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Dear Delegates,

Welcome to the Cuban Government! My name is Ethan Della Rocca, and I will be taking on the role of

committee chair. I know that this coming weekend will be a memorable one for all of us, and I’m very excited

to meet you all. Until then, let me tell you a little bit about myself.

I am a second year at the University of Chicago, majoring in both classical studies and philosophy. Hailing

from Connecticut, I spend much of my time helping to run committees in UChicago’s high school and college

level MUN tournaments. This is my first time chairing a committee at MUNUC. Last year I was an assistant

chair for the 1972 Cabinet of India committee. When not doing MUN, I enjoy working on side projects, like

translating Pokémon games into Latin.

As members of this cabinet, you will be charged with leading Cuba towards a bright and prosperous future.

Each one of you has something to bring to the table. As you learn more about Cuba’s history and your

character, keep in mind what you have at your disposal. You can all influence the committee and Cuba in your

own, sometimes unexpected, way. The better prepared you are, the better you’ll know what paths lie open

to you. However, what matters above all else is that you have fun and enjoy this weekend! I sincerely hope

that you all have a good experience this year and learn something new along the way. That is what matters

the most.

If you have any questions at all please don’t hesitate to contact me or my co-executive. We’d be happy to

answer any questions you may have.

Best,

Ethan Della Rocca

Chair, Cuban Government 1960

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Hello Delegates!

Welcome to the Government of Cuba! I am Madeleine Moore, your wonderful and excited crisis director.

I grew up on the small island of Martha’s Vineyard and am currently a third year studying Economics with

a minor in Math. Aside from inventing problems to make your weekend difficult, I love sailing, hiking, and

attempting to surf. I am a member of the service fraternity, APO and a reporter for our school newspaper,

The Maroon. In addition to MUNUC, I participate in UChicago’s collegiate conference, known as ChoMUN.

At this time, Cuba is at a critical place. They have just won their revolution and need to prove themselves

to the international community. The government of Cuba needs to show that they can survive without the

U.S. as an ally. They need to show people that the revolution was a good idea and will improve their standard

of living. Every move this government makes will be scrutinized. At this time, foreign relations are key. The

government must build up more contacts around the world, outside of the United States. The government

must also look towards the economy. As of now, Cuba has lost one of its main trading partners and exports

are tanking. The government must look to developing other sectors of the economy, branching away from

agriculture. Furthermore, the government must review their leader, Fidel Castro. Is he doing qhat is best for

the country? If he isn’t, how do you change what he is doing or stop him completely? The people love Fidel,

as he is seen as the main liberator of Cuba; however, it is important that you keep watch over him, as we

are no longer in revolutionary times. Overall, we will be discussing a wide array of topics in this committee.

This government has the job of rebuilding and restructuring the entire country. You all can either bring this

country to glory, or lead it to squalor.

Each of you will have a variety of ideas, jobs, resources, and powers at the beginning of this committee.

Throughout the weekend, you will be able to build and expand on these. Your ability to do so will require

research, acute attention to the crisis at hand and creative thinking. Talk to other members of the committee,

engage with the backroom, write directives, and constantly be active throughout committee session. There

is a lot of crisis material to work with so be prepared for anything!

If you have any questions, concerns, or general anxieties about this committee, the preparation process,

MUNUC, or crisis committees overall, feel free to contact me! I can’t wait to meet you all in February! Good

luck!

Sincerely,

Maddy Moore

Crisis Director, Government of Cuba 1960

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History of the Problem

The History of Cuba

Cuba is a small island in the Caribbean Sea close to the Gulf of Mexico. The island itself is rather small,

covering only 42,000 square miles.1 However, despite its small size, this island has had a long and varied

history. Cuba has maintained a strong cultural tradition throughout its history, and those traditions continue

inform both political and daily life. Moreover, since Cuba is strategically important to controlling the Gulf of

Mexico, it was long fought over by colonial powers. Its citizens endured centuries of colonial rule and waged

multiple wars for independence. But Cuba’s history does not begin in colonial era; the history of the island

goes back much farther.

Pre-Colonial Cuba

Before the arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1492, this island was home to some 60,000 indigenous

peoples.2 These peoples were split into three main groups the Taínos, the Ciboney, and the Guanahatabayes.3

The Taínos were the largest and most advanced of the three peoples and tended to live in small villages

farming plants such as corn, yucca, and potatoes.4 However, the lives of all those on the island would soon

change with the arrival of the Spanish.

Colonization of Cuba

The arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1492 did not immediately bring change to Cuba. Indeed, Columbus

had his sights set on the island of Hispaniola, and after landing in Cuba he paid little attention to the island

for some time. However, when Columbus sailed back to Hispaniola in 1493 (he had returned to Spain in

1492), he found that the Spanish colony he had founded on the island had been destroyed. In response he

started a brutal war against the native Taínos people, slaughtering them when they refused to promise their

allegiance, convert to Christianity, and hand over their gold and women.5 A Taíno chieftain by the name of

Hatuey managed to escape the bloodshed and flee to eastern Cuba with a group of Taínos people, warning the

1 Dosal, J. Paul, Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.42 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.43 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.64 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.65 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.4-5

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inhabitants about the actions of the Spaniards.6,7 Hatuey’s subsequent actions would grant him a permanent

place in Cuba’s cultural history.

The inhabitants of Cuba heeded his warning and when Spanish forces arrived in 1511, the Tainos people were

ready to resist. The Tainos moved their forces into the mountains, harassing the larger Spanish army and

conducting hit-and-run attacks when possible. This continued until the Spanish captured Hatuey.8 Although

captured, Hatuey would not give in to Spanish demands. Hatuey went on to martyr himself for the cause

against Spain; he refused to convert to Christianity, saying he would rather go to hell where there were no

Christians than go to heaven where he was sure to find them.9 Hatuey was the first of many to die for a free

and more prosperous Cuba. This type of sacrifice is something that would occur again and again throughout

6 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.47 The Cuba Reader: History, Culture Politics p.13 (note this is translation of Bartolomé de las Casas test)8 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.49 The Cuba Reader: History, Culture Politics p.13 (note this is translation of Bartolomé de las Casas test)

Landing of Chrstopher Columbus

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Cuban history, and it was something that could be aspired towards. His story would continue to resonate

with many Cubans hundreds of years after his death.10

Over the coming years the Spaniards continued their conquest of Cuba. By 1544 the native population of

Cuba had been reduced to only 5,000 as a result of war, disease, and a labor system created by the Spanish

known as the encomienda system.11 Only 660 Spanish lived on the island at that time, and they were split

among seven different colonies.12

Cuba Under Spanish Rule

Tobacco field in Cuba

Once Spain had control of Cuba, the island quickly became one

of Spain’s most crucial assets in the new world. While Cuba

did not have the gold and silver that Spain was looking for,

the natural ports of Santiago and Havana were strategically

important for controlling the Caribbean. Importantly, the port

of Havana became the port where Spanish treasure fleets

would meet before heading back to Spain after collected the

gold from other Spanish colonies in the New World.13 Over the

next two centuries, Cuba was sieged and sacked repeatedly

by other European powers. While Spain did make efforts to

fortify the island, forces from colonial powers such as France

and England made attacks against the island, sometimes

successfully sacking ports such as Santiago or Havana.14

During this time the island itself was not too wealthy. The

most profitable crop grown in Cuba was tobacco, but the

profits from this trade did not fall into the hands of the native Cubans. Due to the mercantilist15 policies that

Spain imposed on Cuba, Cubans were required to sell all their exports to the Spanish mainland and import

10 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.511 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.612 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.613 Cuba: A Short History, p.114 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.8-1015 The core idea of Mercantilism is that the best way to grow a country is to maximize its exports. Colonizing countries often

imposed policies on their colonies that served to maximize the countries exports. For a more complete, yet still brief, overview of Mercantilism and its history, as well as a suggested reading list, see this article by The Economist: https://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2013/08/economic-history

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all their goods from the mainland as well.16 As a result, Cubans were overpaying for their imports and forced

to sell their exports at low prices. Moreover, new taxes were introduced that moved even more of Cuba’s

wealth off the island and to Spain.17 This system did not do enough to supply for the needs of the Cubans,

leaving the island impoverished and forcing many to buy and sell goods illegally to get by.18 However, this

whole system would change in 1762.

The British Take Control

Until this point there had been relatively few slaves in Cuba when compared to other Spanish colonies since

the Cuban economy provided little need for such a workforce.19 However, when the British took control

of Cuba in 1762 they fundamentally shifted the economy. The British began using slaves in full force, and

in just one year over 4,000 slaves were sold in Havana. The British also opened up the economy to other

colonial powers, allowing trade to flourish in Cuba.20 Although the British only controlled Cuba for a year,

these changes stuck. With more trading partners and more slaves, Cuba began to focus on the production of

sugar, and by 1790 they had tripled the amount of sugar they were exporting annually.21

While this new economic system may have been a boon to the economy and wealthy Cubans, it was anything

but to the thousands of slaves who found themselves working on massive plantations under horrible

conditions. In the only known autobiography of a Cuban slave from the time, Juan Francisco Manzano

describes how his feet were whipped savagely because he accidently picked a leaf off of a geranium: “They

lifted me and placed my feet into two opening in the board. My feet were also tied. Dear God! Let us draw a

curtain over this scene. My blood was shed.”22

As the 19th century progressed many Cubans began to struggle against the conditions they were facing.

Slave rebellions and calls for independence grew more and more frequent over the century. The first major

attempt at a revolution occurred in 1865 when Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, a lawyer and sugar planter,

declared independence from Spain, beginning the Ten Years’ War for independence.23 Manuel de Céspedes

had freed all of his own slaves prior to this declaration, and soon a number of freed slaves, black freemen,

16 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.917 Pérez, A. Louis, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 5th ed., p.41-4218 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.919 Cuba: A Short History, p.420 Cuba: A Short History p.5-721 Cuba: A Short History p.722 The Cuba Reader: History, Culture Politics p.5323 Cuba: its people, its society, its culture p.8

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students, and even some other planters joined him to help fight in the rebellion.24 Although the rebellion

failed in its goal of an independent Cuba, it did help to bring about significant reforms, the largest of which

would be the abolition of slavery in 1886.25 Importantly, the revolution also created a sense of national

identity for the Cubans.26 This would help to foster sentiments for the next major step in Cuba history, the

1895 War of Independence.

Cuba in Revolt

By the 1880’s the Cuban economy was faltering. The Ten Years’ War along with the emancipation of slaves,

Spanish and US tariffs, and the increased production of sugar in northern Europe had seriously hurt Cuba’s

sugar industry which was the main driver of the Cuban economy.27 It was at this time that José Martí, a long-

time leader of the separatist movement, chose to once again renew the fight for independence. In 1895

Martí sailed to Cuba from Florida, and he was soon killed in battle against Spanish forces.28 Martí became a

source of inspiration for the people,29 a martyr, like Hatuey, for the independence of Cuba.

However, not all were sold on the idea of Cuban independence. By the end of 1897, the Spanish had almost

completely lost the island to the rebels, and the rebels began to set up their own autonomous government.

Not long after, many pro-Spanish began violently protesting in Havana, and the United States, having

financial interests in Cuba, decided to send the battleship Maine over to calm the situation.30 When the ship

blew up in the harbor less than a month later, killing 260 crewmen, many in the United States began calling

for a war on Spain. Although, no evidence of Spanish aggression was ever discovered and the explosion most

likely caused by a coal fire onboard the ship, that did not stop American people from calling for war.31 The

Cuban War of Independence had quickly become the Spanish-American War.

In a few short months the war was over, and America had clearly won. Some in America, mostly businessmen,

were calling for an American annexation of Cuba similar to America’s annexation of Puerto Rico, Guam, and

the Philippine Islands but President McKinley rejected the idea.32 Instead, Cuba was to be run by a U.S.

24 Cuba: its people, its society, its culture p.825 Cuba: its people, its society, its culture p.1026 Cuba: A Short History p.2727 Cuba: its people, its society, its culture p.1128 The Chicago Tribune, May 24th 1895, p.729 Cuba: its people, its society, its culture p.1130 Cuba: A Short History p.32-3331 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.39-4032 Cuba: its people, its society, its culture p.13

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military government until America deemed it to be ready to be governed by its own people. In 1900, 31

delegates from six different provinces in Cuba began to meet for the Cuban Constitutional Convention.33

As Cuba’s constitution was nearing completion in 1901, the American government demanded that a section

be added guaranteeing the United States the right to intervene in Cuba as it saw fit and to establish a naval

base in Guantánamo.34 This amendment was called the Platt Amendment. The amendment narrowly made

it into the constitution. Soon the constitution itself passed and Cuba was set to become a sovereign nation

in 1902.

An Independent Cuba

Not long after Cuba’s independence, the entire Cuban political system came crashing down. The first

president of this new Cuban government was Estrada Palma.35 After serving his first term, he decided to run

for a second term. In 1905 he was successfully reelected.36 However, his opponents accused him of fixing the

elections, and protests erupted throughout the country.37 Those protests soon became a full rebellion. Palma

called on President Roosevelt to send military forces to quell the uprising but Roosevelt refused, citing his

ongoing interventions in the Panama and Dominican Republic.38 On September 28th, Palma resigned, leaving

Cuba without a government, and on September 29th, Roosevelt sent 2,000 marines and then-Secretary of

War William Taft to establish order on the island. This action was a clear result of the Platt Amendment.

The new governor, Charles E. Magoon, brought peace to Cuba but was not well liked by the Cubans.39

He passed some economic reforms and created a small Cuban military that could be used against future

insurrection.40 Elections were held in 1908, two years after the American intervention, and with the Liberal

party victorious, José Miguel Gómez officially became president in January of 1909. This new democracy

continued in Cuba for some time. Although there were revolts at times, and the government often dealt with

issues of corruption,41 the democratic powers maintained control.

Perhaps the biggest influence on Cuba at this time was sugar. Sugar was still a massive part of Cuba’s economy.

There was a sugar boom in the latter half of the 1910’s that brought wealth and American influence into

33 Cuba: A Short History p. 3934 Cuba: A Short History p. 3935 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.4536 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.4537 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.4538 Cuba Libre: A Brief History of Cuba, p.4539 Cuba: A Short History p. 4240 Cuba: A Short History p. 4241 Cuba: A Short History p. 46-47

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Cuba; however, when prices crashed in 1920, the economy was devastated.42 While many were economically

devastated, the Cuban people also began to realize how dependent they were on foreign, and specifically

American, economic powers. This helped to bring about more economic reforms in Cuba to protect Cuban

industries and furthered the resentment many Cubans had towards America.43

President Machado

The fifth president of Cuba, General Gerardo Machado, was sworn into office in 1925. Liked by many, his

presidency seemed to start off well. Many felt he was fulfilling his campaign promise of “honesty, roads and

schools.”44 It wasn’t until 1927 that he began his shift from president to dictator. In 1927 a pro-Machado

Constitutional Assembly lengthened the presidential term to six years, supposedly for the purpose of getting

rid of the right for presidents to be re-elected.45 However, the assembly also then offered Machado a new

six-year term in power, which he accepted. The next year, the Congress passed a law that prevented any

party except for the Liberal, Conservative, and Popular parties from nominating a presidential candidate. All

three of those parties had nominated Machado in the past election.46 Machado was then re-elected in 1928

as president for a new six-year term. Protests broke out across the country and Machado silenced them

with censorship and even brutality at times.47 Machado’s popularity only declined, especially as the Great

Depression began to hit the country, and in 1933 a coup forced Machado to resign.48

Grau and Batista

The regime change Cuba saw a rise in the power of socialists and communists in the political sphere. During

the coup a man by the name of Fulgencio Batista took control of Cuba and appointed the professor Ramón

Grau San Martín as the leader of a commission to create the new government.49 However, this government

began to grow unstable. Grau purged members of the old regime and implemented popular social reforms.50

While these reforms were popular among many citizens, the more conservative factions of the government

did not approve.51 Moreover, the fact that the United States refused to recognize the Grau government only

42 Cuba: A Short History p. 4843 Cuba: A Short History p. 4844 Cuba: A Short History p. 5045 Cuba: A Short History p. 5146 Cuba: A Short History p. 5147 Cuba: A Short History p. 5148 Cuba: A Short History p. 5449 Cuba: its People, its Society, its Culture p.2250 Rex, A. Hudison, Cuba: A Country Study pp.47-4851 Cuba: A Country Study pp.47-48

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worsened the growing political divide.52 Grau’s government was weakened by this political divide, and he

began losing support both from those within the government and the general population.53 In January of

1934 Grau’s government was on the brink of collapse.54 Batista forced Grau to resign, despite protests from

far left groups, and put in his place a puppet president by the name of Mendieta. As Mendieta lost popularity

during his time as president he became more dependent on Batista for support.55 Batista was able to use this

to cement his own power in politics.

Under their leadership, the economic situation of the 1930s improved and a Three Year Plan was created

to reform agriculture, education, public health and housing.56 Sugar still played an important role in the

economy and was a driving factor for Cuba’s increased prosperity. With this in mind, Cubans soon went to

the polls, and in 1940 they elected Batista as president over Grau, who had attempted to run for office again.

As Batista began his term in office, World War II began, something that generally helped the Cuban economy

and its sugar exports.57 Once again Cuba was seeing economic growth. While Batista could not seek re-

election after his term was up due to constitutional restraints on presidential terms that had been put in

place in 1940, he chose to assert his influence by throwing his weight behind Carlos Saladrigas in the 1944

elections.58 Surprisingly, his political clout and the economic success he had brought were not enough to give

Saladrigas the victory, and Grau won the presidency in 1944.

Batista Dictatorship

After having been in politics for so long and never having been president, Grau had a lot of promises to live

up to. However, he failed to live up to the public’s expectations. While he brought some reforms, he also

failed to keep public order and was charged with the misappropriation of funds.59 His successor, Socarrás,

faced similar challenges and also failed to bring about the reforms he had promised for Cuba. These failures

set the stage for Batista to come back into power in 1952.

52 Cuba: A Country Study pp.47-4853 Cuba: A Country Study p.4854 Cuba: A Country Study p.4855 Cuba: its People, its Society, its Culture p.2256 Cuba: A Short History p. 7557 Cuba: A Short History p. 7958 Cuba: its People, its Society, its Culture p.2559 Cuba: its People, its Society, its Culture p.25

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Despite the constitution preventing him from doing so, in 1952 Batista sought once again to become

president. However, he soon realized that there was not enough support for him to be elected.60 So he

decided on another path to the presidency. On March 10th, Batista, backed by the army, seized control of the

country in a quick, quiet, and bloodless coup d’état.61 While there were some challenges to Batista’s seizure of

power, in the months after there was little mass resistance to Batista’s government.62 Batista began to crack

down on the press and started to use violence to secure his position.63 Slowly his government was growing

more authoritarian. Yet little was done at first about Batista’s government. However, that would slowly start

to change, beginning with the assault on the Moncada barracks by Fidel Castro.

The Cuban Revolution

July 26th: The Attack on Moncada and Bayamo

Out of the chaos of the Batista takeover emerged one of the most influential people in the history of

modern Cuba. Born in 1926, Fidel Castro grew up in the Oriente province. He was trained as a lawyer at

the University of Havana, where he grew to be a brilliant orator and student athlete admired by his peers.

In 1952, Castro began preparations to become a candidate for the Orthodox Party; unfortunately, these

plans were interrupted by Batista’s coup. Infuriated with Batista’s undemocratic actions, Castro was quick

to embrace the idea of revolution. Using his charisma and vision, Castro quickly assembled and began to

secretly train a group of about 150 men, many coming from the youth wing of the Orthodox Party.64 The

group drafted a manifesto, asking for extreme political change and invoking Martí, and began preparations

for guerilla warfare.

On July 26th, 1953, the revolution finally began. Many say Castro chose this day due to the fact that it

followed a holiday and therefore Batista’s soldiers may have been incapacitated. Castro led a ragtag group

of roughly 160 rebels in an attack against the Moncada military base in Santiago de Cuba, located in the

Oriente province, and the army garrison in Bayamo.65 This attack was designed to secure weapons from the

arsenal yet its unstated intent was to overthrow the Batista government.66 His forces included friends, family,

and associates such as Raúl Castro, Abel Santamaría, and Juan Almeida, and others who would become

much more well known as the revolution unfolded. Many of the rebels came from humble origins and were

60 Cuba: its People, its Society, its Culture p.2661 Cuba: its People, its Society, its Culture p.2662 Cuba: A Short History p. 8463 Cuba: its People, its Society, its Culture p.2664 Cuba: A New History65 http://www.aljazeera.com/focus/2009/07/2009726104942190404.html66 Cuba: A New History

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unemployed. The rebels had created a concrete plan as to how to take over the barracks, however, as the

attack began, everything fell to pieces. The fighters set off from Siboney in buses and motor cars. Yet, as they

began fighting, they were forced to fight a literal uphill battle. As such, they were easily repelled by Batista’s

forces. As the attack faltered, many of the revolutionaries were forced to surrender. In Moncada alone, more

than 50 of rebels were either captured or surrendered and later assassinated.67 Those left alive, as well as

others who were not associated with the attack, were taken prisoner. While this attack was a disastrous

failure, it prompted a challenge to the Batista regime and was instrumental in laying the groundwork and

tone for the rest of the revolution.

Beginning on September 21st, 1953, Castro and his fellow revolutionaries were captured and put on trial.

Fidel Castro was sentenced to fifteen years in prison, Raúl Castro was sentenced to thirteen, and many of

the other rebels received sentences between three and ten years.68 While on trial, Fidel Castro allegedly

made his famous speech History Will Absolve Me where he laid out his “five revolutionary laws” detailing

the change he would like to see. The first law was to return power to the people of Cuba and reinstate the

Constitution of 1940. The second promised that people with little or no land would be granted a plot taken

from owners who would be compensated. The third and fourth laws promised workers, particularly those in

the sugar industry, a share in the company profits. Finally, the fifth law attacked government corruption and

pledged to confiscate goods obtained through corruption and punish the people at fault.69 At the end of this

speech, Fidel claimed “condemn me, it does not matter. History will absolve me.” This speech was eventually

published in the movement’s manifesto and became a crucial recruiting tool. Furthermore, due to the large

amount of fatalities suffered by Batista’s forces in Moncado, Batista ordered that ten rebel prisoners be shot

for every one soldier killed during the attempted rebellion.70 The ensuing bloodbath killed many rebels but

did much more to turn public opinion further against the Batista regime. In the end, Fidel served less than

two years in prison and exited with more knowledge and revolutionary spirit than before.

Election of 1954

In November 1954, an election was held in Cuba for the presidency. The candidates for office were Batista

and Grau, who was President of Cuba from 1944 to 1948.71 Grau, however, realizing that the elections

would be fraudulent, withdrew his bid days before the election. Since there were no other candidates,

Batista declared himself the winner. He promised a return of constitutional law, a guarantee of free press,

67 Cuba: A History68 Ibid. 69 http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/fidel-castros-death/fidel-castro-death-history-will-absolve-me-other-quotes-n68852170 Cuba: A New History71 Ibid.

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and amnesty for political prisoners, including the Castro brothers, in an effort to legitimize the election.

Unfortunately, this was not enough to win the trust back from the people of Cuba and confidence in the

administration decreased even further.

Exile of Castro

Fidel Castro, seeing no hope in an electoral victory, flew to Mexico along with his brother to begin further

preparations for a revolution. Mexico in the past had granted refuge to Cubans and exiles of the Spanish-

American War.72 Within a week of being in Mexico, Castro met the then unknown revolutionary from

Argentina, Che Guevara. The night that Che met Castro, he described Castro in his journal as a “young man,

intelligent, very sure of himself, and of extraordinary audacity” and noted “I think there is mutual sympathy

between us.”73 Castro paired up with Guevara and began to gather troops in Mexico, yet lacked the money

and resources needed for another attack on Batista. He flew to the United States using his Orthodox Party

contacts to raise funds, speaking in Cuban communities in Miami, New York, and Philadelphia. Castro had

little success with these speeches and began to become depressed. The people in America did not agree with

his ideas about revolution and Castro was isolated from those in Cuba who had begun to organize without

him. Students in Cuba had formed the leftist group known as the Federación Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU),

led by José Antonio Echeverría, a radical graduate from the University of Havana.74 Additionally, the sugar

workers, led by Conrado Bécquer, and a few young officers, had begun to plan a coup, preparing to seize

Camp Columbia. The coup fell through as the leaders were betrayed and detained, but the tide began to turn

in Castro’s favor.

Castro began to receive larger sums of money from Venezuela, the United States, and Cuba, and by May, he

was able to buy some land in Mexico City where recruits could be assembled. He gathered veterans from

Moncada, as well as the services of Alberto Bayo, a former officer of the Spanish Civil War. However, even

in revolutionary-friendly Mexico, Castro had trouble organizing and was eventually arrested. As soon as he

was released, due to the help of former Mexican president Lázaro Cárdenas, he arranged to purchase a small

motor yacht, called the Granma, from a man in Tuxpan, Mexico. He finished up training the troops in Tuxpan,

boarded the boat, and set course for Cuba.

72 Ibid. 73 Ibid.74 https://www.ecured.cu/José_Antonio_Echeverr%C3%ADa_Bianchi

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La Granma

On December 2nd, 1956, the Granma ran aground along the reefs in the mangrove swamps of the Playa Las

Coloradas in the Oriente Province. Castro had not altered his strategy much since Moncada; the Granma

landing was designed to ignite a country-wide insurrection that would lead to an overthrow of Batista. As

usual, things did not go according to plan. The landing of the Granma was noticed my several authorities and

soon it was under attack from land and air. They were forced to beach the boat on the Playa Las Coloradas,

fifteen miles south of the designated location where Celia Sánches, a critical revolutionary, was waiting with

ammunition, food, and shelter.75 The swamp water and small crabs slowed the troops down as they unloaded

the minimal supplies they had brought. In the end, it took the group about ten days before they were able to

unite with the original members of the internal resistance.

The rebels first met up with Crescencio Pérez, an outlawed peasant leader who controlled a significant part

of the western section of the Sierra Maestra,76 a mountainous region of Cuba located in the Oriente province.

Castro had visited this area as a child, but was fairly unfamiliar with it and had not planned any particularly

strategy for guerilla warfare in this region of Cuba.

While Castro and his army organized and planned for a more drawn-out fight in the mountains, Batista began

to form a concentrated defense against the rebels. He began to forcibly remove the peasants on the lower

slopes of the Sierra Maestra so as to prevent them from joining the guerilla forces and instituted a shoot-on-

sight policy in the areas that he cleared. Batista also recruited the leftist turned fascist organizer known as

Rolando Masferrer to lead death squads known as Los Tigres.77 These death squads were ruthless and were

mainly used to prevent and squash revolution among the countryside in Santiago.

The rebels survived off the kindness of the peasants living in the Sierra Maestra and the small successes

they had attacking isolated military garrisons. Frank País, leader of the urban underground movement, was

crucial in securing food, medicine, and weapons for the guerilla forces. He began working with Celia Sánchez

and managed to recruit many new combatants, increasing the rebel forces significantly. The revolution once

again had life in it.

75 http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/granma.htm76 Cuba: A New History77 http://spartacus-educational.com/JFKmasferrerR.htm

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1957 DRE attack

While the forces led by Castro continued to organize and bolster their numbers, the Student Revolutionary

Directorate (DRE) led by José Antonio Echeverría, the same person who began the FEU, made an attempt to

execute Batista. The DRE was established in opposition to the rule of Batista, yet failed to align themselves

with Castro due to his Communist beliefs. On the afternoon of March 13th, 1957, the DRE arrived at the

Presidential Palace and began to open fire and storm the building.78 Echeverría, believing he had killed Batista,

fled the scene along with many of the surviving rebels. As they left, Echeverría was killed along with most of

his force. That night, Batista launched one of the most aggressive and lethal attack on known dissidents of

the state. People not even involved in the attack were brutally slayed by police officers. With each attack,

Batista’s popularity with the people sank and the sympathy for the rebels increased.

Beginning of the End: Decline of Batista

Castro, depressed and discouraged, decided to make a final effort to complete his insurrection and liberate

Cuba. He and Faustino Pérez, leader of the ‘civic resistance’ in Havana, released a manifesto declaring “Total

War Against Tyranny.”79 This manifesto called for a strike and stated that the fight against Batista must enter

“its final stage.”80 Cuba must be determined to “be free or perish.” The manifesto also outlined political plans

for Cuba after Batista had been deposed. Manuel Urrutia Lleó, a liberal anti-Communist, was set to be the

provisional president. He planned to release all political prisoners and bring back constitutional law. With

the help of Luis Orlando Rodríguez, a revolutionary fighter and technology wizard, the rebels were able to

establish a pirate radio station known as Radio Rebelde.81 From here, the rebels were able to reach a wider

audience, broadcasting propaganda regarding their successes and Batista’s failings.

Due to the prolonged fighting in Cuba, the government had not been able to properly care for its people.

Batista’s popularity sank to an all-time low. Cuba’s economy was stagnating due to the decreased consumption

of sugar, Cuba’s main export, in the United States and Europe.82 While many sectors of the Cuban economy

did expand at this time, such as manufacturing and finance, it was not enough to make up for the losses due

to the decreased demand for sugar.83 This situation was only amplified by the extreme income inequality

that existed in Cuba at the time; the lowest third of people only received about 5% of the nation’s income.84

78 http://cuba1952-1959.blogspot.com/2009/06/1957-presidential-palace-attack.html79 Cuba: A New History80 Ibid.81 This station is one of the main stations in Cuba to this day. 82 Economic Development of Revolutionary Cuba83 Ibid.84 Ibid.

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As these people lost their jobs in the sugar mills, they began to see Castro as the only solution. Additionally,

the United States remained divided regarding the trajectory of Cuba. Liberal America, projected by the New

York Times and elements of the CIA, supported Castro, while the more conservative parts of the United

States such as the Eisenhower government continued to support Batista. Due to this divide, Batista could

not rely on sufficient help from his powerful neighbor and was left mainly on his own. At this point, even

Batista’s strongest supporters began to lose hope.

In an attempt to finally vanquish Castro, Batista launched “Operation Verano,” or what the rebels called La

Ofensiva. Thousands of Cuban soldiers were sent into the Sierra Maestra; however, the rebels were successful

and forced a humiliating surrender. Yet the tides quickly turned during the Battle of Las Mercedes, where

nearly a third of Castro’s men were killed. However, during a temporary cease-fire, the surviving men were

able to escape. Operation Verano had failed. This failure and the resilience and determination of Castro’s

forces marked the beginning of the end for Batista.

Castro Offensive

Castro seized on the recent victories and galvanized his men for a final fight. He began to organize an invasion

of Western Cuba.85 Che Guevara was to head for Las Villas, Camilo Cienfuegos was to head for the Pinar

del Rio, and Raúl headed for the north. They began fighting on all fronts throughout the year. Urrutia was

able to land a rebel airstrip in the Sierra Maestra, making them fully prepared for the final move. At the end

of December, Guevara captured the major city of Santa Clara. Although opinion was divided in the United

States, the Eisenhower government continued to supply Batista with weapons. Once again, the resilience

of the rebels proved to be too much and the additional weapons barely made a dent in the fight. Fighting

continued and the end grew closer and closer with each passing day.

On January 1st, 1959, news of the rebels’ victory during the Battle of Santa Clara sent Batista into a panic.

Frantic about the fate of his country and himself, he fled to Santo Domingo, an area of the Dominican

Republic ruled by a friend of his, Leonidas Trujillo.86 The man who was thought to reform Cuba, the man

who kept a bust of Abraham Lincoln on his desk, the man who was admired by Franklin D. Roosevelt, had

fled his home country in fear.87 On January 2nd, Castro received information about Batista’s flight and from

the balcony overlooking Parque Céspedes in Santiago he made his victory speech. Along with many other

things, Castro declared that “this time will not be like 1898, when the North Americans came and made

85 Cuba: A New History86 Ibid.87 Ibid.

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themselves masters of our country. This time, fortunately, the Revolution will come to true power.”88 Just

like that, Castro challenged the powerful United States, setting Cuba on the course of history we see today.

Negotiations

Fidel Castro

As the revolutionary dust began to settle, negotiations and plans for development were put into place. Cities

all over Cuba were quickly surrendered to the rebel army, now called the Rebel Armed Forces, who Fidel

Castro was appointed to head. As promised, Manuel Urrutia was appointed to be president, with José Miró

Cardona as prime minister. The glam of the revolution, however, did not last long. Trials for members of

the former regime were conducted in large sports stadiums and broadcasted on live TV. Many of those on

trial, Batista associates, policemen,

and torturers, were shot by firing

squads directly after. In some trials

when the defenders were ruled not

guilty, the Cuban government would

demand a retrial, in which they were

then found guilty and sentenced to

life in prison or death. Many press

establishments, particularly those in

the U.S. accused these trials of being

unfair. Fidel responded to these critics

by stating “revolutionary justice is

not based on legal percepts, but

moral conviction” and saying “we are

not executing innocent people or

political opponents. We are executing

murderers and they deserve it.”

Meanwhile, Raúl was appointed to

second-in-command of the Armed

Rebel Forces, which many in the

administration felt uncomfortable

88 Ibid.

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with due to Raúl’s hawkish behavior. His extreme Communist beliefs frightened many and some referred to

him as an “operetta-class Hitler.”89

The Urrutia government followed through on many of the promises made to the Cubans in Fidel’s famed

History Will Absolve Me speech. Brothels and gambling centers were shut down, government salaries were

cut, the Ministry for the Recuperation of Misappropriated Goods was created to deal with the properties of

Batista and his friends, and price controls over electricity, telephones, and housing were introduced to make

daily life more affordable for the average Cuban.

Urrutia, however, was significantly influenced by Fidel Castro, which infuriated many other cabinet members.

Castro pressured him to temporarily ban political parties, while he had been meeting clandestinely with

members of the Popular Social Party to discuss the creation of a socialist state. In January 1959, Castro

become enraged when the Cuban government had left thousands unemployed by closing down casinos and

brothels. Cardona resigned quickly after this incident, saying “I cannot run my office while another man is

trying to run it from behind a microphone.”90 Fidel Castro took over as Prime Minister on February 16, 1959.

Welcome to the Castro regime.

89 Ibid. 90 http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/havana/Cardona.htm

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Statement of the Problem

Economic Problems: Revitalizing Cuba’s Economy through New Systems

By the end of the 1950’s Cuba stood as a leader in the Latin American world by many economic and social

indicators. Cuba was ahead of many of its contemporaries in areas such as GDP per capita, inflation control,

infant mortality, life expectancy, and literacy.91 While Cuba was doing well by many metrics, there were

some problems lying underneath the surface. Economic growth was slow and what growth there was

mostly benefitted the business sector and employed labor force. Moreover, unemployment, especially

among sugar harvesters after each harvest season, was growing higher and there were great differences in

socioeconomic standards between rural Cubans and those living in cities.92 The sugar industry, a key part of

the Cuban economy, was barely growing and other industries were not faring much better.93 It is against this

backdrop that the government must decide how to proceed with economic policy. Some economic reforms

have already taken place, but there is much left to do.

US-Cuba Economic Ties:

In order for the Cuban government to know how to best proceed with its economic policies and reforms, it

is necessary to understand how much the Cuban economy relies on international, and specifically American,

trade. The United States has been one of Cuba’s most important economic partners. Due to the Reciprocal

Trade Agreement of 1934, Cuban-American trade has been flourishing.94 After the act became law, Cuba

began importing more and more goods from America. Although the annual value of these imports did

decline somewhat during the 1950’s, Cuba’s annual imports peaked in 1957 at a value of $617.9 million.95

However, what has made Cuba so reliant on the United States isn’t the total value of the goods they have

been importing, but rather the percentage of goods they import from the United States. These imports have

made up the vast majority of all Cuban imports; for example, in 1955 American goods made up 73.4% of all

Cuban imports.96 Cuba also sold the majority of its exports to the United States. By 1955, 68.9% of all Cuban

exports were sold to the United States.97 This only furthers Cuba’s reliance on America.

91 Meso-Lago, Carmelo. “Economic and Social Balance of 50 Years of Cuban Revolution.” ASCECuba. November 30, 2009.92 Meso-Lago93 Meso-Lago94 Smith, Robert Freeman. United States and Cuba: Business and Diplomacy, 1917-1960. New Haven, Conn, College and University Press.

165-695 Smith, p.16696 Smith, p.16697 Smith, p.166

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Another key way that America affects the Cuban economy is through foreign investment. Not only has

foreign investment been important to the Cuban economy, but it can also have profound consequences for

the reforms the Cuban government has or wants to put in place. American foreign investment was the only

substantial foreign investment that Cuba had. While other countries, such as Canada and Spain, had some

investments in Cuba, America had by far the largest amount invested in the country.98 America had $850

million directly invested in Cuba with an additional $210.9 million invested via portfolio holdings.99 By 1956,

Cuba was 3rd among Latin American countries receiving direct investment from the United States.100 The

main areas that had received direct investment were sugar, manufacturing, petroleum, and public utilities.101

Indeed, by 1956, $316 million had been invested in the public utilities sector by America, leading to over

90% of the sector being owned by the United States.102

While this trade relationship has helped Cuba grow its economy, there is a danger that comes with it. In

1958 the United States implemented an arms embargo against the Cuban government. When the embargo

was first implemented, it was meant to target the Batista regime.103 However, President Eisenhower has

since refused to remove the embargo. This refusal is troubling to some. American involvement in Cuba has

become a crucial part of the economy, and some have met any indication that America may be looking to

lessen its involvement with trepidation. Should Cuba lose even more trade with the United States, the Cuban

economy will surely be adversely affected.

Nationalization of Agriculture:

The Cuban government has already taken some steps to address the economic issues outlined previously. One

of the biggest accomplishments thus far is the agrarian reform law that has only recently been implemented.

In 1959 the National Institute of Agrarian Reform (INRA) was created and tasked with reforming the

Cuban agriculture system.104 The manner in which these reforms took place was rather different from the

previous land distribution the revolution had attempted in 1958. The law itself had 9 chapters, 77 articles

and a multitude of objectives.105 The main objectives were diversifying the livestock that were raised and

crops that were harvested, eliminating large estates and farms (latifundia) through redistributing much of

98 Smith, p.16799 Smith, p.167100 Smith, p.167101 Smith, pp.166-67102 Smith, pp.166-67103 James, Daniel. Cuba: The First Soviet Satellite in the Americas. New York, Avon Book Division, Hearst Corp. p.268104 O’Connor, James. “Agrarian Reforms in Cuba, 1959-1963.” Science & Society 32, no. 2 (1968): p.170.105 Alvarez, José. “Transformations in Cuban Agriculture After 1959.” EDIS. June 17, 2016. Accessed July 30, 2017. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/

fe481.

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the land away from the landowners towards those actually working the land, and both reversing current

foreign control over and stopping potential future foreign control over Cuban agriculture.106 All of this was

ultimately done for the continued growth of the agricultural sector and to provide justice for the different

social classes.107

The INRA faced many challenges in implementing these reforms. Much of the information they had was out

of date, and the INRA is currently working to update their resources (e.g. maps of farm areas or information

about sizes of individual holdings).108 This has not slowed down the expropriation of the land (taking of private

land by the government) so much as it has slowed down the redistribution of the land.109 At this point much

of the land has been purchased or seized by the government, but has yet to be given back to the people.

A key issue surrounding the law is the enforcement of Article 6. Article 6 stipulates that any land under 5

caballerías (about 210 hectares or 519 acres) that was being squatted on or rented by a tenant or sharecropper

can be seized by the government.110 The problem is that almost 28,000 property owners lease some of their

land to tenants or sharecroppers, and Article 6 could apply to all 28,000 of those landowners since most

leased land is under 5 caballerías in area.111 Although compensation is offered to those whose land is being

seized,112 many fear that if this provision is enforced upper and middle class landowners may band together

against the INRA and the government. Such a group would consist of over half of the farm property owners

in Cuba, which could threaten to destabilize the entire land reform program. Dealing with the enforcement

of Article 6 is an issue that both the INRA and the government as a whole need to solve.

While some steps have been taken towards agrarian reform, there is more work to be done. Not only is

there the issue of Article 6, but many also feel that the land reform as it currently stands will not end up

doing enough to accomplish the goals the government and INRA have set out to do. An important question

about how to proceed is whether future reform should be more radical, or if other, less radical, laws will be

able to achieve the same goals. Should the government shy away from more radical reforms and fail to pass

further, more comprehensive reforms, many Cubans will surely lose faith in government and its commitment

to fulfilling the revolution’s promises. At the same time, if the government chooses to implement the more

radical reforms many citizens are calling for, it runs the risk of angering wealthy Cubans and foreign powers

106 Alvarez107 Alvarez108 O’Connor, p.170109 O’Connor, p.170110 O’Connor, p.171111 O’Connor, p.171112 Alvarez

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like the United States. This could also have a dramatic effect on Cuba since these two groups control so much

of the economy.

Nationalization of Telecommunications and Beyond:

Another industry that has been nationalized following the success of the revolution is that of

telecommunications. Since this was one of the highest priorities for the revolutionary forces, the government

nationalized the Cuban Telephone Company (CTC) two weeks before it passed its agrarian reform law. 113

This was done not only to help the Cuban people, as the government lowered the company’s rates, but also

as a way of getting foreign investment out of the country.114 The International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT)

company, an American based company, had a two-thirds stake in the CTC.115 Through this nationalization

program nearly $133 million in American assets were nationalized.116 The United States was certainly not

pleased by this action, although Castro called this only a “temporary” takeover of the company.117 Many

in the US worry that this “temporary” takeover may soon become permanent. For now however, the

nationalization of the telecommunications industry and the passing of the agrarian reform law have been

great achievements for the revolutionary government.

Looking towards the future, there is a push within the government towards more nationalization programs.

Which specific industries to nationalize is still an open discussion, however there is certainly a strong push

by many in the government towards more and more nationalization, especially of those companies owned

by foreign interests. Implementing more nationalization programs would certainly bring the approval of the

Cuban people, while failing to do so would only cause anger, as many feel that it is the only way to obtain

justice for all of the social classes and ensure Cuba’s future success. However, as is the case with agrarian

reform, more nationalization would come at the cost of angering the Cuban elite and foreign investors. This

may be a price the government is willing to pay for justice, but the cost should not be taken lightly.

113 Nichols, John Spicer, and Alicia M. Torres. “Telecommunications in Cuba.” CITI Columbia . Accessed July 30, 2017. http://www.vii.org/papers/cuba.htm.

114 Mabry, Donald J. “Policy Towards Cuba, 1959-2004.” Historical Text Archive. Accessed July 31, 2017. http://historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?action=read&artid=693.

115 Chase, Simons. “U.S. Historical Involvement in Cuba’s Telecom Sector.” Cuba Journal. June 21, 2016. Accessed July 30, 2017. http://cubajournal.co/u-s-historical-involvement-in-cubas-telecom-sector/.

116 Nichols and Torres117 Nichols and Torres

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Other Financial Reforms:

Nationalization is not the only way the Cuban government has sought to reform the country’s economy.

Another sweeping change brought about by the Cuban government was a reformation of the old and

complicated tax system. In June of 1959, the government passed a law which greatly simplified the old

tax codes, replacing over 100 old taxes with fewer and simpler taxes.118 These reforms closed common

loopholes that many companies had been abusing to avoid paying taxes they owed.119 Moreover, the

government punished tax evasion, a common practice under the Batista regime, much more heavily than

the old government used to, and a special committee was created to hear appeals in cases regarding tax

evasion.120 These tax reforms helped to eliminate issues of abuse that were going on in the previous system.

Some, however, do not feel that the new laws go far enough towards helping those struggling in the current

system.

Another major policy action was housing reform. This too was done in the name of addressing the abuses

of the previous economic system. During 1959, the Cuban government forced urban landowners to either

construct buildings on the plots of land they owned, or sell them off if they had no plans for construction.121

Additionally, the government cut the rental rates of houses and apartments by 30%-50% and compelled

lenders to lower mortgage rates.122 Many hoped that this would bring about some sort of social justice for

those who had suffered economic hardship. The changes have brought about some immediate relief, and it is

unclear whether further changes will be required. As a result, the government needs to actively keep a close

eye on the housing industry, lest the reforms turn out not to be enough and the people grow angry as a result.

Even if these reforms are not enough, Cuban leaders may want to hold off on more changes. The Cuban elite,

those that own the land and offer the loans, are already angry from the previously implemented housing and

tax reforms, and from the other changes that have been outlined thus far, further housing reforms would

only angry them further. As the committee considers future reforms, it must keep this group in mind.

Going Forward:

On the whole Cuba is certainly beginning to see a leftwards shift both in its government and in the

government’s economic policies. Nationalization, tax reform, and housing reform are major policy changes

118 Blutstein, Howard I., et al. Area Handbook for Cuba. p.403119 Smith, p.177120 Blutstein p.403121 Smith, p.177122 Smith, p.177

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that seemed to be heavily influenced by left-wing political thought. By no means has Cuba been declared a

socialist or communist state, but many of the new government’s policies have had a leftwards shift. Should

the government choose to go down that path, it will certainly have a wide array of consequences. Fellow

communist and socialist countries will certainly view Cuba as an ally, and offer it assistance and protection

as the nation continues to grow. These nations would be invested in making sure that Cuba succeeds and

is an example of the merits of communism. At the same time, non-communist and anti-communist nations,

like the United States, will without a doubt come to view Cuba as an enemy or a threat. Whether this shift in

alliances would be good or bad for Cuba is something the government must determine. There would also be a

split among the Cuban people. Not all Cubans supported the revolution, and not all those who supported the

revolution would be in favor of a far-left government. Those who are would see such a change as a promised

fulfilled, but some in the government may feel that fulfilling that promise is not worth the cost of angering

others.

In the end, the most important question the cabinet should consider is how such a change would affect the

Cuban economy. If the government is happy with current levels of reform and believes that Cuba’s current

situation best positions the country for future growth, then a shift even more leftward may not be a good

idea. However, if the government believes that more needs to be done, perhaps such a shift would be in the

country’s best interests. If the government truly believes the economy would fare better under its direction

rather than in the hands of private individuals, then communism might be the best option to bring about

economic prosperity and justice for the common people. Goals might be more achievable with the aid of

other communist nations. Time will tell whether Cuba becomes the newest addition to the growing number

of communist and socialist states. For now, that question has yet to be fully answered.

Cuban Society: Race Relations and Other Key Issues

When the new revolutionary government took power, it brought with it some reforms to help address some of

the racial problems Cuban society faces. In 1959, Castro announced that there would be a new government-

run program to fight against and eventually end racial discrimination.123 He subsequently banned racial

discrimination in hiring practices and sought to integrate schools.124 At the time of his announcement black

Cubans were disproportionately poor and underrepresented in the Cuban government.125 Since then,

123 Goldthree, Reena. “Antiracism and the Cuban Revolution: An Interview with Devyn Spence Benson.” AAIHS. March 8, 2016. Accessed July 30, 2017. http://www.aaihs.org/antiracism-and-the-cuban-revolution/.

124 Sawyer, Mark Q. Racial politics in post-revolutionary Cuba. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. p. 56125 Dominguez, p.119

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the government programs initiated to combat poverty have helped the Afro-Cuban community revitalize

itself.126

Yet such programs have not done nearly enough to address the racism and racial tensions present in Cuban

society. The government still does not have adequate Afro-Cuban representation despite the group’s support

for the disproportionately white revolutionary forces.127 Black Cuban leaders are pushing for more change,

as they often feel the government is simply paying lip service to their cause.128 Castro has often seemed to

downplay the seriousness of racial issues in Cuba, and seems to hope that addressing economic issues will

also fix the racial issues that are present without any need for actually addressing society’s attitude towards

Afro-Cubans.129 The revolutionary forces had even gone so far to use racial caricatures in their propaganda

against the Batista regime.130 Additionally, some felt that while the government’s intentions may be good, a

civil rights movement would need to stem from independent black rights groups in order for the change that

is needed to be achieved.131 Finding the right way to address the issue of racial equality and race relations

will be no small task for the Cuban government.

Emigration

Despite the success of the revolution, there are a number of people in Cuba who do not view the overthrow

of the Batista regime or the policy changes made by the new government in a favorable light. As a result,

large amounts of Cubans are leaving the country at an unprecedented rate, with most traveling to the

United States. Most of the emigrants are adult men.132 Overall the group is also disproportionally urban and

white.133 The majority tends to be professionals, managers and executives, and other white-collar workers.134

Virtually no rural Cubans and a somewhat small number of skilled and unskilled laborers make up the rest

of the group.135 Immigration of this magnitude could have drastic effects on the Cuban economy. Cuba is

in danger of losing many of the white-collar workers and professionals that might be needed to help grow

the country’s economy. Should the current level of emigration continue, Cuba’s economy will certainly feel

the loss of this crucial section of the labor force. So far, America seems to be welcoming these immigrants,

126 Dominguez, p.119127 Dominguez, p.119128 Goldthree129 Sawyer, pp.53-54130 Sawyer, p.53131 Goldthree132 Dominguez, Jorge. “Cuba Since 1959” Cuba: A Short History. Ed. Leslie Bethell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. p. 100133 Dominguez, p.100134 Dominguez, p.100135 Dominguez, p.100

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something that will surely encourage more emigration from Cuba.136 There is also the chance that more

reforms by the government will only push more of these people out of the country.

At this point, there are a few different paths that the Cuban government can take to tackle this problem. The

government could try to crack down on emigration, using military or police forces to secure the island. While

such a strategy may prove effective, citizens of all types would probably meet it with strong resistance,

as many would fear that the government is imposing martial law on the island. The problem might end up

getting a lot worse before it got any better. Alternatively, the government could try to negotiate with the

United States. This may be a hard path to follow, considering the rocky relations Cuba currently has with the

United States, but it might help stop the flow of people out of the country. If Cubans know that the United

States won’t accept them and would simply send them back to Cuba, then there would be little reason for

Cubans to leave Cuba in the first place. However, in order to get such an agreement with the United States,

Cuba would surely have to be prepared to make a lot of concessions. This might not be something the Cuban

government, or the Cuban people, are prepared to do. A third path would be to hold off on more reforms

and maybe even reverse some of the previously made reforms. This would probably placate those looking to

leave the country and help stop the emigration, but it may make those currently happy with Cuba’s present

direction upset. Whatever the government decides, action is necessary. Those leaving want to see real and

substantive change or else they will keep fleeing the country. None of these paths are ideal and indeed it may

be prudent of the committee to try and combine different approaches, but something needs to be done to

prevent the flood of Cuban citizens out of their native country.

Education

Access to education was a problem for many in Cuban society. While those in urban areas were usually

able to receive education, those in rural areas were often not afforded the same opportunities. Cuba had a

national illiteracy rate of 20% in 1959, and while that number may not have been too high, rural areas often

had illiteracy rates of 40%-50%.137 In response to this problem, the new government has begun building

more schools to accommodate the needs of the people.138 The government has not yet finished all of these

projects however, and it is likely that there will need to be a larger overhaul of the education system in the

future. Until that time arrives, the government currently plans on simply continuing to build more schools to

address the gap in education access between those in urban and rural areas.

136 Dominguez, p.100137 Perez, Louis A., Jr. “Cuba c. 1930-1959” Cuba: A Short History. Ed. Leslie Bethell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. p.88138 Smith, p.176

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However, this process might be too slow for some parents. Many want their children to immediately

have access to education and don’t want to wait for the completion of current construction projects. The

government could try to find ways of bringing rural children into urban areas for schooling, either through

implementing large scale transportation programs or creating dormitories for students to live in while

studying. Both options would address the concerns of these parents. Yet at the same time, many parents

want to keep their children home and would oppose such a plan. Children often provide crucial labor that

a rural family might need to sustain itself. Another option would be to send teachers to these rural areas

and have them teach without any infrastructure to support them. Teachers could hold class in homes,

government buildings, or even outside if the weather permits. This approach would give rural children

access to education, but the quality of education they would receive would certainly be sub-par. They would

still be disadvantaged compared to their urban counterparts. Such a program might keep parents happy

for some time, but the program would be a less-than-efficient use of government resources that would not

yield satisfactory results. Some government officials and urban Cuban citizens would also have problems

with such a program. It will be up to the new government whether it will choose to appease rural parents or

continue the slow path towards better school infrastructure across Cuba.

Healthcare

Another area in which there is great disparity is access to healthcare. Doctors tend to live in and serve urban

areas of Cuba. Hospitals and clinics were also mostly located within urban areas, and many rural Cubans had

no access to healthcare at all.139 The centralization of doctors and hospitals is the major obstacle preventing

rural Cubans from accessing the healthcare they need.140 There are many in the government who want to

address this issue. Plans have yet to be finalized as to how to deal with this problem, but there is one thing

that many believe: healthcare ought to be seen as a communal issue.141 The community should step up to

make sure that everyone has access to healthcare. This idea is why many, including Che, who himself is a

former doctor,142 are trying to find a way for the government to solve the problem and provide healthcare

for its rural citizens. Some work has already begun; indeed Cuba built 10 new hospitals in 1959. 143 However,

much more work still needs to be done.

139 Perez, p.88140 Forman, Kyra “Cuban Health Care: A Different Way” University of Pittsburgh. http://crsp.pitt.edu/sites/default/files/Paper-%20

Health%20Care%20-%20Forman.pdf p.3141 Forman p.4142 Guevara, Che. “On Revolutionary Medicine” August 16th, 1960. Published online January, 2005. Monthly Review. Accessed July 30, 2017.

https://monthlyreview.org/2005/01/01/on-revolutionary-medicine/ 143 Smith, p.176

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The government needs to continue hospital construction in order to meet the health needs of rural

communities, that much is clear. However there are two issues that Cuba must address while the hospitals are

being built: serving the immediate needs of rural communities before the hospitals are complete, and finding

enough doctors to staff these new hospitals. The first problem does have a potential solution. Temporary

clinics could be set up to deal with most health issues, and more serious patients could be brought into the

city for further care. This would cost a decent amount, but it would solve the problem. However, this does

not address the second problem, which is only being made worse due to the emigration issue that Cuba is

currently facing. Many of those leaving are white-collar workers, and many of those workers are doctors.

Should emigration not be slowed considerably, Cuba will certainly have a shortage of doctors. Regardless,

Cuba will need to increase the amount of doctors they currently have if they want to meet the needs of rural

communities. Increasing education funding could help Cuba train more doctors, but that is a more long-term

solution, as it would take some time for the new doctors to enter the work force. Some have talked about

bringing in doctors from outside of Cuba to staff these new hospitals, but it is unclear as to what countries

would be willing to send aid. Finding a country willing to send doctors may prove to be a big challenge.

Political

Censorship

Due to the fragile nature of the revolution, dissident of any sort has not been tolerated. Castro had witnessed

how the press was able to help bring Batista down, and he was not about to let the same thing happen to

himself. To prevent Cuban citizen from using the press against the government, he not only censored the press

but exerted complete control over all news media. Government officials confiscated and closed newspapers

and imprisoned journalists. To economically cripple outspoken newspapers, Castro ended subsidies to all

newspapers except Revolución, the official newspaper of the Cuban government. He advised advertisers to

not post in certain newspapers, including Prensa Libre, Diario de la Marina, and Anvance, stating that these

papers “would be killed with anemia through a boycott of their advertisers.”144

On January 29th, 1959, Revolución published a list of journalists and newspapers that it claimed had taken

bribes from Batista. On this basis, Castro passed a law stating that the government of Cuba could seize

the belongings of both businesses and individuals that had accepted favors, gifts, bribes, and/or subsidies

144 http://www.ascecuba.org/asce_proceedings/violations-of-freedom-of-the-press-in-cuba-1952-1969/

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from the Batista regime.145 With this law in place, Castro’s power was significantly extended, leading to his

stranglehold on the media.

This is a strong point of contention between the Cuban people and the new government. Castro, in his

famed manifesto, declared that there would be complete freedom of information, both spoken and written.

Additionally, in 1959, Castro stated to the United Nations that Cuba would maintain a free press as a

completely democratic country. This tension will have to be dissolved for the newly formed government to

maintain its support both from international organizations and from the Cuban people.

Cuban Dissident Movement

As the excitement of the revolution died down, a strong dissident movement began to mount against Castro.

Many citizens have become increasingly aggravated with Castro’s attitude towards the press and the public as

a whole. Some felt as if Batista hadn’t left at all. At the moment, dissent is severely discouraged. Prison guards

have been rumored to use extreme violence against any dissidents who are taken prisoner. Teachers and

professionals with moderate ideology were dismissed from their positions. Military service was required of

all Cuban people, however, “deviant groups,” such as homosexual men, farmers who resisted collectivization,

intellectuals, and Catholic priests, were barred from military service. People in these groups were forced

to serve their time in Military Units to Aid Production (UMAPs).146 These were basically agricultural labor

camps in which inmates were brutally beaten and abused.

It will be up to the current government officials to work to solve this problem. People cannot feel safe and

lead pleasant lives while living in constant fear of their government. Castro’s advisers must work to help

him understand this idea, or developed a new and improved solution to handle dissent. Finding a balance

between increased public support of the regime and freedom of speech and expression will prove a challenge

for Castro’s newly formed government.

Refugee Crisis

As the revolution succeeded, many rich and elite Cubans realized their time on the top was coming to an

end. Castro had promised property seizures and swift vengeance to Batista sympathizers. As such, much of

the political and military elite as well as propertied professionals immediately fled Cuba. This not only left

Cuba at a loss for powerful innovators and critical government workers, but also has begun to create a brain

145 Ibid. 146 https://www1.udel.edu/LAS/Vol14-2Tahbaz.html

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drain. Members of the upper class with significant wealth have all begun to flee Cuba due to new economic

policies and attitude of the government. Educated individuals who fear prosecution for their ideas have also

fled. This problem has been exacerbated by the United States’ special treatment of those individuals fleeing

communism.

Members of lower classes, seeking opportunity in the United States or in an attempt to reach their family,

have also begun to fled. This journey, due to the hostile relationship between the United States and Cuba, is

dangerous. Makeshift boats filled to the brim with people cross 90 miles of sea to arrive at the Florida Keys.

This crisis does not show signs of improving at any rate, and in fact the rate of immigration continues to

increase with each passing month. Government officials must work to remedy this situation. They must work

to make journeys safer or stop people from traveling. They must encourage intelligent and hard-working

people to stay in Cuba for the good of the country. This problem threatens to cripple Cuba completely, and

as such, should be of top priority for Castro’s cabinet.

International

U.S.S.R.

Castro and the USSR

Due to Cuba’s proximity to the United States,

the Soviet Union was quick to strengthen their

relationship with the newly declared Communist

country. Diplomatic relations began between

the two countries in 1902, but neither country

showed much interest in an economic or political

relationship. However, in 1959, when the United

States drastically cut its sugar quota for Cuba,

the small Caribbean island began to move closer

and closer to Moscow.147 On February 13th, 1960,

the U.S.S.R. and Cuba signed an agreement in

which the U.S.S.R. agreed to purchase 425,000

tons of sugar annually, sell oil at below market prices, and grant loans at low interest rates. In return, the

Soviet Union gained an ally in the U.S. sphere of influence.

147 http://www.coha.org/cuba-russia-now-and-then/

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The economic alliance between these two countries has quickly became an alliance of mutual security.

Cuban intelligence, known as the Intelligence Directorate, or DI, has begun to work along with the KGB.

Nikolai Leonov, the KGB chief in Mexico City, urged the U.S.S.R. to strengthen its relationship with Cuba due

to its appeal to western intellectuals and members of the New Left. With the support of the KGB, the DI has

become more modern, competent, and capable.

As such, the Soviet Union will serve as an important ally at this time. Cuba is still growing and if it wishes to

have a more global presence, government officials must work with their most powerful allies. Yet cabinet

members and Cuban leaders must proceed with caution. If Cuba were to be completely dependent on

another country, any crisis that affected that country would have an impact on Cuba. Therefore, despite the

large amounts of economic aid coming from the U.S.S.R., Cuba must work to become more independent if it

wishes to avoid any crises affecting its communist ally.

United States

The Cuban embargo, known in Cuba as “el bloqueo,” began officially in 1958, when the United States halted

arms sales to the Batista government. However, as the years went on and Castro rose to power, the United

States increased economic sanctions on the island in an attempt to cause regime change. In October 1960,

the Cuban government decided to nationalize all three American-owned oil refineries in Cuba in response

to President Eisenhower’s decision to cancel 700,000 tons of sugar imports from Cuba to the United States

and refuse to export crude oil. Cuba refused to compensate the previous owners for their property, and

thus, in response, Eisenhower launched the first trade embargo, banning the sale of all products to Cuba

except food and medicine.

These first sanctions would have completely crippled the Cuban economy, however, due to the financial

support of Russia, Cuba’s economy was able to stay afloat. Castro’s regime responded with iron fist, expelling

U.S. diplomats and nationalizing all American-owned businesses and most American, privately-owned

properties. No foreign owners were compensated for these seizures.

As such, the United States is currently Cuba’s uneasy enemy. Their political ideology and economic system

are completely at odds with the one adopted by the Castro government. Furthermore, Cuba’s close relation

with the Soviet Union serves as another point of contention as the Cold War heats up. The leaders of Cuba

must be careful when assessing deals made with the United States. The U.S. up until this point has had

nearly total dominance over the Western hemisphere and Cuba’s actions have threatened to upset that.

Additionally, public approval of the United States is very low due to Castro’s strong stance against “Yankee

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imperialism.”148 Therefore, it is politically unfavorable to take any stance that seems pro-United States.

However, anything that angers the most powerful country in the Western hemisphere will certainly have

consequences for Castro’s newly formed and relatively fragile government.

Latin America

Cuba’s revolution spread waves throughout Latin America. A break from U.S. policy and ideology had not

been seen as a serious possibility before. No Latin American country had ever taken on the Yankees up until

this point. While some countries, such as Nicaragua, drew inspiration from this, others, such as Argentina,

chose to distance themselves from Cuba.

At this point, most Latin American countries have yet to industrialize. Although many foreign countries

have invested heavily in the region, with the United States as the largest investor, the profits have not

trickled down to the government and the people. Companies such as United Fruit and U.S. oil companies

are reaping most of the profits and giving little back to the country they’re based in. Now, with the success

of the Cuban revolution and their firm stance against Yankee imperialism, those with anti-U.S. views have

been emboldened.149 People are becoming more vocal about foreign investment and intervention. Cuba, as

instigator of this thought, has the chance to lead Latin America to independence from foreigners, but must

work to unite Latin America in ideology and action.

Nicaragua, in particular, will serve as a close ally to Cuba. On September 21, 1956, Anastasio Somoza

García, former president of Nicaragua, was assassinated by the poet Rigoberto López Pérez.150 The Somoza

government was extremely crooked, engaging in nepotism, cronyism, and corruption. Many Nicaraguans

saw this government as simply an extension of the U.S. government. As such, when Somoza’s son, Anatasio

Somoza Debayle took over after the death of his father, people were not happy. As of now, Nicaragua is on

the brink of revolution. The Sandinista National Liberation Front, FSLN, has begun to grown in number and

strength. The FSLN began organizing in the 1950s, drawing inspiration from Augusto César Sandino, leader

of Nicaragua’s rebellion against U.S. occupation who was assassinated in 1934 by the Nicaraguan National

Guard.151

148 http://content.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1891359,00.html149 http://www.fsmitha.com/h2/ch24v.html150 https://www.thoughtco.com/biography-of-anastasio-somoza-garcia-2136349151 https://www.britannica.com/biography/Cesar-Augusto-Sandino

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Cuba’s triumph and Marxist ideology has attracted the attention of many Nicaraguan rebels. As of now,

Cuba has not given any official assistance to the Sandinistas. The choice is up to the current government of

Cuba. If they help, Cuba will be able to have an impact on the government of Nicaragua and possibly that of

Latin America as a whole. However, aid sent to Nicaragua will further anger the United States and will cost

Cuba lives and resources. Officials must weigh the costs and benefits of this decision carefully and think

about what is best for Cuba and the Cuban people.

Africa

With his newfound power and worldview, Castro has set his sights on Africa. Presently, Africa is very similar

to Latin America. The region is made of developing countries with massive amounts of natural resources,

which have been exploited by foreign companies and Western imperialists. As such, an alliance with African

countries may prove useful to Cuba. However, this will prove to be difficult due to the chaos currently

enveloping Africa.

Many African nations are currently struggling to throw off their colonizers as Cuba did in the late 1800s.

The Algerian War, since 1954, has been plaguing Algeria with violence. Algerians have taken up arms against

their French colonizers and have formed the National Liberation Front (FLN). Blood has been shed on both

sides due to widespread use of guerilla tactics and torture. In South Africa, the Sharperville massacre on

March 21 has left many outraged, as police opened fire on a crowd of protesters. Anger has not only been

targeted towards the police, but also the British monarchy, which currently holds South Africa as a colonial

entity. South Africans, following Harold Macmillan’s “Winds of Change” speech, have begun to seriously

consider independence. Angola, located in West Africa, has also begun to seek sovereignty and separation

from Portugal. Under Portuguese colonial law, black Angolans have been forbidden from forming political

parties and labor unions. These unfair and racist practices have angered many Angolans and they have

begun organizing informally with ad hoc labor groups.

As is clear, Africa at this time is rapidly changing. Countries are looking to break their colonial chains. Cuba,

with its anti-imperialist stance and Marxist thought has the ability to aid and influence these upcoming

rebellions. However, members of the government must act carefully. The cost of assistance must be weighed

carefully against the benefit it may provide.

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Biographies

Che Guevara

Special Advisor to the President

Che Guevara, a physician and the most important Cuban revolutionary next to Fidel Castro, was born into a

middle-class family on June 14, 1928 in Argentina. He began studying medicine at the University of Buenos

Aires, but left the school in 1951 to travel around South America with a dear friend, Alberto Granado. It

was on this trip that Guevara witnessed poverty, hunger, and exploitation of the people of South America.

He developed a keen interest in Latin American politics and Marxism. In 1953, he finished his degree and

traveled to Guatemala, where he saw the CIA-backed overthrow of the government. He then moved to

Mexico with his wife, Aleida March, where he met Fidel and Raúl Castro. From here, Guevara became a

dedicated Cuban revolutionary who was crucial to the rebels’ success and a good friend and advisor to both

Castros.

Guevara’s official position is the head of La Cabaña prison. In this position, he is in charge of maintaining

and monitoring the prisons. In the past, he has been criticized for being too tough and brutal, ordering

hundreds of prisoners to be killed at a time.152 Guevara’s other unofficial, yet more significant position, is the

special adviser to the President, Fidel Castro. In this position, he will have easy access to Castro’s ear and his

attention. He will be able to discuss, analyze, and recommend plans for Cuba with Castro directly. While this

position does not have any authorized power, Guevara will have the attention and respect of Fidel Castro

himself, which could be more valuable than any position of power in the government.

Felipe Pazos Roque

President of the National Bank of Cuba

Felipe Pazos Roque was born in Havana in 1912. He graduated from the University of Havana where he

studied economics, and in particular, Cuban economic thought and José Martí.153 After Batista took power

in 1952, Pazos began to firmly support the revolution. At the time of the revolution, Pazos was busy fouding

the School of Business of the East University and directing the Research Center for Monetary Studies for

Latin America. While he did not fight directly in the revolution, he lent support and advice to the rebels.

152 https://www.biography.com/people/che-guevara-9322774153 https://www.ecured.cu/Felipe_Pazos

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Due to his support of Castro during the revolution and his economic mind, Pazos was appointed to be the

President of the National Bank of Cuba.

As President of the National Bank, Pazos will have a lot of control and influence over the Cuban economy.

He will be in charge of regulating and establishing interest rates, deciding the monetary policy for Cuba,

and monitoring the national bank reserves.154 His ideas and opinions can lead to large changes in the Cuban

government. At this point, Cuba must establish itself as a powerful country in the international stage, while

catering to the rapidly changing economy. As President of the National Bank of Cuba, Pazos must work to

cater to those in need, while also establishing Cuba as a trading and competitive power.

Augusto R. Martínez Sánchez

Minister of National Defense

Augusto R. Martínez Sanchez was born in 1923 to a middle-class family. The youngest of four, Martínez

always had to go out of his way to get any attention. While in school, he remained dedicated to his studies

and eventually graduated from the University of Havana with a degree in international relations. As he

studied and learned more about global society and economy, he became intrigued with Marxism. Martínez

closely watched the rebels gain more and more influence and finally decided to join their cause. Using his

knowledge and military skill, Martínez assisted in many victories and fought alongside of both Che Guevara

and Fidel Castro. He built up a relationship with both and as such he was appointed to Minister of National

Defense after the revolution.

In this position, Martínez will have the critical job of keeping Cuba safe and protecting the country from

imperialistic powers and another revolution. He will have authority over the entire military, including their

actions, budget, and the size and use of various military forces. As of now, Cuba is in a very interesting and

difficult position where it must establish itself in the international sphere and protect itself from others. As

Minister of Defense, Martínez must focus on using the military to protect Cuba from the outside world and

its own people.

154 Monetary policy is a very broad power, but the majority of the responsibility lies in setting the interest rate. When the interest rate is raised, people are encouraged to save and consumption will decrease, which slows the economy at first. When the interest rate is lowered, people are encouraged to spend and borrow money, which will stimulate the economy in the short term.

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Efigenio Ameijeiras

National Police Chief

Although he has strongly declared himself to be against communism, Efigenio Ameijeiras was a supporter

of Castro from the beginning and was a member of the July 26th movement.155 He hid in the mountains

throughout the fight, experiencing all the highs and lows of the three-year struggle. He became close with

many rebels and saw many of his friends die and triumph in the battlefield. Throughout the experience

however, Ameijeiras never lost hope in the Cuban and communist cause. On the day of the victory, Ameijeiras

looked over the field and cried.

In 1959, Ameijeiras was appointed the National Police Chief. In this role, he has the authority to command

police actions, order investigations, and interrogate anyone as he sees fit. He will have a very important

role in maintaining national order throughout Cuba while tensions are extremely high among people of

different classes and beliefs. Furthermore, it will be important that Ameijeiras remain independent from

both executive and legislative powers, as they may try to use him to accomplish their own partisan goals.

As of now, he has been using his power to counter suspected anti-government conspirators; however, it will

be up to Ameijeiras to assess the situation in the moment and decide what must be done for the fate of the

country, the people, and justice itself.

Faustino Pérez Hernández

Minister of Recuperation of Misappropriated Goods

Faustino Pérez Hernández grew up from humble origins in the northern region of Cuba. His mother, a farmer

and housemaker, taught him about the virtues of hard work and dedication. While working on the farm and

assisting his family, Pérez managed to keep on top of his studies and became increasingly interested in science.

At 18, Pérez fled the nest and began studying medicine at the University of Havana.156 He graduated in four

years, but did not go into the medical field immediately due to the revolutionary events. He participated in

the Granma yacht expedition and was shot in the leg, leaving him alive but handicapped with a noticeable

limp. Yet, his courage and leadership was noted, and once the revolution came to a close he was appointed to

the position of Minister of Recuperation of Misappropriated Goods.

155 https://www.ecured.cu/Efigenio_Ameijeiras156 https://www.ecured.cu/Faustino_P%C3%A9rez

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This position is relatively new in the Cuban government. With the end of the revolution came some confusion

as to what to do with the resources and assets of past Batista officials and thus the new government created a

position to solve this problem. Pérez will be in charge handling the assets of those people who had previously

profited off the Batista regime and those who illicitly enriched themselves. He will be able to decide who to

investigate for illegal assets, when to take the funds, and what to do with them. Due to the extreme amounts

of corruption that existed in the Batista regime, there will be a significant amount of funds at Pérez’s hands.

Pérez must make intelligent choices in what to do with the money taken or the Castro regime could quickly

boil down to the Batista regime with a different name.

Teresa Martinez García

Mayor of Havana Province

Teresa Martinez García was born in Havana, grew up in Havana, went to college in Havana, and began her

professional life in Havana. She graduated as valedictorian from the University of Havana with a degree in

international relations and political science. Martinez was quickly picked up by the Ministry of Culture but

dedicated most of her time to fervently supporting the revolutionary cause from Havana. She organized

troops, spread propaganda, and coordinated with other revolutionaries around the city. Her expertise and

care were critical to the revolution’s success. In 1960, she ran a successful campaign for mayor based on her

support and success of the revolution and even received the support of Camilo Cienfuegos.

As Havana is the most populous province in Cuba, the actions of Martinez will have huge implications for

people all around the country. She will be in charge of all issues regarding the city of Havana. This may include

the placement of new government buildings, new construction projects around the city, security measures,

and more. She will have access to all government buildings in Havana and will have contacts with nearly

every official in the city. As this is the capital city, Martinez must be on her toes and focused to improve and

develop Havana and Cuba as a whole.

Raul Chibás Rivas

Minister of the Treasury

Raul Chibás Rivas was born in Santiago de Cuba to a fairly affluent family. As he traveled with his family

through Cuba and the world, he witnessed much poverty and oppression, which deeply upset him. He

studied economics at the University of Havana and while his views seemed far to the left for his family,

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he remained fairly conservative. Yet, the scenes of inequality and level of disrespect for the public he saw

in Batista regime drove him to support Castro and the revolution. He watched from the sidelines but lent

financial and verbal support to the rebels. His brother started the Orthodox Party (Cuba’s People Party) and

Rivas later took it over after his brother died. Eventually, at the end of the revolution, he was appointed to

Minister of the Treasury.

As Minister of the Treasury, he will work closely with the President of the Central Bank. His main priority will

be focused around the monetary and fiscal policy of Cuba. Fiscal and monetary policy are two very important

parts of the Treasurer’s job. Fiscal policy is what determines how much the government taxes its citizens and

how much the government spends. Monetary policy is conducted by a central bank and determines inflation

rates and monetary supply. Chibás will be directly responsible for the fiscal policy of Cuba and will only have

indirect influence over Cuba’s monetary policy. This means he will be key in setting the tax rate and deciding

on what the Cuban government spends its money on. He must monitor the interest rates and rules regarding

borrowing and lending in Cuba. He is able to sanction the development of new financial institutions and

monitor Cuba’s trading policies. His decisions will have huge impacts on the economy of Cuba.

Raúl Cepero Bonilla

Minister of Commerce

Raúl Cepero Bonilla graduated as a journalist from the Manuel Márquez Sterling Professional Journalism

School. He developed a strong dislike for Batista due to his treatment of the press and his overall attitude

towards the public. Bonilla began to strongly support the revolution and was persecuted by the Batista

regime for his beliefs. He began to work for the Prensa Libre, where he wrote a column about the current

economic issues facing Cuba. His work in the newspaper, support of the revolution, and his economic

intellect were noticed by those close to Castro and once the revolution came to a close he was appointed to

the position of Minister of Commerce.

Cepero, as Minister of Commerce, will be in charge of Cuba’s trading policy. He will work closely with the

Minister of the Treasury and President of the Central Bank to control and coordinate trading and fiscal

policy. Cepero must monitor and control many of Cuba’s large export industries such as sugar, cigars, and

rum. He will establish rules and regulations for trading partners, and work closely with the Minister of State

to establish proper trading deals. Cuba, at this critical moment, must establish itself on the international

stage and therefore Cepero’s job is of high importance. He must work to build up Cuba’s economic power

with lack of support from powerful, neighboring countries.

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Rufo Lopez Fresquet

Minister of Finance

Rufo López Fresquet grew up in the marshes of northern Cuba. He spent most of his childhood bouncing

around different sugar plantations, lending his services to whoever would take them. He finally stayed with

one plantation called La Plantación del Sol. Here, he met some of his best friends and began to advance in their

ranks. He eventually became the accountant for the plantation and fell in love with the job. At the University

of Havana, he pursued a degree in economics, and after graduating he went on to work an entry-level job at

the treasury department. He continued to be promoted and eventually achieved the position of Minister of

Finance. He was kept on board after the revolution due to his skill and efficiency in the job.

In this role, he will be tasked with managing government activity pertaining to taxes, auditing, and general

issues of finance. As the Minister of Finance, Lopez must work hard to secure the interests of American

investors for Cuba as a way to build up the country after the revolution. To achieve this, he may consider

supporting the privatization of companies and opening trade more widely to foreign investors. Lopez has

many American contacts as a result. He must balance his own conservative views and interests with the

communist tilt of the government.

Emilio Menéndez Menéndez

President of the Supreme Court

Emilio Menéndez Menéndez became interested in constitutional law at a very young age, when he found

a book in the library detailing the process of the Second Continental Congress of the United States. After

finishing that book, Menédez began scoring library after library for more books detailing the justice process.

He graduated high school as salutatorian of his class and went on to study law at the University of Santiago

de Cuba and then the University of Havana where he made life-long friends and established good contacts

with other people in his field. He worked at the University of Havana as a professor and then began clerking

for the Supreme Court of Cuba. He left in 1959 to fight along the rebels in the surrounding areas. On the

night that the revolution ended, Menédez ran throughout Havana, starting in Vedado and ending in Old

Havana screaming “Viva to Cuba” at the top of his lungs. His veracity and experience was noted and he was

appointed as the President of the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court deals mostly with criminal cases, and acts as the final verdict maker on all cases. The

court especially does not deal kindly with political opposition, and it can be very harsh when sentencing. As

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president of the Supreme Court, Menéndez has a lot of influence over the other justices. While he cannot

unilaterally decide cases, he can push the judges towards a particular verdict. Since the court’s opinions are

final, Menéndez holds a lot of power when dealing with criminal cases. This may especially become relevant

should a minister ever be tried as a criminal.

Felipe Luaces Sebrango

Supreme Court Prosecutor

Felipe Luaces Sebrango always enjoyed sports. In middle school and high school, he was the star of every

game and the captain of every team. It was so not much the game he enjoyed, but the glory and praise he

received after winning. Luaces wanted to experience that same type of glory in a career, so he began to

dedicate his life to the law. He studied law and economics at the University of Havana and went on to work

in the private sector as a lawyer. However, as the revolution became more intense and those in the private

sector faced more scrutiny, Luaces moved out and fought alongside the rebels in the revolution. While

fighting in the revolution, he became good friends with Emilio Menéndez Menéndez, who when chosen to

be President of the Supreme Court, brought Luaces up with him, appointing him to be the prosecutor of the

Supreme Court.

In this position, Luaces was charged with preparing the cases against those defendants who were to appear

in front of the Supreme Court. His position gives him access to resources needed to investigate potential

criminals of any wrongdoing. How he chooses to use these resources is up to his discretion. They can be

useful in arresting and convicting suspected criminals, or in investigating fellow ministers. However, while he

may present or prepare the case against someone, he does not decide the verdict of the case. That decision

lies with the courts.

Gaspar Brooks Avella

Chief of the Navy

Gaspar Brooks Avella grew up in a low-income family in Havana. He enrolled in the military at a young age

and was almost denied form service due to his severe asthma. However, they eventually admitted him and

he quickly advanced due to his dedication and passion. He bounced around from the army, to the air force,

and then the Navy, where he fell in love with the sea. He quickly progressed in the ranks and received a full

scholarship for the Instituto Técnico Militar de José Martí. He succeeded throughout his four years there,

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and was appointed to be a captain in the Cuban Navy. Unfortunately, due to the timing he was forced to

fight against the rebels of the Cuban revolution. He had witnessed the incompetence of Batista and during

the battle of Las Mercedes, he defected and began to fight alongside the rebels. His courage was noted

by all fighting with him, including Castro. He spent the next several months in hiding, but at the end of the

revolution he was once again found himself in the Navy, only this time as the Chief.

As Chief of the Navy, Brooks will be responsible for all naval actions of Cuba. This position is of high

importance at this hour due to the enemies Cuba has created during the revolution, particularly the enemy

they have made of the United States, a country only several miles away. He has the power to command ships,

research vessels, fleet of boats, and more to conduct military actions or other operations he sees fit. He

will work closely with other military generals to decide what actions to take for Cuba. Brooks must balance

the current unstable nature of the country with Castro’s desire to appear strong and fortified. He must not

provoke powerful enemies, but he must also take a stand to show that the fully independent nation of Cuba

is there to stay.

Rafael Estabon Hernandéz

Mayor of Oriente Province

Rafael Estabon Hernandéz grew up in the slums of Santiago de Cuba. He had to fight for everything- attention

from his family, food to feed himself, and supplies for school. As he grew older, he grew more upset about

the way things were and looked to others for change. He heard stories and gossip about the revolution. He

heard that Fidel Castro and Che Guevara were going to bring justice and equality to Cuba. Estabon wanted

desperately to change his own situation, so he left home and followed the rumors. Eventually, he met up

with a group of rebels and stuck with them. They attacked the Moncada barracks in the first battle of the

revolution. From there, they spent a lot of time hiding in the Sierra Maestra mountain range, moving from

place to place and living off the charity of others. However, their fortunes began to turn and they eventually

saw victory. On January 1st, 1959, Estabon ran screaming home to his parents and hugged them both. The

next year, with the support of major revolutionary heroes, he ran for office in Santiago de Cuba and was

eventually elected to be Mayor.

As Mayor, Estabon will be in charge of all activity around the Oriente Province. This province is particularly

important due to its revolutionary significance and the economic power and potential it possesses. His duties

and responsibilities may include the placement of new government buildings, new construction projects

around the city, security measures, and more. He will have good contacts with nearly every official in the

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city. Estabon must work to capitalize off the successes so recently experienced in the Oriente Province and

develop the area. No boy should have to live as he did.

Colonel José M. Rego Rubido

Army Chief of Staff

José M. Rego Rubido grew up in a military based family. His father worked for the air force as a pilot and his

mother worked for the army as an analyst. When he finally went into the job market, he could think of nothing

else but to go into the military industry. He, like Gasper Brooks Avella, went to the Instituto Técnico Militar de

José Martí and was very successful in his studies. He began working as an officer in various military sites and

was eventually reassigned to Moncada and became the commander of the Moncada Barracks. However, in

1959, the Moncada Barracks were attacked, and seeing the coming collapse of the Batista regime, he handed

over the barracks to Raúl Castro. This act demonstrated Rubido’s support for the revolution and military

tact. Urritiá appointed him as the Chief of Staff of the Army in January of 1959, giving him control of most of

Cuba’s military operations.

As Army Chief of Staff, Rego will be in charge of many of Cuba’s most important military operations. He

will have control of the actions of the army, the quantity of officers hired, and their deployment. Rego must

work with other military officers to coordinate actions and policies that show the strength and abilities of

Cuba. One of the most critical jobs at this time will be supporting the new government and squashing any

counter rebellion that may occur. Cuba is becoming increasingly unstable due to the recent revolution and

the extreme changes in the government they have seen. Rego must keep on his toes and focus on the large

task ahead.

Humberto Sori Marín

Minister of Agriculture

Born in 1915 and educated as a lawyer, Humberto Sori Marín was sent to Sierra Maestra to help fight for

the revolution. While there, he would go on to do important work for the revolutionary forces. He helped

draft laws for Fidel Castro regarding court Martials and executions for crimes committed by the soldiers.157

Indeed, Sorí essentially acted as the entire judicial system for the movement, and by February of 1958

157 Dubois, Jules, Fidel Castro: Rebel-Liberator or Dictator, p. 215

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over 60 people had been tried and executed according to the laws he drafted.158 Many soon followed, and

the international community looked down heavily on these executions.159 One notable example came in

February of 1959 when Sori presided over the retrial of Sosa Blanco, sentencing him to death.160

After the revolution, Castro appointed Sori Minister of Agriculture. In this position, he will be directly

responsible for the functionality of Cuba’s immense agricultural market. He will monitor and implement

policy in regards to the protection, use, and improvement of agricultural land, as well as the protection and

growth of cattle. Such decisions will require him to be closely in contact with Cuban farmers and agriculture

workers. At this time, this job is particularly important due to the loss of trade from the U.S. and the

shorter food supply that has resulted. Sori will need to find ways to address this problem with the policies

he implements in order to gain the support of both the farmers and Cuban people in general. It should be

noted that while he has long supported the revolution, Sori does seem to be more conservative than many

of his fellow ministers. Indeed, there has been tension between him and more radical contingents of the

government, like Che Guevara, over agrarian reform.161 This is a tension that will certainly continue as he

fulfills his role as Minister of Agriculture.

Luis Orlando Rodríguez

Minister of the Interior

Born in Cuba in 1912, Luis Orlando Rodríguez was a journalist, politician, and fighter in the Rebel Army

before becoming the Minister of the Interior. Orlando was an Autentico, and even served briefly for Grau

as his Director of Sports.162 He eventually left that post due to disagreements with Grau, and he joined the

Ortodoxo party in 1947.163 He became a big figure in the Orthodox Party, and started a newspaper called La

Calle.164 The paper ran from 1948-55 and was strongly critical of Battista.165 As the revolution began, Orlando

joined the ranks of fighters and fought in the battle of Sierra Maestra alongside Fidel and Che Guevara.

158 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958–1960, Cuba, Volume VI, ed. John P. Glennon, (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1991), Document 21

159 Fidel Castro: Rebel-Liberator or Dictator, p.372160 Fidel Castro: Rebel-Liberator or Dictator, p.371161 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958–1960, Cuba, Volume VI, ed. John P. Glennon, (Washington: Government Printing Office,

1991), Document 307162 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958–1960, Cuba, Volume VI, ed. John P. Glennon, (Washington: Government Printing Office,

1991), Document 233163 Document 233164 Document 233165 Document 233

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During his time with the revolutionary forces, he spent much of his time working on the revolution’s radio

station, Radio Rebelde.166 His political and journalistic history made him perfect for such a role.

After the revolution, he was appointed to the position of Minister of the Interior.167 As Minister, he will be in

charge of directing and monitoring the implementation of government policy. He will keep tabs on all other

ministers, as well as the maintenance and defense of the government and internal order. In the difficult times

that are post-revolution Cuba, he has been tasked specifically to focus on national security168 to ensure

that Cuba remains safe. As peace returns to Cuba, he will be able to shift his attention away from national

security to his other duties. However, until that time arrives, he will have to spend much of his time working

to implement security measures to keep Cuba safe.

Raúl Roa García

Minister of Foreign Affairs

Raúl Roa García was born in Cuba in April 1907. He attended school at the University of Havana in 1925 and

after becoming a member of a leftist student group in 1930, he was arrested in 1931 for anti-government

activities.169 After being part of a failed strike against Batista in 1935, Roa fled to America.170 He eventually

returned to the island and was a professor at the University of Havana before being appointed by President

Socarras as Director of Culture in 1948.171 When Batista returned to power he was arrested and then sent

into exile. When Roa returned in 1957 he was immediately arrested, although he was not officially connected

to the July 26th movement.172

After the resignation of Roberto Daniel Agramonte y Pichardo, Roa was appointed as Minister of Foreign

Affairs. As the Minister of Foreign Affaris, Roa has general control over the diplomatic missions and

proceedings of Cuba. In his position he is able to make direct contact with foreign governments. While it is the

ambassadors who will usually conduct the actual negotiations, Roa is responsible for directing ambassadors

as to what they should be negotiating for. This means that Roa has oversight into how Cuba actually

implements its foreign policy decisions and that he is in the optimal position for advising the committee on

166 Document 233167 Document 233168 Document 233169 Dunlap, D. W. (1982, July 8). “Raul Roa of Cuba Dies at 75; Foreign Minister for 17 Years.” New York Times.170 “Raul Roa of Cuba Dies at 75; Foreign Minister for 17 Years.”171 “Raul Roa of Cuba Dies at 75; Foreign Minister for 17 Years.”172 “Raul Roa of Cuba Dies at 75; Foreign Minister for 17 Years.”

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what foreign policy actions they should take. Roa’s interests are Cuba’s interests and he will use his powers

to advance the interests of the new regime.

Julio Martínez Páez

Minister of Health

Julio Martínez Páez, was born in January of 1908 in Cuba. He entered into medical school in 1930, getting

his degree in four years. While he had been introduced to the ideas of the revolution during his interactions

with the July 26th Movement, he only officially joined the main forces in 1957.173 During the revolution he

was placed by Fidel as head of health for one of the main forces regiments.174 Here he served an important

role by dealing with the sick and wounded revolutionary fighters.

After the revolution had succeeded, Páez was appointed to be the Minister of Health. In this role, he must

focus on the supervision and running of the immense health facilities throughout Cuba. Finding ways to solve

this healthy issue puts Páez in direct contact with Cuba’s hospitals and general health infrastructure. Luckily,

due to his experience in the medical field, he is already well connected with many in the industry. However,

finding an actual solution is no easy task. The US Embargo is drastically affecting the Cuban health services,

and the services themselves are not adequately serving the people. The shortage of hospitals in rural areas

and qualified doctors to serve in those hospitals will prove a difficult problem to solve. Nevertheless Páez

will need to guide the new government towards finding a solution.

Armando Hart Dávalos

Minister of Education

Armando Hart Dávalos is one of the younger ministers on the cabinet. Born in 1930, Hart is the grandson of

an American immigrant from Cuba.175 Hart went on to study law at the University of Havana, and he quickly

became politically active within the university, being involved in both the University Student Federation and

the Vice-President of the Association of Law Students.176 As the revolution began, Hart quickly joined the

fray. When Rafael García Bárcenas was arrested in 1953, Hart acted as his lawyer.177 He became one of the

173 Hernández Sainz, Romy; Acosta Maristan, Camilo; Berenguer Reinaldo, Beysi; Raunel Hernández Rodríguez, Antonio. Julio Martínez Páez, médico revolucionario p.3

174 Julio Martínez Páez, médico revolucionario p.3175 Villamizar, Pablo. “Cuba News / Noticias - CubaNet News.” Cubanet. El Nacional, 07 Sept. 2001.176 “Armando Hart Dávalos.» EnCaribe. Encaribe, n.d.177 “Armando Hart Dávalos.»

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main revolutionary organizers in Cuba, planning military action, disseminating propaganda, and personally

fighting in some battles.178 He was arrested twice, and after managing to escape the first time, he was sent to

Presidio Modelo (Model Prison) in 1958.179 He remained there for the rest of the revolution.180 When Batista

was finally overthrown, he was appointed to the cabinet as the Minister of Education.

The Minister of Education will have an important role as the Cuban government seeks to reform Cuba. As

Minister of Education, he will be in charge of directing, implementing, and monitoring the government’s

policy related to education. This will be a big task as a large part of the Cuban population, particularly those

living in rural areas, is illiterate. Moreover, Hart will be in part responsible for the curriculum the Cuban

schools use. This will be important as Cuba seeks to redefine itself as it enters into a new era. All of these

challenges will be weighing on the young Hart as he enters into his new role.

Manuel Ray Rivero

Minister of Public Works

Born in 1924, Manuel Ray Rivero is a Cuban-born politician, engineer, and revolutionary. Rivero grew up in

Cuba, but when he was 23 he received a scholarship to attend the University of Utah. While in school he

began to study civil engineering. After spending two years at the college, he decided to return to Cuba and

find work as a civil engineer. When he returned, he assisted with the construction of the beautiful and modern

tourist attraction known as the Havana Hilton Hotel. He continued to work as a civil engineer for some time,

but his work soon took a more political bent. In 1957, he formed the Civic Resistance Movement with other

members of the July 26th movement. The organization worked with the revolutionaries to overthrow the

Batista regime, often using sabotage and other acts of violence.181

After the revolution ended, Fidel Castro appointed Rivero to be the Minister of Public Works. In this

position, Rivero will oversee and direct all activities relating to the infrastructure of Cuba. Since the country

just went through a revolution, this position will be critical for creating a new and better Cuba. Not only will

he need to fix the damage done to Cuba’s infrastructure during the conflict, he also must ensure that Cuba

has the modern infrastructure it will need to grow and prosper. The only way the government will be able

to grow Cuba as they see fit is if they have the infrastructure needed to accomplish their goals. Moreover,

178 “Armando Hart Dávalos.»179 “Armando Hart Dávalos.»180 “Armando Hart Dávalos.”181 HSCA Report, Volume X, Washington: Government Printing Office, p.137

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many Cubans are impoverished and live with few amenities. Rivero must work to find ways to alleviate these

problems.

Enriquez Oltuski Ozacki

Minister of Communications

Enriquez Oltuski Ozacki was born on November 25, 1930 in Havana. However, he did not stay in Cuba for

his education; instead he traveled to the United States for college, only returning to Cuba in 1955.182 Oltuski

quickly joined the revolutionary movement upon his return, and worked under the command of Faustino

Perez.183 His importance within the movement would soon grow. He was appointed as Provincial Coordinator

of the 26th of July in Las Villas in 1958, making him responsible for guerrilla activities in the area.184 Oltuski

was well versed in using propaganda while in this position to further the goals of the revolution, and he also

helped with the importation of arms from America.185 Oltuski quickly became a key player in the revolution

and its eventual success.

After the revolution was victorious, Oltuski was promoted to be the Minister of Communications. In

this position, Oltuski will be responsible for regulating, directing, supervising and monitoring state and

government policy on activities related to information technology, telecommunications, information and

communication networks, broadcasting, radio, automation, postal services and the electronics industry.

These systems and industries are generally in good repair, even after the revolution. Radio especially has

proven to be a key tool that can reach a wide audience. However, some of these tools can have trouble

reaching more rural areas of Cuba. Communication networks are really only lacking in very rural areas. As

such, an expansion of Cuba’s communication networks would certainly help spread the reach of propaganda

tools to these more rural areas. Still, this position gives Oltuski a wide array of tools to control propaganda

within Cuba, allowing him to affect public opinion on any number of issues.

182 “Falleció el compañero Enrique Oltuski Ozack.” Diario Granma. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba, 17 Dec. 2012.183 “Falleció el compañero Enrique Oltuski Ozack.”184 “Falleció el compañero Enrique Oltuski Ozack.”185 “Falleció el compañero Enrique Oltuski Ozack.”

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Regino Boti León:

Minister of the National Economy

Born in 1923, Regino Boti León went to school at the University of Havana where he completed his degree in

Civil Law. Upon completing his degree, he immediately went to study economics at Harvard University. After

receiving his master’s degree from the school, Boti founded ECLAC (the Economic Commission for Latin

America and the Caribbean) where he would work from 1948-1956 as an economist. He began to support

the July 26th movement in 1956 and started working at the Universidad de Oriente. While working there he

founded the first higher school of economics in Cuba.186 Due to his support of the revolution, he was forced

to immigrate to Chile by Batista in 1958. While abroad he continued his work with ECLAC.187

With the revolution’s success he was appointed as the Minster of the Economy, and tasked with overseeing

the building of the Cuban economy post revolution. He has since become the head of the Central Planning

Board (JUCEPLAN), where he has a similar role to that of Minster of the Economy. His main goal is securing

the economic future of Cuba post-revolution. His policies will be the first economic strategies that the

government will enact for Cuba. These policy reforms will help shift the Cuban economy as he sees fit, and

his connections to the academic world and the resources his position affords him will help him research

and decide what those best policy reforms may be. In general, he is seen as rather left wing with radical

tendencies in keeping with many in the government. He believes that large radical changes to the economy

coupled with a reevaluation of Cuba’s economic relations with foreign powers will be necessary for Cuba to

succeed.188 Such changes would include diversifying the economy of Cuba such that it would have to import

less from foreign countries.189 Should he be successful, he will bring prosperity and a better life to all Cubans.

Isa Yiadro Morales

Mayor of Santa Clara Province

Born and raised in Santa Clara Province, Isa Yiadro Morales attended college in Santa Clara at the Universidad

Central “Marta Abreu” de Las Villas. Active in politics from her time as a student, Yiadro was quick to join the

revolution, and her geographical knowledge of the area proved vital to the revolutionary forces. Indeed, she

186 “Regino Boti Leon.” EnCaribe. Encaribe, n.d.187 “Regino Boti Leon.”188 “Regino Boti Leon.”189 “Cuba, Economy.” Countries Quest. http://www.countriesquest.com/caribbean/cuba/economy.htm

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rose to political power quickly and Fidel supported her becoming mayor of Santa Clara Province due to her

organization of revolutionary fighters in Cienfuegos.

As mayor, Morales must manage the regions of Cienfuegos, Villa Clara, and Sancti Spíritus. These regions

attract tourists every year for their natural beauty, beaches, architecture, history, and culture. Many Cubans

live in these areas and depend on the tourist dollars that pour in every year in order to survive. However,

with the success of the revolution, some fear that these tourist dollars will soon dry up. The recent war

and the reputation that the new Cuban government is gaining abroad are discouraging many tourists from

coming. There is little Morales can do to attract tourists besides find a way to change the way potential

tourists see Cuba, or at the very least, the areas of Cuba he governs. Another option would be to try to

attract tourists who would be sympathetic to new government. However, there is no real way to know just

how big that population of tourists would be. What these regions would do should the tourist money dry up

is unclear. Therefore, Morales must work to rebuild these regions and cater to the new economic system and

way of life that has been ushered in by the revolution.

Luis M. Buch Rodríguez

Secretary to the President and Council of Ministers

Luis Rodríguez was born in 1913 in Santiago de Cuba. He enrolled in the University of Havana in 1934 to study

law and he soon became active in student government. While in school, he joined the Joven Cuba (Young

Cuba) group, an anti-government group started by Antonio Guitera in 1934 after the fall of Grau. Rodríguez

had known Guitera since 1931 which helped him to get connected with the group. While a member of the

group, he worked on the successful 1936 assassination plot of Carmelo González Arias. While he would

go on to have many friends among the wealthy Cuban elite due to his job as an attorney, Rodríguez never

forgot his revolutionary roots. When the July 26th revolution began, he contacted the movement and began

to work for the revolutionaries. In 1958 he left Cuba and became the Central Coordinator Exile and Head

of Public Relations for the group. With the success of the revolution, he was immediately appointed as the

Secretary to the President and Council of Ministers.

In his role as Secretary to the President and Council of Ministers, Rodríguez has a close relationship with

the president. This gives him a lot of political clout, as he is a man that always has the president’s ear and can

seek support from him. This not only gives him power when dealing with other ministers or politicians, but

also when dealing with average Cuban citizens. Indeed, his personal relationships are also affected by this

ability. Since he is friendly with many of the wealthy Cubans, he can use his own political power to call upon

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or influence his wealthy friends. Much of Rodriguez’s power, both among his peers and the general public,

comes from the ability his position gives him to negotiate and apply political pressure.

Ernesto Dihigo López-Trigo

Ambassador to the United States

Somewhat older than many of the other ministers, Ernesto Dihigo López-Trigo was born in 1896 in Havana.

He graduated from university with degrees in both law and philosophy and letters.190 In 1945 he was sent

as part of a delegation by Grau to the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War.191 In this capacity he

also helped to create the Special Council on Human Rights.192 Furthermore, he was appointed as the Cuban

representative to the UN, and continued to serve multiple roles representing Cuba on the international

stage.193 Given his experience, he is well respected by countries across the world.

After the revolution, Dihigo was appointed as the Cuban ambassador to the US. This puts him in direct

contact with the United States, allowing him to negotiate with the country directly and make contact with

individuals within the United States as he sees fit. However, he does have an obligation to follow official

Cuban positions while undertaking these negotiations. While his role is to maintain contact with the United

States, his history as a diplomat gives him connections with many different countries, beyond the United

States.

Antonio Nunez Jimenez

Ambassador to the USSR

Antonio Jimenez was born in Cuba in 1923. From an early age caves fascinated him. Indeed in 1940 he

founded the Speleological Society of Cuba, an organization that discovered many great and important

caves and archaeological sites.194 An educated man, Nunez received a Doctorate in Philosophy and Letters

from the University of Havana.195 Yet Nunez was not simply interested in the natural world and academics.

He was also an active member of the revolution. Arrested multiple times, he endured torture due to his

190 Martínez, Roberto Méndez. “IPS Inter Press Service en Cuba.” IPS Cuba. Inter Press Service in Cuba, 22 Dec. 2015. Web. 06 July 2017.191 “IPS Inter Press Service en Cuba.”192 “IPS Inter Press Service en Cuba.”193 “IPS Inter Press Service en Cuba.”194 Ortiz Cano, Gusel and Julieta García Rios. “Biografía del científico y explorador cubano Antonio Núñez Jiménez (1923-1998).” Juventud

Rebelde. Diario de la juventud cubana, 18 Apr. 2013195 “Biografía del científico y explorador cubano Antonio Núñez Jiménez (1923-1998).”

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revolutionary activities.196 In 1958 he was declared Captain of the Rebel Army of the 8th Column, and

participated in numerous battles while fighting under Che Guevara.197

After the success of the revolution, Nunez was first made the President of the National Institute of Agrarian

Reform.198 However, he has since become the Cuban ambassador to the USSR. As ambassador, he is in direct

contact with the USSR, and he is responsible for conducting negotiations on behalf of Cuba. While some

freedom is afforded to him when conducting negotiations, he does have an obligation to follow official Cuban

positions talking with the USSR, something which he is very strongly aware of. In addition, given his position,

he is quite capable of making contact with individuals within the USSR, both in and outside the government,

as he sees fit. Nunez is a popular man, and many trust that he will do well in this new position.

David Salvador

Secretary-General of the Cuban Confederation of Workers

Like many other committee members, David Salvador was born in Cuba and was part of the July 26th

movement. He was responsible for leading the labor section of the revolution.199 As a strong unionist,

Salvador is always working for the interest of the workers. After the success of the revolution, Salvador was

elected as the Secretary-General of the Cuban Confederation of Workers.200 In this role, he was tasked with

purging anti-communists from the ranks of the union.201 Currently, Salvador is acting as a strong proponent

of the government and its policies, helping them to remove anti-communists from their ranks.202 However,

Salvador himself is starting to grow uncomfortable with the regime and its communist leanings. He does not

approve of all of the changes occurring, and is apprehensive about the future.

While he may have some concerns about the government, Salvador still cares deeply for the workers of

Cuba. As Secretary-General of the Cuban Confederation of Workers, he is responsible for the wellbeing

of workers and the management of the different worker’s unions across Cuba. As a result of his position,

Salvador has control of many different labor unions in Cuba and many of which are happy to fulfill Salvador’s

requests should he ask anything of them.

196 “Biografía del científico y explorador cubano Antonio Núñez Jiménez (1923-1998).”197 “Biografía del científico y explorador cubano Antonio Núñez Jiménez (1923-1998).”198 “Biografía del científico y explorador cubano Antonio Núñez Jiménez (1923-1998).”199 Souchy, Augustine. “The Cuban Revolution: Anarchist Eyewitness Reports.” IWW. Industrial Workers of the World, n.d.200 “The Cuban Revolution: Anarchist Eyewitness Reports.”201 Lister, John. Cuba: radical face of Stalinism. London: Left View , 1985. Marxists.org. Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line, 2013. Web.202 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958–1960, Cuba, Volume VI, ed. John P. Glennon, (Washington: Government Printing Office,

1991), Document 491.

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Osalvdo Dorticés Torrado

Minister Charged with Drafting and Study of Revolutionary Laws

Born in 1919, Osalvdo Dorticés Torrado got his law degree from the University of Havana in 1941.203 During

the 1950s, he was strongly opposed to the Batista government and was a member of the Civil Resistance

Movement.204 He was elected as dean of the Cuban Bar Association in 1958, but was arrested later that year

and forced to go into exile in Mexico.205 He returned to Cuba after the success of the revolution.

Upon his arrival, Castro appointed him as Minister of Revolutionary Laws. In this position he focuses his

efforts on the drafting of laws to enact the revolutionary reforms of the new government. His knowledge

of the Cuban legal system allows him to help the government implement the reforms that it wants to enact.

Indeed his work has proved critical when drafting measures such as the Agrarian Reform Act.206 Going

forward, Osalvdo will have a lot of influence over how legislation is constructed. He will help ensure that

the legislation as written effectively achieves what it sets out to do. This often means understanding what

tools the government has at its disposal and how it can use those tools together to create the best possible

legislation.

203 “Osvaldo Dorticos y Torrado, Presidente de Cuba.” Geni. N.p., 19 Aug. 2015.204 “Osvaldo Dorticos y Torrado, Presidente de Cuba.”205 “Osvaldo Dorticos y Torrado, Presidente de Cuba.”206 “Osvaldo Dorticos y Torrado, Presidente de Cuba.”

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Glossary of Terms

Encomienda: Encomienda was a system of colonial Spain wherein Spaniards were given grants that afforded

them control over a certain number of natives.207 The Spaniard could then legally demand tribute or forced

labor from that group of natives.208 While doing so they were required to protect the natives and try to

convert them to Christianity.209

Foreign Investment: Foreign investment is essentially investment in a company by an individual/company

from another country. Foreign investment does not imply that a foreign government made the investment.210

More information on what foreign investment is and its different forms can be found here: http://www.

investopedia.com/terms/f/foreign-investment.asp

GDP: GDP stands for Gross Domestic Product, which is the total value of all the goods/services produced/

provided in a given year.

GDP per capita: GDP per capita is the Gross Domestic Product divided by the number of people in a country.

This essentially shows the value of all the goods/services an average person would produce/provide in a

given year.

Inflation: Inflation describes the “rate at which the general level of prices for goods and services is rising.”211

For more information on inflation, a rather brief overview can be found here: http://www.investopedia.com/

university/inflation/inflation1.asp

Sharecropper: A sharecropper is someone who rents a piece of land for the purpose of farming, and pays

that rent by giving the owner of the property a portion of the crop.

Tariff: A tariff is a tax placed on an import, thus raising the price consumers have to pay for the imported

good.

207 “Encomienda.” Encyclopædia Britannica.208 “Encomienda.”209 “Encomienda.” 210 “Foreign Investment.” Investopedia.211 “Inflation.” Investopedia.

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Committee Rules and Format

I. General Rules of Conduct

1. The singular duty of the members of the Cabinet is to better the great nation of Cuba and ensure its

future prosperity.

2. All meetings of the Cabinet shall be chaired by Prime Minister Fidel Castro.

3. All members of the Cabinet shall dress in Western Business Attire.

4. All members of the Cabinet are expected to treat each other with dignity and respect.

5. The working language of the Cabinet shall be English. If any member wishes to make a speech in

Spanish or another language, they may do so if they receive the approval of the Chairman and if they

provide the Cabinet with a full and accurate translation of their remarks within the specified time

limit.

II. Committee Format

1. The Prime Minister reserves the right to change the rules at his discretion.

2. The session will take the form of a continuous moderated caucus.

3. All points and motions must be directed towards the chair.

4. Procedural Points and Motions (in descending order of precedence; all motions require a second):

i. Motion to suspend debate: Immediately suspends the Cabinet, to be resumed at the next session.

Requires a simple majority. This motion can only be considered within reasonable time from the

close of the session.

ii. Motion to adjourn: immediately and permanently dissolves the Cabinet. May only be proposed

within thirty minutes of the end of the final session. Requires a simple majority.

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iii. Point of Personal Privilege: Used if a member feels his ability to fully participate in debate is

hampered in any way. May interrupt a speaker.

iv. Point of Order: Used if a member feels another member or the chair has acted out of parliamentary

procedure. May interrupt a speaker.

v. Point of Inquiry: Used if a member is unsure of parliamentary procedure. May not interrupt a

speaker.

vi. Motion to Suspend the Rules: Suspends the parliamentary procedures laid out in this document,

thus allowing for changes to procedures. Requires a two-thirds majority.

vii. Motion for a moderated caucus: Motions for a moderated caucus require a set duration, speaking

time, and topic. Moderated informal sessions focus debate to limited range of issues. Requires a

simple majority.

viii. Motion for an unmoderated caucus: Allows the members of the Cabinet to talk amongst

themselves without moderation for any time period up to fifteen minutes. Requires a simple

majority.

ix. Motion to Introduce a Document: Introduces any of the documents outlined in Section 4 of this

document. Requires a simple majority. At his discretion, the chairman may waive the required

vote and introduce legislation with only a second. Upon the passing of this motion, the document

is immediately read out by the chairman, after which debate can be closed on the document at

any time with the relevant motion.

x. Motion to Introduce an Amendment: Introduces an amendment to a previously introduced

document. If the amendment is friendly it is immediately adopted as a part of the proposed

document. If it is unfriendly (that is, the sponsor(s) of the document do not consent to its

adoption) a simple majority is required to pass the amendment. No vote is required to introduce

the amendment.

xi. Motion to Move into Voting Procedure: Moves to a vote on the previously introduced document.

Requires a two-thirds majority to move to a vote.

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5. The members of the Cabinet must always adhere to the parliamentary procedure laid out above.

III. Voting Procedures

1. After a motion to close debate and move to the previous question on a document, the body will enter

formal voting procedure on substantive matters.

2. Members may vote “aye”, “nay”, or “abstain”. Abstentions reduce the number of votes needed to pass

a document. For example, if there are ten members present but three abstain, four “yes” votes are

needed for a document to pass. Abstentions will not be permitted in procedural votes.

3. A simple majority of members is required to pass a document, unless noted otherwise in Section 4.

IV. Committee Action

1. Directive: Orders the Committee to take a specific action. The appropriate number of signatories

will be determined by the Chair.

2. Indictment for Treason: If one member of the Cabinet has substantial evidence that another member

of the Committee has committed treason (that is, deliberately acted to subvert the aims of the

Committee and best interests of the nation of Cuba) they may attempt to indict that member for

treason. In the event of an accusation of treason, the Committee shall take a vote on whether they

wish to indict that person. A simple majority is required to indict a Committee member. After this

vote, both the accuser and the accused shall have 45 seconds to defend their position, and then

the Committee will vote on their guilt. A two-thirds majority will be required to convict them. If a

member is convicted of treason they shall be executed, unless otherwise dictated by the chairman.

3. All committee directives will supersede competing or conflicting personal directives. That is, should

a directive passed by the Committee come into conflict with a previous personal directive, the

committee directive will take precedence and its content will be implemented.

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V. Individual Action

1. Members of the committee may also take private actions in the form of personal directives or notes

addressed to anyone outside the Committee. These documents are submitted to the crisis room.

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