment, the ability of such professions to talk on behalf of a community may be more limited today. Moreover, it may be more acceptable to actually the hear the voices of those who are the subjects of that part of the study, for example, holding focus groups of villagers. On a similar theme, no studies interviewed or surveyed first time buyers in rural areas, and yet their ability to enter owner occupation underpinned many assumptions about the problems second homes may be causing. One study held a focus group of young people, but they were not engaged in the process of registering or searching for property to rent or own at that time. Although, one study did make the point that the ability of households to trade up as household circumstances change is also vital for sustainable communities and so retaining existing homeowners is a problem in areas of high house price rises. Inclusion of data from those making house searches in case study areas would be beneficial for comprehensive analysis, to highlight similarities or differences between the type and price of property they are seeking to buy.

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A considerable proportion of the studies also interviewed professionals in the public and/or private sectors. Many studies used the knowledge of housing and planning officials or staff from housing associations to gauge knowledge about local housing markets. However, many local authorities did not have housing needs assessments and some were out of date. Few had conducted comprehensive housing market analysis and so the ability of these people to comment on the local housing market was drawn mainly from their local knowledge and experience of the areas where they worked. Government and regulatory pressure has recently been exerted on local authorities to conduct more comprehensive analyses of local, sub-regional and regional housing markets, and so it is hoped that local policymakers will have a more robust evidence-base on which to draw in the future. There are already richer sources of contemporary data available now relating to house prices and neighbourhoods. These data are available at small output levels, such as the Census and other official statistics and market research tools such as Mosaic. Some studies presented data based on interviews with estate agents; however, it was unclear whether a range of local agents had been sampled and the how the data were analysed. Greater use could have been made of key players – estate agents, lenders and solicitors – in the private market to provide more information about market processes and gauge levels of inward and outward migration. Other studies interviewed key informants such as local tradesmen, planners and local residents to gauge the impact of second home ownership on local economies (Coleman, 1982; Bennett, 1979; Gallent et al. 2002; Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002). These interviews were rarely supported with financial information.

Secondary data Some studies also drew on secondary data such as government report and market research data (Downing and Dower, 1977; Henderson et al. 1994;), Census, employment and labour market statistics (Capstick, 1987), statistics on vacant properties (Murie et al. 1995), and Local Plans in Wales, Scotland and England (Johnston, 2003).

Limitations of the studies The political problematisation of second homes has, in effect, led to the focus of the initial questions posed and research commissioned perhaps being too narrowly defined. The issue of second homes has been, with notable exceptions, studied in isolation from other expressions of external demand in local areas, such as retirement and commuting. The study of second homes in isolation from other drivers of housing demand meant that it was difficult to separate impacts attributed to second homes from other factors, although authors continued to attribute shortages of affordable housing for

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local people and external competition in housing markets to second homes. One author (De Vane, 1975) did, however, decide to abandon the aim of assessing the impact of second homes on house prices as it was not possible to identify contrasting areas with high and low levels of second homes where direct comparison between housing markets could be achieved. Where the issue of second homes was set within a wider economic and social context, authors drew on data from multiple case studies and examined other sources of external demand. For example, Gallent et al. (2002) noted that assessments of the economic impact of second homes in rural areas need to consider broader impacts such as e-shopping and the role of supermarkets in changing shopping habits of residents in rural areas. The multitude of factors from which housing market imbalances emerge should be included in any future analysis of rural housing markets. The issue of second homes would be interesting to explore in the context, not only of the impacts on local housing markets, but as part of changing patterns of housing consumption, housing wealth and subsequent housing inequalities. The point of how home is interpreted was raised briefly in the evidence, but exploring this further in relation to use of second homes would be interesting, given changing patterns of work and residence. Measures that have been taken to intervene in local markets have been poorly evaluated, such as those to restrict occupancy in National Parks, for example. Greater evaluation might shed light on the directions in which policy should develop in this respect.

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Chapter Four The impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on sustainability of rural communities

Introduction This chapter presents the substantive finding from the review of the evidence relating to our first review question: what are the effects of privately owned empty or irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities?

Presentation of the evidence As noted in Chapter Two, we planned to organise the evidence thematically around the ten different dimensions of sustainability presented in Table 2.2. As we worked through the studies it became apparent that the evidence only addressed one of these dimensions – demand for housing/access to affordable housing – in any great depth. There was a smaller although significant body of evidence that addressed impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on the viability of rural facilities, services, employment and business. There was some evidence relating to the socio-economic status of second home owners and their interaction with their host communities which addressed the dimensions of community cohesiveness and community mix. There was a very small amount of evidence relating to the quality of the built environment. There is as yet no evidence-base that addresses the impact of empty and irregularly occupied property on a number of the dimensions of community sustainability, notably: reputation or image of the community; crime and anti-social behaviour; social exclusion and poverty; and the accessibility of facilities, services, and employment. We will discuss this lack of evidence on these key themes in Chapter Seven. Given the available evidence, we have organised the evidence under four thematic headings:

• Impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on rural housing markets;

• Impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on community cohesion;

• Impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on community viability.

• Impact of empty or irregularly occupied property on the quality of the built environment.

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Each theme starts with a brief introduction, and the evidence is then presented in sub-sections as appropriate.

Theme 1: Impact of empty and irregularly occupied properties on rural housing markets As noted above, the main body of evidence retrieved in this review related to the impacts of empty and irregularly occupied properties on rural housing markets. We have divided the evidence into three sub-themes:

• changing rural housing markets;

• impact of second homes on rural housing markets;

• impact of empty and holiday homes on rural housing markets.

The first sub-theme presents evidence relating to the inter-play between second homes and patterns of in- and out- migration, and wider considerations relating to supply and other sources of external demand within the local housing market. The second sub-theme considers the growth of the second homes market, where second homes are located, the characteristics of second home owners, and the types of properties used as second homes. It then considers to what extent second home owners represent adverse competition in the local housing market to residents of rural areas. Finally the third sub-theme presents the more limited evidence on the impact of empty or holiday homes on rural housing markets.

Changing rural housing markets • It is clear from the studies in the review that the issue of empty or irregularly

occupied properties cannot be considered in isolation from the other processes of change within rural housing.

• Although there is a widely held view that rural depopulation is a consequence of local residents’ inability to compete with second home owners for local housing, many studies conclude that the outward migration of young people and young families from rural areas is more closely allied to a lack of appropriate employment, education and leisure activities than to a lack of housing.

• Second homes are not the sole source of external demand in rural areas, however they have been subject to more attention that other external demands such as retirement or commuting. Indeed, second homes remain a local phenomenon, and it seems that their national significance has declined over the last decade.

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• Ageing and retirement are the key factors likely to impact on housing markets in the next 25 years.

• Increased demand for housing in rural areas is only one aspect of the complex changes that are taking place in rural areas, which include the undersupply of alternative forms of housing, changes to local economies and loss of industries (such as forestry, agriculture, quarrying), and improved transport links.

• There is an absence of alternative forms of housing supply. Many rural areas have historically had proportionately less publicly owned housing than national and regional averages. Moreover the rural housing stock has been reduced by the Right-to-Buy, and there are planning constraints and financial limitation that constrain the development of new social housing.

Economic changes To varying degrees, many studies considered how empty or irregularly occupied properties, and second homes in particular, were part of wider societal and economic transformations affecting rural communities. The review did not seek research that addressed the issues of rural depopulation, in-migration and the supply of social housing, but nevertheless a comprehensive literature will exist that is specifically concerned with these issues. Nonetheless, as some studies highlight, understanding the impacts of second homes cannot be divorced from wider events in rural housing markets. Many of the studies make reference to the decline in the rural populations, and the elements of social exchange that occur due to young people leaving and older people entering areas for retirement or commuting purposes.4

Many of rural areas used as case studies thrived on agriculture, forestry, mining or quarrying, the economic importance of which has diminished in the post war period. This is particularly evident from the 1970s Welsh studies. Jacobs (1972) illustrates the rapid demise of land-based industries in Denbighshire, North Wales, showing the number of agricultural workers declined from 3552 to 2079 from 1961 to 1970. Pyne (1973) indicates, in his study of Caenarvonshire, that areas where agriculture is the main source of employment have faired better than those where quarrying was dominant, in terms of the sudden withdrawal of employment. He also cites the County Development Plan 1952 which charts that the decline in rural population had begun by 1870, and in quarrying parishes by 1911. Between 1911 and 1921, the population of rural districts fell by 12%, and from 1931 to 1949 by a further 5%, although in some parishes it was up to 30%. Tuck (1973) notes that the growth of second homes was strongly influenced by the economic changes taking place in the 4 Champion (2000) now demonstrates that there is a population drift to the countryside through the hierarchy of settlements from cities to towns to villages to deep rural areas.

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area, and notes that, at the time, second homes were created out of surplus houses resulting from the decline of the slate industry or the rationalisation of agriculture. It was implicit that many authors, particularly in the early studies, were addressing popular hypotheses that suggested that rural depopulation was a result of local residents’ inability to compete for local housing with people seeking second homes. Nevertheless, many studies conclude that the loss of young people and young families from rural areas was not so much a consequence of lack of housing, but was allied rather to the lack of appropriate employment suited to their educational attainment, and for education or lifestyle opportunities (Capstick, 1987; Shucksmith, 1981; Johnston, 2003). Bennett (1979) used Census data to show population decline mainly in the younger age groups between 1961 and 1971, and only one parish had experienced an increase fuelled by commuters. Furthermore, Bennett surveyed school leavers and found that lack of employment was not necessarily the reason why a good half of them left their parishes, as stable employment was available within commuting distance of the two parishes surveyed, but it was rather a lack of social facilities, such as education and leisure opportunities. However, the employment opportunities that existed for those that remained were in the local quarry, shops or local mills, so young people with greater aspirations may have felt propelled to leave. Coleman (1982) also notes the decline in the marine trade in North Norfolk and the lack of alternative employment opportunities, except in service industries and tourism, with the consequence that the area has experienced an outward migration of young people and the inward migration of older retired people. Although there are strong reasons other than housing why younger people may wish to leave their villages, some did wish to return when married (Bennett, 1979). Capstick’s (1987) later study found evidence that young people were moving away from the Central Lakes towards the cheaper industrial villages and towns, but, even with rising incomes, house prices prohibited a return to their parish of origin later in life. But Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) conclude, after consideration of the evidence and detailed case studies, that a dearth of educational and employment opportunities is the principal push-factor causing young people to migrate from the countryside to larger towns and cities, rather than merely an inability to enter the housing market. The tourist industry has become economically important in many of the areas subject to second homes, bringing employment to these rural areas. This can bring mixed fortunes, as it is a sector characterised by low incomes and seasonal employment, which reduce local residents’ ability to enter the housing market. For example, Gallent et al. (2002) suggest that employment opportunities exist in places such as the Lake District National Park, but that the ‘cream tea economy’ offers

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inadequate wages and the employment is insecure. These changes have reconfigured these areas into ones subject to residential tourism, which has in turn generated further external demand for housing as it appeals to urbanites’ perceptions of the rural idyll. This again may adversely impact on local residents’ ability to compete in the housing market. The report returns to the issue of competition within local housing markets later in this section.

External demand in local housing markets Second homes are not the sole source of external demand in rural areas, although they have become subject to more attention than others. Most studies focus solely on the impacts of second homes on local housing markets, attributing housing problems in local areas solely to second homes. Many do, however, acknowledge that there are other sources of external demand. Some studies examined these other sources of external demand in more detail and found that whilst permanent in-migration, for retirement or commuting purposes, and second homes both exert considerable pressure on rural housing markets, demand from retirement and commuting is thought to be of more significant concern than second homes in most places (Gallent et al. 2002). They found that second homes might not be a predominant problem at local authority level, but that they do raise significant concern in some individual villages. Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) examines second homes in Wales and finds they remain a local phenomenon, where the problems need a local policy response, but that their national significance has waned over the last decade, and that ageing and retirement emerge as the key factors most likely to affect housing markets in the next 25 years. Older studies also found commuting and retirement purchases were important factors in external demand for property (Bennett, 1979; Shucksmith, 1981; Jacobs, 1972). For example, retirement and commuting, together with demand for holiday and second homes, has put pressure on housing in the Lake District. In the late 1970s, Shucksmith (1981) found external demand for property in the Lake District was hugely significant. It was estimated by local estate agents that over half of all property purchases were by people outside the area. Whilst 48% of demand for private housing to buy came from local people, locals were selling 60% of property on estate agents books. This indicated a net transfer of 12% from local people to people outside the region. Retirement was seen as the largest source of external demand, followed by second homes, and then by holiday homes. By the late 1980s external demand across parishes in the National Park may perhaps have dropped but it remained strong nevertheless. The origins of land search requests from outside of Cumbria accounted for between 12-43% across three of the four district councils that cover the Lake District National Park (Capstick, 1987). But as Bennett (1979) notes, these expressions of urban demand in the countryside represent only an element of complex changes that have taken place, which also include the undersupply of alternative forms of housing such as council housing, structural

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changes to the local economy and greater accessibility by the provision of improved road transport links. Other drivers of changing demand were identified as developments in information technology and tele-working. These had increased demand in rural areas in the South and East where people worked partially at home and commuted to London once or twice a week (Gallent et al. 2002). Johnston (2003) identified commuters as an especially important source of external demand in the Brecon Beacons, where homes were purchased by people working in Cardiff and the South coast employment centres. Coleman (1982) also suggests commuters were important in Norfolk. In addition, Buy-to-Let investors were also a recent source of external demand in some rural housing markets, although it is unclear to what extent and whether the end use would be for private renting, holiday lets or second homes, or even resale to the open market after speculative purchase. Purchase for holiday homes was also identified as a source of external demand (Shucksmith, 1981), although there were also examples of local residents purchasing property for holiday letting purposes (Bennett, 1979; Gallent et al. 2002).

Alternative supply of housing Increased demand creates imbalances in local housing markets, in the absence of alternative forms of supply, across all tenures. Some earlier studies highlight the uneven provision of council housing in many rural areas and suggest that this contributes to the problems associated with various forms of external demand. Studies suggested that council and private rented housing were preferred by many local residents at that time, as they were not necessarily in the market to buy (Jacobs, 1972; Shucksmith, 1981). Capstick (1987) shows that the proportion of publicly owned housing across the four district councils in the Lake District National Park was substantially below the national, regional and even the district average as a whole. In 1981 local authority housing stood at only 12.3% of the stock within the national park, although this did vary considerably across the district councils. Shucksmith (1981) also draws attention to this deficit and shows that only a limited supply of council housing had been built in the Lakeland authorities, which he attributes to the dominance of the local landowners and farmers. Council housing was important, particularly at this time, as it offered alternative low-cost housing as the private rented sector declined. Shucksmith (1981) argues that this issue needs to be scrutinised as authorities made insufficient use of the powers available to them to produce social housing and this, in conjunction with the demand for housing for sale, has contributed to the current housing problems. From a limited base point, Capstick (1987) also demonstrates the effects of the early stages of the Right-to-Buy policy in the Lake District National Park. Only five of the council homes already sold had become second or holiday homes in the period

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1981 to 1986, the first five years of the policy. However, Right-to-Buy sales represented 27.7% of the stock in Copeland District Council, 18.5% in Eden DC, 9.8% in Allerdale and 10.5% in South Lakeland. A total of 273 homes were sold across the four districts in the National Park, which represents a large loss, and all interviewees in her study stressed that a large stock of rental housing was essential for meeting local needs. The former council homes that had become available on the open market were still unaffordable to local people and therefore did not represent a low-cost entry point to home ownership. Today, Johnston (2003) also illustrates the undersupply of social housing and demonstrates that in her case study areas, the three Welsh National Parks (Snowdonia, Brecon Beacons, Pembrokeshire Coast) and Ceredigion, both council housing and stock held by Registered Social Landlords was below the Welsh average. The private rented sector in the case study areas was above the average for Wales, but it was unclear how accessible this was for those on low-incomes. Capstick (1987) suggested that district councils in the Lake District were making headway in reducing long waiting lists for rented housing in the National Park, but that provision of new rural social housing to ameliorate any housing stress was at that time highly constrained by financial limitations. Johnston (2003) emphasises the financial limitations that hamper the supply of new social housing, but also draws attention to the land constraints of new housing provision in the National Parks where development sites rarely become available because of restrictive planning regimes. Housing and planning officials in National Parks, showed greater concern about second homes than in other case study areas, as the supply of new dwellings is limited by planning constraints designed to protect the amenity value of the natural environment and by a lack of public funding for affordable homes (Gallent et al. 2002). This has, therefore, increasingly focussed attention on the use made of the existing dwelling stock. Concern was also expressed that planning controls have been unable to deliver housing that meets local needs when sites had become available (Johnston, 2003). Focus group evidence showed local residents’ unease that when sites were available luxury executive homes were erected, which did not meet local needs for smaller and family units. It was felt that this further attracted purchasers from outside the area and did nothing to solve local housing problems. Another factor influencing many local housing markets is the change in housing preferences by those making housing choices. In Johnston’s study, local people in one case study area said people did not want the council housing that was available but were unable to afford what they did want. This section has provided a flavour of the complexity of rural housing markets and illustrates how other factors are important in how housing market imbalances

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manifest themselves in many rural areas. The phenomenon of second homes must be seen in this context.

Impacts of second homes on rural housing markets • The multiple definitions of second homes present particular problems when

trying to establish quantitative estimates of the distribution and extent of the dwellings used in this way.

• The number of second homes grew rapidly from the mid 1960s to 1970s. Subsequently numbers have continued to grow but at a much slower rate, although local differences may be hidden in this general trend.

• Early studies highlight the importance of isolated rural locations for second homes, although later studies show second homes were no longer confined to deep rural areas. Various factors such as accessibility from urban conurbations, family ties to an area, scenery, and availability of outdoor activities and pursuits influence the choice of location.

• Early studies show that second home owners were overwhelmingly drawn from older and wealthier households; however, little is known about characteristic patterns of contemporary second home ownership.

• Second homes are not confined to picturesque cottages. All types of property can become second homes, but there are local differences depending on levels of demand and nature of the housing stock.

• Demand for second homes has increasingly been directed towards properties that otherwise could be used by permanent residents.

• Retirement and commuting are generally the most significant expressions of external demand in rural housing markets, although alongside these second homes do exert pressure on local markets.

• Low wage rural economies, restrictions on the supply of new housing and external demand combine to raise house prices and disadvantage many local people in rural housing markets.

Growth of second homes Estimating the number of second homes is problematic as various definitions are used in the literature relating to ownership, primary use, construction, permanence and distance from first home (see discussed in Chapter Three). Problems find expression crucially in the types of dwelling included as second homes and the use made of those dwellings. Different approaches are taken to the inclusion of chalets and static caravans and how dwellings are interpreted as being a chalet or static caravan, as some of these represent permanent accommodation available all year round, such as Park Homes, but may be log cabins in holiday villages with residential restrictions. Similarly, the boundaries between the uses of second

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homes for leisure by one family and the same property let on a holiday basis to defray costs of ownership are indistinct. Also problematic in national estimates are the blurred distinctions between second homes, holiday homes, empty homes, homes held ready for resale, whether initially purchased by the owner or inherited, or merely homes whose occupants were absent on Census night. Many authors have found it a challenge to quantify numbers of second homes at the local or county level, and so it is unsurprising that few have attempted to do so at the national level. There are disparities between data sources, no doubt relating to the different definitions. Gallent et al. (2002) surveyed all rural local authorities, and extrapolating local estimates he suggests that there are approximately 100-120,000 second homes in England. The response rate to this survey was 40% and a bias may exist in that those authorities with higher concentrations of second homes may have felt more inclined to respond, possibly producing an over-estimate. In contrast, Gallent et al. (2002) cite the Survey of English Housing 1999/2000, which suggests that 230,000 dwellings are not the usual residence of a household and of these 36% are used for recreation or pre-retirement purposes. This would provide an estimate of around 82,800 second homes. The South West Economic Planning Council study (SWEPC, 1975) estimated that the number of second homes, not including holiday lets, would grow by an average of 5% per year and reach 45,000 by the end of the last century in the South West region alone. Interestingly, the 2001 Census estimates 38,381 second homes and holiday homes combined in the South West, whilst for England the combined figure is 135,202. Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) report Census data from 1991 that suggest that there were between 19,000-22,000 second and holiday homes in Wales at that time, which is an estimate based upon the assumption that the Census includes an undercount of 16%. Using the 2001 Census the corresponding figures are between 16,500 and 19,500 showing a small decline. Downing and Dower (1977) use a range of market research and official statistical data sources to estimate second homes in Scotland at 35,000, compared to 29,299 in the 2001 Census. The early local studies trace the common growth patterns of the second home phenomenon from the 1960s onwards (Tuck, 1973; Downing and Dower, 1977; Davies and O’Farrell, 1981; Tewdwr-Jones et al., 2002). There is agreement that the growth of second homes in various localities was quite small in the early 1960s, growing rapidly from the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s. Expansion of this niche market grew once more from the late 1970s, but at a much slower rate, and has remained relatively steady since. The economic oil crisis of the mid-1970s is frequently offered as an explanation of why the expansion of second homes slowed across the UK in the 1970s. Other inhibitors of growth may also have been the withdrawal of home improvement loans for second homes (Downing and Dower; 1977), the withdrawal of mortgage income tax relief on second homes (Downing and Dower, 1977), the responsiveness to public opinion in the 1970s (Downing and

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Dower, 1977) and the propensity of households to holiday abroad (Gallent et al. 2002). It may also be related to the redirection of second home demand to countries like France and Spain from the 1980s onwards but this is not explored in the literature selected for review.5 Gallent et al. (2002) found no increase in second homes but did suggest that the issue was more politicised and publicised. However, local differences may be hidden in this general picture of second home trends. In her study of the Lake District, Capstick (1987) offers a comparison of Bennett’s 1975 data to the 1981 Census that recorded second homes for the first time. She found 53% of parishes had experienced over a 50% increase in second homes by 1981, although it is unclear whether the data from these two studies are strictly comparable.

Location of second homes Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) suggest that, although second home numbers may have dropped, their spatial distribution remain the same. It is apparent that coastal and upland locations of attractive natural beauty predominate for second homes and this has been consistent over the years. Nevertheless, early studies highlight the importance of isolated rural locations for second homes but as the market grew, settlement density became less important as a factor in locational choice (Jacobs, 1972; Davies and O’Farrell, 1981). Davies and O’Farrell (1981) found that the number of second homes decreased with increased distance from a beach, but that the significance of this has decreased over time. Second homes were increasingly found in village settlements and were no longer confined to remote deeply rural places. Similarly, Jacobs found that early second home owners did prefer the privacy and seclusion of isolated dwellings, but that when concentrations of second homes reached 12% of the local dwelling stock a saturation point was achieved, and demand for second homes was directed elsewhere, including villages and towns. It is unclear from where Jacobs derives the figure of 12% saturation point but Bennett (1979) also traces the spread of second homes across the Lake District, where as suitable properties dry up in certain settlements, demand spreads into adjoining areas. Bennett (1979) also notes that in the Lake District the areas that have the most second homes are Eden, as it is easily accessible, and South Lakeland as it is a strong tourist area. The west side of the National Park had fewer second homes but as other areas become more saturated in the late 1970s it was becoming more popular. The urban centres of Keswick, Ambleside, Windermere and Bowness had high levels of second homes, but had more problems with holiday lettings. Second homes in more remote places have followed depopulation as properties enter the market following relocation for employment reasons. Chapel Stile in the Lake

5 See Hoggart and Buller (1995) for exploration of UK second homes abroad.

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District National Park is cited as a village wholly taken over by the second homes and holiday homes market (Capstick, 1987, Gallent et al. 2002). Several studies found that motivations for second homeowners’ choice of location related to the quality of the scenery (Tuck, 1972; Pyne, 1973; Ashby et al. 1975) and the availability of outdoor activities and recreation in the forms of hill-walking or beach-related pursuits (Jacobs, 1972; Pyne, 1973). The SWEPC (1975) study found second homes more important in towns and villages on or near the coast, which was especially true of the flats and chalets included in that study. In the South West the perception of second homes being older homes set apart from the main settlements was not apparent. Pyne (1973) found that there was little regular pattern to whether second homes were in villages or not. Instead this study identified factors that influenced location as: depopulation and subsequent availability of surplus housing or low cost cottages; the decline in job opportunities; landscape quality; recreational facilities; colonisation, whereby family and friends help potential second home owners identify available property in proximity to their own; escape from urban pressures and accessibility to a first home. Jacobs also found family and friends were an important source of information regarding available properties as 38% of second home owners found their property through this route. Family links to an area were important, in part, to the development of a second homes market, where people living away from their place of origin wished to retain some sentimental links and associations with the area’s culture or traditions via the purchase of a second home (Bollom, 1978; Tuck, 1973; Downing and Dower, 1977; Pyne; 1973; Damer, 2002). Downing and Dower found large minorities of people had actually inherited their second home in a study of second homes in Scotland. It is unclear to what extent these homes remain in the family today. Nevertheless, although not significant in other regions, inheritance was an especially important source of properties in Oban and Skye, where 74% and 60% owners had acquired their second home this way. This raised ontological questions about the meaning of ‘home’ to some people, many of whom evidently viewed the second residence as the real home to which they returned periodically. Downing and Dower argue that the motives of second home owners were not clearly understood but felt that the importance of it being a second ‘home’ was very important, as opposed to any other tourist accommodation. It was essential for this to be borne in mind when considering redirecting demand for second homes away from existing local dwellings. Accessibility from their main home was important to second home owners, as most owners come from the nearest major urban conurbation, although some travel long distances to use their second home. Remoteness has not therefore precluded an area experiencing dwellings being used as second homes. Studies in Wales show most second home owners come from the wealthier suburbs of Merseyside, the

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North West or the West Midlands with the exact location being influenced by the transport networks (Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973; De Vane, 1975; Bollom, 1978). In the SWEPC (1975) study, although 20% of owners came from within the region, nearly two thirds came from the wider South East region. Moreover, 80% of second home owners in the South West had their first residence below a line from the Severn to the Wash. One in 1250 households in the western suburbs of London had a second home in the South West, compared to one in 5100 nationally. It appears, therefore, that homeowners in the South West travel longer distances more regularly to access their second home. Downing and Dower (1977) found in Scotland that Edinburgh and Glasgow were the primary residences of second home owners. Indeed contrary to some popular opinion, most second home owners in Scotland reside in Scotland. Downing and Dower found nine out of ten second home owners were Scottish, although local variation existed with 99% in Largs but only 45% in Assynt, where 23% of owners’ primary residences were in London or the South East. Damer found that 76% second home owners on Arran were Scottish, primarily from West Central Scotland and did not conform to common perceptions of ‘White English Settlers’. Although residing in Scotland, 92% of second home owners in Scotland travelled in excess of 300 miles to reach their second home, although again local differences were evident with 98% of second home owners in Largs travelling less than 100 miles to reach their second home. Coleman (1982) found that most second home owners in North Norfolk had their main residence in London, Cambridge, Peterborough and Leicester. Capstick (1987) found that most land search requests for property in the Lake District made during the legal conveyancing process originated from the North West, although other regions were represented.

Characteristics of second home owners Second home owners are overwhelmingly drawn from older and wealthier households (SWEPC, 1975; Downing and Dower, 1977; Bollom, 1978; Damer, 2002). Local differences are evident, particularly in some locations in Scotland and characteristics of owners vary depending on the types of properties included as second homes. Second home owner characteristics are important as they serve as proxy indicators of their purchasing power, and their ability to compete in the local housing markets (see below). A survey of second home owners in the South West (SWEPC, 1975)found two-thirds of second home owners were over 50 and a further quarter were aged between 40 and 49. The second home owners’ households were better off than the national average, except for chalet owners who were less wealthy than those for built homes. Downing and Dower’s portrait of Scottish second homes in the 1970s shows how diverse the experience was at that time. Many second home owners did conform to the wealthy, middle-aged, highly educated professional norm, but there was evidence of manual and non-manual workers on moderate incomes purchasing

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static caravans or holiday flats near urban conurbations for recreational purposes. Seventy percent of second home owners across the study had a full secondary education whilst 51% of second home owners in Largs, a holiday resort serving the Glasgow conurbation, left school at age 14. Owners whose second homes were static caravans had incomes close to the national average, but those who owned built second homes were significantly wealthier. The SWEPC study noted that second homes were once viewed as a luxury commodity but that they had been transformed from a rare acquisition to one to which many more people could aspire. Apart from the modest survey of home owners on Arran (Damer, 2002) later studies have not used second home owners as a focus of the research. Little is known therefore about the characteristics and patterns of ownership in the contemporary second home markets, and whether indeed more people have been drawn into the market with rising housing equity or lifestyle aspirations.

Property purchased as second homes The literature shows generally that second homes are not confined to the ‘roses round the door cottages’ (Capstick, 1987). All types of property can become second homes, but there are local differences depending on the level of demand and historical nature of the housing stock. Housing stock surplus to local requirements, due to the economic decline in many land-based industries and the subsequent out-migration of much of the resident population, has been a contributory factor in the development of the market for second homes in the UK. Bennett (1979), however cautions against seeing the availability of property as being the sole determinant of second homes; it nevertheless features in many earlier studies. These address how the market for second homes provided an alternative to abandonment in many areas, and in these terms second home ownership could be construed as beneficial (Ashby et al. 1975; Jacobs, 1972). Jacobs identifies second homes in Denbighshire as being small remote and isolated dwellings, often without amenities, offering an idyll of a more simple life and privacy for urban dwellers. The aesthetic was apparently important, promoted by weekend glossy magazines in the late 1960s and early 1970s (Jacobs, 1972). Rateable values were low, reflecting their size and/or their poor condition. Tuck (1973) also suggests that three-quarters of second homes in Caenarvonshire were similarly purchased in a poor state of repair and renovated by their owners. Even where local residents have been unhappy about the growing numbers of second homes or in-migrants in their area, Ashby et al. (1975) report that many were resigned to the phenomenon, as the only alternative would be the possible abandonment and dilapidation of these properties.

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The re-use of surplus dwellings as part of the second home market may have been a short-lived phenomenon. Even Jacobs’ (1972) study of Denbighshire, North Wales, that highlights the use of dilapidated dwellings as second homes, notes the increasing growth of second homes in villages and the recent purchasing of more terraced, less isolated properties. Davies and O’Farrell (1981) also note, in their study of a district in West Wales that second homes were no longer a phenomenon in open farmland alone but their significance as a village occurrence increased over time. The South West study dispels the myth that second homes were bought dilapidated, cheaply and renovated at public expense, using housing improvement grants, as the situation was more complex. It seems apparent that in many areas, as mentioned, the market developed beyond the stock of remote surplus housing, and gave rise to competition for existing dwelling, new build built homes, caravan sites or chalet developments. The expansion may have occurred at different times,giving rise to regional and local variations in the experiences of local housing markets. Whilst Tuck (1973) and Jacobs (1972) report that in North Wales property is usually old isolated stone built cottages, barely habitable, with two or three bedrooms, many studies show how a full range of property is used as second homes (SWEPC, 1975; Capstick, 1987; Coleman, 1982; Downing and Dower, 1977; Gallent et al. 2002). The South West study shows that houses are the dominant form second homes take, but bungalows, flats and chalets are also common. Two-thirds of the flats used as second homes were built after 1945 and the remainder were conversions of larger Victorian properties. Two thirds of the houses and bungalows used as second homes in the South West were also built after 1945, and only five per cent were built prior to 1914. There were spatial differences to this pattern, however, as in the East of the region, Gloucestershire and Wiltshire 90% of the second homes were built before 1914, but second homes were less prevalent in these counties. In Cornwall 19% of second homes had been purchased new, although as a proportion of all new build in the county second homes represent only four per cent. In some villages, however, second homes accounted for at least a quarter of new build properties, as in Padstow and Wadebridge in Cornwall. Second homes in the South West also had more amenities than the regional average. Ninety-five per cent of the second homes surveyed had five basic amenities and 70% of them had these amenities when the properties were purchased. In Jacobs’ study second home owners conducted extensive repairs to the properties, but this was less apparent in the second home market in Devon and Cornwall at this time, although it may have been apparent in an earlier period. The size and the range of properties used as second homes were close to the regional averages.

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Downing and Dower found a similar range of properties used as second homes to the SWEPC study. Built second homes were more predominant than caravans or chalets, but again these were spatially concentrated and so local variations existed. Second homes in Angus for example, were houses and cottages, but in Largs caravans, chalets and flats were evident in large numbers. The rateable values of some second homes, in Strathspey for example, were quite high reflecting the affluence of the owners. Capstick (1987) illustrates how second homes in the Lake District included older terrace properties in Windermere, Keswick and Ambleside, quarrymen’s cottages in Coniston, purpose-built flats in Windermere, and even terrace houses in the ex-industrial village of Staveley. She notes that building to high density with spartan standards to keep the price low does not deter second home owners, as in the example of new houses in Thrang Quarry. In addition, Coleman (1982) found that 25% of second homes in North Norfolk were newer properties and 9% were newly built when purchased. Gallent et al. (2002) also report a full range of property being sought by second home owners but suggested they were often smaller. They also found some remote dwellings on the Welsh/Shropshire border with poor accessibility or employment opportunities that he argued were not in great demand by local people, and so their use as second homes represented a viable alternative. However, it is unclear from later studies to what extent this use as second homes, of dwellings in poor repair or in low demand by local residents, holds true today. What the studies do illustrate is that any property has the potential to become a second home in these areas, but that experiences are likely to vary considerably across different local housing markets.

Competition within local housing markets Many types of property may become second homes, and therefore direct competition may exist for specific types of property with local residents. However, it is necessary to consider the wider impact of second homes on local housing markets. Second homes may exert an indirect influence, alongside other sources of demand, and must be considered with the provision of new supply, as well as housing market influences associated with the national or local economy. The definitions used for second homes are important to consider. If chalets and caravans have been included in the analysis with built second homes the degree to which competition exists for housing within the local market may be misrepresented. It was not explicit in the literature, but it is plausible that local demand for permanent residence in static caravans or holiday chalets will be lower than that for built homes, although there was evidence of caravans being used as winter lets in some areas (Downing and Dower, 1977). Distinctions between different forms of second

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or holiday homes and permanent or temporary dwellings are, however, blurred, but greater effort should be made in any future analysis to disaggregate findings accordingly. This section presents the evidence relating to: whether direct competition exists between second home owners and local residents; the role of second homes as part of a number of sources of external demand creating house price inflation; the role of a low wage economy in producing ineffective demand in housing markets and how the availability of other forms of housing tenure may mitigate any adverse effects produced as a consequence of external demand. Early studies note that demand for second homes was expressed in the re-use of surplus housing left by the effects of rural depopulation (Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973). Jacobs reported that local residents in Denbighshire considered these properties less attractive. Younger and older local people wanted modern properties in towns or villages, near employment, services and leisure facilities, and often preferred the new council homes. Demand for these deep rural cottages pushed prices of these homes upwards, but local residents and council officers did not believe this affected locals, as they were not in the market for older homes. Isolated rural cottages were viewed as suitable for recreational purposes but their usefulness for bringing up young families was viewed as restricted. Tuck reported in Merionethshire that as local residents were interested in modernised properties demand for the remote un-modernised cottages could have a positive effect on locals, as it provided an opportunity for them to relocate to better quality accommodation. However, it was apparent that as the supply of vacant property gradually diminished, second home demand was directed towards property that otherwise could be used by permanent residents (Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973; Pyne, 1973). Davies and O’Farrell (1981) found in a study of Cemeas in rural West Wales that it was not the case that second home owners were only interested in isolated rural cottages and found second home ownership an increasingly village phenomenon whose significance had increased over time. Pyne also concluded that it was no longer true that locals did not compete with second home owners in popular areas. These studies addressed areas of North Wales. Also in the 1970s, Downing and Dower (1977) considered several case study areas in Scotland and found a mixed picture of second home owners being in direct competition with local residents. In Angus and Largs they found no desire on the part of locals for the properties being used as second homes, although in Strathspey and Skye there was evidence of competition with local first time buyers. Shucksmith (1981) reported estate agents in the Lake District thought that locals did compete with second home owners. Gallent et al. (2002) surveyed local council officials in rural areas and none of the respondents thought that local demand would be absent for dwellings currently used

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as second homes, if that demand was withdrawn. However, in this contemporary study, the authors did find property on the Shropshire Welsh border that had poor accessibility and low demand, for which they suggested second homes would be a viable alternative use. Second home owners do act as direct competitors with local residents but this varies across locations, and is under-explored in many studies. Moreover, there are wider considerations relating to the impact of second home demand on local housing markets, particularly with regard to the role second homes play, as part of wider patterns of external demand. Many studies look at strong external demand pushing house prices beyond the means of local residents (Coleman, 1982; Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002; Bennett, 1979; Jacobs, 1972). As Gallent et al. (2002) and Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) emphasise, retirement and commuting are generally the most significant expressions of external demand in rural housing markets, but that, alongside these, second homes do exert pressure on local markets. Against this background, Pyne (1973) makes the point that isolating the effects of second homes from other factors that impact on any housing market is a considerable challenge. Bennett (1979) traces the impact of ‘urban demand’, i.e. second homes, retirement homes and commuters, on the Lake District housing market and sees that it severely diminishes opportunities for local people who have lower wages and are more geographically fixed in terms of employment or family locations in certain villages. She suggests that changes of use and accessibility are both manifestations and causes of complex changes that have resulted in serious inelasticity in the local housing situation for local residents. The cheaper end of the market had gone to second home owners and commuters and the intensity of the demand had raised house prices beyond the means of the locals. She uses local data sources to show how, with above national average house price inflation in the Lakes, local residents would struggle to buy homes in the area. Moreover, she advises that once a property becomes a second home it does not revert to the mainstream stock of houses available to local residents. National data seem to suggest that numbers of second homes have fallen since this study was undertaken, so it may no longer be the case in some areas at least that second homes do not revert back to permanent residences. Following on from the Bennett study, Capstick (1987) found that in the late 1980s estate agents in the Lake District reported that demand for second homes was not as significant as it had been, but that those who bought second homes were often cash buyers who could afford a lot more than local residents. ‘Offcomers’, as people from outside the area were called, could pay £50,000 cash, whilst local residents struggled to afford £30,000 with a mortgage. Local residents’ wages were below the national average and prohibited purchase in the National Park, as the property was valued at prices beyond their means. Only Cockermouth and Penrith

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offered opportunities for local buyers to access home ownership. Even former council properties, of which a few had by this time entered the mainstream housing market, remained unattainable to local residents. Gallent et al. (2002) also highlight inadequate wages and insecurity in employment in the Lakes, where people working locally have moved outside of the National Park and are bussed in for employment causing problems for retaining balanced communities. In other case study areas such as the Dales National Park and the New Forest, there was also experience of local people being priced out of the market, but again as a result of demand for retirement- and commuting-related house purchases as well as, to a varying extent, second homes. Ashby et al. (1975) found that in many parishes in North Wales the number of second homes were a large proportion of, or were in excess of, the numbers on the council housing waiting list. This study concluded that second homes were responsible for this demand for public housing. An association between these variables may be plausible, but, without an examination of the wider housing market, any claims that second homes alone directly cause larger waiting lists may be considered debatable. Many rural areas in the case studies reported problems of first time buyers’ inability to access home ownership (Bennett, 1979; Capstick, 1987; Gallent et al. 2002; Johnston, 2003). Bennett (1979) did find young people moving to villages and towns further from the Lake District but local residents were just as concerned about the affordability of housing in areas such as the West where there were relatively few second homes as residents in areas where second homes were nearly a third of the total housing stock. Focus groups with young people and local residents in Wales suggested some people had unrealistic expectations of the housing market, and were not willing to take some council housing that was available (Johnston, 2003). Gallent et al. (2002) also identify the ability of existing residents to trade up to reflect changing household circumstances as important. This may have adverse impacts through losing that household to the area, or the by the physical extension of the current dwellings, thus reducing further the supply of smaller and cheaper properties in the locality. Coleman (1982) reports how local people in North Norfolk felt that demand from local cities and London was fuelling higher house prices locally, and that they considered incomers were paying ‘absurd’ prices for local property. Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) warn that, in Wales, pressure exerted by second homes is of minor or no significance, except in a few areas where it is viewed as an important component of external demand. Local officer interviews highlighted that rising local house prices were as much a product of reduced new supply in the countryside, national or

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local economic factors, as well as the pressure exerted from external demand, and that problems of affordability and poor housing access in rural Wales is as much a consequence of ineffective demand caused by low wages. Many factors conspire to influence local housing markets. Second homes are problematic for locals in some areas but must be seen against a background of low wage rural economies, restrictions on the supply of new housing and other sources of external demand. In combination these factors have raised local house prices and disadvantaged many local people in rural housing markets.

Impact of empty and holiday homes on rural housing markets • There is little evidence on the impacts of empty or holiday homes on rural

housing markets. Holiday homes were not the focus of any studies but were often included in the analysis of second homes.

• Tensions are apparent between the use of residential housing stock as holiday accommodation and the importance of holiday letting to the tourist industry.

Limited evidence regarding empty and holiday homes Very little evidence was available on the impacts of empty or holiday homes on rural housing markets (or the sustainability of rural communities). It is unclear whether this is because of the lack of political, and therefore research commissioners’ interest in the subject or whether it is related to the search strategy used for this review. The search strategy was quite broad and the terms used wide ranging, but it is unclear whether a stock of literature related to the tourism industry remains untapped. The causes of low demand and abandonment in urban areas have generated a substantial body of work in the last decade but few studies concerning causes and impacts of empty homes as a rural phenomenon were found. Holiday homes were not the focus of any studies but were often included in the analysis of second homes. Holiday homes were afforded separate analysis in Davies and O’Farrell’s (1975) village study in Wales, but other studies were less distinct in their treatment. Second and holiday homes were frequently referred to in unison, which meant it was difficult to determine to what exactly the perceived impacts related. Holiday investment properties were mentioned as a significant source of external demand in some areas in Wales (Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002), but they were generally viewed as less problematic in the local market than second homes (Johnston, 2003; Gallent et al. 2000; SWEPC, 1975). It is unclear whether this relates to their being less prevalent, or that residents’ perceptions of their role in the tourist economy produces a more positive image than a second home for purely private use.

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It is apparent that a tension exists between the significant use of residential housing stock as holiday accommodation in situations of affordable housing shortages, and the alignment of holiday letting with the local tourist economy, which is important in many rural districts. Gallent et al. (2002) reports anxiety about this in Cornwall and the Scilly Isles where the tourist economy is important for generating employment, but affordable housing is in short supply. In the Scilly Isles the letting of holiday homes owned by local residents was seen as positive as it brought income to the islands that remained in the community and meant a local family were able to remain living there. More concern was expressed at those holiday homes let by owners who lived elsewhere, as money was not then retained in the community. Holiday letting was associated with some problems in the local housing markets, but they were not explored in great depth. The decline of the private rented sector in some areas was linked, although the direction of causation is not established, with the rise in holiday lettings, which were seen by landlords as more profitable (Bennett, 1979). Deregulating the private rented sector may have ameliorated some of this trend (Murie et al. 1995), but it remained an apparent problem in some areas (Gallent et al. 2000). Longer winter lets for local residents were also problematic in the more urban areas of the Lake District, such as Keswick, Ambleside and Windermere, as people had to continuously find alternative sources of accommodation once the tourist season began (Bennett, 1979). The South West study conceptualised holiday homes as part of the stock of tourist accommodation in the area, and not as a depletion of the mainstream residential housing stock, which some holiday homes such as self-catering cottages will certainly be. It cannot be assessed what impact this would have on any analysis as the sister study, that focussed on tourist accommodation was unavailable for this review.

Theme 2: Impact of empty and irregularly occupied properties on community cohesion There is much less evidence relating to the impact of empty and irregularly occupied properties on community cohesion and the social mix of rural communities. Here we report findings related to the integration of local residents with second home owners, divided into the following sub-themes:

• attitudes of local residents towards second home ownership;

• attitudes of local residents towards second home owners;

• the impact of second home ownership on community mix.

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The first sub-theme presents evidence of the attitudes of local residents themselves to second home ownership considering issues such as local residents’ perceptions of social and change cultural change, and their tolerance of incomers. The second sub-theme considers the evidence regarding the attitudes of host communities towards second home owners themselves. The third sub-theme relates to the impact of second home ownership on the demographic profiles of rural communities, with particular regard to age and social class.

Local residents’ attitudes towards second home ownership • Early studies indicate that second home ownership was seen by members

of host communities to be part of a wider process of social change rather than the cause of out-migration, and was preferable to dereliction and abandonment of surplus rural properties.

• Attitudes towards second home ownership vary from location to location; areas where tourism and recreation have been more dominant appear to be more tolerant of second home ownership. Opposition to second home ownership does not appear to be related to density or numbers of second homes, but more related to cultural and community sensitivities.

Across the various studies local residents acknowledged that lack of work, education, and leisure opportunities for young people as well as a lack of affordable housing, had caused outward migration; second home ownership was seen to be part of a wider process of social change (Bielckus, 1972; Jacobs, 1972; Pyne, 1973; Bennett, 1979). In some areas outward migration and depopulation had followed the closure of local industries (such as quarrying in the Lake District and North Wales) and changes in agricultural practices had enabled second home ownership to take hold. In some cases, the alternative to second home ownership was seen by local people to be dereliction and de-population (Tuck, 1973; Pyne, 1973). Second home owners were also seen to help maintain the local economy (see Community Viability). In many places, local residents felt that property prices were forced up by the demand from second home owners, and some reflected that local people had benefited from this when they came to sell their houses (see for example, Ashby et al. 1975). In the survey carried out by Bielckus (1972), local residents were asked whether second home development had had any impact on them. Across the four case studies views varied; between 18% and 28% felt that had been affected by second home development. They were also asked whether they thought second home ownership was a ‘positive trend’. Responses to these questions also varied across the four case study areas. Seventy per cent of local residents in one area (in West

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Central Wales) thought second home ownership was a ‘good trend’, compared to 52% in the North Essex case study, dropping to 35% in South West Devon, and 31% in the Southern Lakes. Across all the four case studies approximately 15-20% of respondents were indifferent to second home ownership. The authors suggest that locations where tourism and recreation have traditionally been more dominant, particularly coastal areas, are more tolerant of second home owners. Differences in attitudes between areas were also reported by Bollom (1978) when interviewing local residents in four case study areas in North Wales. Just over half the residents in two case study areas, and more than 60% in a third thought the effects of second home ownership were generally unfavourable. However in the fourth case study area, with a high proportion of second homes, only 24% thought second home ownership had unfavourable effects. Bollom (1978) noted that where communities were held together either through religious or voluntary sector activity, with strong local leadership, local groups were more likely to generate and articulate opposition towards second home ownership and social changes. In the absence of a mechanism to harness and articulate local opinion, communities were more likely to be passively, but grudgingly accommodating of second home ownership. Bollom suggests that effects of second home ownership on receiving areas will depend to a great extent of the structure of the communities concerned, and ability of an area to ‘keep people in’. Opposition to second home ownership did not appear to be related to the density or numbers of second homes . Jacobs (1972) interviewed a sample of local gatekeepers, and found almost half who thought the trend towards second home ownership was not welcome, but they did not feel that second home owners were forcing young people out - there was no work for young people, and they preferred town life anyway. Local people did not want the properties that second home owners were buying because they were old, or isolated, or had poor facilities. Many thought, however, that the prices of local houses had risen due to second home owner demand. One study (Ashby et al. 1975) interviewed a small number of local gatekeepers regarding a chalet site for second home owners (formerly an army camp) that aimed to be ‘self-contained’ and was relatively remote from any existing communities. Local gatekeepers felt these types of development were preferable, because it reduced pressure on permanent homes. It is possible that attitudes have changed since these studies were conducted; however, Gallent et al. (2002) also noted the differences between regions and areas in perceptions of second home ownership and suggests that these differences may be related to the economic cycle at any given time, the disposable income of the new residents, and the attractiveness of second home living. In the UK, people in areas where there are cultural and community sensitivities (such as the Welsh

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speaking rural heartlands of Wales, and the Gaelic speaking, crofting communities in Scotland) feel their way of life is particularly threatened by English speaking temporary and permanent migrants. Johnston (2003) reported consensus among local residents about incomers (second homes owners, commuters and retirees) being the only people who can compete in local housing markets, and this was the source of some local resentment.

Local residents’ attitudes towards second home owners • There is little evidence of conflict between second home owners and local

residents, although there are marked differences in attitudes towards second home owners in different areas.

• There is evidence of community interaction between second home owners and local residents

There seemed to be very little conflict between second home owners and local residents reported in the studies, although studies indicated that local residents’ views and second home owners’ views of their acceptance and levels of toleration differed; second home owners thought they were more welcome than locals reported (Downing and Dower, 1977; Coleman, 1982). Capstick found that resentment was not directed at incomers but at the planning system which was unable to prevent their entry or unwilling to allow local people access to land or buildings to erect houses or convert redundant buildings into homes (Capstick, 1987). The study by Downing and Dower (1977) carried out in seven case study areas across Scotland also showed also marked differences between areas in local residents’ attitudes to second home owners. In some areas, where family ties and inheritance were strong, second home owners were not considered outsiders, since they were predominantly local people who had retained ownership of their home when forced to leave to find work. In other areas there was clear resentment of wealthy, ostentatious newcomers, both second home owners and retirees. Resentment existed where newcomers were in direct competition with locals in the housing market, or where there were great disparities in wealth or social mannerisms. The main focus of difference between local residents and second home owners (and other incomers – retirees, commuters) in the Welsh studies was the inability of most incomers to speak Welsh. This fired local concerns about the dilution and erosion of Welsh culture (Pyne, 1973; Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973; Bollom, 1978; Johnston, 2003). However significant proportions of second home owners in these studies reported previous ties with Wales (57%, Jacobs; 40%, Pyne; 60%, Tuck), and claimed to have someone in their family who spoke Welsh.

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Bollom (1978) found no difference in attitudes towards second home owners and other incomers (usually retirees), however other studies indicated that permanent residents were more welcomed by locals. Various studies reported on the levels of social interaction between local residents and second home owners. As Bennett noted, it is difficult for local residents and migrants to contribute to communities together, as most second home owners visit at weekend and holiday times, and are not present often enough to join in. Some studies indicated that second home owners do ‘join in’ when they can, and local residents reported that local festivals, fund raising events and activities were supported by second home owners (Tuck, 1973; Jacobs, 1973; Ashby et al. 1975). A further four studies asked second home owners about their membership of local clubs and groups (Pyne, 1971; Bielckus, 1972; Coleman, 1982; Ashby et al. 1975). Between one quarter and one third of respondents in these studies reported membership of local clubs, but these were often linked to recreation such as golf or boating, activities usually intended for incomers rather than locals. The level of ‘joining in’ was a function of how regularly second home owners used their properties rather than the length of ownership. In order to gauge the level of interaction, other studies asked second homeowners how often they invited local people to their homes, and how many they knew by name; local residents were asked similar questions (Bollom, 1978; Jacobs, 1972; Ashby et al. 1975). It was clear that there was some regular interaction.

Community Mix • Profiles of second home owners indicate that generally they are middle-

aged or retired, and wealthier than the national average, however much of the data is more than 20 years old.

• It is difficult to compare the ‘incomers’ with ‘locals’ as few studies profile host communities.

• More recent studies report concerns that the age profile of rural communities is unbalanced as younger people migrate away and are replaced by older incomers.

• Demands for housing from commuters, the retired and second home owners has changed the profile of rural communities.

A number of studies attempted to profile second home owners in respect to age, income, education, and area of main residence (Bielckus, 1972; Pyne, 1973; SWEPC, 1975; Downing and Dower, 1977; Bollom, 1978; Bennett, 1979; Coleman, 1982; Damer, 2000; Gilbert, 2001; Johnston, 2003; Gallent et al. 2002). Some caution is required however in interpretation as many of these data are more than 20 years old. Without presenting too much of the detail, there are a number of

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generalisations that can be made. In general the majority of second home owners came from the urban conurbation/s nearest to their host communities6. Second homes in Scotland were predominantly owned by people from urban areas in Scotland. In terms of age, social class and income, second home owners were predominantly middle aged or retired, and predominantly on higher than national average income (SWEPC, 1975; Downing and Dower, 1977; Damer, 2000; Gilbert, 2001; Bollom, 1978; Bielckus, 1972). Most were from the educated, professional classes. If asked, many expressed their intention to retire to their second home. These are broad generalisation and between locations there could be significant differences; for example, the coast areas in easy reach of Glasgow had greater numbers of manual, and skilled-manual workers with second homes, and the Scottish islands had a number of people who had migrated to urban centres but maintained a base in their home communities. Few studies profile the host communities in any great depth, so it is problematic to compare the ‘incomers’ with the ‘locals’ although clearly many of the host communities in these studies were in decline, and had experienced outward migration, particularly of young people. Two early studies reflected that over time the demography of communities will change, as many second home owners intended to retire to their second property or had bought the property specifically with retirement in mind (Pyne, 1973; Coleman, 1982), prompting speculation that this will increase pressure on health and social welfare systems in the future. These concerns are echoed in the later studies. Johnston (2003) reported local concerns that young people were leaving rural communities and being replaced by older incomers (both second home owners and permanent residents). Gallent (2000) also notes the in-balance in the age profile of some rural areas associated with outward migration of the young and inward migration of older incomers (second home owners, and retirees and commuters). The use of housing for recreation and retirement has changed the type of people in villages and community life (Bennett, 1979; Gallent, 2000). Bennett concluded that the effect of demand for holiday homes had been to limit the numbers and types of people able to live in the countryside, and this had some disruptive effects by establishing dissatisfaction and frustration, engendered by the presence of empty housing, and accentuated the differences between the ‘new’ and ‘old’ population with respect to different access to housing. By 2002, Gallent et al. suggested that the damage to local communities arising from demand (and consequent increase in

6 In North Wales, second home owners came from Merseyside and southern Manchester (see Jacobs, 1972; Ashby et al., 1975; Bollom, 1978); in Central Wales, second homeowners came from the West Midlands and Merseyside (Tuck, 1973); for Norfolk second home owners come from the South East, London and the East Midlands (Coleman, 1982). For the South West, the majority came from the South East and London (SWEPC, 1975). In Scotland, challenging notions of ‘white settlers’ from south of the border, the overwhelming majority of second homeowners were from Scotland, usually from the Scottish urban conurbations (Downing and Dower, 1977; Damer, 2000). The studies in the Lake District (Bennett, 1979; Capstick, 1987) did not collect data regarding main residence of second homeowners.

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house prices) from second home owners, commuters, and retirees had already been done.

Theme 3: Community Viability – the extent of contribution to local economies from second home ownership Second home owners can potentially bring income into an area from the initial purchase price of their property, spending on renovation and improvements, paying local taxes (rates or council tax), and spending on food, leisure and other services. Below we present the evidence relating to the economic contribution to local economies from second home ownership under the following sub-themes:

• contribution to regional and country economies;

• income from property sales;

• income from renovation and improvements;

• income from local taxes;

• expenditure on local services;

• employment opportunities.

Contribution to regional and county economies • Second home ownership was seen to make a useful contribute to local

economies as part of the tourist industry, but there were differences in the levels of contribution between different localities, making generalisations regarding the impact of second home ownership problematic. None of the studies tried to compare the typical expenditure of a second home owner with that of a permanent resident.

Jacobs (1972) estimated that £4.2M per annum was added to the total Welsh economy by second home ownership; the South West Economic Planning Council (SWEPC) study (1975) estimated that £5.1M was generated in the region by second home ownership. Tuck (1973) estimated £1.34M was added to Merioneth county income. Without knowing what proportion of county/regions income these figures represent, it is difficult to ascertain the significance of the contribution made by second home ownership. De Vane (1975) gives some indication of this, reporting that the income generated in Gwynedd to be approaching £3M per annum, which compared favourably with other sectors such as textiles, quarrying and rail transport, placing the second home industry about mid-way in the income-producing league. The SWEPC study noted that the total regional income from this source was not great, although it may have been more significant in some areas than others; the nature of their survey did not allow the identification of more localised areas that benefited or suffered from second home ownership.

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Income from property sales • It is difficult to ascertain on the basis of the available evidence whether or

not income from the sale of properties as second home supports local economies.

The direct benefits of the initial property purchase price will not always accrue to local populations. For properties that are owned locally, the value may enter the local economy depending on how the seller uses the funds (SWEPC, 1975; Pyne, 1973). Pyne noted that in many cases the increased value of the cottages in North Wales had facilitated outward migration as local people could now afford to move to more expensive areas previously out of their price range. If a property is already owned outside a local area the purchase funds will clearly not go into the local economy. De Vane’s survey in Gwynedd identified that 45% of holiday cottages were bought from local owners, although it is difficult to know whether this is representative of other areas. Downing and Dower (1977) noted different patterns of property ownership in their Scottish case studies. In areas where most landowners are absentee, little financial benefit is directed to local communities by property sales; however, in other places, the purchase price was more likely to remain in the local economy, because many of the vendors and purchasers were relatively ‘local’ (for example, Oban). The same points can be made about the income generated from renting holiday properties. Pyne and the SWEPC study noted that the sale of new build properties to second home owners is more likely to bring money into the local economy (but this will of course depend on whether the new development is funded by local investors). Pyne (1973) estimated that £550,000 per annum was brought into Caenarvonshire from the sale of new build properties. The SWEPC study (1975) estimated £1.6M per annum was brought into the South West Region. Both these studies were conducted during the 1970s, and it is difficult to know what this can tell us about current income derived from the purchase of new build second homes.

Income from renovation and improvements • Spending on renovation and modernisation of second homes has brought

new income into local economies; however, these must be seen as one-off spends.

• Renovations carried out by second home owners have upgraded the housing stock, although it is debatable whether local residents benefit.

• Data regarding spending on renovation are mainly drawn from the 1970s when they may have been a greater supply of properties in a poor state of repair. We know very little about contemporary spending on renovations and repair.

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Spending on renovations and modernisation was also seen as a means of bringing new income into local economies, as well as upgrading the housing stock. Eighty seven per cent of second home owners in Jacobs’ survey (Jacobs, 1972) reported they had undertaken repairs (at an average cost of £700). Pyne (1973) found 70% of the second home properties surveyed had been improved, and 50% of these had significant improvements such as the installation of basic amenities (bathrooms, indoor WCs). The SWEPC study (1975) found 45% of second home owners in the East of the region had undertaken repairs (average cost £1,400) compared to 75% in the west of the region (average cost £2,200). Tuck’s survey of second home owners in Merioneth (Wales) reported that 52% of properties were older un-modernised when purchased, 21% were modernised older properties, and 21% of properties were new. There is some evidence (Coleman, 1982) that second home owners spend on average less on renovation work than permanent residents, or people intending to retire to their holiday properties. Pyne (1973) estimated a total annual income to the county economy of £120,000 from renovation and repairs, while the SWEPC study estimated £325,000 was spent annually in the South West region. Spending on renovation and repairs however must be seen as ‘one-off’ spends. Note again that these studies were undertaken in the 1970s when there may have been a greater supply of properties that were either in a poor state of repair or derelict. We have very few more recent data to indicate whether second home owners invest in renovations, although planners interviewed across Wales (Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002) noted that second home were more likely to be created from properties that are less attractive to local people either due to location or condition, but this was seen as a tendency rather than a general rule. Renovation grants were available when some of these studies were conducted, and there was some discussion regarding the distribution of these grants to second home owners. De Vane and Pyne noted that much of the funding for renovation grants came from central government. Thus second home owners were not being subsidised by their host communities to renovate properties; they had brought in central government funds which otherwise would not have been forthcoming and so improvements carried out with grant funding could be seen as ‘credits’ to the local community. The local housing stock was also being improved, although it was questionable how much local residents had benefited from these improvements. Both Pyne and De Vane highlight that the rateable value of renovated properties increased, generating more income for local authorities, and allowing authorities to recoup their (small) contribution to renovation grants.

Income from local taxes • Through payment of local taxes second home owners support services for

their host communities without creating much additional demand for services.

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• Second home owners have been criticised because they do not use local services and therefore reduce their viability. This is based on the assumption that properties would be occupied by permanent residents if they were not occupied by second home owners, and clearly this was not the case in some of the case study areas.

Various authors made the point that second home owners paid rates for services that they either did not use (such as social care, education) or used very infrequently, and were in fact supporting services for their host communities without creating additional demand. The additional rates contribution of second home owners was particularly important in remote areas with small, scattered and often ageing populations in properties with low rateable values (Downing and Dower, 1977). Pyne (1973) noted that although second home owners did not use some services, the seasonal pattern of occupancy created difficulties for service providers, for example, refuse collection and sewage/water services. There were also concerns about villages being ‘dead’ through the winter months (Bielckus, 1972; Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002). Tuck notes that second home owners are often criticised because they do not use local services particularly schools, decreasing their viability. Such criticisms are based on the assumption that properties would be occupied by permanent residents with children if they were not occupied by second home owners, which clearly was not the case in some of the communities where local informants grudgingly accepted second home ownership as a preferable alternative to dereliction. Pyne also notes that many services were in decline before the arrival of second home owners (1973). Gallent et al. (2002) also noted that although falling school roles have been attributed to incomers, particularly older incomers, there is evidence or rolls rising as people migrate towards the most popular schools. There were no studies which investigated the consequences of increased levels of income derived from recent changes to council tax paid by second home owners.

Expenditure on local services • We know very little about current patterns of expenditure by second home

owners on local services.

Several studies (Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973; De Vane, 1975) present detailed estimates of spending in local shops and on recreation. However, the growth and dominance of large supermarket chains that has occurred since many of these studies were undertaken makes it seem likely that the shopping habits identified in the 1970s are no longer typical of contemporary second home owners or local residents. With this caveat in mind, studies showed that many second home owners

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reported that they used local shops for food shopping, and some did this intentionally to support services in their host communities (Damer, 2000). The level of annual spend by second home owners is also mediated by the number and length of visits to second homes. Data from surveys suggested that the number of visits varies considerably and is frequently related to the accessibility of the properties, whether the property is rented/loaned out to other visitors, and whether the owners are retired. Jacobs (1972) reported the second homes in his survey to be occupied on average for 17.5 weekends per year, and 7.5 weeks per year (usually in the summer). The SWEPC study reported second homes being occupied for 108 days on average per year, but this varied greatly (range 80-140 days), with properties in more accessible places being used less at weekends, but for longer breaks in the summer. In Coleman’s survey of second home owners 90% used their properties between 40 and 100 days a year (Coleman, 1982). Pyne reported an average occupancy of 83 nights per year, but with little use made of the properties in the winter months. The seasonal peaks and troughs of occupancy increase summer trade, but this falls off again in winter months. Based on interviews with a sample of local businesses, Coleman (1982) reported that only 23% of trade came from second home owners, compared with 46% from permanent residents and 30% from ‘other visitors’. These levels varied of course depending on the type of business, with specialist leisure and recreation related businesses being more dependent on trade from second home owners. About one quarter of the businesses surveyed thought they would close down without the second home owner trade.

Employment opportunities • Early studies suggest that employment related to renovation and building

was created by second home ownership, however a more recent study suggests that any additional jobs are limited, low skilled and seasonal.

Employment opportunities – particularly related to renovation and building – were seen to have been created by second home ownership and two studies attempted to quantify the number of jobs created. Pyne (1972) suggested that the income generated by second home ownership equated to the provision of almost 1,000 jobs in Caenarvonshire; however, the almost contemporary study (De Vane, 1975) estimated that second home ownership generated 1,500 jobs in total across Wales. Additional but limited, low skilled and usually seasonal work (gardening, cleaning, catering) was also seen to be generated by second home ownership. Gallent (2000) notes the dangers of the narrowing of local economic as a result of agricultural decline; population loss; the inability to foster new forms of economic

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activity other than through tourism; and the growth of temporary and permanent in-migrants.

Theme 4: Impact of empty and irregularly occupied properties on the quality of the built environment There was little evidence in regard to this theme, and what there was related to studies from the 1970s.

• Early studies suggest that second home ownership had a positive impact on the built environment, particularly with regard to conservation, as many properties were renovated.

• No studies address broader environmental concerns.

As noted above, the studies from the 1970s indicated that many properties renovated by second home owners had been in a poor state of repair, and would have been demolished (Bielckus, 1972; Tuck, 1973; Pyne, 1973). Thus second home ownership could have a positive impact on the built environment with regard to conservation. There were, however, concerns about the chalet-type developments and their impacts on the visual environment, as they frequently were not built in traditional vernacular styles and needed to be sited carefully and screened to ensure their visual impact was minimised. No studies addressed broader environmental concerns – for example additional traffic generated by visitors, sewage and waste disposal – beyond noting that services could be put under pressure during the seasonal summer peaks of occupancy. More recently Gallent et al. (2002) indicates that new residents (second homeowners and permanent incomers) are more likely to oppose new developments, albeit of housing or jobs, in rural areas, and are more likely to want to preserve a place ‘in aspic’.

Conclusion Studies have focused primarily on second homes rather than holiday homes. Studies have tended not to consider the impact of empty dwellings on rural communities. Evidence from studies is primarily geared towards a consideration of second homes, with a particular emphasis on their impact on rural housing markets rather than other aspects of sustainability such as economic or environmental factors. An assessment of the impact of empty or irregularly occupied properties on housing markets cannot be divorced from a broader consideration of wider processes operating in rural areas. Demand for housing from other groups such as commuters and retirees, as well as people buying second or holiday homes, presents one factor

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impacting on the availability of housing. However, low wage economies, restrictions on the supply of new housing, as well as external demands combine to raise house prices and disadvantage many local people in rural housing markets. Further, many studies conclude that outward migration is more closely allied to a lack of employment, education, and leisure opportunities than to a lack of housing. Demand for housing from commuters, the retired and second home owners has changed the profile of rural communities. More recent studies report concerns that the age profile of rural communities is unbalanced, as younger people migrate away and are replaced by older incomers. However, it is difficult to compare ‘incomers’ with ‘locals’ as few studies profile host communities. Nevertheless, second home ownership was seen to make a useful contribution to local economies as part of the tourist industry, but although differences in levels of contribution between different localities make generalisations regarding the impact of second home ownership problematic. Further discussion of the impact of empty and irregularly occupied properties on rural communities is presented in Chapter Seven.

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Chapter Five Reviewing policy options and recommendations

Introduction In spite of the contentious nature of second and holiday homes, very few policy instruments have focused on directly tackling their impacts. In contrast, considerable attention has been given to dealing with empty properties and much practice has developed across the UK. However, as will be seen, evaluations of policy and practice in tackling empty properties drawing on empirical data are limited. This chapter explores any evidence relating to how policy interventions have addressed any effects of empty or irregularly occupied properties on the sustainability of rural communities. It does this outlining those policies that have been directed at empty, second and holiday homes, or policies that have sought to mitigate the impact of external pressures on rural housing markets, which have included empty, second and holiday homes amongst other factors. The chapter is divided into two sections. In Section One we consider the evidence related to policy on second homes. In Section Two we consider the evidence related to policy on empty properties in rural areas.

Section One: Second homes - policies, policy evaluations, and policy recommendations In this section we present evidence drawn from the review studies regarding policies directed specifically towards second homes. We start by looking at the local policies directed at second homes that are reported in the review studies. We then move on to consider any evaluations of second homes policies looking at the limited empirical evidence and evidence-based on extensive interviews with key stakeholders. Finally, we present policy recommendations that have flowed from the overall conclusions drawn from the studies by the authors themselves. Thus this section is structured in the following way:

• existing and proposed policies on second homes as reported in the review studies;

• empirical evaluations of policies on second homes;

• stakeholder views on policy options;

• policy recommendations made by authors of the review studies.

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Existing and proposed second homes policies as reported in the review studies

• In both England and Wales, only a minority of local authorities and National Parks report that they have a specific policy towards second homes.

• Broadly speaking, where these policies exist they relate to occupancy controls mostly on new dwellings.

In England, Gallent et al. (2002) surveyed housing and planning departments in rural district and unitary authorities. They identified local authorities included in their sample that stated that they had policies directed specifically at second homes. Only 11% of planning departments had developed a specific policy whilst 30% of housing departments stated that they had done so. One third of National Parks had specific policies. However, Gallent et al. (2002) noted that it was clear that in the main these related not to actual polices but to consultation exercises, or proposals on the formulation of policies. These included consultation on council tax discounts on second homes, proposals on occupancy controls in partnership with nearby National Parks, or a recognition of the positive economic impact of second homes on the economic vitality of local areas. With respect to planning departments, the removal of the discount on council tax for second homes again featured, although three planning authorities restricted new development to affordable housing only, and also second and holiday homes were encouraged as part of farm diversification schemes. Further detail on existing and proposed second homes policies was reported as part of research into the extent and nature of housing pressures in the Welsh National Parks and Ceredigion (Johnston, 2003). Of the twelve National Parks and councils in England and Wales reviewed, eight had no specific policy on second homes (Ceredigion County Council, Conwy County Borough Council, Powys Council, Pembrokeshire Coast National Park Authority (NPA)/Pembrokeshire County Council, Snowdonia NPA, and Brecon Beacons NPA, Peak District NPA and Lake District NPA). Of the remainder, Johnston (2003) noted that:

• Gwynedd Council had a policy whereby any proposals that would lead to an increase in second homes would be refused in communities where the level of second homes had reached 10%;

• Dartmoor NPA did not have a specific policy, but a change of use from a holiday home to residential use would be viewed positively;

• Exmoor NPA proposed that planning applications for change of use would have to be submitted if owners do not intend to spend more than 6 months of the year living in the property. Authorities would be instructed to refuse applications that could endanger the economic welfare of local communities

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who depend on the year-round trade of full time residents, rather than the seasonal income from holiday homeowners. These would not be granted where 10% of homes are second homes. Subsequent to the report by Jonhston (2003), the proposals by Exmoor NPA were dropped from the Local Plan after comments from Government Office for the South West. It was felt that potential use of a dwelling as a second home could not legitimately be controlled by planning legislation, and that such a policy would be difficult to monitor and enforce. Further, there were also concerns that the policy might serve only to increase house prices beyond the national park, and that the policy would be open to challenge in the courts by potential homebuyers. Instead, the revised deposit Local Plan aimed to focus almost exclusively on the provision of low cost housing to achieve the levels of affordable housing required to meet community needs within the National Park.

Recently, Yorkshire Dales National Park has passed a policy to restrict the occupancy of new homes and barn conversions. Planning applications will only be approved where it can be shown that they meet local needs.

Evaluating policies on second homes

• Evaluations of specific policy interventions in rural areas have been limited, and have focused upon the use of restrictions on occupancy.

• This review identified only two studies (Shucksmith, 1981; Capstick, 1987) that evaluated the use of the Town and Country Planning Act 1972 to restrict new development. The two authors reached different conclusions, however both agreed that restricting new development to local people only did not help local people on low incomes.

• Very little recent work has been undertaken to assess the impact of local occupancy policies on rural housing markets. Instead, research has focused upon the mechanisms for delivering affordable housing in the countryside

Evaluations of specific policy interventions in rural areas have been limited, and have focused upon the use of restrictions on occupancy. As such, second homes form part of the range of pressures that these policies have sought to address. Shucksmith (1981) evaluated the use of Section 52 of the Town and Country Planning Act, 1972, by the Lake District National Park Planning Board. In 1977, the Board introduced a policy to restrict new development within the National Park to locals only, in an attempt to reduce demand pressures on new housing, so making it more accessible for local people. Shucksmith (1981) presented data to show that a

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sharp rise in house prices was observable at the same time that this policy was introduced. The reason put forward for this was that demand had been deflected into the market for second-hand sales. Further, a reduction in planning permissions meant that a reduced supply of housing was available for local people as well. However, the research by Shucksmith (1981) was contested by Capstick (1987) who argued that the policy adopted by the Lake District National Park Planning Board did not cause a reduction in the number of sites coming forward for development, and that the number of planning permissions remained steady both before and after the policy was adopted. Further, Capstick suggested that South Lakeland Council already had a policy which was more restrictive than that applied by the National Park Planning Board, and that the increase in prices could not necessarily be attributed to the policy introduced by the Planning Board. However, perhaps more significantly, Shucksmith noted that, although prices did fall in the market for new homes, it was reported that estate agents queried their availability for local people on low incomes. They noted that new homes tended to be more expensive than second hand sales and were not an entry point for first time buyers for example, and that the local people who were purchasing the new homes were existing owners anyway. Furthermore, the evaluation by Capstick also noted that, although the policy was locally popular, a survey of properties developed under the S52 policy showed that it was not first time buyers who were buying this property, but older owners, who were trading up from existing homes. Thus, although the policy helped people who met the criteria of being local, it was argued that it failed to help local people on lower incomes.

Since the work undertaken by Shucksmith and Capstick, very little work has been undertaken to assess the impact of local needs policies on rural housing markets. Instead, research has focused upon the mechanisms for delivering affordable housing in the countryside (see for example, Crook et al., 2002; ENTEC et al., 2003).

However, Johnston (2003) noted that Pembrokeshire National Park had commissioned research to examine the extent to which local needs policies may inflate local house prices.

Stakeholder views on policy • Recent research in England suggests strong support from authorities for

greater powers in respect of second homes, however research in Wales shows more ambivalence towards the use of second homes policies.

• Evidence suggests that planning controls are not seen by key stakeholders to be the correct mechanism for controlling second homes; fiscal measures are thought to be more appropriate and could be more sensitively applied in local contexts.

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• Other pressures on rural housing markets, particularly from people seeking to retire to rural areas, are thought to be more significant than second homes.

• Any policy measures should not adversely impact on holiday letting which is perceived to be an important factor in local economies.

• Restricting new build to local occupancy is unlikely to make a significant difference to the supply of affordable housing in areas such as National Parks, where there are few if any new developments. There is a greater imperative to manage existing housing stock.

A key source in the evaluation of existing or potential policies on second homes has been interviews with stakeholders as part of case study work exploring views on various policy options available on second and holiday homes. Research in England by Gallent et al. (2002) found strong support from authorities for greater powers. Although housing departments were keen to see planning take a more leading role, planning departments themselves were more ambivalent in this respect. It was felt by the latter that planning was not the correct mechanism for controlling the use of private property and also that second homes are a minor issue and not a central planning concern. Further, since planning only has a real purchase on the development of new dwellings, it was noted that limited impact could be made in areas of high amenity value, where new development was restricted in any case. This finding from planning departments coincides with the views of planners interviewed in earlier research by Bielckus et al. (1977) who also noted that second homes were only really taken account of in policy terms in so far as they fit in with, or conflict with, existing planning policies. The broad view from this latter research was that no special policy either existed or was thought to be necessary. Second homes form only part of the general considerations that planners needed to take account of and it was felt that existing provisions could cope with any particular situation which might arise. Interviews with housing and planning authorities in Wales suggested that views are ambivalent on the extent to which policy should be applied to second and holiday homes. In part, second and holiday homes are viewed as one component of wider pressures on rural housing markets. Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) found that any new planning powers should not relate to second and holiday homes, but rather to retirement and commuting markets. Respondents to research in Wales also noted that any policy directed at second and holiday homes must be seen as complementary – nd even secondary – to a more concerted effort to manage wider social (including cultural and linguistic) change and economic challenges facing rural areas.

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As with findings in England, Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) found that members of local authority planning departments felt that there was generally little support for planning to be used as a mechanism for controlling second homes. Instead, it was felt that fiscal measures would not only be more appropriate, but could be more sensitively applied in local contexts where second homes have a more significant impact. National Parks were more in favour of stronger measures such as removing Capital Gains Allowance on second homes, strengthening occupancy conditions, or amending use class orders so that a residential dwelling which became a second home would be regarded as a change of use that would require permission. A further possibility that was raised was the use of an impact levy on second home owners, such as a higher stamp duty on properties bought as second homes. One recent development has been legislation to remove, or substantially reduce, the discount that second home owners received with regard to council tax. Previously, second home owners had received a 50% discount on council tax. Unitary authorities in Wales have had the discretion to charge full council tax on second homes since 1998. The research by Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) noted that by 2001, all but two of 22 authorities had done this. Research conducted in England at the time when the removal of the 50% discount on council tax for second homes was subject to consultation, identified a view amongst local authority respondents that, whilst the move was to be welcomed, the impact on second home demand was likely to be negligible (Gallent et al. 2002). The extra revenue that removing the discount would bring in would be welcome but minimal, except for a few areas where second homes were present in very large numbers. However, very few respondents thought that the extra revenue generated would be sufficient to support key services in locations where their viability had been undermined by a high incidence of second homes. The analysis of stakeholders’ views offers a helpful insight at local level on the extent to which second homes perhaps require specific policy interventions compared with other factors affecting rural areas. The recent research in both England and Wales highlighted other pressures on rural housing markets as more significant, but particularly from retirement. Further, planning and housing professionals in Wales felt that the purchase of property for second homes was not as significant an issue within their local areas as it had been ten years ago (Tewdwr-Jones, 2002). Instead, second homes are viewed as having localised impacts, where they have an upward pressure on house prices and other impacts due to partial occupancy of dwellings. This research also noted the importance of economic challenges facing rural communities. Given that second homes are one facet of a range of pressures and challenges facing rural communities, this perhaps reflects that the assessment of policy interventions has tended not only to cover the

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limited policy initiatives focused exclusively on second homes, but to look more broadly at policy responses that aim to tackle the range of pressures on rural areas. Respondents at local level were also careful to distinguish between second homes for personal recreational use and holiday letting as a commercial venture. Respondents felt that policy tools should be sensitive enough not to adversely impact on holiday letting, which was viewed as an important source of income for local economies. A further difficulty here is being able to distinguish between the impacts of one source of housing pressure compared with another. A complicating factor is that motivations for acquiring housing in rural areas may be closely inter-related, including second home ownership and retirement. A number of case studies in the 1970s and 1980s noted that a proportion of second home owners intended to retire to their second homes, suggesting that a proportion of second home owners would eventually become permanent residents (Pyne, 1973; Bielckus, 1977; Bollom, 1978; Coleman, 1982).

Reviewing policy recommendations on second homes • Authors’ policy recommendations reflected the period in which their

research was conducted.

• A common theme through a number of studies has been that policy should ensure the provision of affordable housing in rural areas.

• Most recently authors suggest planning and policy tools should be used in a focused way and targeted on those communities with the greatest housing pressures, with greater partnership working between local government and rural communities.

In some respects recommendations from the studies in the review reflected the period in which research studies were conducted. A common finding from research in the 1970s was that the use of redundant dwellings in areas of economic and population decline for second and holiday homes was likely to reduce as this ready source of accommodation was used up. For example, Bielckus (1977) described the period of the mid 1970s as a watershed in second home development. In response, a number of authors in this period put forward the view that second homes and holiday homes could be located and concentrated in purpose built developments (Jacobs, 1972; Tuck, 1973). Further, such developments would be more suited to coastal areas, where they could fulfil a recreational role (Bielckus, 1977, Davies and O’Farrell, 1981). However, later studies did not feature this response, tending to focus on policies that either intervene in the market choices exercised by second and holiday home

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buyers, or respond to impacts, rather than proposing to steer demand towards purpose built second or holiday accommodation. Nevertheless, a common theme running through a number of studies has been that policy needs to respond by boosting the provision of affordable housing in rural areas. Earlier studies emphasised the role of local authorities in this respect. Direct provision of dwellings owned by local authorities was put forward by Bielckus et al. (1977). This study and a number of others also suggested that a way to provide affordable housing could be to purchase existing properties and rent or lease them to people in housing need (anticipating in principle schemes by housing associations such as Purchase and Repair, and Existing Satisfactory Purchase). The research in Wales by Tewdwr-Jones et al. (2002) proposed a range of recommendations for policy, with the overall thrust being that planning and other policy tools should be used in a more focused way, being targeted at those communities most affected by the housing pressures investigated in the report. The study recommended that to require planning permission to obtain a change of use from a first home to a second home would result in fundamental problems in terms of definition and of enforcement and the authors did not consider this a practical option. Further, occupancy conditions and development plan policies restricting occupancy to local people were not recommended, since it was felt that they are problematic legally and in terms of definition, and are difficult to enforce. Instead, Gallent et al. (2002) concluded that fiscal measures offer the most productive way forwards for policy. A key argument here is that fiscal measures would allow a more targeted approach. Further, second homes should be placed within the broader context of pressures on rural areas, rather than accorded a significance greater than their actual impact in comparison with other considerations. In particular, Gallant et al. (2002) felt that further research was required to investigate the relationships between affordable housing and wider rural issues, and especially how an integrated approach by various agencies could provide common solutions to overlapping issues. A key message was that second and holiday homes provide only one part of the pressure facing rural communities. In this respect, the authors recommended that local planning authorities should identify particular communities in their development plans where it is proven that the combined impacts, caused by, for example, a defined and unmet housing need, a lack of economic diversification, linguistic and cultural sensitivity and external housing pressure, are undermining the sustainability of these communities. They also suggest research to assess the feasibility of requiring planning authorities to undertake 'Language Impact Assessments' as part of assessing planning application submissions by developers. Similarly, the research by Johnston (2003) also highlighted the issue of Language Impact Assessments for new development.

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Linked to the recommendation to take a more holistic view of the range of factors affecting rural communities Gallent et al. (2002) suggested greater partnership working between local government agencies and also with rural communities themselves. Thus, the study recommended that there should be stronger integration of housing and planning strategies, and stronger advice to planning departments on the use of housing strategies. Also, that there should be greater joined up working on planning and housing matters – perhaps through establishment of local housing fora. The report also suggested that professional bodies provide training and advice to elected members and officers on the handling of wider social, community and cultural matters in their planning duties. Further, that national government should consider how to make the planning system more responsive to community values and how individual communities can be effectively consulted on planning related issues. Agencies should provide training courses to assist in economic diversification within the countryside.

Analysing local housing markets and data collection Findings drawn from local stakeholders, and also conclusions drawn from authors, point to the importance of specifying impacts of second homes through local assessments, to provide evidence of the actual impact of second homes. Indeed, a number of authors note that a necessary precursor to the use of policy instruments designed to mitigate the impacts of second homes is a sound evidence-base to support their use (Tuck, 1973, Gallent et al. 2002). Increasingly, the value of robust assessments of housing need or housing markets has been seen with regard to supporting affordable housing policies. It is also likely that policies could be challenged and a defence would need to be based on a clear exposition of the impacts that second homes have had on specific localities or settlements. A similar approach has been put forward for supporting the development of policies at local level to mitigate the impact of second homes. Further, policy interventions may have unanticipated or unintended consequences, and their use should be preceded not only by an assessment of the need to apply a policy to an area, but also by attempting to measure potential outputs and outcomes. Bielckus (1997) noted that any proposed new development of purpose built accommodation for second or holiday homes should coincide with an assessment of the impact on the local housing situation and on the local economy. Respondents in recent research have also commented on the value of monitoring the impact of second homes (Gallent et al. 2002). Interest in monitoring second homes was often tied to the increased revenue offered by the removal of the council tax discount. This had the potential to provide additional funds that could be targeted on areas where it could be demonstrated that second homes had measurable social costs

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and that it could be argued that communities should be compensated for these costs. The starting point for any assessment of impacts is ascertaining the number of second homes in rural areas. However, as noted in Chapter Three one difficulty for local authorities is the availability of accurate measures of second homes in their areas. Recent research in England and Wales has suggested that local authorities should establish separate procedures for collecting second home data (Gallent et al. 2002; Tewdwr-Jones, 2002). Data collection could be an integral part of council tax monitoring, but it would be necessary to maintain a lower council tax rate on second homes so that people be encouraged to declare or register their properties as second homes (Gallant et al. 2002; Tewdwr-Jones et al. 2002). These authors also suggested that further approaches to data collection include regular meetings between local authorities and estate agents to ascertain patterns of growth, migration, and house prices. It was also suggested that statistics on second homes at local authority level should be published annually at national level and such statistics should be disseminated annually to local authorities, housing agencies and other organisations. Local authorities should demonstrate how the statistics are influencing development of housing, planning and environmental policies locally.

Section 2: Empty properties This section draws together the policy-related evidence on empty properties. The four studies utilised here (Finch, 1987; Henderson et al. 1994; Murie et al. 1995; Caledonian Economics et al. 2001) all focused on policies directed towards empty properties. Two of these studies were evaluations of empty homes policies in Scotland (Caledonian Economics et al. 2001; Henderson et al. 1994), and two were studies designed to inform the policy making process by investigating the numbers of vacant properties and reasons for vacancies, and suggesting policy recommendations (Finch et al. 1987; Murie et al. 1995). The studies by Finch et al. (1987) and Caledonian Economics (2001) addressed empty properties in both urban and rural areas, and therefore it was not always possible to identify how far general findings were applicable to the rural context. Nevertheless, the use of case studies in this literature allowed empty homes to be examined in some detail in the rural context, and to draw out issues that applied to empty properties in the countryside from these examples.

Outcomes of policy evaluations • Policy interventions directed at bringing empty property back into use in

rural Scotland appear to offer a way of addressing housing need, especially in remoter rural locations where development of new affordable housing by housing associations may prove problematic.

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The Scottish Empty Homes Initiative (Caledonian Economics, 2001) attempted to bring back into use private sector properties across Scotland which were empty because owners could not afford the costs of repairs, or because the costs of the repairs was more than could be generated in rental income. Overall the scheme brought 1, 623 properties back into use, of which 282 properties were in rural areas. The evaluation found that rural areas gained from the scheme, receiving 10% of the total grants, reflecting the spread of population. This study found that the location of empty dwellings within rural areas was significant as the cost of bringing empty property back into use was lower than average within villages; however, costs were much higher than average in rural areas overall, reflecting the high costs of bringing more remote properties back into use. In one instance it was noted that refurbishing empty properties had played a positive role in the regeneration of that particular area and in promoting community ownership, as the properties would eventually be owned by a Community Trading Company. It was suggested that otherwise, the properties would have been sold as holiday homes. Overall the authors conclude that the policy was limited in the number of empty homes it could bring back into the private sector as it was targeted on properties empty for specific reasons (see above). Overall the evaluation concluded that the policy seemed to have a modestly positive impact on housing need, and seemed to be a useful way of bringing some empty properties back into use, although it is not clear whether these conclusions apply equally to rural and urban areas. A difficulty that the policy could not address was the reluctance of landlords to make properties available for renting because of the management burdens and problems they anticipate with tenants (see below). The authors suggest that one solution would be to allow local authorities to act as management agents. Henderson et al. (1994) examined the Scottish Homes Rural Empty Homes Initiative which was a pilot scheme in Tayside. The intention behind the initiative was to provide grant funding to private sector owners to encourage them to let vacant properties. The initiative aimed to add to the diversity of housing available to households on lower incomes in rural areas. At the time of the evaluation, 20 owners had been given grants to refurbish properties and bring them back into use. A pattern appeared to be developing where a small number of landlords owned the bulk of the properties that were receiving grants. The allocation of the refurbished properties was at the discretion of the landlords and tenants were offered short term assured tenancies. Landlords were unwilling to participate in the scheme unless they could choose their tenants and would not have accepted nominations from local councils. A key feature of the findings was the location of the property brought back into use, which tended to be in remote and isolated locations where there was little housing association activity, and often difficulties in identifying housing needs. Those who were housed through the scheme were not traditional housing association tenants, but were nevertheless in housing need. The authors of the evaluation concluded that the scheme was offering a suitable housing option for part

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of the community. The development of the initiative was labour-intensive, and there were also delays in processing applications. The annuality of Scottish Homes funding made it difficult for landlords to plan a programme of repairs. The research highlighted that, by focusing on bringing empty property back into use, the poor conditions experienced by existing tenants might well be overlooked; or worse, that tenants might be given a notice to quit their home to enable owners to claim the grant funding available to improve the property, although it did not seem that there was any evidence that this had occurred. A valuable aspect of these studies was to explore the views of owners of empty properties. The studies were able to examine how far the focus of policy mechanisms was likely to coincide with the reasons for property being empty, and therefore the likelihood that the mechanisms would be able to encourage owners to bring properties back into use. Thus, Caledonian Economics (2001) found that 20% to 30% of dwellings in their study were empty because their owners could not afford the cost of repairs, whilst about a further 20% intended to sell. A common theme was the perceptions of owners of vacant property related to difficulties associated with the letting and management of their property. An earlier study by Murie et al. (1995) which examined the reasons why properties were empty, concluded that an essential step in developing policies in this area was to identify owners and understand why properties were empty. Caledonian Economics (2001) noted that the Empty Homes Initiative could only focus on the proportion of homes that were empty because their owners could not afford the repairs to bring them back into use, or where the cost of repairs would be greater than could be achieved in rental income. Properties empty for other reasons, for example perceived difficulties in managing lettings, fell outside the policy mechanism. Caledonian Economics (2001) recommended that future policy should focus on demand side issues and that local authorities or housing associations could act as managing agents (which anticipated the use of housing associations as managing agents in Lead Tenancy Schemes in Scotland). Caledonian Economics (2001) also highlighted that some properties in rural areas may remain empty as their owners felt that they were unsuitable for letting because their location on farms might interfere with the running of the agricultural business. Landlords were also concerned that tenants had a local connection to the area and were likely to make a contribution to supporting local facilities such as schools. The small number of tenants who were housed in the Tayside Pilot Project (Henderson et al. 1994) noted that they were satisfied with the location and standard of the property. Indeed, the respondents indicated that they would have been less willing to move to a housing association property if this meant moving to a larger settlement. Moreover, although tenants noted that they enjoyed less security of

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tenure than social rented tenants, renting from a private landlord appeared a positive preference compared with becoming a tenant of a housing association. The authors concluded that the scheme was providing a suitable housing solution for part of the community. Further, since most of the properties were in isolated situations where housing associations would experience difficulty in providing alternatives, the initiative provided a useful way of meeting housing needs in these remoter rural areas. A further finding was that a careful balance would need to be struck in relation to the level of involvement of local authorities. One issue was whether local authorities should be able to nominate tenants for this type of scheme. It appeared that smaller landlords in particular, would not welcome this kind of letting arrangement, preferring to choose their own tenants. Also the research noted that local authorities may have difficulty in identifying tenants for these areas since there were often no local people on waiting lists due to the dearth of local authority accommodation in these areas. The study by Caledonian Economics (2001) also noted the issue of the isolated location of some empty dwellings, and the lack of demand for housing in some rural areas, especially islands.

Conclusion Few local authorities and National Parks have specific policy interventions that directly address the phenomenon of second homes, and where such policies exist they usually relate to the occupancy controls on new dwellings. There is very limited evidence regarding the effectiveness of these policies. Many stakeholders feel that fiscal measures might be a more effective mechanism for controlling second homes as these can be more sensitively applied to local contexts. Policy interventions directed at bringing empty property back into use in rural Scotland appear to offer a way of addressing housing need, especially in remoter rural locations where development of new affordable housing by housing associations may prove problematic. The Caledonian Economics study (2001) also noted that the schemes were able to galvanise community activity and that a positive outcome was former empty dwellings in community ownership. The use of case studies in this evaluation was essential in being able to draw out the rural dimension, although it was not always possible to discern how far general conclusions could apply to the rural context, which emphasises the role of ‘rural proofing’ polices, throughout the policy cycle. This highlights the need for the rural dimension to be specified not only in policy formulation and application, but also in subsequent evaluations. Further discussion of the conclusions to be drawn from this and the previous chapter are presented in Chapter Seven.

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Chapter Six Issues for review methods

Introduction This chapter discusses the learning points for systematic review methods that emerged from this review of the literature on second and empty homes in rural areas. It follows on from the mortgage safety nets review (Croucher et al. 2003) and our initial reflections on the transferability of the methods to new social policy fields (Wallace et al. 2004). This report and paper concluded that there was value in pursuing the development of the method in social policy fields but that considerable challenges were apparent that were yet to be resolved. The benefits included a wide search for literature, making explicit decisions relating to study inclusion, and critically appraising studies to ensure policy recommendations are made only on sound research. Challenges identified at this early stage of the project were also evident. Searching for specific material in social policy databases was difficult, due to the multiple understandings of many of the words used in the search strategies and the absence of controlled language in the searching facilities provided. Retrieving studies from some private organisations was problematic due to high costs of market research or commercial confidentiality. Reporting of methods in research reports and papers was also inconsistent and often poor, so it was often unclear from where the findings were derived. Furthermore, offering the same degree of rigour to the narrative synthesis of the study findings as was afforded to the search, inclusion and critical appraisal stages, was problematic. Finally, a point to which we return below, a significant challenge existed in providing sufficient contextual material against which the findings in a complex policy field can be interpreted. This review of second and empty homes in rural areas has also presented some clear benefits and some challenges that may require further reflection and testing. The challenges became apparent when:

• framing the review question;

• assessing the value of older research;

• locating studies;

• assessing quality of research;

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• managing data extraction;

• achieving a synthesis of research findings.

This chapter presents a brief outline of the main learning points for future reviews in similarly complex fields. We first consider the benefits of undertaking a systematic review, and then discuss the particular challenges faced by the review team at different stages in the review process.

Benefits of systematic review methods In this section we first compare this systematic review with a traditional literature review in the same topic area, considering what the advantages of using systematic review methods might be.

Comparison of systematic review to traditional literature review To enable us to assess the value of systematic review methods we compared this systematic review to a traditional literature review in the field. The literature review chosen was Second Homes in Focus: A Comparative Review of Migrational Effects on Rural Housing Supply in Britain and Europe by Gallent, Higgs and Tewdwr-Jones (1996). This is a comprehensive review of the UK and international literature that considers researching the field, growth of second homes, ownership and demand, modelling future growth, economic costs and benefits, environmental costs and benefits, social impacts and policy responses. These authors clearly have considerable expertise in this field and since publishing their review they have produced two of the studies that were entered into this systematic review. Gallent et al.’s review focuses on built second homes, and compares the experience in the UK to that of second homes in various European countries. In some ways our systematic review had a wider remit as we included second, empty and holiday homes (although most studies concerned second homes) but was limited to studies conducted in the UK. In comparing the studies included in this review to those cited in Gallent et al. the figures quoted regarding the systematic review relate to those studies that consider second homes and were available at the time of the Gallent et al. literature review. The figures for the Gallent et al. review relate to their UK literature only.

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Table 6.1: Comparison of UK reports cited in Gallent and Tewdwr-Jones (1996) to this systematic review

Identified by systematic review but not included

because:

In systematic review

Did not meet

quality threshold

Was not focussed on empty

or irregularly occupied property

Was not based on empirical research

Was requested

but not received

Was not identified

by systematic

review

11 5 4 7 4 3

Thirty-four studies are cited by Gallent et al. that relate to second homes in the UK. Of these 11 were also included in the systematic review. Eighteen were cited in the traditional literature review but were not included in the systematic review. Of these 18, seven were not based upon empirical research, four were not focussed on second homes but wider rural housing issues, four were requested by our review team but were unobtainable, and lastly three were not identified by this review. Of the four studies that were unobtainable, two were from the 1970s, one from the 1980s and one from the 1990s. We had a journal article based on the more recent study but this did not pass our inclusion criteria as it was insufficiently focussed upon empty or irregularly occupied property. Of the references that were not found at all in our initial reference set, one was produced by the Welsh Language Society in the 1980s, and the other two, which were not apparently relevant from their titles, were produced in the 1960s and appear to relate to architecture and leisure. One of these studies was also published in a periodical and was therefore unlikely to be empirical research. Five of the studies that did not meet the quality threshold for this review were included in Gallent et al.’s review, although Gallent et al. place caveats on some of the studies’ findings. In addition, there were three studies included in this systematic review that were available at the time of Gallent et al.’s (1996) review, but not included, that covered the Lake District, North Wales and North Norfolk. In addition, 15 other studies addressing second homes were identified by the systematic review that were available at the time of Gallent et al.’s review, but were not cited by them, although the difficulties we experienced in obtaining some studies may also explain their absence from the Gallent review. As can be seen from Table 6.1 above, the traditional literature review included un-empirical evidence, work that this review considered of poor quality, or work that addressed general rural housing issues. Moreover, it is unclear how studies were chosen for the Gallent et al. review. Our initial reference set identified many other reports based upon expert opinion and a substantial amount of other work that

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addressed wider rural housing concerns that was available but not cited by Gallent et al. The mortgage safety nets review (Croucher et al. 2003) was also compared to a more traditional literature review (Ford and England, 2000). The comparison was similar to the one made here, in that the traditional literature review offered in-depth analysis of the substantive topic, but was not transparent regarding how contextual and conceptual or discursive material was selected. It was also inconsistent in its critical appraisal of the cited reports and studies, and selective in the choice of studies cited. This lack of transparency and inconsistency gives rise to the potential for bias to enter literature reviews. Systematic review methods seek to minimise this bias by being explicit about how decisions are made regarding study inclusion. It is, of course, acknowledged that narrative systematic reviews inevitably reflect the subjectivity of the reviewers who interpret the studies; nevertheless, the transparent search, critical appraisal and inclusion criteria impose parameters to any bias and offer a degree of control over this issue. This is perhaps the most distinctive element of a systematic review that sets the methods apart from more traditional reviews. Gallent et al. and Ford and England’s traditional literature reviews were conducted by eminent researchers in the field at a cost that one would assume was considerably lower than both our systematic reviews. What value policy users of literature reviews place on the greater transparency and minimisation of bias remains unclear, and how systematic reviews may be used in the housing policy process is yet to be explored. Whether a systematic review is perceived to be more rigorous and valuable than a traditional literature review conducted by experts in their field remains an empirical question.

Other benefits of systematic review methods Systematic review techniques lend themselves to contentious topics, such as the impact of second homes on the sustainability of rural communities, as they allow close examination of the evidence-base, and consideration of different viewpoints. If the evidence has not been sufficiently strong for the review to act as an adjudicator it has nevertheless provided a rigorous account of what is actually known in the field. The recognition by some authors of the importance and growing significance of other sources of external demand such as retirement and commuting has brought a wider perspective to the consideration of the impacts of second homes on rural sustainability. Bringing together critically appraised research makes a useful contribution to the field and can guide future studies, by for example, drawing together the different studies to identify commonalities and differences in an explicit manner.

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Comprehensive searches for literature provide opportunities to identify substantive gaps in the understanding of the research base, such as the nature of more contemporary second home ownership, and the impacts of second home ownership on the environment, crime and anti-social behaviour, social exclusion, and local governance. Uniquely, the systematic critical appraisal of the quality of the research also enables the weaknesses in the knowledge base to be identified (for example highlighting the requirement to consider second homes alongside other pressure in rural housing markets) and ensuring that the findings of each study are based on the evidence. Moreover, systematically appraising the studies included in the review brings together a valuable commentary on the research methods employed in the field and can guide future research activity and so may be of interest to researchers and research commissioners. It is noted that the Gallent et al. (1996) review does include a section on the challenges presented in researching second homes, but this is not always clearly apparent in traditional literature reviews.

Challenges to systematic review methods The benefits outlined above make systematic review methods attractive and in an age associated with vast quantities of often competing information the appeal of systematic reviews is easy to understand. There is growing interest in their application to many fields outside of health and education where they have been extensively used, with government departments (such as the Department for Work and Pensions), research commissioners (such as the Joseph Rowntree Foundation) and new research groups entering the field. There are, however, considerable challenges to reviewing complex social policy arenas (Wallace et al. 2004) and those identified by the experience of this systematic review are set out below.

Framing the review question Systematic reviews can, of course, ask many different questions in many different fields (Petticrew, 2001), but in healthcare, they have often centred on questions of effectiveness alone. This assumes that a consensus exists about a problem, its causes and impacts. For this review, prior to any policy examination, it was valuable to review evidence that considered what the impacts of properties such as second homes actually were, as the issue is both complex and contested. Before considering the effectiveness of solutions, review teams should therefore first consider to what extent the substantive ‘problem’ is understood or how it is conceived. The question frames the review process, but also may act as a constraint as it can mean literature to aid interpretation of the evidence may be absent. The inclusion of context in the review process was raised as important in Croucher et al. (2003), and was suggested as a major challenge for reviews in social policy (Wallace et al. 2004). To include literature relating to planning regimes and the supply of affordable housing in rural areas, retirement and commuting demand, changing rural

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economies and population exchange would have made the review unwieldy and cumbersome in the breadth and depth of literature that would need to have been considered. These issues were found to be crucial when interpreting the research evidence and yet this was only facilitated by the inclusion of these topics by some authors. In the absence of the work of those authors, there is the potential for the review findings to have been quite different. Whilst this is an important issue for potential reviewers to consider before embarking on a review, this may also be something that can be addressed by the review commissioning process. The development of evidence – informed policy making has led to more strategic approaches to the production of knowledge, such as the setting up of the NHS Service Delivery and Organisation (NHS SDO) Research Programme (http://www.sdo.lshtm.ac.uk/) or the Social Care Institute of Excellence (http://www.scie.org.uk/). In the NHS SDO, scoping reviews of large fields have been commissioned which set the overall context. Then multiple reviews of specific subjects, within the substantive area, have been commissioned, providing allied work that presents a mosaic of good evidence to inform policy. Such an approach avoids one review being encumbered by feeling compelled to both set the scene and review the evidence. It may, however, be the case that the research budget for health and social care services is substantially more than that available to other research fields, and it is important to note that the costs of systematic reviews are in excess of traditional approaches to literature reviewing. In these circumstances, there may be no easy alternative to the inclusion of contextual and substantive material in research reviews and review teams must ensure that they offer the reader sufficient information to aid interpretation of the findings.

Older research The review team discussed at length the value of old research to a contemporary knowledge base. No cut-off date was used for this review (see Chapter two on methods used in this review), as no date was apparent that represented a major policy break with what went before. In addition, it was not necessary to use a cut-off date to restrict the numbers of studies retrieved, as the literature was relatively small in comparison to many initial reference sets for other systematic reviews. Second homes emerged as a political and media issue in the 1970s and therefore a significant proportion of the research evidence comes from this period. What value do these studies have now when the social and economic circumstances in which second homes were examined are substantially different from today? How transferable are their findings? What can this historical perspective bring that is relevant to contemporary concerns? The 1970s studies have been included in the review, but presented both benefits and problems. In this disputed field, it enabled the review team to examine the development of the research literature, second homes markets and the changing discourse over time. When assessing the social

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impacts of second homes however, it was difficult to discern how applicable some of the findings were to the present day, as experiences and expectations of employment, education, shopping, commuting, family, church or community, for example, have all changed quite dramatically over the last three decades. Housing markets are dynamic systems; it is impossible to know whether what may be apparent in one decade remains salient in another without confirming this through contemporary studies or longitudinal studies that can trace changes over time.

Locating studies The abstracts and search facilities provided by social science databases do not facilitate the identification of empirical research alone. Health science databases have controlled searching facilities and structured abstracts detailing the aims, methods and outcomes of the studies. Such facilities allow greater specificity when searching electronic databases. The absence of such tools in this field meant a great number of references that were irrelevant to the review topic being retrieved in the initial reference list, and time and money unavoidably wasted, as references were all checked for relevance and - in the absence of abstracts - some studies were ordered or purchased that were not in the end appropriate. Many of the studies of second homes were conducted across local or district authorities, indeed were often commissioned by them, and problems were encountered in accessing reports and information at this level. Local authorities across the UK are charged with conducting local housing market analysis (Blackaby, 2000; DTZ Peida, 2004; Welsh Assembly, 2002; Maclennan et al. 1998). It was anticipated that some contemporary rural local housing market studies would address issues of concern to this review. Rural local authorities with the highest concentrations of second homes were contacted but positive responses were few. There may be a number of reasons why this was the case; for example, not targeting the correct staff, or heavy workloads. Where it was successful however a number of important studies were unearthed. In one case this was due to a particularly interested librarian who unfortunately retired during the review process. In addition, by chance, one important study arrived by mistake when another one was requested. It had not been identified by any sources, but was relevant and entered the review process. The searching strategy for this review has been extensive and has given a range of organisations a chance to contribute, but it is suspected that other data exist at the local authority level that the review team failed to obtain. The NHS Centre for Review and Dissemination (2001) advises that a variety of search methods, both computerised and manual, should be used in systematic reviews to ensure as comprehensive and unbiased a search as possible. Electronic

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databases cannot be sole sources of references, as bias may exist in journals or organisations that supply databases, or there may be a time lag between publication and entry onto the database, or between the completion of research and journal publication. Electronic databases have been valuable sources of citations for this review and for the previous review carried out by Croucher et al. (2003), primarily because citation checking of papers identified by the databases has led to other studies being identified that were not listed on the databases. However, with the exception of the grey literature databases (SIGLE and Planex), electronic databases have not been repositories of primary publications of research studies that have entered the final stages of the review. Alternative sources of references have therefore had an important impact on reviewing in a field such as housing, and the review team placed a greater emphasis on investigative work in uncovering and actually obtaining studies that may be located in disparate places and not always in the public domain. Review teams should consider where they anticipate access to, and location of, the primary studies and not assume that for all topics the electronic databases will be the main source of references. On a minor but practical note, many studies retrieved via the British Library, or other university libraries, were only available for a few weeks and were not able to be photocopied for copyright reasons. This presented some difficulties in having to prioritise those studies for review, data extraction and double-checking by another reviewer in the time when they were available. It would have been preferable to have a hard copy of each study for reference purposes.

Quality The systematic quality appraisal of the studies represented a challenge. Wallace et al. (2004) note that it is not necessary to exclude studies from the review on the basis of poor quality but that doing so does mean that policy recommendations are made on the basis of credible research. Although there is not often a direct relationship between research and policy adoption, including poor quality studies in a review has the potential to alter the findings and therefore misdirect future investment and policy initiatives or mislead understanding in the field. This review highlights the importance of maintaining confidence in the evidence synthesised, especially in a field where there is much conjecture and speculation about the causes and impacts of second homes on rural sustainability. This is not easy however, as invariably many studies occupy the grey area between ‘outstanding’ and ‘very poor’. Deciding on the cut off point for the quality threshold was problematic. The review intended to exclude the very poor studies and was not seeking ideal type research. We are confident that this has been achieved, but there remains a problem with some of the studies entered into the review, outlined in

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Chapter Three, which gives an overview of the research reviewed. There are also some interesting points made in some of the excluded studies, which include the importance of other sources of external demand (DTZ Peida, 1998) or the tensions between the tourist economy and provision of tourist accommodation when affordable housing is in short supply (Gallent et al. 2000). These were excluded because the empirical base of the studies was weak or unestablished. There are also studies that had only a small amount of information about the topic of empty or irregularly occupied properties, but were of good quality that entered the review. There are, therefore, tensions that exist in the use of quality appraisal as part of the inclusion criteria for a review. There is no consensus over the application of quality appraisal tools, and it is likely to remain a thorny issue.

Data extraction Extracting data that answer the review question can be time-consuming, and presents organisational issues in terms of recording and storing the data to be used at the synthesis stage. Appendix Seven shows the form stored in MS Access that was used to note information from the studies relating to the impact of any empty or irregularly occupied properties on the elements of sustainability. Studies covered many areas of housing markets and community impacts, and substantial data were recorded. It was time-consuming to enter these into Access and the volume of material was difficult to manage during some parts of the synthesis. The data extracted were certainly more than the descriptive details about research methods and the figures needed to estimate ‘numbers needed to treat’ or ‘effect size’, as is the case in many health reviews (NHS CRD, 2001). MS Access was a useful repository for the electronic forms but advanced skills are needed in order to manipulate the forms, as the software was not simple to use. It may be that a software package designed for the organisation of qualitative data (such as Atlas.ti or NUDIST) would provide a more effective means of storing and organising data.

Synthesis It is important to adopt the same degree of rigour in the synthesis stage of the review process, as demonstrated in the search, retrieval and application of inclusion criteria stages. However, consensus does not yet exist as to how a narrative synthesis can be achieved in a systematic manner. Dixon-Woods et al. (2004) outlines the interpretive and deductive methods of synthesis that could be drawn upon to conduct this stage of the review, which are akin to different methods of quantitative or qualitative data analysis in primary research. Demonstration projects are being funded under the ESRC Research Methods programme (http://www.ccsr.ac.uk/methods/) to empirically test different approaches. This review used the information from the primary studies and within each main theme analysed the findings thematically. In the future we will consider entering the extracted data into a qualitative analysis computer software package, as this may be

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a more useful tool for managing large quantities of information and facilitate consistency in the application of any thematic codes. This would also ensure that themes that may not fit within the framework imposed prior to the studies being reviewed are not overlooked by rigid adherence to the protocol. This review found it a challenge to achieve a complete synthesis of the findings as the evidence varied greatly across time and location. The studies also included many different definitions of second homes, which had the potential to alter their findings. A narrative account of the study findings is presented, with some broad conclusions about the field offered.

Conclusion This review has been methodologically very interesting as it has illustrated some of the difficulties in translating a method used extensively in one policy domain to another where the literature not only lacks any tradition of research replication but employs disparate methods, is multi-disciplinary and is sensitive to context. Our conviction that systematic reviewing as an undertaking has merit continues, but we feel that the challenges presented by the method should not be underestimated. We would welcome further development and application of systematic review methods in the housing field to work towards overcoming or managing the apparent constraints.

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Chapter Seven Conclusions

This review addressed two questions. The first question related to the impact of empty or under-occupied dwellings on the sustainability of rural communities, and the second was concerned with the effectiveness of policy interventions designed to mitigate the adverse effects of empty or under-occupied dwellings. In this Chapter the key points that have emerged from the evidence are highlighted. We then go on to consider how well the review has been able to answer the questions.

Impacts on the sustainability of rural communities On the basis of the available evidence there is very little known about the impact of empty or irregularly occupied properties on many of the key domains of sustainability. Instead, the focus of much research attention has been on the impact of second home ownership on rural housing markets. However, second homes have to be seen as part of a wider process of social and economic change affecting rural areas. In a housing context, any assessment of the impact of second homes needs to be part of broader housing market analysis. One difficulty is that a considerable body of the available evidence was conducted more than twenty years ago. This reliance on dated research is fuelling a ‘myth’ that second home ownership lies at the heart of affordable housing shortages. More recent work emphasises that commuting and retirement are equally, if not more important sources of external demand for rural housing. Apart from external demand for rural housing, there has historically been proportionally less social rented housing in rural areas compared to national and regional averages. The rural stock of social rented housing has also been reduced by the Right-to-Buy. Planning constraints and financial limitations hinder the development of new social housing. There is little evidence of conflict between second home owners and local residents, although there are marked differences in attitudes towards second home owners in different areas. The outward migration of young people from rural areas is more closely allied to a lack of appropriate employment, education and leisure activities than to a lack of housing. Nevertheless, second home ownership was seen in many studies to make a useful contribution to local economies as part of the tourist industry, but there were differences in the levels of contribution between different localities making

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generalisations regarding the economic impact of second home ownership problematic.

Effectiveness of policy

Key Findings Evaluations of specific policy intervention directed towards empty and irregularly used dwellings are few in number. Research has been more directed towards mechanisms for delivering affordable housing. However, where research has been conducted on policies which have attempted to mitigate the impact of second homes, amongst other forms of demand pressures, in rural areas such as the Lake District, evidence suggests that restricting new housing to local people only did not help local people on low incomes. Given the renewed interest amongst policymakers, particularly in the national parks, on restricting the occupancy of new dwellings, it would be timely for researchers to revisit this topic through a comprehensive evaluation of the impacts of these policies on housing markets. Evidence drawing on how policy might respond highlights that the extent and impact of second home ownership varies across locations. Therefore a national policy response to second home ownership is not appropriate. Recent research suggests support from local authorities for greater powers in respect of second homes. However planning controls are not perceived as the most appropriate mechanism, rather, fiscal measures are thought to offer a more valuable approach as they can be more sensitively applied in local contexts. Although considerable strides have been made in the development of strategies to tackle empty dwellings, this topic has attracted little in the way of research or formal evaluations related to the rural context. The exception is in Scotland, where government agencies have funded a number of studies. These evaluations show that policy interventions directed at bringing empty property back into use in rural Scotland appear to offer a way of addressing housing needs, especially in remoter rural locations where the development of new affordable housing by housing associations may prove problematic.

Limitations of the evidence-base Although the questions posed by the review are highly pertinent to policy makers and practitioners, this review has shown that the evidence-base is not sufficiently developed to fully answer them. The research literature related to empty or irregularly-occupied dwellings in rural areas is mainly focused on second homes. The primary focus of many studies is the identification of the extent and distribution of second homes in particular locations and the impacts on local housing markets.

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There is however a lack of consensus over definitions of ‘second home’ and ‘holiday home’, and in many instances it is difficult to know whether studies were talking about the same phenomena. There are also difficulties in identifying the numbers of properties that are not occupied on a permanent basis. Some studies are also limited by their focus on second homes without consideration of other sources of external demand for houses in rural areas, most notably demand from people seeking a rural retirement and commuters. Similarly the evidence regarding the effectiveness of policy interventions is very sparse, although various authors have attempted to identify local policies in different areas, canvass the opinions of key players such as local planners and housing officers regarding policy options, and many authors make policy recommendations. The review was interested not only in the impact of empty and irregularly occupied property on rural housing markets, but also on other key domains of sustainability of rural communities (see Table 2.2, Chapter Two). The evidence to fully address these different domains is not currently available. As noted above, the focus of many studies has been on the impact of second homes on housing markets, and there has been very little research that addresses other key dimensions of sustainability. There is a small body of literature that considers community cohesion; however this is quite dated and may not reflect current patterns of social and community integration. There is some literature regarding the economic impact of second home ownership, again this is quite dated, and probably does not reflect current patterns of spending on leisure or other services, either by permanent residents or visitors. There is very little evidence regarding the impact of empty or irregularly occupied dwellings on the built environment and no evidence concerned with wider environmental issues, the reputation or image of the community, crime and anti-social behaviour, social exclusion and poverty, and the accessibility of facilities, services and employment. Some studies might give some small insights, but none have actually focused on any of these key issues. Thus we can conclude that we know very little about the overall impact of empty or irregularly occupied properties on the overall sustainability of rural communities, although more is known about the impact of second homes on rural housing markets. Given the considerable time and resources that are required to undertake systematic reviews, we must reflect on what specific benefits the methods of systematic reviewing have brought to the investigation of the impact of empty and irregularly occupied dwellings. In the first instance the shortage of affordable housing in rural areas generates much debate, and second home ownership in particular is an emotive topic. The approach of ‘going back to basics’, rigorously searching for material, and considering only empirical evidence (rather than opinion or observations), allows reflection on the topic in a more neutral way. This is not to say that the study can

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claim objectivity or transparency, but allows the reader to see how and why decisions have been made through the process of this review, and how the available evidence has been handled. This review has challenged some of the longstanding myths about the detrimental effects of second home ownership.It illustrates the importance of putting second home ownership in the broader context and assessing its relative importance alongside other external drivers of demand, particularly if effective policy responses are to be developed. One reason for undertaking a systemic review is to utilise existing evidence to answer research questions. In particular, it provides the potential to draw upon a much wider range of data to meet its research objectives than could be achieved by a new study. However, in looking afresh at the empirical evidence contained in existing studies, a systematic review attempts to draw out answers to questions for which the original research may not have been designed or set up to answer. It is important to note that any difficulty identified relates to the process of undertaking the secondary analyses of data rather than to any fault in the original studies from which the evidence is drawn. Nevertheless, a defining feature of much of the evidence in relation to empty or irregularly occupied property is its age. A considerable body of work investigating second homes, particularly, relates to UK society over twenty years ago. The value of more recent evidence on second homes lies in highlighting the scale of the issue and the efficacy of possible policy responses. However, in relation to providing a succinct answer to the two questions regarding the impact of empty or irregularly occupied dwellings on the sustainability of rural communities and the effectiveness of policy interventions, the available empirical evidence is limited, and this in itself is useful to know.

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Appendix One Databases searched

Searches conducted between July - December 2003

Limits English language only

England, Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or United Kingdom or Great Britain

Database checklist Database Version/service No of Hits

ASSIA CSA

14/08/03 02/12/03

32 13

EconLit 1969 - 07/03 1969 – 11/2003

ARC2 18/08/03 02/12/03

60 30

Hansard WWW 378 International Bibliography of the Social Sciences 1951 – 29/07/03

BIDS 01/08/03

50

PAIS 1972 – 07/2003

ARC2 18/08/03

69

PLANEX Current

WWW 06/10/03

165

SIGLE 1980 – 06/2003 1980 – 06/2003

ARC2 04/08/03 02/12/03

91 98

Sociological Abstracts1963 - 06/03 1963 – 06/03

ARC2 16/07/03 02/12/03

29 12

Social Science Citation Index 1981 – current

MIMAS 14/08/03

116

Social Sciences and Humanities Indexes Conference Papers

MIMAS 01/08/03

17

An initial search was carried out on all the above databases during July. It was later decided to broaden the search to include empty or affordable dwellings. The search was carried out on the more sophisticated databases (ASSIA, EconLit, SIGLE and Sociological Abstracts). All results were then entered into a reference manager library.

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103

Appendix Two Search strategies

1. ASSIA: Applied Social Sciences Index and Abstracts 1987 - current

(searched 14/08/03) (((Great Britain or United Kingdom or Wales or Scotland or England or Northern

Ireland)) AND ((rural near housing)))

OR

((((second* or holiday or vacation or season* or summer or winter or recreational or

occasional))) AND (((propert* or dwelling* or residen* or let or lets or house* or

home* or accommodation or cottage*))))

OR

((self cater*))

OR

(rural hous*)

OR

(((England or Scotland or Wales or Great Britain or Northern Ireland or United

Kingdom or UK)) AND ((((secondary home* or second home*)) OR ((holiday home*

or holiday let or holiday lets)))))

OR

(empty) AND (home* or house* or dwelling* or propert*)

32 records were downloaded.

Search 2 (1969 – 11/2003 searched 02/12/03) (plan* near hous*) AND (rural or country*) AND (United Kingdom or Great Britain or

England or Scotland or Wales or Ireland)

OR

void dwelling*

OR

(affordable hous*) AND (rural or country*)

13 records downloaded.

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2. Econ Lit 1969 - 2003/07 (searched 18/08/03) #26 ((vacation home) or ((second home*)) or (vacation homes) or ((summer

resident*) or (winter resident*) or (seasonal resident*)) or (rural property) or (holiday

homes) or (holiday lets) or (holiday let) or (incomer*) or (country hous*) or ((holiday

home*)) or (cottage)) and (England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or

Great Britain or United Kingdom or UK)

#25 (vacation home) or ((second home*)) or (vacation homes) or ((summer

resident*) or (winter resident*) or (seasonal resident*)) or (rural property) or (holiday

homes) or (holiday lets) or (holiday let) or (incomer*) or (country hous*) or ((holiday

home*)) or (cottage)

#24 (England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or Great Britain or United

Kingdom or UK) and ((vacation home) or ((second home*)) or (vacation homes) or

((summer resident*) or (winter resident*) or (seasonal resident*)) or (rural property)

or (holiday lets) or (rural economy) or (holiday let) or (incomer*) or (country hous*) or

((holiday home*)) or (cottage))

#23 (vacation home) or ((second home*)) or (vacation homes) or ((summer

resident*) or (winter resident*) or (seasonal resident*)) or (rural property) or (holiday

lets) or (rural economy) or (holiday let) or (incomer*) or (country hous*) or ((holiday

home*)) or (cottage)

#22 (England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or Great Britain or United

Kingdom or UK) and ((vacation home) or ((second home*)) or (vacation homes) or

(rural property) or (rural economy) or (incomer*) or (national park) or (country hous*)

or ((holiday home*)) or (cottage))

#21 (vacation home) or ((second home*)) or (vacation homes) or (rural property) or

(rural economy) or (incomer*) or (national park) or (country hous*) or ((holiday

home*)) or (cottage)

#20 England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or Great Britain or United

Kingdom or UK

#19 rural economy

#18 incomer*

#17 national park

#16 country hous*

#15 cottage

#14 vacation home

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#13 vacation homes

#12 rural property

#11 holiday homes

#10 holiday lets

#9 holiday let

#8 holiday

#7 holiday home

#6 (holiday home*)

#5 (second homes)

#4 (second home*)

#3 (summer resident*) or (winter resident*) or (seasonal resident*)

#2 (summer or winter or seasonal)same resident*

#1 (summer or winter or seasonal) resident*

60 records downloaded after eliminating false hits.

Search 2 (1969- 11/2003 searched 02/12/03) #9 #8 and #2

#8 (affordable hous*) and (rural* or country*)

#7 void dwelling*

#6 #5 and #2

#5 #1 and #4

#4 rural or country*

#3 #1 and #2

#2 Britain or United Kingdom or England or Wales or Scotland or Ireland

#1 ( plan* near hous* )or( plan* near home* )

30 records downloaded.

106

3. Hansard (searched 01/09/03) (http://www.publications.parliament.uk/cgi-

bin/dialogserverTSO?DB=ukparl&FILE=searchJS&DATETYPE=ANY)

‘holiday home’

‘second home’

‘holiday house’

‘holiday lets’

‘vacation homes’

‘self catering’

‘incomer’

‘rural housing’

‘holiday cottage’

‘seasonal home’

Due to the limited search facilities of Hansard it was not possible to build a complex

search strategy for this database. All terms acted as though truncated e.g. home

retrieved home & homes, house retrieved house and houses. All searches

produced some false hits however the results from the income search were all false

hits as they concentrated income tax and income.

The 378 results from these searches are not included in the Endnote library but

instead are included in a separate folder, Hansard.doc.

4. International Bibliography of the Social Sciences 1951 – 12/08/03 (searched 14/08/03)

(vacation & (home* , house* , propert* , dwelling* , let , lets , accommodation ,

cottage) )

(holiday* & (home* , house* , propert* , dwelling* , let , lets , accommodation ,

cottage) )

(second* home* or second* house* or second* propert* or second* dwelling* or

second* let or second* lets or second* accommodation or second* cottage)

(occasional home* or occasional* house* or occasional propert* or occasional

dwelling* or occasional let or occasional lets or occasional accommodation or

occasional cottage)

107

(vacant & (home* , house* , propert* , dwelling* , let , lets , accommodation ,

cottage) )

(empty & (home* , house* , propert* , dwelling* , let , lets , accommodation , cottage)

(rural home* or rural house* or rural propert* or rural dwelling* or rural let or rural

lets or rural accommodation or rural cottage)

(self-cater) & (accommodation)

(rural housing) & (Great Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland

or United Kingdom)

Due to the limitations of this database it has not been possible to conduct a

sophisticated search strategy, many of the results contained false hits. The above

search was run as a series of individual searches. A total of 50 records have been

downloaded.

5. PAIS 1972 – 07/2003 (searched 18/08/03) #22 (United Kingdom or UK or England or Wales or Scotland or Northern Ireland or

Great Britain) and (rural housing)

#21 (( (vacation adj home*) )or ( (vacation adj house*) )or( (vacation adj property) ))

#20 (( (holiday near let) )or( (holiday near lets) )or( (holiday near cottage) ))

#19 (( (holiday adj let) )or( (holiday adj lets) )or( (holiday cottage) ))

#18 (second near dwelling*)

#17 (( (holiday near home*) )or( (holiday near house*) )or( (holiday near property) ))

#16 (( (holiday adj home*) )or( (holiday adj house*) )or( (holiday near property) ))

#15 (( (second adj home*) )or( (second adj house*) )or( (second near property) ))

#14 ((country hous*) or (summer residen*) or (vacation home*) or (second* home*)

or (rural propert*))

#13 country hous*

#12 country hous*

#11 incomer*

#10 holiday cottage*

#9 holiday let*

#8 holiday home*

#7 rural propert*

#6 seasonal residenc*

108

#5 winter residenc*

#4 winter residenc*

#3 summer residen*

#2 vacation home*

#1 second* home*

69 records downloaded.

6. SIGLE 1980 – 06/2003 (searched 04/08/03) #1 ((second* adj (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or residen*

or cottage* or accommodation)) and (((Great Britain or United Kingdom or UK or

England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland) not (New South Wales or New

England)) #2 (holiday* adj (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or residen* or

cottage* or accommodation))

#3 (vacation near3 (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or

residen* or cottage* or accommodation))

#4 ((summer or winter or seasonal) near4(home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets

or propert* or residen* or cottage* or accommodation))

#5 (recreational near4 (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or

residen* or cottage* or accommodation))

#6 (occasional near4 (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or

residen* or cottage* or accommodation))

#7 (empty adj (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or residen* or

cottage* or accommodation))

#8 (vacant adj (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or residen* or cottage* or accommodation))

#9 (country near3 (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or residen*

or cottage* or accommodation))

#10 (rural near3 (home* or house* or dwelling* or let or lets or propert* or residen*

or cottage* or accommodation))

#11 (self cater* or self-cater* )

#12 ( rural housing )

91 records downloaded.

109

Search 2 (1980 - 06/2003 searched 02/12/03) #8 #7 and #2

#7 affordable adj hous*

#6 void dwelling*

#5 #3 and #4

#4 Great Britain or England or Scotland or Ireland or Wales or United

Kingdom(35250 records)

#3 #1 and #2

#2 rural or country*

#1 plan* near hous*

98 records downloaded.

7. Sociological Abstracts 1963 – 2003/06 (searched 16/07/03) #1 ((Great Britain or Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or

United Kingdom) and (rural hous*)

#2 (( self cater* )or( self-cater* ))

#3 ( incomer* )

#4 (( holiday cottage* )or( holiday accommodation ))

#5 (( holiday home* )or( holiday house*) or ( holiday dwelling* ))

#6 (( holiday let )or( holiday lets )or ( holiday propert* ))

#7 (( second home* )or( second house* ) or( second dwelling* ))

#8 (( vacation home* )or( vacation hous* )or( holiday hous* ))

#9 ( country hous* )

#10 (( rural retreat )or( country retreat ))

#11 ( rural and (get adj away) )

#12 ( country and (get adj away) )

#13 ((Great Britain or Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or

United Kingdom) and (( ((seasonal or summer or winter) ) in AB )and( ((house or

home* or let or lets) ) in AB )

#14 (( recreational )and( (house* or home* or let or lets or dwelling* or propert*) )

and ((Great Britain or Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or

United Kingdom)

110

#15 ((Great Britain or Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or

United Kingdom) and (((occasional)near(house* or home* or let or lets or dwelling*

or propert*) )

#16 ((Great Britain or Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or

United Kingdom) and (( empty )and( (hous* or home* or dwelling* or propert*) )

#17 ((Great Britain or Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or

United Kingdom) and (((vacant)and(hous* or home* or dwelling* or propert*) )

#18 ((England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or United Kingdom or UK or

Great Britain) and (((summer residents or (seasonal resident* or (((secondary

home) or (second home*) or (holiday home*) or (vacation home*) or (rural

accommodation) or (rural property))

11 records downloaded.

Search 2 (1963- 06/2003 searched 02/12/03) #9 #7 and #8

#8 Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Ireland or United kingdom

#7 affordable near (hous* or hom*)

#6 #4 and #5

#5 Britain or United Kingdom or England or Wales or Scotland or Ireland

#4 #2 and #3

#3 rural or country*

#2 plan* near hous*

#1 void dwelling*

12 records downloaded.

8. Social Science Citation Index (SSCI) 1981 – present (searched 16/07/03) #1 TS=(vacant OR empty)

#2 TS=(property or dwelling* or home* or house* or residen* or accommodation or

let or lets)

#3 #1 AND #2

#4 TS=((vacant OR empty) SAME TS=(property or dwelling* or home* or house* or

residen* or accommodation or let or lets))

111

#5 TS=(Great Britain OR Northern Ireland or Scotland or England or Wales or

United Kingdom or UK) NOT TS=(New England or New South Wales)

#6 #4 and #5

#7 TI=((vacant OR empty) SAME TI=(property or dwelling* or home* or house* or

residen* or accommodation or let or lets))

#8 TS=(rural or country*)SAME TS=(communit* or resident* or local*)

#9 #8 AND #5

#10 #2 and #9

#11 TS=(vacation or holiday or seasonal or recreational or occasional or second* or

absent* or summer or winter)

#12 TS=(property or dwelling* or home* or house* or residen* or accommodation or

let or lets) SAME TS=(vacation or holiday or seasonal or recreational or occasional

or second* or absent* or summer or winter)

#13 #12 AND #5

#14 TI=(property or dwelling* or home* or house* or residen* or accommodation or

let or lets) SAME TI=(vacation or holiday or seasonal or recreational or occasional

or second* or absent* or summer or winter)

#15 #14 and #5

#16 TS=(self cater* or self-cater* )

#17 TI=(self cater* or self-cater* )

116 records were downloaded. 9. Social Sciences and Humanities Indexes Conference Papers (SSHICP) 1990- 2003

Searched 01/09/03

Search 1 #1 TI=(rural and hous*)

#2 TS=(Great Britain or England or Scotland or Wales or Northern Ireland or United

Kingdom)

#3 #1 and #2

#4 TS=(rural AND hous*)

#5 TS=(rural same hous*)

#6 #5 and #2

112

#7 #4 and #2

#8 TI=(rural and hous*)

#9 TS=incomer*

#10 TI=(self SAME cater*)

#11 TS=(self same cater*)

#12 TS=((vacant or empty) same (propert* or dwelling* or house or houses or home

or homes or accommodation))

#13 TI=((vacant or empty) same (propert* or dwelling* or house or houses or home

or homes or accommodation))

#14 TS=((holiday) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or cottage

or dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#15 TS=((holiday) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or cottage

or dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#16 TI=((holiday) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or cottage

or dwelling or propert* or accommodation)) #17 TS=((second) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or cottage or

dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#18 #17 and #2

#19 TI=((second) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or cottage

or dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#20 TS=((occasional) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or

cottage or dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#21 TI=((occasional) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or

cottage or dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#22 TS=((recreational) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or

cottage or dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#23 TI=((recreational) same (house or houses or home or homes or let or lets or

cottage or dwelling or propert* or accommodation))

#24 TS=((rural) same (life or living))

#25 #2 and #24

#26 TI=((rural) same (life or living))

#27 #2 and #28

Search 2 (1981- current searched 14/08/03) #1 TS=(holiday*) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

113

#2 TI=(holiday*) AND TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#3 TI=(second*) AND TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#4 TS=(second*) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#5 TS=(second or secondary) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or

Let or Lets or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#6 TS=(second) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#7 TS=(second) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*) AND TS=(UK or United Kingdom or

Great Britain or England or Scotland or Northern Ireland or Wales)

#8 TS=(UK or United Kingdom or Great Britain or England or Scotland or Northern

Ireland or Wales)

#9 #6 AND #8

#10 TI=(second) AND TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*) AND TS=(UK or United Kingdom or

Great Britain or England or Scotland or Northern Ireland or Wales)

#11 TS=(Second house* or second home* or second accommodation or second let

or second lets or second dwelling* or second propert* or second residen* or second

cottage*)

#12 #11 AND #8

#13 TI=(Second house* or second home* or second accommodation or second let

or second lets or second dwelling* or second propert* or second residen* or second

cottage*)

#14 #13 AND #8

#15 TS=(second) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#16 TI=(second) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#17 TS=(vacation) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets

or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

114

#18 TI=(vacation) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#19 TS=(seasonal or summer or winter) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or

Accommodation or Let or Lets or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#20 TI=(seasonal or summer or winter) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or

Accommodation or Let or Lets or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#21 TI=(empty) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#22 TS=(empty) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#23 TS=(vacant) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#24 TI=(vacant) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#25 TS=(rural) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#26 TI=(rural) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

Search 3 (1981 - current searched 14/08/03) #1 TS=(holiday*) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#2 TI=(holiday*) AND TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#3 TI=(second*) AND TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#4 TS=(second*) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#5 TS=(second or secondary) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or

Let or Lets or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#6 TS=(second) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#7 TS=(second) AND TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*) AND TS=(UK or United Kingdom or

Great Britain or England or Scotland or Northern Ireland or Wales)

115

#8 TS=(UK or United Kingdom or Great Britain or England or Scotland or Northern

Ireland or Wales)

#9 #6 AND #8

#10 TI=(second) AND TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*) AND TS=(UK or United Kingdom or

Great Britain or England or Scotland or Northern Ireland or Wales)

#11 TS=(Second house* or second home* or second accommodation or second let

or second lets or second dwelling* or second propert* or second residen* or second

cottage*)

#12 #11 AND #8

#13 TI=(Second house* or second home* or second accommodation or second let

or second lets or second dwelling* or second propert* or second residen* or second

cottage*)

#14 #13 AND #8

#15 TS=(second) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#16 TI=(second) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#17 TS=(vacation) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets

or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#18 TI=(vacation) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or Accommodation or Let or Lets or

Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#19 TS=(seasonal or summer or winter) SAME TS=(House* or Home* or

Accommodation or Let or Lets or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

#20 TI=(seasonal or summer or winter) SAME TI=(House* or Home* or

Accommodation or Let or Lets or Dwelling* or Propert* or Residen* or Cottage*)

Due to the restrictions of the database when saving the strategy, 3 different

searches were carried out. Once false drops had been eliminated 17 records were

downloaded.

116

117

Appendix Three Websites searched

Searched prior to 23rd April 2004 Chartered Institute of Housing www.cih.orgHousing Corporation www.housingcorp.gov.ukNational Housing Federation www.housing.org.ukLocal Government Association www.lga.gov.ukEmpty Homes Agency www.emptyhomes.com Local Government Information Unit www.lgiu.gov.ukOffice of the Deputy Prime Minister www.odpm.gov.ukCabinet Office www.cabinet-office.gov.ukSocial Exclusion Unit www.socialexclusionunit.gov.ukDepartment for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs www.defra.gov.ukNational Parks www.anpa.gov.uk Campaign to Protect Rural England www.cpre.org.ukCampaign for the Protection of Rural Wales www.cprw.org.ukCommunities Scotland www.communitiesscotland.gov.ukScottish Executive www.scotland.gov.ukNational Assembly for Wales www.wales.gov.ukNorthern Ireland Housing Executive www.nihe.gov.ukCountryside Agency www.countryside.gov.ukShelter www.shelter.org.ukHousing Net www.housingnet.co.ukHousing UK www.housinguk.orgCouncil of Mortgage Lenders www.cml.org.ukAction with Communities in Rural England www.acre.org.ukRoyal Institution of Chartered Surveyors www.rics.org.ukEngland Rural Affairs Forum www.ruralaffairs.org.ukEnglish Tourism Council www.englishtourism.org.ukNational Rural Enterprise Centre www.ruralnet.org.ukRural Housing Service www.ruralhousingscotland.orgNorthern Ireland Assembly www.ni-assembly.gov.ukAll National Park websites

118

Social Policy Research Sites Joseph Rowntree Foundation Regard University Research Units Arkleton Centre for Rural Development Research, Aberdeen University School of Architecture and the Built Environment, University of Westminster Department of City and Regional Planning, Cardiff University Centre for Comparative Housing Research De Montfort University Countryside and Community Research Unit, University of Gloucester. Centre for Regional, Economic and Social Research, Sheffield Hallam University Department of Land Economy, Cambridge University. Department of Urban Studies, Glasgow University Centre for Rural Economy, Newcastle University University of Nottingham Online Planning Resources

119

Appendix Four Journals handsearched

Hand searching completed 23rd April 2004. All checked from January 2002. Housing Studies Roof Journal of Rural Studies Sociologia Ruralis Environment and Planning A Environment and Planning B Environment and Planning C

120

121

Appendix Five Local Authority contacts

Letter/email sent to rural district authorities requesting any additional material on second/vacant homes (letter sent 22nd April 2004). List compiled from FPD Savill analysis of second homes as proportion of housing stock based on 2002 data. Authorities with proportion of second homes greater than three were sampled for contact. Alnwick Berwick Upon Tweed Caradon Carrick Chichester Copeland East Devon East Lindsey Isle of Wight Kerrier Kings Lynn and West Norfolk North Cornwall North Norfolk Penwith Purbeck Restormel Rother Ryedale Shepway South Hams South Lakeland South Shropshire Suffolk Coastal Tendring Torridge West Dorset West Somerset

122

123

Appendix Six Studies identified but not retrieved

References not retrieved and reason

Timed out general refers to items that we attempted to get but that did not arrive. Unobtainable refers to items that could not be found; or borrowed through inter-library loans. The word ‘untraceable’ might be a better description in some cases.

Alexander, D., Chambers, B., & Kerven, R. 2001, ‘Planning for new housing in the rural North East’, Town and Country Planning, vol. 70, pp. 307-308.

TIMED OUT

Bennett, S. 1977, ‘Housing need and the rural housing market’ in Community Development in Countryside Planning, vol. no G. Williams, ed., Department of Town and Country Planning, Manchester University, Manchester.

UNOBTAINABLE

Bolton, N. and Chalkley, B. 1990, ‘The population turnaround: a case study of North Devon’, Journal of Rural Studies, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 57-72.

UNOBTAINABLE (journal details did not match with journal details found on the internet)

Bond, A. 1985, Housing Problems in Rural Cumbria. Open University.

UNOBTAINABLE

Brown, D.L. and Wardwell, J.M.(eds), 1983 New Directions in Urban-Rural Migration, Academic Press, New York.

UNOBTAINABLE

Caenarvonshire County Planning Department 1973, Interim Report to Parliamentary and General Purposes Committee: Agenda Item 1 (4) - Second Homes (18th January).

TIMED OUT

124

Carmarthenshire County Planning Department 1973, Survey of Second Homes in Carmarthenshire: a preliminary analysis (January 1973).

TIMED OUT

Carr, J.P. and Morrison, W.I., 1972, A Survey of Second Homes in East Monmouthshire, Monmouthshire Studies Report No. 7: Planning Research Group, Enfield College of Technology (Middlesex Polytechnic), Middlesex, Monmouthshire Studies Report No. 7.

TIMED OUT

Damer, S. 1999, Second homes on Arran. A report to the Arran Council for Voluntary Service, Arran Council for Voluntary Service Lamlash (GB)

TIMED OUT (permission to copy was needed)

Department of the Environment 1977, Better Use of Vacant and Under-Occupied Housing, HMSO, London.

UNOBTAINABLE

Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions, 1998, The nature of the demand for housing in rural areas (Housing research summary No 88), DETR, Wetherby.

TIMED OUT (full report ID 1020 did not meet the quality criteria)

Department of the Environment, 2003, A classification of rural housing markets in England, Department of the Environment housing research report.

DUPLICATE OF ID 807 (807 did not enter the review because it was not about policy or impact)

Emmett, I. 1964, A North Wales Village Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

TIMED OUT

FPD Savills 2004, The Second Homes Market in England, full report, FPD Savills, London.

UNOBTAINABLE (the client would not let us have a copy)

125

Housing Corporation, Countryside Agency, & Country Land and Business Association 2003, Affordable rural housing: opportunities for farmers and landowners, Housing Corporation, London.

UNOBTAINABLE

Hughes, R. E. 1973, The Planning Implications of Second Homes, , Edinburgh: Department of Town and Country Planning, Edinburgh College of Art/Heriot-Watt University.

TIMED OUT

Johnston, E. 2002, Consultation report on rural housing proposals.

TIMED OUT

Lowe, P. 1986, Countryside Conflicts Gower, Aldershot.

TIMED OUT

MacNicol, M. & Alexander, D. 1996, Tackling the BTS rural housing problem: a report on three seminars, Rural Forum, Highland House, St Catherine's Road, Perth PH1 5RY1996.

TIMED OUT

Manchester Polytechnic 1982, A Study of the Housing Market in Parts of Dwyfor, Gwynedd, Department of Governmental and Geographical Studies, Manchester Polytechnic, Manchester

UNOBTAINABLE

Norfolk County Planning Office 1972, Second Homes in Norfolk, Preliminary Note, Norfolk County Planning Office.

UNOBTAINABLE

Northumberland County Planning Office 1971, Countryside Recreation - Second Homes Survey, 1970. A report presented to the County Planning Committee in October 1971.

UNOBTAINABLE

Pardoe, A. R. ‘Social Implications of Second Home Development in Mid-Wales’, IBG Conference, Norwich.

UNOBTAINABLE (Inter-library loans looked but could not find it)

126

Passmore, J. 1987, ‘The bastard child of housing?’, Housing Review, vol. 36, no. (Mar-Apr 87), pp. 46-7.

UNOBTAINABLE

Penfold, S. 1974, Housing Problems of Local People in Rural Pressure Areas, Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of Sheffield, Sheffield.

UNOBTAINABLE

Scottish Development Department 1971, Second Homes in Scotland, Scottish Development Department.

UNOBTAINABLE (the Scottish Executive looked but could not find it)

Scottish Homes 1990, Rural Housing, Consultation: a report on Meetings, Scottish Homes, Edinburgh, Research Report No 12.

UNOBTAINABLE

Scottish Homes 1990, Rural Policy, Scottish Homes, Edinburgh.

UNOBTAINABLE

Scottish Homes 1991, Planning agreements and low cost housing in Scotland's rural areas, Scottish Homes, Edinburgh.

UNOBTAINABLE

Scottish Landowners' Federation 1998, Rural Housing in Scotland: A New Initiative, Scottish Landowners' Federation, Edinburgh.

UNOBTAINABLE

Simpson, T. S. 1974, Aspects of Rural Planning, with special reference to Second Homes in the Lake District, yes no.

UNOBTAINABLE

Smith, J. 1971, Second-Home Ownership in Britain and its planning implications, Department of Town and Country Planning, Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh, Research essay prepared for BSc (Honours) degree.

TIMED OUT

127

Twine, F. E. & Williams, A. 1993, Resales of Public Sector Houses in Rural Scotland, Scottish Homes, Edinburgh, 24.

UNOBTAINABLE (a copy was found at Edinburgh City Library, but was not available for loan)

Welsh Office 1993, Rural Housing, Cm 2375, HMSO, London.

UNOBTAINABLE

Williams, H. 1974, Second Homes, yes yes - 17/03/04 interlibrary loan form sent to JBM, University of Wales, Cardiff.

UNOBTAINABLE (Inter-library Loans sent a completely different item in response to our request. This item did not make the final review because it was not empirical)

128

129

Appendix Seven Data extraction form

Ref ID

Bibliographic details

Study aims Summarise study’s aims and purpose (research question)

Study typology code

Summary Study Methods Summarise the main features of the methods used, including sample sizes, setting etc

Re-verification of inclusion criteria

Prior to 1980? Yes/no

Is the study related to the UK? Yes, no, uncertain

Is the study related to rural community/communities under 10,000 population

Single community – yes, no, uncertain Different communities – yes, no, uncertain

Relevance to topic 1. The demand for housing/access to

affordable housing; (D) 2. Reputation or image of the

community; (R) 3. Crime and anti-social behaviour;

(C) 4. Social exclusion and poverty; (SE) 5. The accessibility of facilities,

services, employment; (A) 6. The viability of facilities, services,

employment and business; (V) 7. The quality of the community’s

environment; (Q) 8. The quality, design and layout of

housing; (P=physical) 9. The extent of community

cohesiveness; (CC) 10. The mix of the community (M)

Question 1. Is the study concerned with effects of EIOPs on rural sustainability? Yes, no, uncertain Which dimensions of sustainability are considered? - Demand/access to housing - Community reputation - Crime/ASB - Social exclusion/poverty - Accessibility of facilities - Viability of facilities - Quality of environ - Quality of housing - Community cohesion - Community mix - Other - specify

Question 2 Is the study concerned with impact of policy that aims to address effects of EIOPs on sustainability? Yes, no, uncertain Which dimensions of sustainability is it intended to address? - Demand/access to housing - Community reputation - Crime/ASB - Social exclusion/poverty - Accessibility of facilities - Viability of facilities - Quality of environ - Quality of housing - Community cohesion - Community mix - Other - specify

Empirical research Is the study ‘empirical’ research? Yes, no, uncertain

130

If study is prior to 1980-is it relevant to today? Main review or historical context to review? Yes/No/Uncertain

Contextual relevance

If considered relevant- please state how and use examples:

Quality Appraisal

Question (E) Is the research question clear?

Theoretical perspective (D) Is the theoretical or ideological perspective of the author (or funder) explicit, and has this influenced the study design, methods or research findings? I.e. consumer, feminist, economic rational, etc

Study design (E) Is the study design appropriate to answer the question?

Context (D) Is the context or setting adequately described?

Sampling (E) (Qualitative) Is the sample adequate to explore the range of subjects and settings, and has it been drawn from an appropriate population? (Quantitative) Is the sample size adequate for the analysis used and has it been drawn from an appropriate population?

Data collection (E)(when fieldwork conducted, how data collected, by whom etc)

Was the data collection adequately described and rigorously conducted to ensure confidence in the findings?

Data analysis (E) Was the data analysis adequately described and rigorously conducted to ensure confidence in the findings?

Reflexivity (D) Are the findings substantiated by the data and has consideration been given to any limitations of the methods or data that may have affected the results?

Generalisability (D) Do any claims to generalisability follow logically, theoretically and statistically from the data?

Ethical standards (D) Have ethical issues been addressed and confidentiality respected?

Quality Threshold Met? Yes, No, Uncertain??

Data Extraction

Area(s) under study I.e. counties, regions, nat parks etc:

Definitions What definitions of second, holiday, irregular or empty properties has been used in study? What is included or excluded? E.g. chalets etc

Owner profiles Extract any information relating to socio-demographic profiles etc of EIOP owners that study may include:

Property profiles Extract any information relating to attributes of EIOP properties included in study, including info about market:

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Summary of impacts on sustainability criteria

Extract details and examples from study relating to sustainability criteria.

(Structure) How far does the structure of a policy affect the impact of the intervention? How was intervention set up? Give details of scheme, Has this affected its impact?

(Process) Is there any aspect about the delivery or implementation of a policy, which influences its effectiveness? (How was scheme operated? By whom? Etc) Are there any contextual factors affect the operation of the intervention (e.g. housing market, location, what other things were happening that could explain the outcomes)?

Summary of impacts of policy interventions 11. The demand for housing/access to

affordable housing; (D) 12. Reputation or image of the

community; (R) 13. Crime and anti-social behaviour;

(C) 14. Social exclusion and poverty; (SE) 15. The accessibility of facilities,

services, employment; (A) 16. The viability of facilities, services,

employment and business; (V) 17. The quality of the community’s

environment; (Q) 18. The quality, design and layout of

housing; (P=physical) 19. The extent of community

cohesiveness; (CC) 20. The mix of the community (M)

(Outcomes) What impact does the policy have upon addressing the effects of empty or irregularly occupied properties on rural communities? What impact does the intervention have upon the how empty or irregularly occupied property are used?

(Give details of any intended or unintended outcomes of the policy intervention)

Methods How have studies tried to isolate effects of EIOP or policy interventions, from other factors such as rural in-migration etc?

Reviewers Comments Strength of Report

Reviewers Comments on Weaknesses of Report

Reviewer and Date

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Appendix Eight Studies not passing quality criteria

Crouchley, R. (1976) Towards a Model of the Spatial Distribution of Second Homes in the UK. Dissertation. MSc Town Planning, Cardiff University. This study attempts to present a framework to help in an objective way, identify the factors that will affect the spatial distribution of second homes to aid planners in making design and policy decisions. This represents a well-conducted dissertation for a Masters degree, and shows a thorough understanding of the research process. However, as the author acknowledges, it has many limitations in the modelling of weak data and little confidence is conveyed in the findings for the purposes of this review. Thompson, P. (1977) An investigation of second homes social research methodology. Diploma Thesis. UWIST. ?place? This study examines the methods of investigation into social effects of second homes, particularly the use of cost benefit analysis. It advocates the use of using the semantic differential technique to determine attitudes. This thesis demonstrates an understanding for research methods and techniques sufficient for a Diploma, but due to inadequate data collection was unable to conduct sound statistical analysis. Crofts, R.S. Self-catering Holiday Accommodation: the role of substitution. In Coppock, J.T. (ED.) (1977) ‘Second Homes: Curse or Blessing. Oxford, Pergamon Press. This study had two aims: 1) to discuss the problems arising from the existence of different types of self-catering accommodation including built second homes, caravans and chalets; and 2) to show that the problems caused by second homes can be partially resolved by substituting alternative supplies of self-catering accommodation. Aims are clear and background and issues are of merit. The conduct of the research from sampling, data collection and data analysis is poorly reported and does not infer confidence in the findings that are often unsubstantiated by the data presented. (See Chapter Three for comments on quality of methods reporting in general).

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Ireland, M. (1987) Planning Policy and Holiday homes in Rural Cornwall. In Bouquet, M. and Winter, M. (Eds) ‘Who from their Labours Rest? Conflict and Practice in Rural Tourism. ? place? Avebury. Its apparent aims are to examine the views and behaviour of local people most affected by holiday development in a case study area in Cornwall. This study inadequately conveys confidence in how the study was designed, participants sampled, data collected or data analysed. (See Chapter ** for comments on quality of methods reporting in general). DTZ Peida Consulting (1998) The Nature of Demand for Housing in Rural Areas. London: DETR Study examines the operation of private and social housing markets in rural areas; the way these market affect housing access, affordability and need; and identifies issues for rural housing policy. Comprehensively examines different facets of demand in rural areas, which is lacking in some studies, highlighting the important contribution to external demand of permanent in-migration for retirement and commuting. However, although the issue of second homes was raised occasionally, the study insufficiently examines empty or irregularly occupied properties. Authors suggest second homes were hard to identify and second homeowners were a hard to reach group using the methods employed. Jenkin (1985) Towards a policy package for second homes in Anglesey. University of Wales Dissertation Diploma in Town Planning The aims of the study were to review the impact of policy packages to address second homes in Anglesey, North Wales. This study makes some interesting points regarding the reduction in public and private rented housing locally as home ownership expands, contributes to the housing problems of low-income households. However, the study demonstrates understanding of the r search process and topic sufficient for Diploma, but does not convey confidence in many stages of the research to meet the quality threshold for this review. Gallent, M., Tewdwr-Jones, A (2000) Rural Second Homes in Europe: Examining housing supply and planning control. Aldershot, Ashgate The aims of this study were to compare the experiences of second home ownership in the UK with that in Europe. The book is based upon the Gallent, Higgs and Tewdwr-Jones literature review commissioned by Gwynned council, supplemented by some fresh empirical data based in Scotland. The book is well considered and empirical evidence of merit. However, there are insufficient details presented regarding the collection of this empirical evidence by which the quality and conduct of the research can be established. It is therefore unable to go forward into the review. (See Chapter Three for comments on quality of methods reporting in general).

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Appendix Nine Summaries of the studies included in the review

Study details and aims Main focus Methods Definitions Case study areas

Sustainability criteria

addressed

Bielckus, C., Rogers, A. and Wibberley, G. (1972) Second Homes in England and Wales. Wye College, Countryside Planning Unit, School of Rural Economics and Related Studies.

To derive quantitative estimates of extent of purchase and renovation of old rural and coastal properties for occasional use, and assess demand for second residences in future.

Second homes Postal survey and interviews with local planning and rating authorities to provide a sample frame of second homeowners and views of planning depts towards second homes. Survey of second home owners in 4 case study areas. Postal survey of sample of second home owners to assess the social and economic characteristics.

A property which is the occasional residence of a household that usually lives elsewhere and which is primarily used for recreational purposes

Excludes caravans and rented homes as author suggests difficulty in assessing the purpose of use. Highlights problems distinguishing what is second and first home.

England & Wales- North East Essex; SW Devon; Southern Lakeland; West Central Wales.

Viability of facilities; built environment; quality of housing; commuity cohesion; community mix;

Jacobs, C. (1972) Second Homes in Denbighshire. Tourism and Recreation Research Report No.3. County of Denbighshire.

To identify size, impact and possible future trends of second home ownership, to assess the costs and benefits to the county as a whole, and to suggest a policy towards the establishment of second homes in countryside.

Second homes Survey 530 second homeowners identified by rating registers (64% response rate); approached 31 estate agents, (5 interviews, 10 written responses); Field survey 7 parishes, discussions with local gatekeepers (i.e. Shop owners, ministers, police).

A dwelling intended mainly for leisure or holiday purposes and was not the usual or permanent place of residence of the owner.

No attempt is made to define second homes in questionnaire or letter; because pattern of use might vary widely it was thought unwise to delineate second homes too narrowly. The definition was rather implicit from the responses.

Wales - Denbighshire

Housing markets; Viability of facilities; Community cohesion; Policy responses.

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Tuck (1973) Merioneth Structure Plan. Subject Report 17: Second Homes To examine the distribution and use of second homes in Merioneth and attempt to assess the costs and benefits arising from them.

Second homes A sample postal survey of second home owners identified by combination of rating registers and fieldwork in three parishes with help of local people.

A dwelling used by a family primarily for recreation and leisure purposes as distinct from a first home which forms the normal domicile of the family from which they travel to work or school.

Author notes that many static caravans often used as second homes, but report restricted to permanent dwellings or semi-permanent developments such as chalets. Accommodation used primarily for letting on a commercial basis for holiday homes is excluded.

Wales - Merioneth Councty (later became Gwynned UA)

Housing markets; viability of facilities; community cohesion; community mix; policy responses

Pyne, C.B. (1973) Second Homes. Caernarvonshire County Planning Dept. To examine the types of property used for second homes, the way in which they are used, the costs and benefits related to them and some characteristics of owners. In addition to consider policy options available.

Second homes Survey of 890 second home owners (response rate 34%) using rating registers, LA data on improvement grants, and sample of people whose rates bills sent to address outside the county.

A second home is a dwelling used by its owners and possibly other visitors for leisure or holiday purposes and which is not the usual or permanent place of residence of the owners.

A holiday investment property is a dwelling owned either locally or outside the county and not permanently occupied but let to holidaymakers solely on a commercial basis. In addition, a club, institute or company holiday property will also only be used by club members or company employees and clients.

Their survey excludes properties permanently occupied by local residents or owners are within the county and investment properties let on a solely commercial basis.

Wales - Caenarvonshire

Housing markets; community culture; viability of facilities; environment; community cohesion, community mix; policy responses

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De Vane R. (1975) Second Home Ownership: A case study. Bangor: Bangor Occasional Papers Number 6, University of Wales Press. To investigate the extent and nature of second home ownership in Gwynned, and attempt to measure the economic impact of second home ownership by examining second home owners expenditure in the area.

Second homes Used rating registers, local knowledge and own enquiries to establish second homes and surveyed owners of properties. Sample survey undertaken in number of parishes to derive expenditure data, used economic model multiplier to estimate contribution to local economy.

Any static accommodation unit, which may be owned, leased or rented, and which is available for the exclusive use over a twelve-month period of a family unit whose normal daily journey time is minimised at another residence.

May include private houses, flats, chalets, static caravans and houseboats. Will exclude hotels, inns, boarding houses and touring caravans.

Wales - Gwynned Viability of facilities

Ashby, P., Birch, G. and Haslett, M. (1975) Second Homes In North Wales. Liverpool: Dept of Civic Design, Liverpool University. To assess extent of second home ownership in region and compare experiences of local communities of built second homes and second homes located within a holiday village.

Second Homes Used secondary data from four studies to provide regional picture, and new empirical work using fieldwork involving interviews with local residents and 18 village second homeowners and 48 holiday chalet second homeowners in October half term.

No definitions given Wales- Abergynolwyn and Trawsfynydd, Gwynned

Housing markets; viability of facilities; environment; community cohesion; community mix;

South West Economic Planning Council (1975) Survey of Second Homes in the South West. To ascertain the number, distribution and characteristics of second homes in SW; to investigate the determinants of growth and predict future growth; to assess the economic effects of second homes; to determine implications for policy.

Second homes Postal questionnaire to 11000 second homeowners living over 25 miles away using La rating registers.

A dwelling that predominantly used by their owners rather than let on a series of short tenancies and are sufficiently permanent in structure to be identified as separate heridtaments.

This includes houses, flats, bungalows, chalets, beach huts even if bought for retirement or were the homes of people with tied accommodation elsewhere. It does not include any of these dwellings if used as holiday lettings which are part of the stock of tourist accommodation rather than housing stock. It does not include static or touring caravans.

England - Counties of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Dorset, Wiltshire, Gloucestershire.

Housing markets; viability of facilities; policy responses.

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Downing, P. and Dower, M. (1977) Second Homes in Scotland. Dartington Amenity Research Trust. To clarify trends in ownership of second homes; assess the potential demand, and factors affecting supply, of second homes; appraise socio-economic, environmental and other implications of second homes; to assess range of policy responses.

Second homes Secondary data sources, using govt and market research data; fieldwork in seven local case study areas in 1974 with follow up study in 1976.

A property owned, long-leased or rented on a yearly basis or longer as an occasional residence of a household that usually lives elsewhere. Includes built properties such as houses, cottages, bungalows, chalets, flats and static caravans and permanently moored houseboats (although no houseboats were found).

Scotland - Assynt, Skye, Oban, Largs, Galloway, Strathspey, Angus.

Housing markets; viability of facilities; environment; Community cohesion; policy responses

Bollom, C. (1978) Attitude and Second Homes in Rural Wales. Social Science Monographs No.3. University of Wales, Board of Celtic Studies. To examine the attitudes of people affected by second home development and the degrees of interaction between second home owners and native people in the areas which received them. In addition aimed to quantify ‘excessive social costs’.

Second homes Postal survey of second home owners in four case study areas. Face to face interviews with local residents and second home owners in case study areas, using method of semantic differential to evaluate meanings people attach to terms used.

A property which is owned, leased or rented and which is available for the exclusive use, over a twelve month period, of a family unit whose normal daily journey time is minimised at another residence No caravans or chalets were in the case study area.

Wales - Penmachno and Cwm Penmachno; Rhiw; Croesor; Llansannan.

Community cohesion

Bennett, S. (1979) Rural Housing in the Lake District. Lancaster University

A second home is a property which is the occasional residence of a household that usually lives elsewhere and which is primarily used for recreational purposes. (derived from Wye College/DART) Excludes holiday cottages.

England - Lake District

Shucksmith, M. (1981) No Homes for Locals? Farnborough: Gower. To examine whether locals were priced out of the local housing market and assess the effect of local occupancy controls on new development

Second homes and sources of external demand

Survey of estate agents; analysis of local house price data from local paper 1970-1978

No definitions offered England- Lake District

Housing markets; Policy responses

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Davies and O’Farrell (1981) An Intra-regional Locational Analysis of Second Home Ownership. Cardiff: Dept of Town Planning, University of Wales. Look at spatial distribution of second homes over time.

Second homes Detailed analysis of rating registers 1960- 1977; field survey of village, including local enquiry; mapping and coding of all second homes and holiday homes in parish

A second home is a dwelling unit that is used by its owner for recreational purposes for part of the year and does not serve as a permanent place of residence. Private dwellings must be permanently constructed, non-derelict, fixed dwelling as identified in rating register. A holiday home is a dwelling unit that is not used by its owner for recreational purposes, does not serve as a permanent place of residence, but is rented out for recreational purposes. Caravans and boats were excluded as study aimed to look at location, which in these cases would not be fixed.

Wales- Cemaes, West Wales

Housing markets

Coleman R. Second Homes in North Norfolk in Moseley, M.J. (Ed.) (1982) Power, Planning and People in Rural East Anglia. Centre for East Anglian Studies, University of East Anglia. To examine aspects of supply and demand, motivation for purchase, effects on land values, economic, social, cultural effects, locational aspects and role of developers, estate agents and planners in second home markets.

Second homes Survey of second homeowners 117, permanent residents 47, and interviewed 15 estate agents and some local businesses.

A property that is owned by a household with their usual residence elsewhere. It must not be mobile and must form part of the usual housing stock. This excludes mobile and static caravans, trailers but includes holiday homes if not let for whole year or managed by agents. Unclear whether chalets are included.

England - North Norfolk

Housing market; viability of facilities; community cohesion; community mix; policy respones

Capstick, M. (1987) Housing Dilemmas in the Lake District. Lancaster: Centre for NW Regional Studies, University of Lancaster. To examine the current housing demand, supply of land and residential property in lake District after local occupancy controls deleted from Structure Plan.

Second homes in context of other housing pressures

Secondary data sources such as Census, employment/labour market statistics, parish housing waiting lists, housing stock data; consultation with key players; Interviews with estate agents and four district councils or housing associations

No definitions given. Draws distinction between second and holiday homes but unclear whether chalets or caravans are included.

England - Lake District

Housing markets; community cohesion; policy responses

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Finch, H., Lovell, A., Ward, K (1989) Empty dwellings: A study of vacant private sector dwellings in five local authority area. London: HMSO Provides qualitative data on why dwellings in private ownership become empty and remain empty. It also looked at some of the different initiatives for reducing private sector voids.

Empty homes Survey of local authorities and local agencies in five case studies. Survey included analysis of 30 vacant properties in each area, and also ten owners in each area were traced and interviewed.

Private sector voids identified from the rating register

England - East Lyndsey, Lincs.

Henderson, M., Shucksmith, M., MacDonald, C. (1994) An Evaluation of Scottish Homes Rural Empty Homes Initiatives. Edinburgh: Scottish Homes To investigate the Rural Empty Homes Initiative piloted in Tayside, and to consider solutions to problems identified.

Empty Homes Collection and analysis of background papers and reports; analysis of schema data; qualitative interviews with a number of agencies, landowners and tenants. Study covered 14 of the 20 properties currently covered by the grant.

Followed the definitions set out in the scheme relating to eligibility for grants, type of tenants on low incomes. Unclear about properties and authors recommended that all the definitions be made more explicit.

Tayside

Murie, A., McIntosh, S., Wainright, S. and McGuckin, A. (1995) Empty Dwellings in Scotland. Research Paper No.63. School of Planning and Housing, Edinburgh College of Art/Herriot Watt University. In order to assist Scottish Homes to draw up comprehensive strategy to encourage the reuse of vacant properties, study aimed to examine why property in private sector left vacant, provide estimates of vacant numbers, and consider policy initiatives that would bring them back into use.

Empty homes Review of recent research and statistical material on vacant property in Scotland; consideration of vacant properties in other EU countries; postal survey of vacant properties in 9 districts; three case studies to provide insight into extent and causes of vacant properties.

No definition given Scotland – Postal survey Scotland - Dundee, Sutherland, Aberdeen, Kyle and Carrick, Hailton, Moray, Nithsdale, Kilmarnock, Loudon Case study areas Moray/Inverness; Nithsdale; Dundee

Housing markets; policy responses

Shucksmith, M. (1996) Review of Scottish Homes Rural Policy. Edinburgh: Scottish Homes. To review the performance of Scottish homes rural policy, focussing on overall impact of investment and activities in rural areas.

General rural housing and

No definition given Scotland - Skye and Lochalsh; Sutherland; Sterling; Wigtown

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Damer, S. (2000) Scotland in Miniature? Second Homes on Arran. Scottish Affairs Issue 31, Spring, pp 37-54. To explore the social attributes of second homeowners on Isle of Arran and investigate whether they fit the ‘commonsense’ view of ‘White Settlers’.

Second Homes Postal questionnaire of all owners on island identified from council tax register and interview with small sample.

No definitions given Scotland - Arran Housing market; viability of services; community cohesion

Caledonian Economics Ltd, Arneil, J., Nevin, M., Finnigan, M., Johnston, D., Lees, F., Metwe, D. van der (2001) Evaluation of Empty Homes Initiative. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. To evaluate the Empty Homes Initiative in Scotland

Empty homes Desk review of 217 projects supported so far; face-to-face interviews project leaders, local authority officers; telephone interviews with RSLs, landlords, tenants, funders; case studies of 20 projects.

No definition given Problems with defining empty properties found as many originally identified were in fact occupied.

Policy responses

Tewdwr-Jones, M. , Gallent, N., and Mace, A. (2002) Second Homes and Holiday Homes and the Land Use Planning System. Cardiff, Welsh Assembly. To establish the number and location of second and holiday homes in rural communities; establish effect on local housing markets and availability of affordable housing; identify positive role of planning in meeting rural housing needs; identify negative impacts of planning system in meeting local needs.

Second and holiday homes in context of rural housing markets

Scoping study of 22 local authorities in Wales; national data exercise across Wales to generate second/holiday home numbers across Wales and place in context of demographic change, house prices and migration; sets context for case study work in five areas. Interviews with housing and planning officials, RSLs, estate agents. Consultation exercise with agencies with interest in subject. Documentary analysis.

A second home is a dwelling used by its owners and possibly visitors for leisure or holiday purposes and which is not the usual or permanent place of residence for the owner. A holiday investment property (holiday home) is a dwelling owned either locally or outside the local area and not permanently occupied but let to holidaymakers solely on a commercial basis. Unclear whether chalets and static caravans are included in this report.

Wales - Gwynned (Lleyn Peninsula); Pembrokeshie Coast National Park; Ceredigion; Brecon Beacons National Park; Powys (Radnorshire)

Housing markets; social exclusion, viability of facilities; community cohesion, community mix, policy responses.

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Gallent, N., Mace, A. and Tewdwr-Jones, M. (2002) Second homes in rural areas of England. Wetherby: Countryside Agency To examine impacts of second homes in rural areas, how local authorities respond, examine planning and fiscal policy options and recommend future policy initiatives

Second homes/holiday homes in context of changing rural housing markets

Survey of housing and planning departments in England’s rural district councils and Unitary authorities; follow up interviews with 35 authorities showing high second home pressure; and 10 case study areas including key stakeholder interviews (policymakers, estate agents) and documentary analysis

A privately owned dwelling mainly used for vacations: they are furnished homes that are no-ones residence. Holiday homes may take the form of chalets with restricted occupancy. Unclear whether chalets and static caravans are included, Not mentioned in analysis.

England-Cotswolds, Exmoor, Isles of Scilly, lake District, ew Forest, Restormel, South Shropshire, Ribble Valley, Suffolk Coast, York Dales NP.

Housing markets; Viability of facilities; Policy responses

Johnston, E. (2003) A Source of Contention: Affordable Housing in Rural Wales. Cardiff: IWA/JRF. To understand local housing pressures and policy options, community views on housing policy in rural Wales.

General rural housing

Documentary analysis of UDPs, Local Plans in Wales, Scotland and England; Interviews with all Welsh and 3 English National Parks and Ceredigion in Wales; On-Line questionnaire (115 responses); focus group experts LAs, RSLs, NPs; focus groups tenant groups, young people and welsh language groups.

No definitions of holiday or second homes offered. References to these issues came up in discussions with participants and in questionnaires but not distinguished.

Wales- Pembrokeshire, Snowdonai and Brecon Beacons National Parks, and Ceredigion as control.

Housing markets; Community cohesion; Policy responses.

ISBN : 1 874797 56 0 Published by the Centre for Housing Policy University of York Heslington York YO10 5DD Website: http://www.york.ac.uk/chp Printed by the University of York Print Unit

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