TheGeographicImaginariesofEmpire:Migration,Tourism,andConstructionsofDifferenceinPanamanianTravelNarratives

By

KylaEgan

AthesissubmittedinconformitywiththerequirementsforthedegreeofMasterofArts

DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning

UniversityofToronto

©CopyrightbyKylaEgan2018

TheGeographicImaginariesofEmpire:Migration,Tourism,andConstructionsofDifferenceinPanamanianTravelNarratives

KylaEgan

MasterofArts

DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning

UniversityofToronto

2018AbstractPanama’stourismindustryhasflourishedsince1990tobecomeoneofthepremiere

traveldestinationsinCentralAmericaasdescribedbytourismliterature.Using

historicalgeographyasitsmethodology,thisthesisoffersananalysisofhow

coloniallogicsofempireremainembeddedinthePanamaniantourismindustryand

nationbuildingagendas.Inparticular,thediscourseanalysisofPanamaniantravel

narrativesinarchivalandcontemporarytravelliteraturehasrevealedboth

substantialtransformationsandpersistentcongruitiesofimperialdiscoursefrom

1880-2017.ThefindingsofthisprojectdemonstratehowhegemonicEuro-

Americangeographicimaginationshelpconstructtourismmaterialsandinfluence

touristbehaviorinPanama.Inparticular,themesofwildernessandnature,white

supremacy,andAmericanexceptionalismemergedfromtheanalysisoftourism

literatureastheprimaryfactorscontributingtotheconceptualandmaterial

organizationofPanamanianspaceintravelliterature.Thesethemesare

contextualizedwithinbroaderdiscussionsofempirestudiesandamenitymigration

literature.

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AcknowledgementsThankyoutomysupervisor,SharleneMollett,forherguidanceandsupport

throughoutthisprocess.Iamgratefultohavegrownacademicallyandpersonally

duringthetwoyearsIhavebeenunderhersupervision.Inparticular,Iamgrateful

fortheexperience,knowledge,andwisdomProfessorMollettofferedasa

supervisorandcontributedtowardmyproject.Iwouldalsoliketoextendmy

gratitudetomycommitteemembers,MichelleBuckleyandSusannahBunce,for

takingthetimetooffermeconstructiveandthoughtfulfeedback.

Thankyoutomyfamilyandfriendswhohaveofferedtheirendlesssupportand

love.Inparticular,Iwouldliketothankmyfather,Ronaldo,forhisenthusiasm

towardsmyresearchprojectandunwaveringdedicationtothepursuitof

Panamanianknowledge.Iwouldalsoliketothankmymother,Sondra,forthe

infiniteencouragement,insight,andsolacethatshehasofferedthroughoutthis

process.Iamgratefultohavehadsuchawonderfulsupportsystemduringmy

thesisproject.

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TableofContentsAcknowledgements iiiTableofContents ivListofFigures viChapterOne:Panamaas‘Place’:TheConstructionofPanama’sGeographicImaginaryintheContextofAmericanNationBuilding 1ChapterTwo:ImperialLogicsoftheTourismIndustry:Empire,AmenityMigration,andConstructionsofDifference 172.1TheGeographicImaginationofthe‘NewWorld’:EuropeanandAmericanExpansioninLatinAmerica 172.2HistoricalRepercussionsinGlobalMobilities:TheCaseofNorth-SouthAmenityMigration 202.3MarketingCulturalDifference:TheRoleof“Other”intheTourismIndustry 232.4HistoricizingthePresent:ThevalueofHistoricalGeographyasaMethodologicalApproachtotheStudyofEmpire 262.5ResearchMethods:TheDiscursiveAnalysisofArchivalandModernTravelNarratives 28ChapterThree:“PanamaUndertheStarsandStripes”ArchivalNewspapersandMagazinesfrom1880-1950 333.1TheFunctionofNewspapersinTransnationalNationBuilding 333.2“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”:GeographicImaginariesofAmericanGovernanceinthePanamaCanalZone 383.3Overcoming“TheWhiteMan’sGraveyard”:HygieneandInfrastructureInitiativesinthePanamaCanalZone 473.4GovernanceinaTropicalLandscape 523.5“LinkingtheAmericas”:TheDevelopmentofUS-PanamaTourism 523.6TheimportanceofTourismtoAmericanNationBuilding 553.7“Taming”aNewFrontier:ResourceDevelopmentandLandOwnershipinPanama’sRuralCountryside 563.8FrontierConstructionsofthePanamanianCountryside 61ChapterFour:“ShinningSummerLands”AutobiographicalTravelNarrativesofEliteMigrantsandTouristsfrom1851-2017 634.1LifeintheIsthmus:TheRepresentationalPracticesofEliteMigrantsandTourists 634.2“PanamaisBelowtheMasonDixonLine”:theRacialImaginariesofLaborinPanamaCanalZone 664.3“NoSuchThingasaGoodIndianWorker”:NarrativesofLabourandRaceinAmenityMigrantEnclaves 714.4Laborersas“Other”:TheRacialImaginariesInformingEmploymentPracticesinPanama 75

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4.5“TheBushNative”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsofWhiteZonianResidents 764.6“LikeDisney’sVersionofPocahontas”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsbyAmenityMigrants 804.7Savage,Civilized,orNoble:ConstructionsofIndigeneityandNature 834.8TheMakingofAmericanSpaceinPanama 844.9CommunitySpaceMakinginAmericanEnclaves 90ChapterFive:“SteppingBackintothePast”:TheGeographicImaginariesofModernPanamanianTravelLiterature:1990-Present 935.1ProducingImaginaries:ThePracticesandProcessofModernTourismLiterature 935.2“Discovering”Panama:ColonialNarrativesofExplorationAmongTourists 945.3ReconstitutedImaginariesoftheNewWorld 995.4UrbanImaginaries:TheComparisonofThePanamaCanalZonetoPanamanianCitiesinTravelLiterature 1015.5NarrativesofManagementinPanama’sUrbanCenters 1095.6SearchingforSanctuary:NarrativesofWildernessandEscapeamongPanamanianTourists 1105.7ConstructingValuein‘Wild’Spaces 115ChapterSix:Conclusion 117References 120

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ListofFiguresFigure1-MapofPanamainNationalGeographicarticle“Panama,BridgeoftheWorld” 5Figure2-PhotographofMirafloresLocks,Panama 16Figure3-PhotographofDockinOldBank,BocasdelToro,Panama 25Figure4-AerialPhotographofBocasdelToroArchipelago 32Figure5-PhotographofPresidentTheodoreRooseveltinPanama 35 Figure6-“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”Headline 43Figure7-“PanamaBiddingforaSpanking”headline 45Figure8-“TheRepublicUncleSamMade”Headline 47Figure9-“UncleSam’sPanamaHomes”Headline 51Figure10-“NewLinetoPanama”Headline 54Figure11-“Money-MakingonIsthmus”Headline 57Figure12-AdvertisementforPanamaRealEstate 59Figure13-“TheArmchairTouristandTheSightseer”Headline 66Figure14-ParagraphfromtheCanalZonePilot 68Figure15-SketchofWestIndianWorkers 71Figure16-IllustrationofCrocodile 77Figure17-PhotographofHighTea 85Figure18-PhotographinNationalGeographicofAmericanZoneResidentsShopping 90Figure19-“TropicalEdenRichinLoreDatingFromColumbus’Time”Headline 94Figure20-“VisittheCunabeforethe20thCenturyDoes”Headline 95Figure21-PhotographofPanamaCitySkyline 101Figure22-PhotographinNationalGeographicofFamilyinColón 106Figure23-PhotographofDockinIslaBastimientos 112

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Chapter1:Panamaas‘Place’:TheConstructionofPanama’sGeographicImaginaryintheContextofAmericanNationBuilding

InApril2018NationalGeographicpublishedaspecialissueonthetopicofrace.In

anefforttoexaminetheNationalGeographic’shistoricalcomplicityintheperpetuationof

racialdiscourse,ProfessorofHistoryJohnEdwinMasonfromtheUniversityofVirginia

washiredtoanalyzethemagazine’spastrepresentationsofpeoplefromtheGlobalSouth.

ProfessorMasonconcludeduntilthe1970sNationalGeographicportrayed“everytypeof

cliché”inreferencetoracializedpopulations(2018,p.4).PeopleoftheGlobalSouthwere

picturedas“famouslyandfrequentlyunclothed,happyhunters,andnoblesavages”while

alsobeingdescribedaspossessingthe“lowestinintelligence”(2018,p.4).Thepracticesof

NationalGeographicwereespeciallyinfluentialformassaudiencesinthenineteenthand

twentiethcenturies,asthemagazinewasunderstoodasabastionofscientificand

academicauthorityinpopularculture.In2018,EditorinChiefSusanGoldbergreflectsin

thisnewissueonNationalGeographic’sinfluenceineducatingreadersacrosstheglobe.

Goldbergwrites,

“NationalGeographicwasn’tteachingasmuchasreinforcingmessagestheyalreadyreceivedanddoingsoinamagazinethathadtremendousauthority.NationalGeographiccomesintoexistenceattheheightofcolonialism,andtheworldwasdividedintothecolonizersandthecolonized.Thatwasacolorline,andtheNationalGeographicwasreflectingthatviewoftheworld”(Goldberg,2018,p.4).

WhileGoldbergandNationalGeographicadmittoracistrepresentationsasanelementof

themagazine’spast,scholarsofcolonialdiscourse(Stoler,2016)arguethatitisdifficultto

identifythetemporalandspatialbreaksofcolonialnarrativesfrompasttopresent.

Imperialnarrativescontinue,oftenun-noticed,astheyhavebeentransformedfromthe

abruptandseeminglytransparentrhetoricofarchivespastandrearticulatedthrough

“processesofpartialreinscriptions,modifieddisplacements,andamplifiedrecuperations”

(Stoler,2016,p.27).AstheNationalGeographic’s“apology”soaptlyexemplifiescolonial

narrativescontinuetopermeatecontemporarywriting,particularlywithregardto

disruptionsandrepresentationsof“other”peopleandplaces(Said,1978).

Thisthesiscriticallyanalyzeshowcolonial-imperiallogicsofempireremain

embeddedinthecontemporarynationaldevelopmentagendasinPanama.Idrawfromthe

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caseofPanamatodemonstratehowhegemonicEuro-Americangeographicimaginations

shapethepastandpresentthroughthethemesofmigration,constructionofdifference,and

tourism.ThisthesisfocusesontheimperialconstructionofplaceandspaceinPanama

throughgeographicimaginariesthatareshapedbywesternnotionsofnatureand

wilderness,whitesupremacy,Americanexceptionalismandformsof“othering”embedded

intravelliteratureandadvertising.Throughthediscursiveanalysisofavarietyoftravel

narratives,foundinnewspapersandautobiographicalaccounts,Iarguethattouristsand

affluentmigrantsreproduceparticularunderstandingsandgeographicimaginariesof

Panamanianspace,place,andpeople.Suchrepresentationslinkpresentandpastinthe

contextofnationbuildinginPanamafrom1841tothepresent.

MymethodologicalapproachfocusesonthehistoricalgeographiesofPanamanian

travelliterature.IdosotoinvestigatetherelationbetweenPanamaniantravelnarratives

andimperiallogics.IusediscourseanalysistoexamineAmerican,Canadian,British,and

Panamaniannewspapers,magazines,andautobiographicalnovels,aswellasasmall

numberofcontemporarytravelmaterials.Findingsfromthisprojectillustratethat

constructionsofempirecontinuetoexistwithinthePanamaniantourismdiscourseand

revealthewaysthatresidentialtouristsoraffluentmigrantsarecomplicitinthe

reproductionanddisseminationofimperiallogicsthatshapethepast,presentandlikely

thefuture.

Panama’stourismindustryhasflourishedoverthepastthreedecadestobecome

oneofthepremieretraveldestinationsinCentralAmericaasdescribedbytourism

literature.Labeledasthe“NextLuxuryHotSpot”byForbesmagazine(Kester,2015)anda

“favouritetouristdestination”byTheGlobeandMail(Selkirk,2018)publicityforPanama

hascontinuedsinceInternationalLivingdesignatedthecountrythenumberoneretirement

destinationin2014.TourismliteratureandmarketingmaterialsemphasizePanama’s

naturallandscapes,colonialhistory,andgrowingcapitolcityasthemainattractionsforthe

country.ThesuccessofPanama’stourismindustryhasalsobeenusedasamodelfor

tourismdevelopmentinCentralAmericaandtheGlobalSouth.ForactorsinPanama’s

federalgovernment,thetourismsectorisanimportantsourceofforeignexchangeand

economicgrowthinthecountry.Specifically,tourismisthoughttoplayanimportantrole

intheoverallgrowthstrategy,povertyreduction,increasedemployment,improvedwages,

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anddevelopmentofrelatedindustriesinPanama(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013,p.71).

Therecentsuccessofthetourismindustryinthecountry,asillustratedthroughincreased

travelratesandtourismspendingoverthepastthreedecades,illustratesthecommitment

bythePanamanianfederalgovernmenttodevelopingthetourismindustry(Dorosh&

Klytchnikova,2013).EncouragedbytheWorldTradeOrganizationandTheWorldBank,

tourismdevelopmentstrategyhasbeenpropagatedintheGlobalSouththroughavarietyof

initiativessincethemidtwentiethcentury.Originatinginthe1960s,increasedtourist

spendingisassumedtoalleviatepovertyatavarietyofscalesandgivefederal

governmentsrevenuetobuildnecessaryinfrastructureandimplementsocialservices

(Wintersetal.,2013,p.177;Hawkins&Mann,2007,p.350).Panama’sinterestintourism

emergedinthe1990s,astheshifttoademocraticstate,demilitarizationofthe

government,andimpendingtransitionofpoweroftheCanalbacktoPanamaniancontrol

wasthestartofanewchapterinthecountry’shistory.Supportedbythedevelopment

strategiesofinternationalactors,thePanamaniangovernmentviewedtourismasaviable

strategyforthestrengtheningofitseconomyandasawaytorepresentitselfasapeaceful

nation(Guerron-Montero,2014).ThegovernmentofGuillermoEndara(1989-1994)

declaredtourismanationalpriorityin1993andin1994PresidentPerezBalladares(1994-

1999)signedanagreementtocreateaTourismDevelopmentMasterPlan(Guerron-

Montero,2014).Thenationaltourismstrategywastopursuethedevelopmentofheritage

andeco-tourism,aswellas“rebrand”Panama’simageamonginternationaltourism

markets(Guerron-Montero,2014).SubsequentgovernmentleadersincludingMoscoso

(1999-2004),Torrijos(2004-2009),andMartinelli(2009-2014)expandeduponthe

nationalMasterPlanbyalsodevelopingtheresidentialtourismsectorinPanama

(Guerron-Montero,2014;Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2009).Residentialtourismisdefinedas

thespatialmobilityofaffluentindividualsfromtheGlobalNorthtoGlobalSouthwhoarein

searchofabetterwayoflife(Benson&O’Reilly,2009).AsthePanamaniangovernment

pursuedtourismpolicythroughoutthefollowingdecades,thenationrebrandeditselfto

wealthytouristsasasafeandattractivenationtovisit,live,andwork.Studieshave

illustratedthatresidentialtouristsareattractedtoPanamaduetoitsrelativelyinexpensive

livingcosts,tropicalclimate,andaccessiblehealthcare(Benson,2013;Watts&Ruff,2012).

ThePanamaniangovernmenthasalsofacilitatedthemobilityofaffluentmigrant

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populationsbyprovidingspecialvisasandcitizenshippathwaystoenterandresidewithin

thecountry(Benson,2013,Guerron-Montero,2011).ThesepolicieshaveallowedPanama

tocompetewithotherresidentialtourismdestinationsandemergeasoneofthemost

popularcountriesforNorth-Southmigration(VanNoorloos,2011).

AlthoughtourisminPanamaisoftendescribedintravelliteratureasanew

developmentforthecountry,residentialtourism’sfoundationisrootedintheimperial

relationsofPanamaandtheUnitedStates,aswellasahistoryofSpanishcolonialism.

LiteratureonthistopicrevealsthataffluentmigrantsfromCanada,TheUnitedStates,and

Europeexperiencethemigrationprocessdifferentlyduetoprivilege,wealth,racial

hierarchies,andtheimpactsofcolonialhistories(GuerronMontero,2011;Guerron

Montero,2014;Janoschka&Haas,2013;Spalding,2013,Mollett,2017).Specialpolicyand

lawscreatedforNorthAmericanandEuropeanpopulationsarereflectiveofracialbiasin

immigrationprocesses,suchasspecialvisas(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.609).Although

Panamahashadhighratesofmigrationthroughoutitshistory,migrantsfromChina,The

WestIndies,andAfricanpopulationshavebeenstigmatizedbythegovernmentand

employers,despitebeingessentialtonationalinfrastructureprojects(Noxolo,2009).

Alternatively,thegovernmentofPanamahascreatedspecialvisapathways,residential

laws,andcitizenshipforlifestylemigrants.However,theseprocessesarefundamentally

supportedbyassumptionsthatlifestylemigrantswillpositivelyimpactareceivingnation

solelybecauseoftheiraffluence(Ferguson,2011;Wilson,2008).

Inaddition,migrationscholarshaveassertedthatcolonialnarrativesandimagery

alsoinfluencetheactionsofmigrantsintheirnewhome(Benson,2012,Mollett,2017).The

ideologicaldominanceofNorthernmigrantsintheGlobalSouthhasmanifestedspatially

throughthecontemporarydisplacementandmanagementofracializedcommunities

(Janoschka&Haas,2013).Inparticular,lifestylemigrationliteraturearguesthataffluent

populationsareabletoreinforceandlegitimizeproblematicnarrativesduetotheir

economicandsocialpositioningataglobalscale(Benson,2012,p.1689).Residential

touristscontinuetosettleinareasmarkedbyhighinequalitybecausetheseissuesdonot

negativelyaffecttheirlivelihoodsduetothephysicalandsocialsegregationofmigrants

fromimpoverishedlocals.Infact,manyresidentialtouristsbenefitfromlowhousing

prices,illegallandpurchases,andalackofgovernmentalprotectionforcertain

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Panamaniancitizens(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.619;Mollett,2016;Thampy,2014).

Alternatively,thereceivingcommunitiesoflifestylemigrantsareoftenburdenedby

changingsocio-spatialrelations,landscapedeterioration,andlimitedaccesstoresourcesas

aresultoftherapidandunregulateddevelopmentofresidentialtourism(Spalding,2013,

Guerron-Montero,2011,Mollett,2017).Scholarsinthefieldoftransnationalmobilities

havedemonstratedtheenduringcharacteristicsofimperialknowledgeproductionon

North-SouthmigratorypatternstoPanama.Theinter-spatialmobilitiesandsettlementof

affluentresidentialtouristsmirrorasymmetricstructuralrelationshipsbetweenimperial

actorsduringSpanishcolonialismandtheestablishmentoftheUSEmpireduringthefirst

halfofthetwentiethcentury.Panama’shistoricalpasthasinformedthedevelopmentof

tourismthroughtheenduringpresenceofimperiallogics(Guerron-Montero,2014;Mollett,

2017).

Figure1:FromNationalGeographic’s“Panama,BridgeoftheWorld”(Marden,p.594,1941)

ForthepastfivecenturiesPanamahasbeenanimportantzoneofboth

transportationandtrade,whichhasattracteddifferentempiresfromaroundtheworld.

Colonialsettlementintheregioncommencedintheearly16thcentury.Spanish

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conquistadorRodrigodeBastidaswasthefirstEuropeantovisittheisthmusin1501,

followedbyChristopherColumbusayearlater,andVascoNunezdeBalboa’sAtlanticto

PacificcrossingofPanamain1513(Gordon,etal,2018).By1519,permanentEuropean

settlementswereestablishedonbothcoastsoftheIsthmus(Gordonetal,2018).Forthe

Spanish,Panama’sgeographiccentralitywasanimportantfactorintheexpanding

economicinterestoftheempire,byfacilitatingthetemporarystorageofgoldandminerals

fromPeru,Ecuador,andBoliviabeforebeingtransportedtoEurope(Marrin,1999).

AlthoughPanamaremainedunderSpanishrulefornearlythreecenturies,itsgeo-political

boundarieschangedfrequently.OriginallydesignatedasterritoryintheViceroyaltyof

Peru,in1538theregionbecamepartoftheRealAudienciaofPanamagoverningbodyas

designatedbyHenryV(Gordonetal,2018).AlthoughtheSpanishhadcolonizedcitiessuch

asPortobello,ColónandPanamaCity,muchofPanamanianterritoryremainedincontrolof

Indigenouspopulations.ThisregionalautonomyfacilitatedthemobilityofEnglish,Dutch,

andFrenchpiratesinPanama,whowereinterestedininterceptinggoldandsilverthat

cametoPanamafromPeru(Marrin,1999).Fromthemidsixteenthtolateseventeenth

centuriesavarietyofillfatedandshort-livedBritishcolonieswereestablishedinrural

Panama.

Duringthistimeperiod,BritishpiratessuchasSirFrancesDrakeandSirHenry

MorganworkedinconjunctionwiththeBritishcrowntodisrupttheSpanishempireinthe

NewWorld(Marrin,1999).TheconflictbetweenEuropeanimperialpowerswasreflective

ofgreatertensionsinregardtotheCaribbeanandLatinAmerica.Inparticular,aseach

empireexpandedintotheNewWorld,territorialdisputeswereafrequentoccurrenceand

especiallyprominentinregardtoPanama’sstrategiclocation(Gordonetal,2018).Under

ordersfromtheBritishCrown,privateersfrequentlyinterceptedgoldtransportation

routesanddestroyedSpanishsettlements(Marrin,1999).Motivatedbyrevengeafter

beingattackedbySpanishwarshipsandthequestforgold,Britishslavetraderand

privateerSirFrancesDrakeattackedthePanamanianportofNombredeDiosinJuly1572

andMarch1573.Aftersuccessfullycapturingthetownandnearlytwentytonsoftreasure

DrakereturnedtoBritainasanationalhero(Gordonetal,2018).Nearlyacenturylaterin

1669,QueenMarianaofSpainorderedthatSpanishwarshipsattackEnglishtradeships

overrisingtensionsintheregion.Asanactofretaliation,SirHenryMorgansailedalongthe

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SpanishMainfrom1670to1671slowlycapturingsmallsettlementssuchasOld

Providence,SantaCatalina,andChagres(Marrin,1999).InJanuary1671SirHenryMorgan

attackedtheOldPanamaCity,successfullycapturingthesettlement’streasureandburning

theporttotheground.Morgan’sactionswereconsideredastrongblowtotheSpanish

empire,“WhennewsofPanama’sdestructionreachedSpain,millionsofordinarypeople

putonblackarmbandsandflockedtotheirchurches”asanactofnationalmourning

(Marrin,1999,p.199).

Panamawasalsoshapedinthisperiodbythetransatlanticslavetrade,asEuropean

powerstransportedAfricanpopulationsinhighnumbersthroughouttheCaribbeanand

LatinAmerica.ThefirstAfricanslavesarrivedinPanamain1513withVascoNunezde

Balboa(Gordonetal,2018).Slavepopulationswereimportanttoinlandtransportation

routesandwereresponsibleformovingcargofromPortobellotoOldPanamaCityin

preparationforthetrans-Atlanticvoyage(Sigleretal,2015).TheSpanishempirealsoused

Africanslavesformining,textileproduction,domesticlabor,andtradework.The

dependencyoftheSpanishempireonslavepopulationsresultedinthesubstantialincrease

ofAfricanslavearrivalsovertheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies(Lasso,2013).This

practicedrasticallyinfluencedchangingdemographicsintheregionandby1607,70%of

PanamaCitywascomprisedofAfro-colonials(Lasso,2013,p.560).Thispatternofgrowth

continuedwithAfricanpopulationsinPanamanumbering3,500in1610to23,000in1789

(Lasso,2013).Forcedmigrationpracticescontinuedwellintothenineteenthcenturywhen

independencefromSpainin1821broughttheendtolegalslaveryinPanama(Sigleretal,

2015).

From1821-1903PanamavoluntarilybecamepartofTheRepublicofColombia

(Gordonetal,2018).SoonafterPanama’scolonialemancipationfromSpainin1821,

nationalinfrastructureprojectsandregionaleconomicgrowthspurredasecondwaveof

migrationinthemid-nineteenthcentury.AstheUnitedStates’expandedintoitsWestern

frontier,AmericanactorsgrewinterestedinestablishingaroutethroughPanamathat

wouldallowfastertransportationforsettlersfromtheEastCoastoftheUnitedStatesto

CaliforniaandOregoninordertofacilitateeconomicgrowthandsettlementontheWest

Coast.Initially,AmericansusedsubsidizedpassengershipstotraveltoandfromPanama,

whiletraversingtheterrestrialportionoftheisthmusonmuleoverroutesfirstestablished

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bytheSpanish.Remarkably,thisroutewasconsideredfasterandlessarduousthan

travellinginternallythroughtheUnitedStates(McCullough,1977).Howeverin1848,

WilliamAspinwallcreatedthePanamaRailroadCompanyandcommencedconstructionfor

theTrans-IsthmianRailroad(Gordonetal,2018).Inordertosuccessfullycompletethe

project,Aspinwall’sPanamaRailroadCompanyneededlaborfrom1880-1885.Thissizable

projectattractedlaborersfromSouthernEurope,China,theWestIndies,andotherareasof

LatinAmerica.However,byfarthelargestdemographicofmigrantscamefromtheWest

Indies,withapproximately200,000blackWestIndiansarrivinginPanamafrom1849to

1910(Lasso,2013).Atthistime,economicmigrationforworkingclassWestIndianshad

becomeincreasinglycommonduetothegrowthinthemechanizedsugarindustryinthe

Caribbean.Specifically,technologicaladvancesinagricultureandcropproductioncaused

widespreadunemploymentinJamaica,Barbados,Trinidad,Grenada,andSt.Kitts(Sigler,

2014;Sigleretal,2015).TheconstructionoftheTrans-isthmianrailroadcoincidedwith

thestartoftheCaliforniagoldrushintheUnitedStates.Forthisreason,prospectorswere

abletoquicklytravelfromtheEasttoWestcoastoftheUnitedStatesbytraversingthe

Panamanianisthmusonrailroad(McCullough,1977).Thisphenomenonresultedin

substantialprosperityforPanamaalongtheoldSpanishtrailsandtherailroadtrack,as

travellerscontributedtoaneconomicboom.InotherpartsofPanama,corporationssuchas

TheUnitedFruitCompanyalsostartedtoestablishAmericanenclavesinthelate

nineteenthcentury(Gordonetal,2018).Thecombinationofthesehistoricalfactors

illustratespresenceofAmericaneconomicandpoliticalpowerpriortothedevelopmentof

thePanamaCanal.

ThelatenineteenthcenturyinPanamabroughttheattempteddevelopmentand

initialconstructionofthePanamaCanalbytheFrenchcompaniesLaSocieteduCanal

InteroceaniqueandtheCompagnieNouvellefrom1881-1894.Theprojectfailedandwas

subsequentlyacquiredbytheUnitedStatesin1903(Gordonetal,2018).Althoughthe

UnitedStatesinitiallyattemptedtogaincontroloftheCanalthroughdiplomaticmeans

withColombia,theColombiangovernment’sfailuretoratifytheyHay-Bunau-VarillaTreaty

inthesameyearresultedinPresidentTheodoreRooseveltsupportingaPanamanian

rebellionagainsttheColombiangovernment.In1903,Panamasuccessfullyseparatedfrom

theColombianRepublicandgrantedtheUnitedStatesrightstothePanamaCanalZonefor

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ninety-nineyears(McCullough,1977).AstheUnitedStatespursuedtheconstructionofthe

PanamaCanalSpanish,Italian,Chinese,andWestIndianmigrantscametoworkaslaborers

ontheinfrastructureproject.Thelabourandremunerationofthesemigrantpopulations

andAmericanworkerswerespatiallydistributedintheCanalZone.Highpayingjobswere

reservedfortheapproximately4,800whiteAmericancitizensthatimmigratedtoPanama

intheearlypartofthecentury.Americanpopulationsbenefittedfromatourtieredlabour

systems,whichgrantedsuperioremployment,housing,andbenefitstowhiteAmericans.

Fortheprojectdevelopers,ahomogeneouscompositionofthewhite-collaremployeesand

heterogeneouscompositionoflaborerswasviewedasanessentialtooltoprevent

unionization,afactorthatwasconsideredpotentiallydisastroustoinfrastructureprogress

(Lasso,2013;Mckillen,2011,p.58,Sigleretal,2015).ForWestIndianmigrants,thepoor

qualityandovercrowdingofstateroominghousesexacerbatedthedeficienthealthand

safetystandardsalreadyfacedbymigrantlaborersintheCanalZone(Franck,1913).

UnlikethehousesofAmericanworkers,poorlybuilttenementsallowedforthe

proliferationofmosquitos,whichcontributedtotherapidtransmissionofmalariaand

yellowfeveramongtheblue-collarpopulation(Cohen,1971;Lasso,2013).Stateofficials

remainedindifferenttohighratesofmortalityamongracializedworkers,asothermigrant

populationscouldeasilyreplacetheperishedindividuals.Asaresponsetothepoorquality

oflivingconditions,manymigrantschosetoleavegovernmenthousingandconstructtheir

owndwellingsinperipheralspacesofTheCanalZone.Thedevelopmentofprecarious

enclaveswasincrediblychallengingformigrantsduetotheloweconomicearningswithin

thecommunity(McCullough,1977,p.578).Inparticular,segregationintheCanalZonewas

facilitatedbyatwo-tieredpayscale,withWestIndiansandAfricanAmericansassignedto

the“SilverRole”andwhiteAmericansandEuropeanstothe“GoldRole”.Besidesa

substantialpaydisparity,theSilverRolealsohinderedWestIndianmigrantsfrom

accessing“white-only”spaces,suchasrestaurants,shops,andcommunitycenters.Similar

ideologiesandtreatmentofracializedpopulationsexistedthroughouteconomicand

politicalenclavesoftheAmericanempire.AsdiscussedbyFrenkelinGeographic

RepresentationsoftheOther:TheLandscapesofThePanamaCanalZone(2002),astringent

laborhierarchywasusedinconjunctionwithsanitationinitiativestocreateaphysical

boundarybetweenwhiteAmericansandothernon-whitelaborerslivingintheterritory.

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ThisgeographicorganizationoftheZonewasrepresentativeofAmericanpoliticaland

racialideologiesofthetimeperiodthatplacedwhiteAmericanpopulationsinasuperior

positiontoWestIndian,Chinese,andPanamanianpopulations(Frenkel,2002,p.88).The

urbanlandscapesofthePanamaCanalZonewereconsideredsosuccessfulbythe

Americangovernment,thattheterritorywasusedasamodelforothercoloniesinthe

tropics.Inparticularthe“plans,ideas,andofficialhousingreports”weresharedamong

urbanplannersandadministratorsthroughoutAmericancoloniesoftheearlytwentieth

centuryfromLatinAmericatothePacific(Frenkel,2002,p.88).Althoughtheself-

containedenvironmentwasconsideredapillarofasuccessfulimperialagendabythe

UnitedStatesgovernmentandpubliccommentators,whiteZoniansresidentsoften

describedtheirlifeinPanamaasisolating.Oneadministrativeworkercomparedthe

enforcedsegregationofthePanamaCanalZoneto“amaninafortsurroundedbyenemies”

(Frenkel,2002,p.92).

ThepresenceoftheUnitedStatesinPanamacontinuedtoinfluenceeconomic,

political,anddemographicfactorsinthecountrythroughoutthenineteenthcentury.A

strongwartimeeconomyinthe1940sattractedapproximately22,000laborersfromthe

CaribbeanandCentralAmericatoworkoninfrastructureprojects.Ruraltourban

migrationpatternswithinthecountrywerealsoinfluencedbyemploymentopportunities

inPanamaCity,withsubsistencefarmersandagriculturalworkersleavingthecountryside

toworkinfactoriesandconstructionprojects(Biesanz&Biesanz,1964).Thispatternof

economicgrowthandmigrationcontinueduntilthe1980s,whenthemilitarydictator

ManuelNoriegaseizedpower.

ThepoliticalandeconomicinitiativeslaunchedbytheUnitedStatesinPanama

duringthelatenineteenthandfirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturywascloselyaccompanied

bypublicdocumentationofUSimperialexpansion.Inparticular,publicactorsrecordedthe

social,geographical,economic,andpoliticaltransformationofthePanamaCanalZone

throughtheactoftravelwriting.Thedevelopmentoftravelwriting,agenreofwriting

whichdescribesanauthor’sexperiencesofpeopleandplaceswhiletravellingabroad,has

longbeenrelatedtotheexpansionoftheUnitedStatesempireinAmericanhistory(Pratt,

1994).ThisphenomenonincloselyanalyzedinLeGrandandSalvatore’santhologyClose

EncountersofEmpire:WritingtheCulturalHistoryofUS-LatinAmericanrelations,where

11

Salvatorediscussestheemergenceofpopulartravelwritingduringthenineteenthcentury

(1998).AlthoughtravelnarrativesinCentralandSouthAmericaduringthistimeperiod

werestilluncommon,authorssuchasJohnLloydStephens(1841)gainedsignificant

notorietybyrecordingtheiradventuresintheregion.Attheturnofthetwentiethcenturya

varietyofeconomicandtechnologicalfactorsinfluencedtheriseoftravelwriting.In

particular,theincreaseofinternationalinvestmentintheAmericas,incombinationwith

technologicaladvances,andthemassproductionofcommoditiesleadtothedevelopment

ofmainstreamtravelliterature(Salvatore,1998,p.76).Newtechnologicalsystemsthat

facilitatedthemassproductionofliteraturefedAmericanaudiences’curiosityregarding

TheUnitedStates’newesteconomicfrontier.Forthefirsttime,travelphotography,

advertisements,andmagazineswerewidelycirculatedamonganAmericanpublic.Infact,

theintroductionofphotographstotheNationalGeographicmagazineincreased

subscribersfrom3,400in1905to107,000in1912(Salvatore,1998,p.82).Travelwriting

wasalsousedasapoliticaltoolfortheUnitedStatestoinvestigatethepossibilityof

imperialismintheAmericas,withdifferentactorsassumingresponsibilityforthe

procurementofthisinformation.Inparticular,Salvatorestatestherewerethreedifferent

kindofAmericaninvestigatorsduringthisperiod:themerchantadventurer,scientific

explorer,andthemissionary(1998,p.77).Eachactorwasresponsibleforgathering

differentformsofinformationinCentralandSouthAmericaanddisseminatingthis

knowledgetoawideraudience(1998,p.77).However,thenarrativesthatemergedfrom

scientific,economic,andsocialtravelliteraturewereoftenrepetitiveandinaccurate.In

particular,authorsemphasizedthatLatinAmericawasinapersistentstateofchildhood,

characterizedbyeconomicandsocietalbackwardness.Thedemographicsoftheregion

werealsocommonlydiscussed,withsignificantcommentarydedicatedtotheregion’s

racialmixture(Salvatore,1998,p.82).Thesepopularnarrativeshadavarietyof

consequences,resultinginfurtherinvestigationoftheAmericasbyphilanthropicand

academicactorsfromtheUnitedStates.Inparticular,imperialistsimaginedCentral

Americaasfamiliarterritorythatwasfilledwithpassiveandmanageablepopulations.This

imperialsentimentwasalsoreplicatedinregardtoscientificexplorationandacademic

interestinCentralAmerica.Inparticular,thepopularityoforganizedresearchtripsby

AmericanuniversitiestoLatinAmericansignificantlyincreasedduringtheearlytwentieth

12

century(Salvatore,1998,p.82).Inbothcontextsofphilanthropicandacademicresearch,

scientistsandeducatorsbecameactorstoassembleinformationfortheUnitedStates

government,whichneededknowledgeontheregioninordertoeffectivelycarryoutits

imperialistambitions.Theactivityofscientists,educators,andadventurerswaswidely

circulatedintheAmericanpressandwasresponsibleforshapingtheperceptionsofthe

publicregardingCentralAmerica.Forthisreasonthecollection,modification,and

disseminationofknowledgeencouragedbytheUnitedStatesgovernment“madereaders

participantsintheexpansionistproject”throughthecirculationofpopulartravelmedia

(Salvatore,1998,p.82).

AstheempireoftheUnitedStatesexpandedabroadtoencompassGuam,the

Philippines,Hawaii,andthePanamaCanalZoneduringthelatenineteenthandearly

twentiethcenturyagreaterportionoftheAmericanimaginarywasdedicatedtoimperialist

expression.Inparticular,thephysicalcelebrationofthenewempirewasseeninthe

establishmentofworldfairs.AsdiscussedinthebookEmpireonDisplay:SanFrancisco’s

Panama-PacificInternationalExpositionof1915,theUnitedStatesimperial

accomplishmentsandfutureambitionswerepresentedtoanationalaudiencethroughthe

mediumofbuiltform,includingdisplays,models,andstructures(Moore,2013).Theworld

fairillustratedthetechnologicaladvances,newcommodities,andscientificachievements

thatwereresponsibleforAmerica’ssuccessfulexpansionofcoloniesandconstructionof

thePanamaCanal(Moore,2013,p.4-6).Theorganizationoftheexhibitwasessentialto

illustratingimperialistprogress,asAmericaninventionsandcommoditieswerecontrasted

againstexhibitsshowingIndigenouscultureandpeoples(Salvatore,1998,p.85).However,

thedominantnarrativeoftheexhibitionwasdedicatedtotheactorsofAmericanexpansion

abroad.Inparticular,imperialismwasinscribedonthebodiesofAmericanmen,whowere

understoodtobebothphysicallyandideologically“vigorous,muscular,innatelysuperior,

powerful,andradiant”(Moore,2013,p.4).Thiscelebrationofmasculinitywasnotan

unusualinreferencetoexpansionbothwithintheUnitedStatesandAmericanterritories

abroad.AsdiscussedinMartin’sworkBecomingBananaCowboys:White-CollarMasculinity,

TheUnitedFruitcompany,andTropicalEmpireinEarlyTwentiethCenturyLatinAmerica

(2013),AmericanworkersforTheUnitedFruitCompanyperceivedtheirendeavorsin

CentralAmericaandtheCaribbeanassimilartothatofsettlersontheAmericanfrontier.

13

AmericanmenlivingineconomicenclavesofTheUnitedFruitCompany,considered

themselvestobehardworking,purposeful,andmasculine(Martin,2013,p.335).In

addition,thehierarchyofTheUnitedFruitCompanyplacedwhiteAmericanmenincontrol

ofWestIndianandlocallaborers,allowingthemtodisciplineanddominateblack

populationsthroughraciallogics(Martin,2013,p.322).Infact,Americanadministrators

oftenusedthelargepopulationofWestIndianandLatinworkersontheplantationsasa

definitivecharacteristicindescriptionsofdangerthatpermeatedtravelnarratives(Martin,

2013,p.322).Racializedlaborerswerealsousedinrepresentationsthatportrayedtropical

spacesasbeingontheedgeofcivilization,athemethatfirstoccurredinAmericantravel

narrativesduringtheearlynineteenthcentury(Martin,2013;Salvatore,1998).

RepresentationsofAmericanworkersasessentialactorsintheimperialexpansionofthe

UnitedStatesshapedtheself-imageofthesemen,aswellasthedomesticcelebrationof

thesepopulationsillustratedduringthePanamaPacificExhibition(Martin,2013;Moore,

2013).

TherepresentationalbinaryevidentintourismliteraturebetweenwhiteAmerican

workersandracializedmigrantlaborerswasessentialtostrategiesofAmericannation

buildinginboththeUnitedStatesandthePanamaCanalZone.Althoughthehierarchical

positioningofracializedmigrantsinregardtowhiteAmericanswasshapedbysegregation

policyimposedbytheUnitedStatesgovernment,narrativesintheAmericanpress

supportednotionsofmoral,intellectual,andadministrativesuperiorityofAmerican

migrantsover“other”populations(Frenkel,2002).IngeneralmigrantsfromtheGlobal

SouthwerecharacterizedasamenacetoAmericanidentityandnationalprogress,while

particularsubgroupssuchastheChineseandWestIndianpopulationswereconsidered

criminalandblamedforinfectiousdisease(Cohen,1971;Lasso,2013).Inparticular,

scientificracism,thepseudoscientificstudyofracialsuperiority,promotedthebeliefthat

migrantlaborerswereinherentlyproblematictothecanalbuildinginitiative,astheydid

notpossesstheadmirablequalityofdisciplineanddevotionseeninwhiteAmerican

workers(McCullough,1977).Thus,foreignmigrantswerewidelyacknowledgedinpopular

mediaasthereasonforanydelaysorfailuresinthecanalbuildingprocess,despitetheir

essentialcontributiontotheconstructionoftheproject(Lasso,2013;McCullough,1977).

ThenegativerepresentationsofWestIndian,Chinese,andLatinAmericanmigrants

14

functionedasabinarytothatofthevirtuousAmericanworker.Theprogressionofcanal

constructionandthepossessionofsuperioremploymentinthezonewerethetwofactors

usedtomeasureAmericanprosperityandsuccess.Forjournalistsandtravelwriters,the

laborhierarchyinPanamareflectedanaturalorderbetweennations;ifAmericanworkers

werethemostintelligentandcapableintheZonetheywouldnaturallyholdthemost

importantandseniorpositionsontheIsthmus(Frenkel,2002;McCullough,1977).Thus,

theidentityofwhiteworkersandtheirportrayalinpopularmediawasinherentlylinkedto

discoursesofempirefromtheUnitedStates.Workersstoodasarepresentationof

America’svaluesandconvictionsasasuperiornation,particularlyinrelationtothecontrol

andmanagementofracializedpopulations(Martin,2013).ThespatialityoftheZone,a

boundedareapreviouslycontrolledbytheFrench,functionedasatestcentertoillustrate

thecompetencyofAmericanimperialisminthetropics.Unfortunately,thesenarratives

alsoerasedthecontributionsmadebyforeignresidentsandpeopleofcolorinthe

developmentoftheCanal(Lasso,2013,McKillen,2011).Thebinarybetween

representationsofwhiteworkersandmigrantlaborersfunctionedtoabolish“un-

American”bodiesfromnation-buildingnarrativesandgeographicimaginaries(Frenkel,

1992;Frenkel,2002).ForthesereasonstherepresentationofAmericanworkerswithin

travelliteraturewasnotapolitical,butinfluencedbybroaderstructuresofempiresuchas

whitesupremacyandnationalism.Americanworkerswereabletophysicallycontrol

racializedpopulationsthroughsegregationlawsthatinfluencedthespatialmobilityof

laborersaswellasconceptuallydegradethecontributionsofmigrantworkersinCanal

development.Asaresult,Americancitizensweregivensolecreditfortheprogressofthe

PanamaCanal,transformingwhiteworkersintoanimportantsymbolofAmerican

imperialisminthetropics(McCullough,1977;Martin,2013).Therepresentationofwhite

Americansbywriters,tourists,andcanalresidentssupportedideologicalnarrativesthat

linkedwhitenesstoTheUnitedStates’identityandsupportedraciallogicsinnation

buildingagenda.

InthisthesisIillustratethewaysinwhichimperialnarrativesandeuro-American

geographicimaginariesshapetourismdevelopmentinPanama.Buildingontheinsightsof

scholarsofempire,Ianalyzetravelandtourismnarrativesandtracetheconceptualand

materiallinksbetweentourismandimperialexpansioninPanama.Specifically,Iexamine

15

imperialnarrativesfoundamongNorthAmericanandEuropeannewspapers,magazines,

autobiographicalnovels,andonlinematerialsfromthe1880s,until2017.Inorderto

analyzetravelandtourismdiscourse,thisthesisemployestheuseofhistoricalgeographic

methodologytodemonstratethepervasivenatureofimperialnarrativesinthe

reproductionofhistoricalrepresentationsandlogics.Findingsillustratethatthese

representationshavere-emergedasnewnarrativesandimperialunderstandingsin

modernforms(Stoler,2016).Tosummarize,historicalsourceshighlighthownarrativesof

Americannationbuildingandimperialexpansionhavebecomeembeddedindiscussionsof

migration,constructionofdifference,andtourisminthecontextofUS-Panamarelations.

Theanalysisofarchivalmaterialsrevealedanumberofthemesrelatedtonationbuilding,

includingthecelebrationofAmericangovernanceintheZone,particularlythroughthe

discussionsofhygieneandbuiltform.InruralareasofPanama,nationbuildingwas

constitutedthroughthesettlementof‘wild’landandthedevelopmentofthenatural

resourceindustry.Discoursefrommodernpublicationsalsofocusedontheestablishment

ofSpanishandAmericanempiresinPanama,whilesimultaneouslyperpetuatinga

geographicimaginaryofPanamaasavacantanduntouchedspace.Inconjunctionwiththe

examinationofthemesappearinginpopularnewspapers,magazines,andonlinemediums,

thisprojectalsoexaminedautobiographicaltextswrittenbyAmericanslivinginthe

isthmusoverthepastcentury.Findingsfromthisanalysisillustratethecommonalityof

race-baseddiscourse,includingdiscussionsoflocalIndigenouspopulations,WestIndian

labour,andmestizoPanamanianincompetency.ThemesofAmericanandwhitesuperiority

supportedthesediscussions,whichhavealsoleadtothehistoricalandcontemporary

resistanceofNorthernmigrantstointegratewithinbroaderPanamaniansociety.As

illustrated,thethematicfindingsofthisstudyrevealavarietyofconnectionsbetween

temporal,spatial,andconceptualelementsofthetourismindustryandtheexpansionof

bothNorthAmericanandEuropeanempiretoPanama.Theextensiveanalysisof

Panamaniantravelandtourismliteratureoverthepastcenturyhasprovidedinsightinto

theprocessesofempire,whichhaveplayedanintegralroleinthehistoricdevelopmentof

Panama’stourismindustryaswellasthecontemporaryrepresentationofpeopleandplace.

Theanalysisoftourismliteratureoffersdynamicinsightintoimperialknowledge

productionanditsinfluenceongeographicorganizationatbothtransnationalandregional

16

scales.Sincethemid-twentiethcentury,thetourismindustryhasbecomeoneofthe

world’sfastestgrowingeconomicsectorsandoneofthelargestindustries(WorldTourism

Organization,2018).Thisthesisilluminatestheperpetuationofimperialideologyasan

importantfactoringlobalmobility,communityplacemaking,andtheformationof

geographicimaginariesinrelationtoPanama.Bytracingthederivationoftravelnarratives

overanextendedtemporalperiod,thisprojectcontributestoacademicdiscussionsthat

investigatethehistoriesandcongruitiesofempireembeddedincontemporarycontexts.

SimilartoNationalGeographic’srecentattempttoconfronttheinequitiesofrepresentation

thathavepersistedasessentialelementsofthemagazine’scharacter,imperialnarratives

continuetoexistintravelliteratureasapalpablefoundationtotheindustryitself

(Goldberg,2018;Kaplan,1996).Thetransformationalnatureofimperialdiscourseover

thepastcenturyhasresultedintheappearanceofmodifiednarrativesthatoftenremain

unacknowledgedduetotheimperceptiblecharacteroftheirnewform(Stoler,2016).For

thisreason,theidentificationandexaminationofnarrativesinPanamaniantravel

literatureisessentialtodiscussionsofimperiallegaciesandtheirresultingmaterialeffects.

17

Figure2:MirafloresLocks,Panama:KylaEgan(February2018)

ChapterTwo:ImperialLogicsoftheTourismIndustry:Empire,AmenityMigration,and

ConstructionsofDifference

2.1TheGeographicImaginationofthe‘NewWorld’:EuropeanandAmerican

ExpansioninLatinAmerica

Scholarsofempirehaveassertedthattheproductionofgeographicimaginariesby

imperialactorswasanessentialfacetinthespatialexpansionandinter-personal

subjugationofLatinAmerica(Smith,2003;Grandin,2006;Pratt,1992;Frenkel,2002).

Geographicimaginaries,definedasthespatializedculturalandhistoricalknowledgeof

distinctsocialgroups,facilitatedabinaryofrepresentationbetweenimperialactorsand

citizensofthenewlyformedempire(Gregory,1994).Inparticular,EuropeanandAmerican

18

empireswereabletoshapetheirownnationalidentitiesanddefinegeo-political

boundariesthroughdiscursivemeans(Pratt,1992;McKlintock,1995).McClintock

supportsthisassertionwhendescribingtheprocessofdocumentationasamechanismto

formalizeactionsofdiscovery,“madeforrealafterthetravelerreturnshomeandbringsit

intobeingthroughtexts”(1995,p.29).Forthisreason,empiresfrequentlydiscussed

“other”placesandpeopleasawayofcontrollingnarrativesimportanttonationbuilding

andimperialidentity(Said,1978;Frenkel,2002).Forcitizensofempirenotdirectlyrelated

toexpansioninitiatives,geographicimaginarieswereaparticularlypowerfultoolusedby

elitepopulationstocharacterizeLatinAmericaasaspaceinneedofcolonization(Pratt,

1992;Smith,2003).AsPrattdiscusses,geographicimaginarieseasilyfacilitatepersuasive

discourseasit“alterspeople’sexperiencesandthewaypeopleimagine,feel,andthink

abouttheworldtheylivein”(1992;p.4).Interestingly,scholarsofempirehavealso

demonstratedtheevolutionofLatinAmerica’sgeographicimaginaryinrelationtothe

shiftingimperialmotivationsandpowerintheregion(Grandin,2006).Stolercontendsthat

imperialism’s“tenaciouspresence”formedthrough“refashionedandsometimesopaque

andobliquereworkings”helpscontextualizetheefficacyofimperialgeographic

understandingsinregardtobothEuropeanandAmericaninterests(2016;p.4).The

followingdiscussionofempireconsidersthemalleablecharacterofspatialgeographies

andtheinfluentialrelationshipbetweenunderstandingsofLatinAmericanspaceandthe

materialcontingenciesofgeographic,political,andeconomicexpansionofcontested

empires(Smith,2003;Grandin,2006).

ThefirstgeographicimaginaryofLatinAmericaemergedfromthetextsof

Europeanimperialactors,whopurportedtheregionasaspaceonthe“rimoftheknown

world”(Smith,2003,p.55).ThecharacterizationofLatinAmericaasanunknownland

facilitatedtheerasureofIndigenouscivilizationswhilesimultaneouslyobscuringthe

absenceofimperialknowledgeregardingthehistoriesandgeographiesofthe“NewWorld”

(Pratt,1992;McKlintock,1995).Instead,imperialactorsturnedtheirfocustothe

“extraordinarynature”thatwasunderstoodtodominatethelandscapesofSouthand

CentralAmerica.Describedas“capableofoverwhelminghumanknowledgeand

understanding”thegeographicimaginationofvirginnaturesupportedimperialinitiatives

ofeconomicandpoliticalexpansioninLatinAmerica,byrepresentingLatinAmericaas

19

malleableandemptyland(Pratt,1992,p.118).Smithcommentsuponthemutually

constitutingdynamicofvirginspacesandimperialmotivationsinthefollowingpassage,

“TheytoowroteAmericaasaprimalworldofnature,anunclaimedandtimelessspace

occupiedbyplantsandcreatures(someofthehuman)butnotorganizedbysocietiesand

economies;aworldwhoseonlyhistorywastheoneabouttobegin”(2003,p.123).The

ideologiesofimperialactorsfromEuropealsoinfluencedthegeographicimaginaryofLatin

AmericainrepresentationalpracticesfromtheUnitedStates(Grandin,2006;Smith,2003).

SimilartotheexpansionofsettlersacrosstheUnitedStates,geographicimaginaryofthe

frontierwasalsoextendedtotheterritoryofLatinAmerica.AsSmithdiscusses,“…the

continentalsoincludedlargestretchesthatwerestillmarginallyintegratedintothelarger

world,andtheseweretheareasthatattracted[interest]”(2003;p.54).Thecuriosityin

“unknown”partsofLatinAmericafacilitatedthemobilityandinvestmentofactorsfrom

theUnitedStateswhoperceivedsometerritoriesofCentralandSouthAmericaasaspaces

tore-enactsettlement,resourcedevelopment,andsubjugationthatcharacterizedfrontier

expansiondomestically(Frenkel,1992;Frenkel,2002;Grandin,2006;Smith,2003).In

bothEuropeanandAmericanimperialcontexts,thegeographicimaginaryofLatinAmerica

asa“blankspotontheworldmap”wasaresultof,anddeterminingfactorin,imperial

expansion(Smith,2003,p.2).

ScholarsofempireattestthatthecompetinginterestbetweenEuropeanandNorth

AmericanactorsinLatinAmericawerecausedbyideologicalandrepresentational

deviationsinformedbybroadernationalisticdiscoursesofeachempire(McKlintock,1995;

Smith,2003,Domosh,2006).Inparticular,theendofSpanishcolonialisminLatinAmerica

wasaccompaniedbygrowingpoliticalandeconomicinterestofimperialactorsinNorthern

Europe(McKlintock,1995;Pratt,1992).Theshiftingpowerdynamicsofcontestedempires

inLatinAmericaalsoinfluenced“relationsofrepresentationandimagination”byactorsin

eachnation(Pratt,1992,p.110).McKlintockdescribedthisprocessas“thereinventionof

America”thatwasinformedbythe“energiesandimaginationsofintellectuals”suchas

scientists,entrepreneurs,andauthors”(1995,p.110).AsNorthernEuropeannationssuch

asBritain,France,andtheNetherlandsexercisedincreasingcommercialandbureaucratic

controlofLatinAmerica,theUnitedStatesalsobegantopenetrateSouthandCentral

AmericanmarketsthroughprivateinvestmentsupportedbytheAmericangovernment

20

(Domosh,2013;Smith,2003).Smithcommentsthatduringthenineteenthandtwentieth

centuries,“U.S.expansionismtookanincreasinglygeo-economicratherthancolonialform”

inLatinAmerica(Smith,31).ScholarsassertthattheUnitedStatesdifferentiatedits

nationalidentityfromEuropeannationsbyemphasizingeconomicandcommercial

practicesasasuperiorandmodernformofcolonialism(Domosh,2013).Prattexplains

that,“CentraltothisconfigurationwasthebeliefthatAmericaneconomicexpansion

beyonditsnationalborderswasdifferentfrom,andbetterthan,themilitaryandpolitical

manoeuvresofimperialEurope.Inotherwords,Americancommercialexpansionwasa

greatworkofpeace,anoblecause”(1992;p.2).AlthoughtheUnitedStatesconceptualized

AmericanimperialismasdistinctfromthearchaicpracticesofEuropeanempires,manyof

thenarrativesandimaginariesutilizedbytheUnitedStateswereinformedthrougha

sharedcolonialhistory(Grandin,2006;Domosh,2013).Inparticular,imperialactorsfrom

theUnitedStatesperceivedfreetradeandeconomicintegrationaspracticalmethodin

“subduing”and“civilizing”the“natives”ofLatinAmerica,similartoreligiousandlinguistic

impositionsoftheSpanishandPortuguese(Pratt,1992,p.2).Temporalandspatial

imaginariesofLatinAmericanpopulationswerealsoinfluencedbybinariesofmodernity

andpowerbetweenNorthernandSouthernhemispheres.Inparticular,American

imperialistspossessedageographicimaginaryofLatinAmericaas“recapitulatingthe

courseofUShistory”througheconomicdevelopment(Domosh,2013,p.947).Thepeople

andspacesofLatinAmerica“wereseenasrepresentingapasttime,inthiscase,atimein

therecentpastoftheUnitedStates”,whichencouragedbothpublicandprivateAmerican

actorstopenetratethemarketsandspacesofLatinAmerica(Domosh,2013,p.947).In

bothEuropeanandAmericancontexts,thenarrativesandimaginariesrelatedtoimperial

expansionwerejustifiedthroughnationalisticdiscoursesthatprivilegedparticularaspects

ofnationalidentity(Gregory,1994;Domosh,2013,Frenkel,2002).Distinctreligiousand

culturalpracticeswerethecentralfocusofEuropeancolonialsubjugationinLatinAmerica,

whiletheAmericancelebrationofeconomicfreedomwasusedastheprincipaljustification

forexpansioninitiatives(Pratt,1992,Smith,2003).

2.2:HistoricalRepercussionsinGlobalMobilities:TheCaseofNorth-SouthAmenity

Migration

21

Amenitymigration,knownasthemovementofpeoplebasedonthe“drawofnatural

orculturalamenities”,hasbecomeofgrowinginterestinthefieldoftourismmobilities

(Gosnell&Abrams,2011;Sheller,2015,p.145).Discussionsofamenitymigrationinitially

focusedonEuropeancontexts,includingresearchthatanalyzedvacationersfromNorthern

EuropethatresidedinMediterraneanregions(Jackiewicz&Craine,2010).However,inthe

pasttwodecadesacademicshaveshiftedtheirattentiontootherareasoftheworldthatare

affectedbyNorth-Southmobilitypatterns.ResidentialtourisminCentralAmericahas

grownexponentially,withCostaRica,Mexico,Panama,andNicaraguaemergingasthetop

destinationsformigrationamongaffluentpopulations(VanNoodoos,2011).Avarietyof

connectionsexistbetweenamenitymigrationandintersectingfieldofresidentialtourism,

definedasthesemi-permanentorpermanentmigrationofpopulationsthatbuyorrent

privateresidenceinanothercountry(VanNoodoos,2011,p.429;Benson&O’Reilly,2009).

Inparticular,leisure,lifestyle,costofliving,andthegeographicimaginationsofreceiving

countriesaretheprincipalfactorsinfluencingbothamenityandresidentialmigrations

(VanNoodoos,2011,Benson,2013).StudieshaveillustratedthatNorth-Southmobility

patternstoLatinAmericawillcontinuetoincreaseoverthenextdecades,demonstrating

theneedforscholarlyattentiontothisburgeoningmigratoryphenomenon(Hayes,2015,

p.8).

TheImpetusformobilityisakeyfacetindiscussionsofamenitymigrationand

residentialtourismliterature.Residentialtouristschosetomoveawayfromtheirhome

countryandselecttheirnewhostnationbasedonthevarietyofmythspropagatedby

tourismliteratureanddisenchantmentwiththeirlivesintheGlobalNorth(Sheller,2015;

Benson,2013).Inparticular,amenitymigrantshavecitedgrowinglevelsofcrime,

unemployment,alackofcommunity,andhigh-pressurecareersasthereasonsforleaving

EuropeandNorthAmerica(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.610.).Asamenitymigrantsmake

thedecisiontomove,theirselectionofanewhostcountryisfullyinformedbyboth

collectiveandpersonalconstructionsofthenationalidentityforspecificdeveloping

countries(Guerron-Montero,2014;Janoschka&Haas,2013;Jacobs,2009).Theimaginary

of“ArabianNights”,anareafilledwithluxuriousgoodsandsexualfreedom,has

encouragedEuropeantouriststoliveinMorocco(Janoschka&Haas,2013).InPanamaand

CostaRica,theconstructionofaneco-paradiseisusedtoenticetouriststhatwantto

22

mentallydisassociatefromthe“rat-race”(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.610&Guerron-

Montero,2014,p.427).InEgypt,femaleamenitymigrantshavecitedtheirattractiontothe

‘masculinity’oflocalBedouinmen,whichisunderstoodthroughactsofchivalryanda

closenesstonatureasanimpetusformigration(Jacobs,2009).AroundtheCaribbean,

scholarshaverepeatedlydiscoveredthatimagined‘remnantsofconquest’suchas

feminizedlandscapesandservitudeofblackworkershashelpedconstructresidential

tourists’imaginaryofplace(Guerron-Montero,2014,Mollett,2017,Sheller,2015).Within

theUnitedStates,theconceptof“TheAmericanDream”inspiresresidentialmigrantsto

pursueabetterwayoflifeabroad(Spalding,2013).Despitethedifferencesincultural

imaginaries,eachhostnationservesasaspaceoffantasyforamenitymigrantsand

residentialtourists.Forthisreason,studieshaveillustratedthatthemobilityofaffluent

migrantsisinformedbyageographicbinary,whichoverstatestheshort-comingsofthe

amenitymigrantshomecountry,whilesimultaneouslypromotingunrealisticandattractive

depictionsofthenewreceivingnation(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.610).

Thesecondthemeemergingfromscholarlyresearchistheprivilegedmigration

pathwaysofaffluentamenitymigrants.Whencontrastedwiththelegalandsocialobstacles

ofmigrationexperiencedbyeconomicmigrantsandrefugeepopulations,scholarshave

assertedthatamenitymigrantsfrequentlyreceivepreferentialtreatmentbyreceiving

nationsintheGlobalSouthduetotheirwealth,racialidentity,andcitizenshipstatus

(Benson,2013;Spalding,2013;Barrantes-Reynolds,2011).Inparticular,migrantsfromthe

GlobalNortharenotconsideredarisktonationalmodernityandidentityofreceiving

nations,duetotheperceptionofwhitenessamongaffluentpopulations(Escher&

Peterman,2013;Mollett,2016,Sigler,2015).Asaresultofthisperception,national

securitizationmeasuresenforcedthroughimmigration,investment,andownershiplaws

arenotimplementedevenlyacrossthebodiesofdifferentmigratorypopulations.In

Panama,retiredforeignersareabletoqualifyfora‘Pensionados’visaiftheyreceivea

pensionthroughagovernmentprogramorprivatebusinessequaltoatleast$1000a

month.Aspartofthisprogrampensionersareallowedaone-timetaxexemptionon

importedgoodsandareabletoreceivediscountsoncommercialpurchases(Sigler,2015;

Dorosh&Klytchnikova;2013).InthecountriesofMoroccoandThailand,amenitymigrants

andresidentialtouristsareabletopurchasehomesandbusinesseswithoutobtaining

23

officialresidency(Janoschka&Haas,2013).Althoughtourist,work,andresidencyvisasare

available,federalgovernmentsfacilitatetheundocumentedmigrationofamenity

populationsfromtheGlobalNorthbyonlychargingasmallfeeifaffluentmigrantsoverstay

thestipulatedtimeframewithoutavisa(Janoschka&Haas,2013).InthecountryofCosta

Rica,foreignpopulationswithoutdomesticcitizenshipareallowedtoownpropertyintheir

ownnameorthenameofacorporation.Asaresultofthispractice,foreignpopulationsare

giventhesamerightstopurchasinglandascitizensofCostaRica(Barrantes-Reynolds,

2011).Thepurposeofthesepoliciesistoencouragetouriststoinvestinthesecountriesby

reducingthecomplicatedbureaucracyprocess(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.619;Jackiewicz

&Craine,2010).However,scholarshaveassertedthatavarietyofnegativeenvironmental,

economic,andsocialeffectsfrequentlyoffsetthebenefitsofamenitymigrationtoreceiving

nations.Amenitymigrantenclaveshavebeenresponsibleforincreasedpollution,reduced

accesstoresourcesforlocalpopulations,andthedestructionofvariousecosystemson

CostaRica’sPacificcoastandPanama’sAtlanticcoast(VanNoorloos,2011;Barrantes-

Reynolds,2011;Spalding,2013;Mollett,2016).Foreigninvestmentandthegrowthof

tourismenclavesinCentralAmericahaveresultedinthedisplacementoflocalpopulations

duetotherisingcostofliving(Spalding,2013,Benson,2013).Environmentaldegradation

inconjunctionwithincreasedprivatizationinBocasdelToro,Panamahasmade

sustenancecultivationandfishingmoredifficult,forcinglocalresidentstobecome

increasinglyreliantonamenitymigrantsforemployment(Mollett,2016;Mollett,2017,

Spalding,2013).Powerrelationsintheregionthathavebeeninformedbyraciallogicsand

socio-economicinequalityhavealsofacilitatedthesexualandphysicalabuseoflocal

femaleworkersbyaffluentforeignmigrants(Mollett,2017).Forthesereasonsscholarsof

tourismandmigrationhaveassertedthatwithoutproperregulationandoversightbythe

federalgovernment,amenitymigrationcannegativelyinfluencelocaleconomiesandsocial

relations,disproportionatelyaffectinglowincomeandracializedpopulations(Dorosh&

Klytchnikova,2013).

2.3MarketingCulturalDifference:TheRoleof“Other”intheTourismIndustry

24

Withinthetourismindustry,constructionsofculturaldifferenceremainaprincipal

factorthatinfluencesthedestinationselectionandmobilityofspecifictouristpopulations

(Sheller,2015).Theintersectionsofidentityandculturaldifferentiationrenderplacesand

peopledesirableorundesirableforvariouskindsoftourists(Urry&Sheller,2004).As

discussedbyscholarsofsextourism,differencesingender,sexuality,andpowerhelps

constructgeographicimaginariesofplaces,people,andinteractionsbetweenvisitorsand

locals(Jacobs,2011;Morgan&Pritchard,2000;McKlintock,1995).Researchonfemalesex

tourisminEgyptillustratesthat“thatwestern(mostlywhite)womenwhosleepwithlocal

meninthirdworldtouristresortsexploittheirfirstworldandracialprivilegesintheir

searchforasexualisedandracialised‘other”(Jacobs,2011,p.44). ThedesertinEgyptis

essentialtogeographicimaginariesofsextourists,whounderstandthenaturallandscape

toexistoutsideof‘timeandplace’(Jacobs,2011,p.44).InthearchipelagoofBocasdel

Toro,femaleAfro-Antilleanworkersarefrequentlyharassedandexploitedbythewhite

EuropeanandNorthAmericanemployers(Mollett,2017).Thepersistentrepresentationof

racializedwomeninPanamaasbeing“lessthanhuman”,supportedbylegalandcultural

frameworks,isgroundedincoloniallogicspersistentlyexercisedinPanama’sCaribbean

coast(Mollett,2017,p.4).Althoughrace,gender,wealth,andmobilitycaninfluence

conceptualunderstandingofthe“other”andtouristbehaviourinplace,sotoocanpolitical

andsocialtransformationstoparticularregions(Urry&Sheller,2004).Inthecontextof

Nicaragua,tourismmarketingco-optedthecountry’shistoryofsocialismandtwentieth

century‘revolution’asamarketablestrategytoenvironmentallyandsociallyconscious

tourists(Babb,2004,p.542).TherefashioningofNicaragua’sconflictfortourismdollars

demonstratesabroadertrendintheindustrywithrevolutionary,war,anddisastertourism

becomingincreasinglycommon(Babb,2004).InthecontextofEgypt,Panama,and

Nicaragua,specificandoftenintersectingaspectsofculturaldifferentiationarea

marketable‘product’foreachtouristattraction.

Scholarsoftourismhaveassertedthathistoricallogicscontinuetobeaprincipal

factorintheconceptualunderstandingandmaterialcontingenciesoftourismplaces

(Sheller,2015;Urry,2004).Byexaminingrepetitivenarrativesthatappearintravel

discourse,scholarshavebeenabletoidentifytherelationbetweencolonialismand

contemporarypatternsofshortandlong-termmigration(Guerron-Montero,2014;Benson,

25

2013).AsdescribedbyEchtnerandPrasad,the“mythoftheunchanged”and“mythofthe

unrestrained”remaintwoofthemostcommondiscoursesincontemporarytravelmedia

(2003,p.669).Tourismregionsarecategorizedas“unchanged”whentheirnaturaland

builtenvironmentsascribedtoidealsofaparticularhistoricalperiod(Urry,1992,p.183).

Forthisreason,tourismdestinationsareimaginedinbothspatialandtemporalrealms

(Urry,1992,p.184).ThecelebrationofthePanamaCanalandAmericanZonecanbe

understoodasthecelebrationofadefinitiveeraintheimperialistexpansionofTheUnited

States.Theseconddiscourseofrepresentationintourismliteratureisthemythofthe

unrestrained(Echtner&Prasad,2003,p.672).Thisnarrativeisdependentontheconcept

ofamodernparadisethatisdistinctandremovedfromcurrent,everydayprocessesand

burdens.Intheunrestrainedparadise,sensuality,sexuality,andthesubmissivenessof

racializedbodiesandcalmingnaturalenvironmentsareessential(Echtner&Parad,2003,

p.672;McKittrick,2006;Morgan&Pritchard,2000,p.117).Intrinsictothisrepresentation

isaromanticizedversionofcolonialexploitationthatreliesonsharedperceptionsof

gender,sexuality,andpersonalrelations(Echtner&Parad,2003,p.672;Morgan&

Pritchard,2000,p.117).Inparticular,statementsarethatdescribetheareaas“paradise”

drawonromanticizedcolonialdiscourses,despitehighincidenceofpoverty,displacement,

andracismintheregion(Guerron-Montero,2011).

26

Figure3:PrivateDockinOldBank,BocasdelToro,Panama:KylaEgan(March,2018).

InthecontextofPanama,therepresentationofparadiseisanextremelycommonin

travelliterature.Inparticular,academicsassertthatthecolonialrelationspresentonthe

isthmusoverthepastfivecenturieshavebeenaccompaniedbythegeographicimaginary

ofparadisewiththebodies,landscape,andcultureofPanamaasrepresentedbycolonial

actors(GuerronMontero,2011;GuerronMontero,2014;Janoschka&Haas,2013;Spalding,

2013).Inparticular,thethemeofparadiseiscomposedandintersectswithother

Eurocentricnarratives,includingexoticism,bodilypleasures,andromanticizednostalgiain

tourismliterature(GuerronMontero,2011,p.28).Touristscontinuetoviewtropical

destinationspacesascarefree,tranquil,and‘giftsofnature’(GuerronMontero,2011,p.4).

27

Despitetheseimaginingsofparadise,areaswithextensivetourismmarketsoftenhavehigh

ratesofpovertyandinequality(Ferguson,2011;Wilson,2011).Lowerincome

communitiesintheseareasarenotconsideredessentialtogrowthandarethustreatedasa

superfluouspopulationthatcanbedispossessedinthenameofeconomicdevelopment

(Nixon,2011,p.151;Mollett,2016).Forthisreason,scholarsarguethataffluent

populationsjustifytheirownmigrationpracticesbyrelyingonsociallyconstructednotions

ofparadise;despiteclearevidencethatcontradictsthesenarratives(Benson,2011,p.

1689).Thetourismindustry,hostcountries,andmigrantsfromtheglobalNorthwork

togethertoperpetuatethese‘imaginings’inordertosupporteconomicallyandindividually

beneficialpracticesforprivilegedtouristsfromtheGlobalNorth,attheexpenseoflocal

populations(Benson,2011,p.1684-1689).

2.4:HistoricizingthePresent:ThevalueofHistoricalGeographyasaMethodological

ApproachtotheStudyofEmpire

Thisthesisutilizesthemethodologicalapproachofhistoricalgeography,whichis

definedas“geographicstudyofaplaceorregioninthepastorthestudyofgeographic

changeinaplaceorregionoveraperiodoftime”(EncyclopediaBritannica,2017).Scholars

ofgeographyhaveassertedthathistoricalgeographyasamethodologicalpracticecan

facilitategreaterunderstandingofspaceandplaceasitallowsforbothhistoricaland

spatialdiscernmentwithinthediscipline(Domosh&Morin,2003;Schein,2011;Salda

Portio,2016).Historicalgeographyisusefultoscholarsasitfacilitatesspatial

understandingsofthepast,aswellasthecontinuationofhistoricallogicsinthepresent

(Stoler,2002;Mollett,2017;Raghuram&Clare,2006).Stoler(2016)commentsuponthe

lingeringeffectsofimperialknowledgeproductionasanexampleofthisphenomenon,

“Colonialpasts,thenarrativesrecountedaboutthem,theunspokendistinctionsthey

continueto“cue”,theaffectivechargestheyreactivate,andtheimplicit“lessons”theyare

mobilizedtoimpartaresometimessoineffablythreadedthroughthefabricof

contemporarylifeformstheyseemindiscernibleasdistincteffects,asifeverywhereand

nowhereatall”(p.5).AsStoler(2016)illustrates,theinvestigationofimperialnarratives

andotherformsofhistoricallogicsrevealsthepersistenceofparticularunderstandings

betweenandwithindifferenttemporalandspatialperiods.Thepracticesandapproaches

28

ofhistoricalgeographyfacilitatetheidentificationoftheseprocesses,aswellasthe

historicizationofthepresent(Mollett,2017;Raghuram&Clare,2006;SaldanaPortio,

2016).InthecontextofLatinAmerica,Mollett(2017)illustrateshowcolonialknowledge

productioninfluencesthematerialcontingenciesofracialdifferenceinmoderncontexts,

“Indeed,colonialandpostcolonialpowerinLatinAmericaiscomprisedofbothmodernity

andcoloniality,whereracialsubjugationandsuperiorityarematerializedthroughthe

entangledprocessesoflandappropriation,religioushegemony,andtheforcedlaborof

indigenousandblackbodies”(p.6),Byexaminingtheinfluencesofhistoricalrelationson

modernspacesandbodies,historicalgeography“continuestoemphasizeitsunique

perspective”byusingthe“historicalrecordtodevelopatheoreticalargumentthrough

whichtotellastory”(Birge-Liberman,2010;Mitchell,1996).Forthisreason,historical

geographyisthemostappropriatemethodologicalpracticetocontextualizediscussionsof

affluentmigrationtoPanamawithinbroaderdiscussionsofAmericannationbuildingand

imperiallogics.

Inthefieldofhistoricalgeography,methodologicalpracticepredominantlyrelieson

thearchiveasaprimarysourceofdata.Ashistoricalapproacheswereincorporatedmore

fullyinthefieldofgeography,theacceptanceofthearchiveasanappropriatespaceequal

toethnographicresearch“Signalledalegitimacyofhistoricalscholarshipthatextended

beyondgeographytootherdisciplines,historyinparticular”(Schein,2011,p.13).For

scholarsofgeography,avarietyofmethodologicalquestionsemergedastheuseof

historicalarchiveswasmorewidelyacceptedwithinthediscipline.Firstly,geographers

wereencouragedtoexaminethearchiveasitsown“siteofknowledgeproduction”where

differentvoiceswereprivilegedorsilenceddependingonavarietyofgeographic

landscapesandpowerhierarchies(Schein,2011;Stoler,2002,p.87).Stolercontendsthat

thiscanbeachievedbyexaminingthearchiveascolonialprojectthatcontains“both

transparenciesonwhichpowerrelationswereinscribedandintricatetechnologiesofrule

inthemselves”(2002,p.87).Secondly,Domoshalsointerrogatedthemethodological

practicesofhistoricalgeographyinregardtoarchivalresearch.Inparticular,Domosh

contends,“theepistemologicalandmethodologicalassumptionsofhistoricalgeography

havenotbeenseriouslychallenged”inregardtoconstructionsofdifferencesuchasgender

withintheinvestigationofthearchivaldocuments(Domosh,1997,p.226).Addressing

29

theseconcerns,geographersencouragedthatextractivearchivalactivitybeusedin

conjunctionwiththeanalysisofdiscursivelyconstructedconceptsandtheapplicationof

theoreticalperspectives(Stoler,2002;Domosh&Morin,2003,Schein,2011).The

combineduseofthesemethodologicalpracticescomplimentsarchivalresearchasameans

of“interactionbetweentheresearcherandpastvoicesembeddedinthedocuments”

(Birge-Liberman,2010).Thus,scholarsinthefieldofgeographyhavecontendedthat

discourseanalysisisausefulmechanismforarchivalanalysis,asitis“concernedwiththe

constitutionofknowledgeontheonehandandpowerrelations,subjectivities,and

identitiesontheother,”whichhelpstorevealvoicestraditionallyprivilegedorhiddenin

historicalarchives(Birge-Liberman,2010,Schein,2011).Forthisreasonthemethodology

ofhistoricalgeography,inconjunctionwiththeuseofarchivaldiscourseanalysisisan

appropriatemethodfortheexaminationofNorthAmerican,European,andPanamanian

historicalpublicationsinthisthesis,aswellasthepersistenceofthesediscursiveelements

inmoderntravelsources.

2.5ResearchMethods:TheDiscursiveAnalysisofArchivalandModernTravel

Narratives

Datacollectionforthisprojecthasbeendividedintotwoseparatetimeperiods.

First,historicaldatawascollectedfromarchivalnewspapersandmagazinesinTheUnited

States,Canada,Britain,andPanamafrom1880-1950.Articlesfromthistimeperiod

coincidewiththeFrenchconstructionofthecanal,Panamanianindependencefrom

Columbia,legalandmilitarycontrolofthePanamaCanalZonebytheUnitedStatesandthe

earlydevelopmentofthetourismindustryinPanama(McCullough,1977).Inparticular,

TheAmericannewspapersthatwereusedfordatacollectionwerechosenfortheir

geographiclocationinTheUnitedStates,aswellastheirpopularity.TheNewYorkTimes,

TheBostonGlobe,TheChicagoTribune,TheLosAngelesTimes,TheSanFranciscoChronicle,

TheAtlantaConstitution,andTheWashingtonPostwerechosenfordatacollection

purposes.NewspapersinCanadaandBritainwerealsousedincludingTheTorontoStar,

TheGlobeandMail,TheObserver,andTheGuardian.ThePanamaSunandHeraldwasthe

mostpopularEnglishnewspaperinTheCanalZoneandoftenusedasasourcefor

American,British,andCanadiannewsstories.ForthisreasonTheSunandHeraldwasalso

30

includedinthedatacollectionprocess.Allnewspapersmentionedwereaccessedusing

ProQuestandarticleswerefoundusinganinternalsearchengine.Termsusedwithinthe

searchengineincludedbutwerenotlimitedto:travel,tourism,TheUnitedStates,

American,workers,labour,steamer,immigration,migration,BocasdelToro,white,black,

native,Indigenous,inhabitant,race,andTheUnitedFruitCompany.Inaddition,magazines

thatwerecirculatedwidelyinNorthAmericasuchasHarpar’sBazaarandNational

Geographicwerealsousedinthedatacollectionprocessandaccessedthroughthe

magazines’onlinearchives.

Inaddition,historicaldatacollectionwasalsocompletedusingautobiographical

novelsofAmericanslivingandvisitingPanamaduringthistimeperiod.Mostofthese

autobiographicalnovelsalsofunctionastravelguidesforAmericantourists,whowere

interestedinvisitingtheCanalZonefrom1907-1914duringconstruction.Thesehistorical

novelsincludedTheCanalZonePilot:GuidetotheRepublicofPanamaandClassified

BusinessDirectory(Bienkowski&Haskins,1908),TheZonePoliceman88:ACloseRange

StudyofthePanamaCanalanditsWorkers(Franck,1913),GlimpsesofPanamaandthe

Canal(McCarty,1913),FiftyYearsatPanama:1861-1911(Robinson,1911),andIncidents

ofTravelinCentralAmerica,Chiapas,andtheYucatan(Stephens,1841).Autobiographical

novelswereselectedfromthereferencesofDavidMcCullough’s1977bookThePath

BetweentheSeas:TheCreationofthePanamaCanal1870-1914,aswellasscholarlyarticles

thatfocusedonthehistoricaldevelopmentofthePanamaCanalZone(Frenkel,2002;

Frenkel,1992;Scott,2016).

Thesecondperiodofdatacollectionfocusedoncontemporarytravelliteratureboth

inprintandonline.Inparticular,thecontemporarytimeperiodfortourismemergedin

PanamaaftertheUnitedStatesgovernmentremovedPresidentNoriegafrompowerin

1989.Forthisreasonthecontemporarydatacollectionoftravelliteraturefocusedonthe

years1990topresent.Thesamenewspapersourceswereusedasthehistoricalperiodin

ordertofacilitateacomparisonoftravelnarratives.Thesesourcesinclude,TheNewYork

Times,TheBostonGlobe,TheChicagoTribune,TheLosAngelesTimes,TheSanFrancisco

Chronicle,TheAtlantaConstitution,TheWashingtonPost,TorontoStar,GlobeandMail,The

GuardianandTheObserver.Inadditiontothesesourcesavarietyofotherprintsources

werealsoutilized,suchaspopularmagazinesHarpar’sBazaar,NationalGeographic,Conde

31

Nast,InternationalLiving,andTravelandLeisure.Accesstomagazineandnewspaper

articleswasprovidedthrougheachpublication’swebsiteandinternalsearchengine.Data

collectionalsofocusedontravelguidesspecifictoPanamaincludingFodors,RoughGuides,

andTheLonelyPlanet.OnlinesourcesfocusedontravelblogsincludingNomadicMatt,The

BlondeAbroad,WikiTravel,andTripAdvisor.LocalPanamaniannewsandblogsitessuchas

TheBocasBreeze,ThePanamaGuide,PanamaNewsroom,TheBulletinPanama,andThe

VisitorPanamawerealsoutilized.Finally,datawascollectedfromtheofficialtourism

websiteofPanama(Visitpanama.com)aswellasbothtourismwebsitesforBocasdelToro

(bocasdeltoro.com&bocasdeltoro.travel).Magazine,blogs,andguidebookswerechosen

duetotheirbrandpopularityandinclusioninvariousacademicjournalarticlesand

discussionsontravelliterature.Inallcasesthecontemporarydatacollectionfocusedon

thedescriptionsofpeopleandplaceinPanama,aswellasadvicefortravellersand

potentialexpatriatesonwhattoexpectintheIsthmus.

Inaddition,contemporaryautobiographicaltravelnarrativeswerealsocollectedfor

thisstudy.TheauthorsofthesetextswereoftenresidentialtouristsbasedinPanamaCity

orBocasdelTorothatwantedtosharetheirexperiencesandadviceregardingthe

migrationandsettlementoftouristsinPanama.Thesebooksinclude,Yourcomplete

PanamaExpatGuide:TheTellItLikeItIsGuidetoRelocate,Escape,andStartOverin

Panama2016(Acero,2016),Don’tKillTheCowTooQuick:AnEx-Pat’sAdventures

HomesteadinginPanama(Henderson,2004),Superstition,Pirates,Ghosts,andFolkloreof

BocasdelToro,Panama(Henderson,2012),IslandExperiences(Matrishon,2013),The

GringoGuidetoPanama:WhattoknowBeforeYouGo(Murphy,2013),ParadiseDelayed:

OurNewLivesinthewildofBocasdelToro,Panama(Usher,2013),andEuriskoSailsWest:A

YearinPanama(McBride,2012).Theseautobiographicalbookswereselectedfromthe

AmazonwebsitewithsearchtermssuchasPanama,LifeinPanama,BocasdelToro,

Boquete,PanamaCity,andtourisminPanama.

Articlesthatwereselectedfrommodernandarchivalsourceswerecodedfor

themesusingamanualdiscourseanalysis.Firstly,passagesofdiscoursedeterminedtobe

importantwerehighlightedbytheresearcherandplacedintoaworddocument.Secondly,

discoursewasmanuallycodedforthemesconsideredtobeimportanttobroader

discussionsofmigration,tourism,racism,spatiality,andidentityasinformedbyacademic

32

discussioninthefieldofgeography.Thisresultedinthefinalthemesofgovernance,

hygiene,infrastructure,tourism,resourcedevelopment,labour,Indigenousrepresentation,

culturalimperialism,escapism,andthemoderncelebrationofcolonialism.Thepurposeof

thematicanalysisinthiscircumstancewastoillustrateacongruentrelationshipbetween

thediscoursespresentinarchivalandcontemporarypublications,andhowthese

discoursesmayinfluencetheexpectations,perspectives,andactionsofmigrant

populationsfromthe1880suntil2017.Thisformofanalysiswasselectedbecauseitallows

foracomparisonacrossdatasetstoidentifypatternsandrelationships.(Pettyetal.,2012,

p.381).

InFebruaryandMarchof2018,IconductedaresearchtriptoPanamaCityand

BocasdelTorooveratwo-weekperiod.Duringthistrip,Ivisitedvarioussitesthatwere

consideredimportanttonarrativesofPanamaniannationbuildingsuchastheMiraflores

Locks,PanamaCanalMuseum,Ancón,andPanamaViejo.InBocasdelToro,Ivisitedthe

TourismAuthorityOffice,BastimientosTown,andTheRedFrogBeachResort.Mydata

collectionmethodsincludedparticipantobservation,photography,informalunstructured

interviews,andthecollectionoftourismliterature.Fieldnotesweretakenattheendof

eachday,withspecialattentiondirectedtowardsinterpersonaldiscussionsandthe

presentationofPanama’snationalhistoryingovernmentsponsoredtourismsites.Imetall

oftheparticipantsforinformalunstructuredinterviewsattheseandotherlocations

popularwithinternationaltourists,includingtheBocasdelToroairportandCascoViejo.

Forthisreason,participantsfortheinterviewsweregatheredthroughunplanned

encounters.InallcircumstancesIidentifiedmyselfasaresearcherandaskedforverbal

consentbeforeengaginginaninterviewwithparticipants.Interviewslastedfrom15

minutesto60minutes.TourismliteraturewascollectedfromtheTourismAuthorityoffice,

airports,hotels,andmuseums.Thedatacollectedfrominterviews,participantobservation,

andtourismliteraturewasalsocodedusingathematicanalysis(Pettyetal,2012).The

samemanualprocessofdiscourseanalysiswasusedtoidentifyandorganizerelevant

discourseintothemesfrominterviewsandfieldnotesasthediscourseanalysisofarchival

andmoderntravelliterature.

33

Figure4:AerialViewofBocasdelToroArchipelago:KylaEgan(March,2018)

34

ChapterThree:“PanamaUndertheStarsandStripes”ArchivalNewspapersandMagazinesfrom1880-1950

3.1TheFunctionofNewspapersinImperialNationBuilding

Archivalnewspaperswerechosenforthisstudyduetotheirroleasthe

predominantpublicmediumduringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.Inparticular,

federalpoliciesinstitutedduringthenineteenthcenturyestablishedthesubsidizationof

newspapertransportationthroughthenationalpostservice(John,2000).TheUnited

Statesgovernmentalsopromotedcommunicationamongnationaleditorsbyimplementing

thefreeexchangeofnewspapersbetweencompanies(John,2000).Asaresultofthese

initiatives,reportsfromgeographicallydistantcitiesandstateswereincludedin

newspapersthatpreviouslyfocusedonlocalevents(John,2000).Forthefirsttime,

Americancitizenswereregularlyinformedoneventsandopinionsfromotherareasofthe

UnitedStates(Schudson,1991).By1840,approximately40millionnewspaperswere

transmittedthroughthemail,althoughresearchersindicatethatthenumberofreaders

weremuchgreaterduetothecommunaluseofeachtext(John,2000).Thenewspaperhad

becomeasourcetojoinAmericanreadersacrossthenation.Thegrowthofthenewspaper

industryduetothetransformationofprintingtechnologyanddevelopmentofthenational

postservicealsochangedthewaycommunitywasunderstood.Previously,newspapers

wereusedtodeveloplocalcommunitiesbysupportingtheconnectionbetweenthe

individualreaderandtheregioninwhichtheylived(Nord,2001).Inparticular,

newspaperspromotedevents,news,andevengossipthatjoinedindividualsincommon

interest(Nord2001).

ForcoloniesoftheUnitedStates,asimilarprocessofconnectionandcommunity

tookplace(Schudson,1991;Nord2001).InthecontextofPanama,reportsfromthe

Isthmusallowedreaderstofeelincludedindiscussionsofeconomic,political,andsocial

affairs,despitetheirgeographicaldistancefromtheseeventsathomeintheUnitedStates

(Schudson,1991).Asaresult,readersofdomesticnewspapersimaginedPanamaaspartof

theUnitedStatesandwhite-collarworkersinTheCanalZoneasmembersoftheir

Americancommunity.Theprogressionoftransportationtechnologyanddevelopmentof

nationalsystemsfacilitatedtherapidtransmissionofmessagesfromPanamaacross

35

geographicdistances.Forexamplein1906,threeyearsaftertheacquisitionofThePanama

CanalZonebytheUnitedStates,PresidentTheodoreRooseveltcompletedadiplomatic

tourofPanamaandPuertoRico.ThiseventwasthefirststatevisitoutsideoftheUnited

Statesbyasittingpresident(McCullough,1977).Journalistsandphotographersfollowed

PresidentRoosevelttotheIsthmus,documentinghisencouragingwordstowardsthestill

strugglingengineeringproject.OnNovember15,aphotographwaspublishedthatshowed

PresidentRooseveltmanningalargesteamshovelinawhitelinensuit(McCullough,1977).

ThecirculationofthisphotographinconjunctionwiththepublicationofPresident

Roosevelt’sencouragingspeechesinmajornewspapersacrosstheUnitedStateswas

consideredessentialtoboostingthemoraleoftheAmericanpublicinregardstoslowly

progressingPanamaCanalproject(McCullough,1977).

36

Figure5:PresidentTheodoreRooseveltPosingForaPhotograph(McCullough,1977,p.

430)

Duetothesefactors,thejournalisticdisseminationofPanamanianinformationwas

essentialinthepublicsupportofTheCanalZoneasterritoryoftheUnitedStatesboth

materiallyandconceptually.TheconstructionoftheCanal,migrationofAmericanworkers,

andsubsequentdevelopmentofAmericantourismtotheregionwasportrayedpositively

innationalnewspapersformassaudiences(McCullough,1977;Nord,2001;Salvatore,

1998).Forthisreason,thestoriesthatappearedinAmericannewspapersregarding

PanamaandAmericancitizensoftheisthmuswereanincrediblyimportantfactorforthe

geographicalimaginationsunderpinningnationbuildingintheUnitedStates.

37

Newspaperswereresponsibleforthetransmissionofimagesandnarrativesfrom

PanamatotheUnitedStatesfosteredpublicsupportforthePanamaCanalZoneproject.In

particular,thepowerofthenewspaperwasincrediblyimportanttoelitepopulationswho

wereabletodiscussandencourageavarietyofactionsthroughtheprintingpress(John,

2000).InrelationtoPanama,newspapersallowedgovernmentofficialsandnationalistic

reporterstoportraythestrugglingCanalZoneasasuburban‘paradise’,aperfectsettingto

raiseafamilyandfindwellpayingworkforwhiteAmericanmen.Forbusinessinterests,

newspapersoftenincludedinformationthatspeculatedupontheresourceslyingin

Panama,“TheRepublicisalmostentirelyundevelopedandintheevolutionofthefutureI

thinktherecouldbemanychangesforAmericansandotherstomakemoney”(Carpenter,

1905).AstimeprogressedandTheCanalZonebecameincreasinglyhabitable,newspapers

publishedadviceonhowtotraveltoandwithinthePanamanianisthmusforupperclass

tourists.AtravelwriterfortheNewYorkTimeswritesaddressestouristsin1949,

“ThefundamentalconfusionconcernsSouthAmericaitself,itsbasicgeographyandcharacteristics.Thebestadviceforpotentialtravelersbeingthis:getoutyourmapandtakeagoodlookatitbeforeyoupackupallyouroldmisconceptionsandsetoutforSouthAmerica”(NewYorktimes,1949).

Tourismdevelopedinconjunctionwithstreamlinersandaccommodationintheisthmus,

withadvertisementsfortheseservicesbeingincreasinglycirculatedaroundtheUnited

States(Duque,1912).Forthesereasons,elitebusinessinterestsincludingtourism,

resourcedevelopment,andpoliticalpropagandawerereliantonthenewspaperindustry’s

interpretationsofthePanamaCanal.Thesestoriesappealedtomanyreaders,butin

particularsoughttheinterestofelitepopulationswhopossessedthefinancialmeansto

traveltoPanama,investintheIsthmus,andsupportthepoliticalpartiesresponsibleforthe

engineeringsuccess.

ThediscoursespertainingtoPanamainnewspapersfromtheUnitedStates,Canada,

Britain,andPanamaareimportanttothestudyofhumangeography.Inparticular,the

popularityofnewspaperarticlesregardingPanamaspurredsubstantialmigrationbetween

theUnitedStatesandtheIsthmus(Salvatore,1998;Scott,2016).Economically,white-

collarworkersfromtheUnitedStateswereattractedtothePanamaCanalZonebecauseof

theemploymentopportunitiesandhighqualityoflifethatwasadvertisedinnewspapers

38

(Duque,1904).AnauthorfromNationalGeographicdescribeslifeandworkforAmericans

intheZone,

“PeopleacceptZonejobsasmuchforthecommissaryprivilegesasforthewage.Commissariesaregovernment-operatedstoreswhereworkersandtheirfamiliesmaybuyfoodstuffsandsuppliesofallkindspracticallyatcost.Withhighschoolplays,itslodgemeetings,anditsbridgeclubsocial,lifewithintheZoneiscompletelyself-contained.IhavetalkedwithAmericanswhohadlivedintheCanalZoneformorethanthirtyyearsandyetcouldnotspeakSpanish”(NationalGeographic,1941,p.593).Thepopulationofshort-termvisitorsandtouriststhatmigratedtotheisthmuseachyear

substantiallyincreasedthroughoutthetwentiethcenturyinconjunctionwiththegrowthof

mediaattention.From1907onwards,reportsthatpositivelydescribedtheIsthmus

inspiredtouriststogazeuponthechangesmadetoPanamaforthemselves,

“ThedesiretoseethegreatworkbeingunfoldedacrosstheIsthmusisastrongonewithmanyAmericans.Inthisvastcountrythereareplentyofthingstoadmireandtowonderat,sopeopleneedtoberemindedofthecanalasawonderoftheworld“(PanamaStar&Herald,1910).

Theadvertisementsandreportswhichappearedinpopularnewspapersalsocontributed

tothegrowthoftransportationsystems,suchassteamliners,airplaneroutes,andpost

service,thatmadetravelandcommunicationpossiblebetweentheUnitedStatesand

Panama(TheChicagoTribune,1935;TheNewYorkTimes,1919).Politically,newspapers

weretheprincipalmediumforgovernmentofficialstodisseminatetheirpoliticalagendain

Panamatothepublic.Supportforthequestionableinterventionandacquisitionofthe

CanalZonebytheUnitedStates,aswellaspoliticalsupportforfundingtheCanalproject

wasprincipallygainedthroughlargenewspapers(Nord,2001).In1919thePanamaStar

andHeraldcommentedontheimperialistactionsofTheodoreRooseveltinseparating

PanamafromColombia,"WhiletheremightbecontroversyoftheacquisitionsoftheCanal

Zonetherecanbenonaboutthematerialandsanitaryresultsobtained(1919,PanamaStar

andHerald).Forthisreason,adiscourseanalysisofnewspapersisessentialin

understandingthenarrativesthatinspiredhumanmigrationfromtheUnitedStatesto

Panama.

ForAmerican,Panamanian,andinternationalreaders,theconstructionofthe

PanamaCanalandresidentialZonewereconsideredatriumphovernaturebytheUnited

39

Statesgovernment(Frenkel,1996).Formanytouriststheprimaryreasonfortraveltothe

regionwastoseethetransformationoftopographyandbuiltformsoftheCanal.In

particular,theimplementationofsanitaryandinfrastructuresystemswithinthe

Panamaniantropicswasconsideredanimportantchangetothelivabilityoftheregionand

colonizationinitiativesbytheUnitedStates(Sutter,2016).OutsideoftheCanalZonein

ruralareasofPanama,newspapersoftenreportedandencouragedthesettlementof

Americanresidents.Thesediscoursesfocusedontheabilityfornewsettlerstotametheir

environmentalsurroundingsandthrivewithinthechallengingtropicalecosystems

(Carpenter,1914).In1914theNewYorkTimestoldreadersthatforAmericanmigrantsin

Panama“Thetaskwastobringintoawildernessscourgedbydreadfuldiseasesanew

civilizationandregime”(NewYorkTimes,1914).

3.2“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”:GeographicImaginariesofAmericanGovernanceinthePanamaCanalZone

PanamawasoftenrepresentedasneedingAmericanimperialismandinnovationby

popularnewspapersintheUnitedStates.Initially,discoursesreferringtotheefficacyof

eachconsecutiveadministrationandcontroversyregardingsovereignpossessionofthe

ZoneemergedduringtheFrenchoccupancyoftheCanalZoneinthelatenineteenth

century.In1877,theFrenchNavyLieutenantLucienWysetravelledinthenameofthe

publiccompanyLaSocieteCivileInternationaleCanalInteroceaniquetonegotiateatreaty

withtheColombiangovernment,includingpresentdayPanama.Asafoundingmemberof

thepubliccompany,andunderrequestbybureaucratFerdinandDeLesseps,Lieutenant

WysenegotiatedatreatyknownastheWyseConcession,whichgrantedexclusiverightsto

SocieteCiviletobuildaCanalthroughPanamanianterritory.Afterobtainingpermission,

thefoundersoftheFrenchCompanysoughtfundingfortheprojectoverthenextfouryears

andcommencedconstructionin1881(McCullough,1977).AsSocieteCivileinitiatedthe

plansfortheworld’slargestengineeringproject,Americannewspapersassumedan

interestinthedailyoperationsoftheCanal,aswellasPanama’stransforminglandscapes.

Initially,newspapersnegativelydescribedthepolitical,economic,andphysicalattributes

oftheIsthmus.AwriterfromtheChicagoTribunestateduponhisreturnfromPanamain

1881,“IfanyofyourfriendsthinkofgoingtoPanama,advisethemnotto.Ineversawa

40

moresickly,povertystricken,andforsakenpeople”(1881,p.6).AwriterfromtheSan

FranciscoChroniclestatedthat,“Noonecanbetolerablysafe,exceptforthehalf-indian

half-negronatives”(1885,p.5).Duetothetropicaltemperatureandl8monthrainyseason,

theIsthmuswasknownforitsmosquitos,yellowfever,andmalaria,whichwasblamedon

Panama’s“miasmaticwilderness”(Carpenter,1898,p.28).Panama’stropicallandscapes

wererepresentedasdangeroustowhitepopulations,“Itrainstenmonthsintheyearsand

apoisonousinsectlurksundereverystoneandnakedignorantblacksarealmostyouronly

companions”(SanFranciscoChronicle,1902,p.4).Thepoliticalcharacterizationof

Panama’sgovernmentwasalsoregardedastumultuousduetotheprevalenceofrebellion

againstColombia’scolonialforcesandconflictintheCentralAmericanregion.Despite

receivingindependencefromSpainin1821andsubsequentlyjoiningColombia,many

Panamaniansobjectedtoanewconstitutionformedin1843thatdiminishedPanama’s

politicalagencybyBogota(Anguizola,etal,2018).Forthisreason,conflictbetween

PanamanianpoliticalinterestgroupsandtheColombiangovernmentwascommonduring

thenineteenthcentury.AnauthorfromtheNewYorkTimescommentedin1890,“Allthat

canbesaidisthis,thattakingintoconsiderationtheextentofCentralAmericaandits

inhabitants,thedisturbancesthereareentirelyoutofproportiontothestatistical

conditions”(NewYorkTimes,1890).Americancommentatorsalsofreelyexpressed

criticismoftheFrenchcompany’sprogressinconstructionofthecanalandfinancial

expenditure.Atthetime,theFrenchprojecthadexperienceddelaysduetotheunique

topography,climate,anddiseasesofthetropics,whichposedachallengetothesuccessof

theCanal.TheFrenchwereindisputablyunpreparedfortherainyseasoninPanamathat

contributedtolandslides,rustedequipment,andtheproliferationofmosquitopopulations.

AmericanLieutenantWilliamKimballwhotouredtheFrenchPanamaCanalZone

describedthepersistentchallengesexperiencedbytheFrenchgovernmentas,“Unforeseen

andvexatious,aswellasstupendousandapparentlyinsuperable,difficultiesareconstantly

occurring”(McCullough,1977,p.180).Throughoutthelatenineteenthcenturythe

mortalityrateduetomalariaandyellowfeverskyrocketed(Robinson,1907).Asmanyas

200workersdiedeverymonthfrommosquitobornedisease,withinfectedpersonsonly

facinga50%survivalrate(McCullough,1977,p.138-142,161).Thepoorlivingand

workingconditionsoftheCanalprojectimpactedthereputationoftheZone,knownto

41

manyasthe“whiteman’sgraveyard”(McCullough,1977,p.140).By1894,theFrenchhad

madelittleimpactintheconstructionoftheCanalanddepletedavailablefundingforthe

project.Consideredanationalembarrassmenttothecountry,anotherpublicFrench

company,CompagnieNouvelledeCanaldePanama,tookovertheCanalforthenextnine

years,withlittlesuccess.Americannewspapersdidnotwithholdtheirnegative

commentaryregardingtheperceivedfailureoftheSocieteCivileandsubsequently

CompagnieNouvelle.SirHenryTylerfromTheNewYorkTimeswrotein1895“Iwillnot

dwellontheunfortunatehistoryofthecanalwhichisonlytoowellknownoruponthe

previousrobber,jobberyandrecklesswasteofmoneyandmaterialconnectedwithit”

(NewYorkTimes,1895).Theauthorgoesontowrite,“Iwillnotdwellonthelavish

expenditurewhichwasincurredintheearlierhistoryofthecanal”(Tyler,1895).Even

decadeslater,AmericannewspaperscontinuedtodescribetheeraofFrenchoccupations

asan“anorgyofextravaganceandmismanagement,anepicoftoilandcourage,atragedy

ofdiseaseanddeath”(Ybarra,1931).Thecombinationofdiscoursesregarding

bureaucraticineptitudebytheFrench,constantrevolutioninCentralAmericanpolitics,

andanuncontrollablehealthcrisiscreatedapictureofPanamaformanyAmericansasan

undesirablespacetolive,work,andtravelduringthelatenineteenthcentury.

ThechangeofgovernanceintheCanalZonefromFrenchtoAmericancontrolwas

accompaniedbyatransformationofnarrativesappearinginpopularnewspapers.In1902,

TheUnitedStatespurchasedthelandusedfortheinteroceaniccanalfromthebankrupt

CompagnieNouvelle.However,afterseekingthenecessaryrightsfromtheColombian

governmentandsigningtheHay-HerranTreatyinthesameyear,theSenateofColombian

failedtoratifytheagreement.Asaresult,TheodoreRooseveltsupportedPanamanian

rebelsinabidforindependencefromColombiain1903(McCullough,1977).Inparticular,

PresidentRooseveltcommandedhisnavalshipstoimpedeColombianinterferenceduring

theacquisitionofsovereigntybyPanama.Panamasucceededinitsbidforindependence

andrewardedtheUnitedStatesbysigningtheHay-Bunau-VarillaTreaty,whichgavethe

UnitedStatescontrolovertheinteroceaniccanalinNovember1903.Although,thismilitary

actionbyTheUnitedStateswasaresultofColombia’shesitancyforAmericancontrolin

theregion,newspaperscommentatorshadlonganticipatedinterferencebytheAmerican

governmentintheFrenchCanalZone.Asearlyas1885,TheWashingtonPostremarked,

42

“HavewetherighttointerfereatPanama?IsthereanytreatyrecentlyconcludedwiththeUntiedStatesorColombiabywhichtheUSgovernmenthasfullrighttolandtroopsandgunsatPanamaandgunsatanytime?ThesequestionsnotonlyconcernthesovereigntyandfullintegrityofColombiabutalsorightsandpubliclibertiesofcitizensofPanama”(DeMeza,1885,p.2)

AstheWashingtonPostquestionediftheUnitedStatesshouldinvolveitselfontheIsthmus,

theSanFranciscoChronicleencouragedtheideaofAmericaninfluenceintheCanalZone,

“FinallyitisabsolutelyaprerequisitenottowithdrawfromTheUnitedStatesbutrathertakeadvantageofitsimmensepowerandgiganticinfluencetoconcludewithitsassistanceandwithitshelptheperforationoftheIsthmustotradeandadvanceunderitsshadowandalwaysrememberthattheroadforfutureadvancementofSpanishAmericadoesnotlieinthedirectionofEuropebutinthedirectionofthestarsoftheNorth”(1889,p.8).DiscussionsofAmericancontrolinPanamaCanalZonehadstartedtooccurinnewspapers

shortlyafterthearrivaloftheFrenchontheisthmus,insomecircumstancesnearlytwenty

yearspriortoAmericanoccupation.OncethePanamaCanalZonewasofficiallyinthe

possessionoftheUnitedStatesgovernmentin1903,newspapersincreasinglycoveredthe

decisionsoftheAmericangovernmentandprogressintheCanalZone.Initially,

newspapersfocusedonthecontroversialmannerofterritorialobtainmentbyPresident

Roosevelt.However,mediaattentionthenfocusedonthefutureofThePanamaCanalZone

anditsrelevancetoAmericanimperialexpansion.

Interestingly,thecharacterizationoftheAmericangovernmentinregardtoPanama

oftendiffereddependingontheoriginofthenewspaper.AlthoughAmericanwriters

frequentlycelebratedimperialexpansion,CanadianandBritishperiodicalsweremuch

morecriticaloftheUnitedStatesgovernmentthanAmericanmedia.Inparticular,

newspapersfromBritainandCanadawerequicktocondemnPresidentRoosevelt’s

interferenceinthesuccessionofPanamafromColombia.TheGlobeandMailwrotein

1903,

“ThemannerinwhichTheUnitedStateshastreatedtherepublicofColombiawithregardtotheIsthmusofPanamahasstartledmanyoftheirbestcitizensandevokedprotestsashighmindedasanythathistorycanfurnish”(p.1).

43

IntheBritishnewspaperTheGuardian,America’sprogressatthePanamaCanalwas

representativeofthe‘deficiencies’thatthecitizensandgovernmentoftheUnitedStates

possessed.Duetoimproperequipment,mudslides,andmosquitobornedisease,theUnited

StatesfacedmanyofthesamechallengesastheFrenchintheCanalZone.Fornearlyfour

yearstheAmericangovernmentfailedtomakeheadwayontheengineeringproject.The

anxietyanddisappointedduringthisperiodarereflectedinthearticleappearingin

Britain’sTheGuardianin1905,

“AgoodmanyAmericansarebeginningtowishthattheIsthmusofPanamadidnotexist.Therewouldthenbenoquestionofdiggingacanalacrossitandpublicexposureofsomeoftheirnationaldeficiencies.Theyareagreatpeoplewithsomeconsiderablepoliticalvirtuesbuttheyhaveonegravepoliticalfailingtheyarenearlyalwaysinahurry.Theyareimpatientofobstaclestheyinclinetowardsinstantaneousandannihilatingremediestheyrarelymakeallowanceforthecomplexityofaffairsandtheiranxietytogetresultsandobtainthemillenniumissuchthattheirplansandpoliciesareeithermakeshiftorheroic.ThebusinessofconstructingthePanamaCanalveryaptlyillustratesthesetriflingdefects.”(Brooke,1905,p.5).

AlthoughBritainanditscoloniessuggestedAmericancitizenswereopposedtotheideaof

PanamanianoccupationbytheUnitedStatesgovernment,Americannewspapersfocused

positivelyonthefutureoftheCanalZoneundernewgovernance.In1904TheBostonGlobe

wrote,

“PanamaawaitsAmericanizing.TheruthlesspathoftimeleadsawayfromtheweeksandwelookforwardtothenewisthmustothenewPanamaunderthestarsandstripsandforgettheseotherscenesinthehopesandexpectationsofbetteronestocomes.”(1904,p.7.).

44

Figure6:“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”(BostonGlobe,1904,p.7)

AmericannewspaperssuchastheBostonGlobecontinuedtocharacterizethegovernance

oftheUnitedStatesintheCanalZoneascompetentandwelcomedleader,despitepractical

difficultieswithinfrastructureconstruction.

“UncleSam’sbigstickwillpreventrevolutions,thenativesareanxiousthattheirresourcesbedeveloped.Largeareaswillbethrownopentosettlementandlandsmaybeleasedorboughtatlowprices”(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3).

FaithintheUnitedStatesgoverningabilitywasmoreapparentbyAmericannewspapers

thantheBritishempireanditscolonies.Inparticular,Americanjournalistssupporteda

generallevelofoptimism,despitelittleprogressseenduringtheformativeyearsofthe

AmericanCanalZone.

45

CommentaryregardingthegoverningabilityoftheUnitedStatesincreasedwiththe

developmentofThePanamaCanal.Despiteaslowstart,timehadimprovedAmerica’s

chancesofsuccessduetosignificanttechnologicalandscientificadvancements.Scientists

haddiscoveredmosquitoswerethecauseofmalariaandyellowfever,allowing

governmentofficialstoimplementhygieneinitiativestoreduceinfection.By1907,ratesof

diseasehadsignificantlydecreasedinpopulationsofwhiteAmericansandproper

sanitationsystemswereinstalledthroughouttheneighborhoodsoftheCanal(Sutter,

2016).ZoneofficialsensuredthatthehousesofAmericansweresprayedwithinsecticide,

paintedwhite,andcontainedscreensontheporchesandwindows(Carse&Keiner,2016).

Afteraslowstart,theconstructionofthePanamaCanalalsoprogresseddueto

implementationofnewmethodsbyheadprojectmanagerJohnStevens.Theengineerhad

discoveredthatthekeytotransportingearth,men,andsuppliesinlargequantitieswas

creatingtrainswithheavierrailsandstrengthenedbridges(McCullough,1977,p.471).

TrainsweresuddenlyabletodisposeofdirtquicklyandefficientlyoutsideoftheCanal.As

aresultofthesetechnologicalandscientificadvancements,newspaperscelebratedthe

PanamaCanalasamarvelofmodernsocietyandgovernance.Inparticular,theCanalwas

describedassosuccessfulthatitseffectsresultedin,“suchprosperityisasnoPanamanian

everdreamedofbeforewecame”(Palmer,1909).Inparticular,newspaperscharacterized

theUnitedStates’involvementinconstructingtheCanalasabenefittothePanamanian

people,

“PanamasignedatreatywithTheUnitedStates,whichimmediatelyendeditstroublesforalltime.ForthenitbecameaprotectorateofTheUnitedStateswhensincethenhasassistedlargelyinchoosingitspresidents,cleanedupitscities,andconstructedtopayenoughmoneytomakethemostindependentcountry,financially,intheworld”(TheNewYorkTimes,1913).

AsnewspaperspraisedtherecentaccomplishmentsofAmericangovernanceintheCanal

Zone,newseditorssimultaneouslyallowedforthecriticismofPanamanianauthorities.In

theNewYorkTimes,Panamanianofficialswerecharacterizedasinfantileanddiscourteous

towardsAmericanswhilediscussingtherecenttrialofanAmericanworkersinPanama,

“GenerallyspeakingthePanamanianismorelikelytobulldozetheAmericanthantheother

wayaround.ThesteadilyimprovingconductoftheAmericanemployeetowardthelittle

46

brownbrotherisabovereproach”(Palmer,1909).InthesameyearTheAtlanta

Constitutionranastorythatstated,

“Panamabiddingforaspanking,littlerepublicnotcourteoustoUnitedStates.Panamanianscryformore-moremoney!Theywouldlikeoperastheyearroundandcircusesandroofgardensandeverybody’sbrother,cousinandfatherinlawinoffice.Nativeswanttheeasylife.AsaresultoftheprosperitynooriginalPanamanianwantstowork.ThelittleRepublicisaspoiledchildwhoknowshowtoplayonhisweakside.“Youarehurtingmecriesthechild!”(Palmer,1909,p.2).

Figure7:“PanamaBiddingforaSpanking”(Palmer,1909,p.2)

Inmanynewspaperarticlesofthetime,Panamanianauthoritieswererepresentedas

standinginoppositiontotheplansoftheUnitedStatesandungratefulfortheopportunities

thatAmericahadprovided.Thisnarrativedifferedsignificantlyfromthegeneral

characterizationofAmericanleadershipinthecountry,whichwasportrayedas

47

unequivocallyinterestedintheprogressoftheCanal.In1906NationalGeographicauthor

PeterShontsdescribedAmericanleadershipandworkerstobeasintegraltothe

developmentofthePanamaCanalasthematerialsuppliesforconstruction,

“Inotherworkshe(American)putsmorebrainsintotheproductofhishandsbecauseheisacitizenofafreecountryandhismindhasbeenenlargedandhisambitionstimulatedbyactiveparticipationinthedutiesofcitizenship”.(Shonts,1906,p.56)

Evidentfromthisexample,thecharacterizationofAmericangovernancediffers

significantlyfromrepresentationsofPanamanianleadershipinpopularnewspapers.

Asthetwentiethcenturyprogressed,therepresentationofAmericancontrolinthe

CanalZoneasbeneficialtobothPanamaandtheUnitedStateshelpedinthedevelopment

ofself-celebratorynarratives.SincethesuccessfulconstructionofCanal,discussionsin

AmericannewspapersregardingPanamaas“filthy”,“worthless”,and“exhausted”hadbeen

transformedtoillustratethevalueoftheisthmustoAmericannationbuilding(Palmer,

1909).PreviouscriticismoftheUnitedStatesmilitaryinterventionintheregionand

discussionsofethicalengagementalsodisappearedfrompopularnarratives.Instead,

negativecommentarythathadlitteredthepagesofnewspapersduringFrenchoccupation

andearlyAmericaninterventionhadbeenreplacedbypositiveinterpretationsofthe

PanamaCanalZone.By1931theNewYorkTimesdescribedthePanamanianregionasa

“relegateddreamland”and“alastingmiracle”(Ybarra,1931).Theauthorcontinuesby

writing“Twentyfiveyearsagoitwasonlyadream,andvisitorstodaystillrubshiseyesin

astonishment”(Ybarra,1931).In1946theLosAngelesTimescommentsthat,“TheCanal

Zoneisstillthearistocratofouroverseasoutposts”(Harkins,1946,p.D6).Despiteearly

reservationstowardtheengineeringproject,manyAmericannewspapersprinted

celebratorycommentaryregardingthePanamaCanalZonelaterinthetwentiethcentury.

Inparticular,asmoretimepassedbetweentheinitialissuesexperiencedbytheUnited

StatesgovernmentinPanamaandthecompletionoftheproject,newspapersincreasedthe

frequencyandintensityofpraiseforAmericangovernanceandnationbuildinginthe

PanamaCanalZone.

48

Figure8:HeadlinefromTheNewYorkTimes(Palmer,March1909).3.3Overcoming“TheWhiteMan’sGraveyard”:HygieneandInfrastructureInitiativesinthePanamaCanalZone

Innewspapersoftheearlytwentiethcentury,narrativesofexceptionalAmerican

governancewereoftenrelatedtohygieneinitiativesandinfrastructuredevelopment.The

changingconditionofhygieneandsanitationinthePanamaCanalZonewasakey

componentintransformingtheAmericancolonyintoasuccessfulspaceofproduction.In

additiontothecommonalityoftropicaldiseasebetween1881and1907,thepoorquality

andovercrowdingofstateroominghousesexacerbatedthedeficientlivingandsafety

standardsalreadyfacedbymigrantlaborersfromChina,TheWestIndies,andLatin

AmericaintheCanalZone(Franck,1913).UnlikethehousesofAmericanworkers,poorly

builttenementsallowedfortheproliferationofmosquitos,whichcontributedtotherapid

transmissionofmalariaandyellowfeveramongtheblue-collarpopulation(Cohen,1971;

Lasso,2013).IllhealthontheIsthmuswasnotonlyaresultofmosquitobornediseasebut

alsoimpropersewage,garbage,andwatersystems.Similartotheexperiencesofthe

SocieteCivileandCompagnieNouvelleinPanama,theAmericangovernmentstruggledto

createthenecessarysanitationsystemsneededtosustainahealthyworkforce.Asaresult

ofthesegoverningdeficiencies,asignificantportionoflaborersdiedorbecameillonthe

project.ThepoorreputationoftheCanalZonecausedanauthorfromtheBostonGlobeto

comment“ThereisnodoubtthattheisthmushasascoreofAmericansundergroundto

everyonewhoisnowlivinguponit”(Carpenter,1898,p.28).Despitethedismalratesof

disease,infection,anddeathintheCanalZone,mostnewspapersremainedoptimistic

49

regardingthefutureofhealthinitiativesandsanitationinPanama.TheNational

GeographicwriterPeterShontscommentedin1905,“withinayearitmaybeconfidently

predictedPanamawillbeacitywellwatered,wellsewered,wellpaved,andcleanand

healthful.”In1906TheNewYorkTimeswriterStephenChalmersalsofollowedsuitand

praisedtheAmericangovernmentforwhatcouldbeachieved,

“ItistruethatatpresenttheadmirablesanitaryimprovementseffectedbyTheUnitedStatesauthoritieshavenotsucceededincompletelystampingoutcontagiousdiseases.ButAmericansdiditinCubatheEnglishdiditintheoldfevertrapJamaicaandthemortalityratewouldindicatetheAmericansaredoingithere.”(Chalmers,1906)

FortheAmericanmedia,theabilityfortheUnitedStatesgovernmenttocreatea

habitablesettlementinPanamawasalsoreflectiveoftheestablishmentofcivilizationin

thetropics.Forthisreason,hygieneandsanitationinitiativeswerekeyintheconversionof

PanamatoanAmericanspace.AsillustratedbytheChicagoTribune,hygieniceffortsin

Panama,bothinsideandoutsidetheCanalZone,wasconsideredasstepinmodernization

efforts.”Themodernmissionarywhofoundslittlecommunitiesinforeigncountrieswhere

thehumanitiesandhygienicaretaughtisaspreaderofcivilizationregardlessofcreed”

(Palmer,1909,p.7).Theauthor,FrederickPalmer,goesontorelatecleanlinesswith

civility,“Barbarism…scenesofdisgustImightrepeattothepointofnausea;utterlackof

sanitation,ofcareofbodyaswellasmind,exposesascrofulouspeopletoallthetropical

diseases,whichkeepsthedeathlistprettywellbalancedwiththebirthrate”(1909,p.7).

ThisexampleillustratestheimportanceplacedonhygieneinAmericanimaginaries

regardingthetransformationalfactorofthePanamaCanalZoneandsurroundingterritory.

Thetransformationofhealthinfrastructureandthuspositivechangestothe

physicalwellbeingoftheZone’sworkerswasconsideredanationaltriumphinleadership,

organization,andtechnologicaladvancement.In1919anauthorfromTheNewYorkTimes

wrote,“particularlyIwanttotellaboutthecleanlinessoftheourzone,alwaysimpressive

asaproofofwhatcanbeaccomplishedbyAmericanmethodsinthetropics.”Theauthor

continues,“WhiletheremightbecontroversyoftheacquisitionsoftheCanalZonethere

canbenoneaboutthematerialandsanitaryresultsobtained”(NewYorkTimes,1919).

TheZone’snewreputationasasuccessstoryofhealthandprosperityemphasizedfor

manynewspapersthecapabilityoftheAmericangovernmentabroad.Thisperspectiveon

50

theZone’shygienewasparticularlyapparentincomparisonstootherurbanareasof

PanamawithpredominantlyWestIndianandAfro-Latinopopulations.ForColónand

PanamaCity,Americancolumnistsnegativelycharacterizeddifferentsanitationand

hygienepracticesimplementedbythenationalPanamaniangovernment.In1927,TheNew

YorkTimescommented,“ThenthereistheCanalZonebyfarthemostpicturesquesighton

theisthmus.WhereColonisdirtyandsordidpanamaisclean,picturesque,beautifuland

tingedwithpatinaofromancethateverfourmorecenturiescouldnotrubout”(Lee,1927).

ThepositiverepresentationoftheCanalZoneasaspaceofhealthandcomfortinnews

media,particularlyinrelationtootherareasofPanama,wasadoptedasanimportant

aspectofitscharacter.Inparticular,newspaperscommonlymentionedthesanitationand

hygieneoftheCanalZoneasanessentialfacetinthetransformationofinhabitable

PanamanianlandtothrivingAmericanmetropolis.

“…inthetropicsthereislandofinexhaustiblefertilitybutdeathlurkedoneveryhand.Hostilenatives,wildbeasts,andhugpoisonousreptilesbestthepathinsectshelpedtodiscouragepopulation.ThencamethesanitationofThePanamaCanalZoneconvertingitfromoneofthemostunhealthyplacesintheworldtoaregionassafeasany.”(GlobeandMail,1925,p.4).

Decadesaftertheimplementationofhygienicsystemsnewspaperswerestillmentioning

theaccomplishmentintheirarticles.In1931TheNewYorkTimesdescribedtheZoneasthe

“spotlesstownsetinthemidstofatropicallandscape”andin1946,theLosAngelestimes

commentedthatcleanlinessis“whatmakesTheCanalZoneaparadise(Harkins,p.D8)”.

TheaccomplishmentsoftheUnitedStatesgovernmentintermsofsanitaryoutcomes,was

thusaconsiderablefactorintheevolutionofCanalZonerepresentation,asaspaceof

dangertoaspaceofparadise.

TheAmericangovernmentalsoensuredthattherewashousing,recreationaloffices,

andplacesofbusinessforwhiteinhabitantsofTheZone.Theconstructionofthese

buildingswasconsideredessentialtosupportingthemoraleofwhite-collarworkersby

headsupervisor,MajorGoathels.TheNewYorkTimesdescribedTheCanalZonein1914,

“thelaborersallreceiveconfortable,furnishedhouses,shops,railwaysbuildings,hotels,

restaurants,clubhouses,andlivingquarterssprangupalongthecanal”(TheNewYork

Times,1914).MajorGoathelsbelievedthatbyrecreatingasenseofplaceinthebuiltform

51

oftheCanalZone,AmericanworkerswouldbemorelikelytosettleinPanama.The

implementationofleisureactivitieswasalsoimportantinthisregard,DavidMcCullough

tellsthestoryofaclerkinformingtheMajorthattherewerenofundsallocatedfora

baseballteam,withGoethalsreplying,“chargeittothesanitaryexpenses”(1977,p.478).

TheattempttocreateanAmericancommunityinthetropicswascommonlyconsidered

successful.Asyearspassed,workersandjournalistsalikecommentedonthewholesome

andpicturesqueimpressionofTheCanalZone.Thephysicaltransformationof

infrastructuretosuitAmericanexpectations,includingbaseballfieldsanddancehalls,was

usedastheprimaryexampleofbringingcivilizationtothetropicsbytheAmerican

government.In1927awritercommentedintheNewYorkTimes,

“Aninvestmentinnationalprestigethecanalpaysmostofall.HereisanintenselyAmericancommunitystretchedacrossazonefromoceantooceanintheveryheartofLatinAmerica.Inthiszonearereproducedintheirvariedformsthebestfromtheinstitutionsandtheidealsofourowncivilization”(Lee,1927).

Themanicuredrowsoforderlyhouses,pavedstreets,andquaintshopsinPanamasetan

exampleforfutureAmericansuburbs.Thecombinationofsuccessfulinfrastructureand

sanitationandstylisticallydifferenthousingwasusedtoillustratematerialandconceptual

differencesbetweentheUnitedStatesandPanama,“Thelessonmaynotfitdirectlyintothe

estheticidealoftheLatinAmerican.Butitwillsupplementhisculturalidealwithexamples

ofmaterialprogresstheformulaofwhichhehasneverquitemastered”(Lee,1927).

Theconstructionofinfrastructuresystems,buildings,andtheCanalitselfwerecommonly

mentionedinAmericannewspapersalongwithsanitarydevelopments.Inmanyarticles,

theprogressmadeinconstructionwasattributedtothepersonalcharacteristicsof

Americanworkers.Forsomecommentators,thesuccessintheCanalZonewasastrong

exampleofhowthegovernanceoftheUnitedStatesandvaluesofthenationweresuperior

toothercountries.Forthisreasontheprogressillustratedthroughhygieneand

infrastructureadvancementwerenotonlyseenasanexampleofgoodgovernancebythe

UnitedStates,butalsorepresentativeofsuperiorqualitiesbythenation,itsleaders,andits

citizens.

52

Figure9:AsketchfromtheBostonGlobeofAmericanhomesinthePanamaCanalZone(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3)

53

3.4GovernanceinaTropicalLandscape

ThesuccessfuldevelopmentofthePanamaCanalZonefrom1903-1914supported

narrativesofAmericanimperialsuperiorityinthetropics(Salvatore,1998;Moore,2013).

Inparticular,theimplementationsofhygiene,infrastructure,andtechnologicalinitiatives

transformedthegeographicimaginaryofthePanamaCanalZonefromaplaceof“danger

anddiscomfort”toan“idylliccolony”forwhiteAmericans(Frenkel,1996,p.324;

McCullough,1977,p.610).TravelnarrativesrepresentedtheconstructionofthePanama

Canalandimprovedsanitaryconditionsasthesuccessfuldefeatofanotoriouslydifficult

tropicalenvironment(Frenkel,1996;Moore,2013,Salvatore,1998).Mooreexplainsthe

roleofnatureindiscussionsofAmericanimperialsuperiority,

“ThePanamaCanalwasheraldedasthetriumphoftechnology,nationalmight,andsheerdeterminationtosubduechaoticnature-thatistheisthmianzone-thathadpreventedtherealizationofexplorersandcolonistscenturiesolddesireforapassagebetweentheseas”(Moore,2013,p.6).

TravelwritersframedthetransformationofPanama’slandscapesbytheUnitedStates’asa

taskthatothercolonialactorswereunabletopreviouslycomplete(McCullough,1977).

ThisnarrativealsofacilitatedthecomparisonoftheUnitedStates’Canaltomonumentsof

otherempires,

“Thespoilfromthecanalprism,itwassaid,wouldbeenoughtobuildaGreatWallofChinafromSanFranciscotoNewYork.Thespoilwouldbeenoughtobuildsixty-threepyramidsthesizeofthegreatPyramidofCheops”(McCullough,1977,p.529).

Thus,theengineeringandinfrastructureinitiativesimplementedbytheUnitedStates

governmentinPanamawasrepresentedintravelnarrativesasanimperialachievement

overnature,aswellastheconceptualriseoftheAmericanempire.Thesenarrativeswere

usedinAmericannationbuildingdiscoursetoillustratethesupremacyoftheUnitedStates

ontheworldstage.

3.5“LinkingtheAmericas”:TheDevelopmentofUS-PanamaTourism

In1904,thePanamaStarandHeraldpredictedthatPanama“willbethemost

popularresortforvisitors,tourists,andsightseersonthemapoftheworld.Withinashort

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timePanamawillhavethousandsandthousandsofvisitorstoseetheworkonthecanal”

(PanamaStar&Herald,1904,p.1).ThesheerenormityofthePanamaCanalwouldattract

visitorsfromaroundtheglobestartingintheearlytwentiethcentury.American

newspaperscontributedsubstantiallytoPanamaniantourismbyhelpingcraftimaginaries

ofthePanamaCanalasanattractiveandimpressivesitetovisit.Inconjunctionwiththe

establishmentofsanitationinitiativesandinfrastructuredevelopment,thePanamaCanal’s

tourismindustrygrewrapidlyfrom1907onwards(McCullough,1977).ManyAmerican

visitorswereattractedtotheIsthmusbydescriptionsofthe“picturesqueCanalZone”and

“sheerenormityofthewaterway”(BostonGlobe,1912).Inconjunctionwiththemany

articlesprintedinnewspapersonsanitation,infrastructure,andurbanplanningofthe

Isthmus,tourismcompaniesalsousedpopularnewspaperstoplacetheiradvertisements.

Theplatformthatnewspapersofferedfortourismcompanies,inconjunctionwithfrequent

journalismarticles,greatlyincreasedthepopularityoftraveltoPanama.ThePanamaStar

andHeraldcommentsonhowAmerican-Panamaniantravelhadbeenimpactedby

newspaperswhenitwrites,“manyareattractedalsobytheadvertisementwhichPanama

hasreceivedinthestatesasawinterresortthroughitsfreedomfromtheunhealthiness

whichmakessomanybeautifultropicalplacesundesirable”(Duque,1912,p.6).The

establishmentofcruiselinesbysteamshipcompaniesalsoplayedanimportantroleinthe

transportationoftourists.Inparticular,thefrequencyofdeparture,qualityof

accommodation,andcompetitionamonglinesallowedconsumersalessexpensiveand

morecomfortabletriptoandfromPanama.In1910thePanamaStarandHeraldauthor

CarlosDuquewrote,

“Thesteamshipcompaniesaredoingtheirpartinbringingpanamaintoeasycommunicationwithothercitiesandiftheattractionsoftheisthmusareexploitedastheymightbefromthebusinesspointofviewthereshouldbeastrongtideoftouristscomingourwaywhichwouldswellastheplacegetsbetterknown(1910,p.6)”

ThebusiestportsofdepartureforAmericantouristswerethatofNewYorkCityand

SanFrancisco.Asmentioned,manytravellerschosetogovisittheWestcoastoftheUnited

StatesbygoingthroughthePanamaCanal,ratherthancrossingbyland.Forthisreasonthe

developmentofsteamshipslineswasimportantforbothtraveltoPanamaandmobility

betweentheUnitedStates’coasts.In1913,theSanFranciscoChroniclecommentedthat,

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“ThisseasontouristswillhavetheopportunitytocruiseintheWestIndiesandtheIsthmus

ofPanamaonlargerandmoreluxurioussteamersthaneverbefore.Thevolumeoftourist

travelnextwinterpromisestopailallpreviousrecords,thisremarkablewintermigration”

(1913,p.7).ForPanama,steamshiplinesrunningfromtheUnitedStatestotheIsthmus

reflectedtheuniquerelationshipofthesetwocountries.Noothernationpursuedthe

opportunityofPanamaniantourismdevelopmentliketheUnitedStates.Thisisparticularly

clearinanexcerptfromTheObserver,wheretheauthor,FrancisHirst,reflects,“Ireceiveda

letterdescribingthethrillofthePanamaCanalwhichgotmewonderingagainwhythereis

noregularpassengerservicefromgreatBritaintothePanamaCoast”(1921,p.5).

Figure10:(TheNewYorkTimes,November7,1909)

AsthetwentiethcenturyprogressedtransportationbetweentheUnitedStatesand

Panamacontinuedtodevelopwiththeintroductionofairlineroutes.In1929theAtlanta

Constitutiondeclaredthattheabilityto“linktheAmericasbyair”wasimplemented“with

cooperationofnationalgovernmentsandprivatecapital”(McIntosh,1929,p.G8).Forthe

Americangovernmentandinvestors,creatingafastandefficientpathwaybetweenThe

UnitedStatesandPanamawasanessentialservicetoincreasebusinesscapitolandpublic

interestintheIsthmus.ThecontinualimprovementoftouristinfrastructureinPanama

simultaneouslycreatedandsupporteddemandfortraveltothecountry.TheBostonGlobe

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authorcommentedonthisaction,“intheyearjustpastitisdoubtfulifanycountryinthe

Americashasdonesomuchtoexpanditsservicetothetouristtoaddtotheeaseand

enjoymentandvarietyoftravelwithinitsbordersastherepublicofPanama”(1941,p.

B25).Theimplementationofafederaltourismboard,transportationnetworks,and

tourismexperiencesintheregionillustratesapurposefuldeparturefromtheuninvolved

characterofthenationalPanamaniangovernmentinthepast(SanFranciscoChronicle,

1913,p.7;Scott,2016;McIntosh,1929,GB).Inparticular,theestablishmentofatourism

boarddemonstratesthegrowthandimportanceoftheAmericantourismindustryin

Panamabythemidtwentiethcentury(Guerron-Montero,2014).

3.6TheimportanceofTourismtoAmericanNationBuilding

TravelnarrativesthatrepresentedthePanamaCanalZoneaseconomicallyand

ideologicallyimportanttotheUnitedStatesinformedthemobilityofAmericantouriststo

theisthmus.AsexplainedbyScott(2016)tourismtotheregion“wasbornsymbolicallyand

materiallyinthecrucibleofUSempirebuilding”(p.73).Thesuccessfulsanitation

initiativesemployedinthePanamaCanalZonebytheUnitedStatesgovernment

transformedthegeographicimaginaryofPanamatoasafespacefortravel(Scott,2016;

McCullough,1977;Sutter,2016).Travelwriterscapitalizedonthesephysicalchangesto

thePanamaCanalZone,andrecommendedtheterritoryasa“mustseedestination”for

affluenttourists(McCarty,1913,p.49).Inparticular,narrativesthatdescribedtheZoneas

an“idealplaceforAmericanpopulations”andtheCanalasamonumentof

“incomprehensiblesize”encouragedAmericanmobilitytoPanama(McCullough,1977,p.

613,614).

Materially,touristswereabletoeasilytravelfromtheNortheastcoastoftheUnited

StatesandSoutherntipofFloridaastheseregionshadalreadyestablishedtransportation

routestoAmericancoloniesinthetropics(Salvatore,1998;Martin,2013,Scott,2016).In

particular,thetourismindustryoftheCaribbeanwasabletoutilizethe“imperialand

capitalistinfrastructure”,whichinitiallycarriedworkersandfruitproductsbetween

CaribbeannationsandtheUnitedStates(Scott,2016,p.70).Therelationshipbetween

Americanimperialenclavesandregionaltourismisparticularlyclearinthedevelopment

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ofapassengerlinebyTheUnitedFruitCompany.Between1908and1913TheUnitedFruit

CompanycreatedluxuryshipsthatallowedpassengerstocompletearoundtriptoPanama

intwoweekstime,whichfacilitatedaccessibletravelforwealthytourists(Scott,2016,p.

71;McCullough,1977).Forthisreason,Panama’sreputationasasanitizedzone,in

combinationwiththeeconomicmobilitynetworksofAmericancorporations,facilitatedthe

developmentoftheCanalZoneasatourismdestinationforaffluenttravellers(Scott,2016;

McCullough1977;Frenkel2002).

3.7“Taming”aNewFrontier:ResourceDevelopmentandLandOwnershipin

Panama’sRuralCountryside

ThevastmajorityofAmericanpopulationsthatmigratedtotheIsthmusresidedin

theCanalZoneandadjacenturbanareas.Thesepopulationswerepredominantlyattracted

totheisthmusbythemanyemploymentopportunitiesavailabletowhitecollarAmerican

menbytheUnitedStatesgovernment.USinterestintheformofinvestmentandsettlement

wasnotonlyfocusedonthecanal,butalsoPanama’sruralcountryside.Inparticular,

Americanmigrantssoughtaccesstothenaturalresourcescommonlydiscussedinpopular

newspapers.TherewereoftenreportsinNorthAmericathatPanamanianlandscapes

possessed“inexhaustiblefertility”andwereinneedofdevelopment,“untilthelastvacant

acreofherrichlandsisundercultivationandthecropsarecomingtoourshores”(Los

AngelesTimes,1922).Claimsofricheslayingdeepwithinthehillsandjunglesofthe

IsthmushadlongbeenanelementofpopularnarrativesinreferencetoPanama,andfirst

appearedfromChristopherColumbuswhohadassumed,“Fromthereadinesswithwhich

thenativestradedthismetalforthetrinketsandimplementstheSpaniardsofferedin

exchangeColumbusbecameconvincedthatsomuchgoldexistedinthecountrythatthe

Indiansattachednospecialvaluetoit”(Craggs,1926,p.2).Similartothetalessharedby

Spanishconquistadores,Americannewspapersalsoproclaimedthatruralareasofthe

countrywere“unexploredbutreputedtoberichingoldandvaluableminerals”(Boston

Globe,1913,p.SM9).InthetwentiethcenturydiscussionsconcerningPanama’sresources

wasnotonlylimitedtogoldbutincludedotherundevelopedresourcessuchas“oil,coal,

minerals,timber,greatgoldmines,andafertilesoilthatgrowsinabundance,vegetables

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grainsandfruitsbesidestheothertropicalproducts”(ThePanamaStarandHerald,1904).

TheChicagoTribunecontinuesthedescriptionofPanamaasalandofresourceswhenthe

newspaperwrites,“Itshillsaresaidtocontaincopper,silver,andgold.Ithaswatersin

whichthepearloystersliveandislandstherewherearesupposedtobeburiedtreasures

equaltothoseofthePeruvianIncas”(1914).

Figure11:HeadlinefromtheBostonGlobe(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3)

ConstructionsofmasculinityinmediainformedAmericandiscussionsof

Panamanianresourcedevelopment.Inparticular,writersdepictedPanama’scountryside

asaspacerequiringthepaternalguidanceandresponsibilityexercisedbyAmericanmen

(Bobrow-Strain,2007,p.37).TheLosAngelesTimeswrotein1893,

“ThefactremainsthatthiscontinentofCentralandSouthAmericaisrichinfortunesforyoungmenwhodaretochasethemhere.ThefeveroftheIsthmusisbutanaccentuationoftherichnessofthesoil.Thereisanoverrichness.Therichnessoverflowsinnauseousfever”(Edmund,1893,p.9).

OveradecadelaterthePanamaStarandHeraldofferedasimilarcalltomaletourists,

“TheyoungAmericancomingtothisisthmuswillneverdoaswellatthestartashemighthavedoneathomeandhewillneverdoaswellifhecontinuestoworkforasalary.Butifhehashealthandenergytoclimbtoanindependentpositionandworkouthisownfortunethenthematerialsfordoingthisareathand.IndeedPanamahasnumerousandwonderfulresourcesawaitingdevelopmentandtherearethousandsofgoldenopportunitiesfortheminingexpert,electricalengineer,andarchitect”(Duque,1904).

ThePanamaniangovernmentalsoencouragedstoriesthatreportedonPanama’s

bountifulresources.PresidentAmadorGuerrerostatedtoaBostonGlobereporterin1905

whenaskedaboutopportunitiesforforeigninvestors,“theRepublicisalmostentirely

undevelopedandintheevolutionofthefutureIthinktherewillbemanychancesfor

59

Americansandotherstomakemoney”(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3).In1914PresidentPorras

alsostatedtotheBostonGlobethat,

“ManyhavehuntedforthosetreasuresandaroadtooldPanamaanditisprobablethatsomethingmaybediscoveredthere.WehavesomegoldminesworkingrighthereinthecentralpartoftheisthmusandthereareothersatDarien.Weknowthatwehavecopperandothermineralsbutthecountryhasnotbeenthoroughlyprospected”(Carpenter,1914,p.SM11).

TheinterviewillustratesthatthefutureofPanamahascenteredonforeign

investmentinnaturalresourcedevelopmentandland.ThePanamaniangovernmentalso

encouragedthesettlementofrurallandbyAmericanmigrantpopulationsbyshaping

regulationandpolicy.TheBostonGlobecommentsuponthesechangesin1914,“Newland

laws!Itwillbringinpopulationsoflandownerswhoseestateswillbecomparativelysmall

anditwillleadtotheimmediateandactivedevelopmentofthecountry”(Carpenter,1914,

p.SM11).Thematerialcontingenciesoflandregulationarereflectedlaterinthesameyear

inTheChicagoTribune,“PresidentPorrastellsmethatAmericanshavebeguntotakeup

landsandsetoutcoffeeplantationsintheNorthernpartoftherepublic,anumberof

AmericanfamiliesthathavecoffeeestatesnearDavid.ThereisnowatBoqueteacolonyof

abouttwentyAmericanfamiliesandfiveEnglishfamilies”(Carpenter,1914,p.A3).The

implementationofnewlandowningregulation,inconjunctionwithpublicityinAmerican

newspapers,illustratesthepreliminarystagesofAmericansettlementoutsideofTheCanal

Zoneandgrowthofexpatriateenclavesintheearlytwentiethcentury.

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Figure12:(TheCanalZonePilot,1908,p.351)

ForeignersthatoccupiedruralPanamawereoftencharacterizedasadventurous,

brave,andtirelessinnewspapers.Thevaliantrepresentationofforeignpersonalitieswas

stronglyrelatedtotheportrayalofPanamanianlandscapesasdangerousspaces.Writers

frequentlycommentedontheunknowntopography,wildlife,anddiseasethatcomprised

thehabitatofruralPanama.Forforeignsettlersandprospectors,thestrangecharacterof

tropicalwildernesswasoftenrecountedinatreacherousmanner.Apoemanonymously

submittedtotheBostonGloberevealssuchaperspective,

“BeyondtheChagresRiver,arepathsthatleadtodeath,tofeversdeadlybreezes,tomalariaspoisonousbreath,beyondthetropicfoliage,wherethealligatorwaits,isthepalaceofthedevil,hisoriginalstate.BeyondtheChagresriver,arepathsforeignerunknown,withaspiderneatheachpebbleandascorpionneareachstone,tisheraboaconstrictorhisfatalbanquetholds,andtohisslimybosomhishaplessvictimholds.BeyondtheChagresRiverlurksthepantherinhislairandtwohundredthousanddangersareinthenoxiousair,behindthetremblingleafletsbeneaththefallenreedsaretheever-presentperilsofamilliondifferentbreeds.BeyondtheChagresRivertissaidthestory’soldarethepathsthatleadtomountainsofpurestvirgingold,buttismyfirmconvictionwhatevertalestheytellthatbeyondtheChagresriverallpathsleadstraighttohell”(Carpenter,1898,p.36).

ThedescriptionsofdangerinruralPanamaandtheCanalZoneaugmentedstoriesof

explorationandsettlementbyexpatriatesthroughouttheIsthmus.In1902,TheSan

61

FranciscoChronicledescribedthelivingconditionsofAmericanprospectorsinPanama,

“Whitesettlerswhenontheirminingexpeditionsintotheinteriorarecompelledthrough

lackofprovisionstomakeamealofmonkeystewandalligatorsteak.Itrainstenmonthsin

theyearandapoisonousinsectlurksundereverystone”(1902,p.A9).Theseemingly

unpleasantconditionsofexplorationintheinteriorexemplifiedformanythenecessityof

Americanmasculinityinmappingandtamingtheland(Bobrow-Wilson,2007).The

characterizationoflandscapesasdangerousandwild(Cronon,1995)wereimportantto

thisimaginary,“Theregioniswild,beingvirgintropicaljunglemilesawayfromanywhite

settlementandrarelyvisitedbythewhitemen”(Hall,1922,p.X16).

AlthoughruralPanamawascharacterizedaslargelyuninhabitedbypopular

newspapers,infactthecountry’s‘wilderness’wasfullofIndigenous,Afro-Panamanian,and

mestizopeoplethatspannedthePanamaniancountryside.Thecontradictionbetweenthe

inhabitedlandofPanamaanda“terranullius”(nobody’sland)representedinAmerican

newspaperswasrevealedinsomearticlesmorethanothers.AccordingtotheAtlanta

Constitution,IndigenousPanamaniansoccupiedvastareasoftheDarienprovince,

“VarioussurveyingexpeditionshavemetwithterribleexperiencesandadventureswithfierceIndians.TheregionbetweenSouthAmericaproperandthePanamarailroadisstillinpossessionofwildpeoplewhowillpermitnowhitestosleepontheirland.Thecountryisalmostaslittleknowntogeographersasanyregiononthefaceoftheearth.They[Indigenous]numberabout25,000,decoratethemselveswithfeathersandstringsofcrocodileteeth,andliveinqueerhousesofreedsbuiltonstilts”(Hill,1895,p.4).

Indigenousguideswereincrediblycommonandassistedwithnavigationandtraditional

knowledgetoassistAmericanprospectors,scientists,andsettlersintheirexploration.Yet

EnglishlanguagenewspaperscontinuedtorepresentPanamanianIndigenouspeoplesas

primitive,dangerous,andsavage(Hill,1895,p.4).In1895TheAtlantaConstitution

describesrelationsbetweenAmericanprospectorsandIndigenouspopulationsinthe

DarienProvince,“varioussurveyingexpeditionshavemetwithterribleexperiencesand

adventureswithfierceIndians.TheregionbetweenSouthAmericaproperandthePanama

railroadstillinpossessionofwildpeoplewhowillpermitnowhitestosleepontheirland”

(Hill,1895,p.4).In1904theChicagoTribuneexpressesasimilarcharacterizationof‘indian

savagery’withastoryofcannibalisminPanama,“theseIndianswhosesavagerysometimes

takestheformofeatingtheirenemiesusepoisonedarrowsandareexpectedtoprovea

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difficultenemyinthedensetropicalgrowththatcoversthecountry”(1904,p.4).The

ChicagoTribunecharacterizesIndigenouspopulationsinthesamemanner,“thesepygmies

usepoisonbowsandarrowsforhuntingandregardtherareaviatorwhodescendsupon

themasanunexplainablebutfriendlybirdfromthesky”(1935,p.E6).Newspapersoften

reinforcedtherepresentationsofIndigenouspeopleasperpetuallyuncivilized(McClintock,

2000),“TheIndiannationinPanamanotyettouchedbycivilization.TheredwellsanIndian

nationthatistoallintentsandpurposesidenticallythesametodayasitwaswhen

Columbusfirstdiscoveredthewesternhemisphere”(1903,p.10).Thedangersofthe

Isthmus,intermsofwildlifeandinhabitantswerelargelyoverstatedasdescribedby

American‘explorers’andnewspapers.

3.8FrontierConstructionsofthePanamanianCountryside

AmericantravelnarrativescharacterizedPanama’sruralcountrysideasanew

frontierforAmericansettlementandresourcedevelopment(Frenkel,1996).Similartothe

East-WestexpansionofsettlersintheUnitedStates,themobilityofAmericanpopulations

toPanama’scountrysidewasinformedbynarrativesofnationbuilding.Overcomingnature

andwildernesswasessentialtotheimaginariesthatinspiredthismobility(Cronon,1995;

Frenkel,1996).AsexplainedbyCronon,

“Inmovingtothewildunsettledlandsofthefrontier,shedthetrappingsofcivilization,rediscoveredtheirprimitiveracialenergies,reinventeddirectdemocraticinstitutions,andbyreinfusedthemselveswithavigor,anindependence,andacreativitythatthesourceofAmericandemocracyandnationalcharacter”(Cronon,1995,p.8).

Conquering‘wild’landscapeswasideologicallyimportantforAmericanimperialactors.In

particular,thesepopulationsconceptualizedtheirmobilityandsettlementofthefrontieras

anexpressionofnationalvalues(Cronon,1995).Thedomesticationofthefrontierwasalso

economicallyimportantfortheUnitedStates,asittransformedlandintoaviable

commodityforagriculturalproductionandotherresourcedevelopment(McCullough,

1977;Frenkel,1996).Forthisreason,theUnitedStatesgovernmentencouragedthe

settlementofwhiteAmericancitizensdomesticallyandincoloniesoftheUnitedStates

(Frenkel,1996).

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InthecontextofPanama,theestablishmentofAmericanenterpriseintheregion

alsoencouragedthemigrationofAmericanpopulationstotheisthmus.TheUnitedStates

governmentandAmericancorporationsfrequentlytargetedruralspacesofPanamaforthe

implementationofinfrastructureprojectsandagriculture(Martin,2013).Frenkel

contends,

“PanamacontinuallyintersectedwiththedevelopmentoftheUnitedStates.TheUnitedStatesintervenedmilitarily,signedtreaties,builtrailroads,anddugthecanal.Inaddition,privateU.S.investorsinvolvedthemselvesinschemesrangingfromrailroadstoplantations”(p.321,1996).Duetotheseeconomicandpoliticalactivities,Americanmigrantsandinparticularmen,

conceptualizedthewildlandscapesofPanamaasaspaceofprosperityandconsumption

(Frenkel,1996).ThisisevidentinthequotationbygeographerEllsworthHuntington,“The

nativehasnothingtodoexceptlieunderthetreesandwaitforthefruittodropintohis

mouth”(Frenkel,1996,p.323-324).UnderpinningexpansioninitiativesintheUnited

StatesandPanamawereraciallogicsthatpositionedIndigenousandPanamanian

populationsasunabletoproperly“manage”wildlandscapes(Mollett,2016;Frenkel,

1996).DesirableagriculturalpracticesandresourcedevelopmentfortheUnitedStatesand

PanamaniangovernmentswererootedinEuropeanprocessesandpracticesofland

cultivation(Mollett,2011;Mollett,2016).Forthisreason,Americanresourcedevelopment

intheUnitedStatesandPanama,wasalsounderstoodasacivilizingprojectofnatural

landscapesandtheIndigenouspopulationsthatlivedwithinthem.

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ChapterFour:“ShinningSummerLands”AutobiographicalTravelNarrativesofEliteMigrantsandTouristsfrom1851-2017

4.1LifeintheIsthmus:TheRepresentationalPracticesofEliteMigrantsandTourists

Thefollowingchapterprovidesananalysisofbothhistoricalandcontemporary

autobiographicaltravelnarrativesoccurringinPanamafrom1841until2017.Historical

datacollectionwascompletedusingautobiographicalnovelsofAmericanslivingand

visitingPanama,fromtheinitialsurveyfortheTrans-Isthmianrailroadin1841tothe

completionofthePanamaCanalin1914.Formostoftheseauthors,permanentresidence

intheCanalZoneduringthisperiodshapedeachwritersuniqueperspective.

AccompanyingtravelnarrativesofPanamathatfocusedonlong-termhabitationofthe

CanalZone,werealsostorieswrittenbyshort-termtouristswhohadrecordedtheirtravels

ontheisthmus.Inbothcircumstances,theseautobiographicalnovelsalsofunctionedas

travelguidesfortouristsandpotentialmigrants,whoweremostinterestedinvisitingthe

CanalZonefrom1907-1914duringthelargestphaseofconstruction.

TherearemanyreasonswhyAmericanssettledinPanama.Theopportunitytowork

inwellpaidadministrativepositionswasthemainimpetusforUS-Panamanianmigration

amongmostAmericanmeninthePanamaCanalZone(McCullough,1977).Duetoenforced

segregationintheCanalZone,migrantpopulationsfromtheWestIndies,China,andLatin

AmericawereonlyabletoworkasphysicallaborersunderthedirectionofwhiteAmerican

men(Lasso,2013).Forthisreason,afrequenttopicofdiscussionamongAmerican

populationswasthemanagementofmigrantlaborersinrelationtotheprogressionofthe

CanalZoneproject.Thesediscussionsfocusedonthephysicalandmentalaptitudeof

variouslabourpopulations,oftendeterminedbyracialnarratives.Forinstance,describing

aninteractionbetweenAmericanadministratorsandWestIndianlaborers,policeman

HenryFranckuseslanguageinscribedwithanimalisticdiscourse,

“Werousedthembypencil-jabsintheribs,andtheystartedupwithsavage,animallikegruntsandmurderousglareswhichinstantlysubsidedtosheepishgrinsandvoicelessastonishmentatasightofawhitefacebendingoverthem”(Franck,1913,p.37).

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LifeintheCanalZoneforAmericanmigrantswascharacterizedbylimited

involvementwith“other”non-Americanpopulations(Said,1978).Similartothe

representationsofmigrantlaborers,PanamanianIndigenouspeoplewerefrequently

representedasinferiortowhiteAmericans,whowereabletocontrolthelivelihoodsof

IndigenouspopulationsthroughAmericanexpansion(Franck,1913).Althoughmost

IndigenouspeoplelivedoutsideofthePanamaCanalZone,thedevelopmentofthecanal

requiredthedestructionofsurroundingphysicallandscapes.Asaresultofthis

development,IndigenousPanamaniansweredisplacedfromtheirvillagesduetoflooding

andurbanization(McCullough,1977;Franck,1913).Indigenouspopulationswere

representedasinfantileandunknowledgeable,particularlyinregardtotheAmerican

imperialexpansionthatwasaffectingtheircommunities.Franckdescribesalocal

IndigenousmanpassingbytheCanal,“anativebushmanonhiswaytomarketfromhis

palm-thatchedhomegenerationsoldbackinthebus,whohasscarcelynoticedyetthatthe

canalisbeingdug”(1913,p.101).ThecharacterizationofIndigenouspeopleasunbothered

by,oralternativelyreliantupon,theactionsofAmericanimperialistsfacilitateddiscussions

ofprogressandmodernitywithinthePanamaCanalZonebyrepresentingimperial

subjugationasunproblematictonon-whitepopulations.

DuetothephysicalandsocialsegregationpracticedbetweenAmericanmigrants

andotherpopulations,manyofthedefiningculturalfeaturesoftheUnitedStateswere

commoninthePanamaCanalZone.AmericanpopulationscontinuedtospeakEnglish,

wearthelatestAmericanfashions,andsocializeinCanalclubsandvenues(McCullough,

1977).Asaresult,thesepopulationswereabletoinsulatethemselvesfromother

populationsandcultures,producingaconceptualandmaterialspacedistinctfromPanama.

ThiscommunityenvironmentwasdescribedasidealforAmericanmigrants,withsome

authors’prophesizingAmericanenclaveswoulddevelopthroughoutPanamainthefuture,

“Ontheisthmustherewasanespiritducorpsafeelingofpridethatmanifesteditselfinahundredways,ofwhichnewcomerwerespeedilymadeaware.Anditmustberecorded,thatwhiletherewasnottheleastextravagance,theofficers,clerksandemployeesgenerallywerepaidgenerouslyfortheirservicesandthelivesofthemselvesandfamiliesweremadeascomfortableaspossible”(Robinson,1911,p.26).

Today,theenclavesofamenitymigrantsinPanamamimicRobinson’sdescriptionsof

Americanizedspaces.Thediscussionsofrace,labour,andculturalimperialisminarchival

66

narrativesalsoappearintheautobiographicaltextsofamenitymigrantslivinginPanama.

Thesimilarityindiscoursebetweenthetwopopulationsisindicativeofpersistentimperial

logicsinthemobilityandsettlementofelitepopulationstoPanama(Mollett,2017;

Guerron-Montero,2014).Stolercontendsthat,“historyismarkedbytheuneven,unsettled,

contingentqualityofhistories,thatfoldbackonthemselvesandinthatrefolding,reveal

newsurfacesandnewplanes”(2016,p.26).Inparticular,bookswrittenbyamenity

migrantsdiscusstheinferiorworkethicofAfro-AntilleanandIndigenouspopulations,who

were“lesslikelytoshowprideintheirwork”and“imaginedasdrunkandincapableof

work”(McBride,2011,p.1338,2352).Also,amenitymigrantauthorsdiscussthelackof

assimilationofAmericanpopulationsinPanama,inregardtolanguageacquisitionand

intoleranceforPanamanianculturalpractices.AmenitymigrantMalcolmHenderson

atteststhatalackofculturalintegrationcausessignificantdiscordbetweenlocaland

foreignpopulations.Hendersonstates,“Thereisagroupwhoshouldneverventureintothe

thirdworld”(2008;p.4087).Thecontinuitybetweenautobiographicaltextsovera

hundredyearperiod,providesgreaterclaritytodiscussionsofNorth-Southmigration

patternsandtheactionsofexpatriatesinPanama.Thesenarrativeshelpinformgeographic

discussionsregardingtheconceptualimaginariesthatinfluenceexpatriatemigration,as

wellasthematerialcontingenciesofelitemigrantsettlementinPanama.

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Figure13:ArticlefromtheNewYorkTimesdiscussingthepopularityofautobiographicaltravelliterature(December8,1946)4.2“PanamaisBelowtheMasonDixonLine”:theRacialImaginariesofLaborinPanamaCanalZone

Labournarrativesarestronglyrelatedtohistoricalpatternsofmigrationthat

extendedfromthe1821untiltheconstructionofthePanamaCanal.Inparticular,soon

afterPanama’scolonialemancipationfromSpainin1821,nationalinfrastructureprojects

andregionaleconomicgrowthspurredawaveofmigrationinthemid-nineteenthcentury

(Lasso,2013).Initially,economicmigrantswereneededtofulfilllabourrequirementsfor

theconstructionoftheTrans-Isthmianrailroad(1850-1855).Thissizableprojectattracted

laborersfromSouthernEurope,China,theWestIndies,andotherareasofLatinAmerica.

However,byfarthelargestdemographicofmigrantlaborerswasfromWestIndies,with

approximately200,000blackWestIndiansarrivingovertheremainderofthenineteenth

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century(Lasso,2013).Atthistime,economicmigrationforworkingclassWestIndianshad

becomeincreasinglycommonduetothegrowthofthemechanizedsugarindustryinthe

Caribbean.Specifically,technologicaladvancesinagricultureandcropproductionhad

causedwidespreadunemploymentintheregion(Sigler,2014;Sigleretal,2015).

AbundantmigrantflowscontinuedintothetwentiethcenturywithFrenchandthen

AmericanconstructionofthePanamaCanal.ControloftheCanalbytheAmerican

governmentandseparationfromColumbiain1903,alsocoincidedwiththe

implementationofatwotieredlaboursystem.SimilartotheTrans-Isthmianrailroad,

Spanish,Italian,Chinese,andWestIndianeconomicmigrantscametoworkaslaborerson

theinfrastructureproject.However,highpayingjobswerereservedfortheapproximately

4,800whiteAmericancitizensthatimmigratedtoPanamaintheearlypartofthecentury.

Inordertopreventunionizationandencourageinfrastructureprogress,projectdevelopers

utilizedthehomogenouscompositionsofwhite-collaremployeesandheterogeneous

compositionoflaborers(Lasso,2013;Mckillen,2011,p.58,Sigleretal,2015).

Thediversepopulationofmigrantlaborersquicklybecameatopicofdiscussion

amongwhiteAmericanresidentsandtravellersoftheCanalZone.Inparticular,

governmentofficials,goldroleemployees,andeventouristsopenlydiscussedthemeritsof

migrantlaborfromdifferentethnicpopulations.Scientificracismduringthelate

nineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,whichusedunscientificempiricalevidencelater

supportracialdiscriminationanddefendwhitesupremacy,influencedthepopularityof

thesediscussionswithintheCanalZone(McCullough,1977).

Forinstance,astheprogressonthewaterwayslowedfrom1903-1907,white

AmericanpopulationsassumedmigrantlaborersfromtheCaribbean,Asia,andLatin

Americaweretoblame.Inparticular,discoursespertainingtotheworkethicand

intelligenceoflaborerscirculatedwidelyinregardtothePanamaCanalproject.

Commentatorssuggestedthatbychangingtheracialdemographicofmanuallaborers,that

thequalityofconstructionandtimetocompletionwouldimprove(Cohen,1971;Lasso,

2013).TheCanalZonePilot,atravelguidefortouristsandnewcomerstothePanamaCanal

Zoneopenlydiscussestheselectionofmigrantlaborersbasedontheirracialbackground.

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“Thecommissionsreportfor1907states,thelaborproblemisstillanunsolvedone,buttheexperimentsofthepastyearwithadiversityofracesandnationalitieshasimprovedtheefficiencyoftheforceandpromisestomakethetermofservicelonger.Tropicallaborismigratoryandnotwithstandingsuperiorwages,housing,andsubsistencetherewillalwaysbelargeperiodicalchangesintheindividualforce.Aregularrecruitingorganization,changedfromonelaborcentertoanother,willalwaysbenecessarytokeepamaximumforceavailable”(1908,p.327).

Figure14:(TheCanalZonePilot,1908,p.327)

ForauthorsofTheCanalZonePilot,theshorttermofservicebyWestIndianlaborerswas

consideredaneffectofaraciallyinferiorworkforce.However,poorlivingandworking

conditions,includinghighratesofdiseaseandinjury,weretheactualreasonforahigh

turnoveramonglaborers(McCullough,1977).ForwhiteAmericans,administrative

positionsintheCanalZoneandsuperiorhousingprotectedthepopulationfromtherisks

facedbytheothermigrantsoftheCanalZone.Theracialhierarchyimposedbythe

residentialandlaborpolicyoftheAmericangovernmentwasoftenlikenedtosegregation

intheSouthernUnitedStates(McKillen,2011).InthetravelnarrativeZonePoliceman88,

theauthorcommentsonlaborrelationsbetweenblackandwhiteemployees.Hewrites,

“NonegrojanitorwouldventuretoquestionawhiteAmerican’serrandinahouse;Panama

isbelowtheMasonandDixonline”(1913,p.165).Franckcontendsthattheracial

segregationofthePanamaCanalZoneallowsWhiteAmericanstoexerciseinordinate

poweroverlaborersandothersilver-wageworkersinamannersimilartotheSouthern

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UnitedStatesduringthisera.Theinferiorlivingandworkingconditionsofmigrant

laborersisalsodiscussedinTheCanalZonePilot,althoughframedasapersonalchoiceby

WestIndianmigrantsratherthanaconsequenceofdiscriminatoryregulation,

“Notonlydothey(WestIndianmigrants)seemtobedisqualifiedbylackofactual

vitalitybuttheirdispositiontolaborseemstobeasfrailastheirbodilystrength.Fewofthemaresteadyworkers.Themajorityofthemworkjustlongenoughtogetmoneytosupplytheiractualnecessities,withtheresultthatwhilecommissionisquarteringandcaringabout25,000menthedailyeffectiveforceismanythousandsless.Manyofthemsettleinthejunglebuildinglittleshacksraisingenoughtokeepthemaliveandworkingonlyadayortwooccasionallyastheyseefit.Inthiswaybygettingawayfromthecommissionsquarterspracticalcontroloverthemislostanditbecomesverydifficultforforementocalculateonkeepingtheirgangsfilled“(1908,p.326).

Scientificracismprevalentduringtheearlytwentiethcentury,informstravelnarratives

andopinionsaroundtheefficacyoflaborersinrelationtotheirraceorethnicity.For

instance,WestIndianworkerswerefrequentlydescribedastheworstofalllabouroptions,

followedbyChinesemigrants,thenmestizoPanamanians,andfinallymigrantsfrom

SouthernEuropeasthepreferableoptionforlabourinitiatives(McCullough,1977).For

Americanwriters,therelationbetweenraceandworkethicoperatedonaspectrum,with

migrantsofAfricandescentfacingthegreatestcriticism.Thisisevidentwhencontrasting

thediscoursesofWestIndianmigrantstotherepresentationofSpanishlaborersinthe

CanalZonePilot,

“TheexperimentwithlaborersfromnorthernSpainhasprovedverysatisfactory.

Theirefficiencyisnotonlymorethandoublethatofthenegroesbuttheystandtheclimatemuchbetter.TheyhavemalariainaboutthesamedegreeasthewhiteAmerican,butnotatalltotheconditionthatthenegroeshaveit.TheirgeneralconditionsisaboutasgoodasitwasattheirhomesinSpain.Thechiefengineerisconvincedbythisexperimentthatanwhitemansocalled,underthesameconditions,willstandtheclimateontheisthmusmuchbetterthanthenegroes,whoaresupposedtobeimmunefrompracticallyeverything,butwhoasamatteroffactaresubjecttoalmosteverything.”(1908,p.326).ForthewritersoftheCanalZonePilot,thedifferenceinphysicalhealthbetweenWest

IndianandSpanishpopulationswasconsideredtobeaneffectofbiologicalinferiority,

ratherthanaconsequenceofpoorworkingandlivingconditionsthatleftWestIndian

workersvulnerabletomosquitobornedisease.Incontrast,preferentialtreatmentbythe

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UnitedStatesgovernment,illustratedthroughtheunequaldistributionoffederalresources

andhealthservicestoAmericanworkersandSpanishlaborers,allowedwhitepopulations

tothrivephysicallyandprofessionallyontheIsthmus(McKillen,2011).Theimprovedlevel

ofhealthamongwhitepopulationswasnotconsideredaresultofAmericanpolicy,but

ratheraconsequenceofracialsuperiority.

Duringtheearlytwentiethcentury,socialandscientificprejudiceimpactedthe

characterizationofdiversemigrantlaborpopulationsofthePanamaCanal.Inparticular,

theliteraryrepresentationformestizoPanamaniansalsousednarrativesofinferiority

whencomparedtotheworkethicandhealthof“superior”Americanpopulations.However,

thecharacterizationoflocalPanamanianpopulationswaslesscriticalthanthe

commentaryfacedbyWestIndianworkers.Inparticular,Panamanianswereoften

describedasinfantileinnature,causingthepopulationtobereliantonthecommonsense

andintelligenceoftheUnitedStates’government.Americanauthorandadministrative

officialHarryFranck,commentsontheinferiorityofPanamaniansandtheirperspectiveon

CanalZonelabor,

“Noneofthesechildishcountriesismanenoughtoseethroughtheroughsurface.

EvenwithsevenyearsofAmericanexampleabouthimthePanamanianhasnotyetgraspedthedivinityoflabor.Perhapshewilleonshencewhenhehasgrownnearertotruecivilization.(1913,p.220)”CriticismbyAmericanauthorsregardingtheworkethicandreliabilityoflocalpopulations

wascommoninPanamanianandCentralAmericantravelliterature.Forwritersconcerned

withlaboronthePanamaCanal,discussionsregardingraceandabilitywerefrequently

discussed.Howeverfortravellersvisitingtheregion,discussionsofunreliableand

incompetentservitudedominatedthecharacterizationofmestizopopulations.InJohn

LloydStephenstravelsofCentralAmericaandMexico,theauthorstatesthat,“Wehad

manypreparationstomake,andfromtheimpossibilityofgettingservantsuponwhomwe

couldrely,wereobligedtoattendtoallthedetailsourselves”(1841,p.128).Indiscourses

frombothpermanentresidentsoftheCanalZoneandtemporarytravellersintheregion,

localpopulationsdescribedassubstandardtothedesiresandexpectationsofwhite

Americanwriters.

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Figure15:SketchofWestIndianworkersfromPanamaintheBostonGlobe(Carpenter,1898,p.28)4.3“NoSuchThingasaGoodIndianWorker”:NarrativesofLabourandRaceinAmenityMigrantEnclaves

Moderndiscussionsoflabourandworkethiccontinuetoinformrelationsbetween

elitemigrantpopulationsandnon-whitePanamanians.Intheautobiographicaltextsof

amenitymigrantslivinginPanamamigrantsexpressedantipathytowardstheperceived

workethic,morality,andintelligenceofPanamanianpeopleandpractices.Althoughnot

particularlyprominentintravelliteraturefocusedtowardsshort-termvisitors,authors

discussingresidentialtourismfreelydisclosedcriticismofWestIndian,mestizo,and

IndigenousPanamaniansinregardtopracticesoflaborandservitude.Parallelingthe

discoursesseeninarchivalliterature,manycontemporaryauthorsusedcomparative

languagetoillustratethedeficiencyofPanamanianworkethicinregardtoothercultures

andsocieties.IntheGringoGuidetoPanamaJulianneMurphydiscusseswhatexpatriate

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populationsfromtheGlobalNorthshouldexpectfromworkerswhenlivinginPanama.She

writes,

“Don’texpectproductivityinPanamatobethesameasproductivityelsewhereintheworld.Becauseitsdefinitelynot.Panamais,infact,veryunproductivegenerally.ItsaninterestingmixofLatinandCaribbeanworkethics”(2008,p.12).

Evidentfromthisstatementistheauthor’sperspectivethattheworkethicofindividuals

fromareasoftheGlobalSouthisassumedtodifferfromthestandardsandpracticesthat

MurphyhasexperiencedinTheGlobalNorth.Theauthorcontinueswithanexplanationfor

thesubstandardworkethicandproductivityoflaborersinPanama.

“Here’sfoodforthought.Panamawasoccupied(forthebattlegroundofsomewaroranother)forhundredsofyearsbeforeitbecameitsownsovereignnationin1903.FormanyyearsPanamawaspartofColombia.Sothemindsetofthenativesforallofthoseyearswasoneoftheenslavedorconqueredpeople.Freethinkingwasnotencouragedorrewarded”(2008,p.14-15).Similartothenarrativesthatappearedinarchivalliterature,theauthorinfersarelation

betweenthehistoryandvaluesofanationandthepersonalqualitiesofitscitizens.As

discussedinthesectiononAmericangovernance,archivalwritersbelievedthattheUnited

States’politicalandeconomicseparationfromBritaincreatedanAmericancitizenthat

moregreatlyvaluedhardworkandindependencethanasocietybasedinmonarchy

(Miguez,2007).AsJulianneMurphytheorizes,Panama’shistoryasaregionundercolonial

control,bySpainandColombia,shapedthepersonalitiesofPanamaniancitizensas

obedientbutunengaged.Interestingly,Murphy’scommentarymaybealludingtoracialized

Panamanians,suchascitizensofAfricanorIndigenousdescent,whoweremorelikelytobe

enslavedthanthewhiteupperclassofthecountry.Thepossibledifferentiationbetween

whiteupperclassPanamaniansandlowerclassPanamaniansofcolorisconfirmedwhen

theauthordiscussesthedevelopmentofintellectualandcriticalthinkingskillsinthe

country.

“Panamaniansasawhole,arenotcriticalthinkers.ManyPanamaniansarenot

innateproblemsolvers-that’sjustthenorm.Thereareasmallpercentageofupperclasscitizenswhoattenduniversityand/orboardingschooloutsideofthecountry.Theseindividualsoftenhaveadifferentframeofreference,buttheyaretheminority”(2008,p.13).

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ForMurphy,thequalityoflaborandservitudeinPanamahasbeenbroadlyshapedby

historiesofcolonialismontheIsthmus,aswellasthespecificraceandclassidentitiesof

eachworker.Amongexpatriateauthors,criticismofPanamanianworkersseemstobe

widelycirculatedinliteratureanddailylife.Thisisespeciallyprevalentfortravel

narrativesemergingfromthearchipelagoofBocasdelToro.SituatedonPanama’sAtlantic

Coast,BocasdelTorohasbeenaffectedbyunprecedentedlevelsofresidentialandamenity

migrationfollowingtheimplementationofnationaldevelopmentalandpoliticalstrategies

inthe1990s(Craine&Jackiewicz,2010;GuerronMontero,2011).Duetoaninfluxin

migrantsoverthepasttwodecades,theeconomicanddemographiccompositionofBocas

delToroislandshaschangedrapidly(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013;GuerronMontero,

2014).Formerlyaplantationcolony,Afro-AntilleanandtheIndigenousNgobe-Bugle

comprisedthemajorityofBocasdelToro’spopulations.However,thepopularityofBocas

delToroasanamenitymigrantdestinationhasresultedinthegrowthoftherealestate

marketandtouristbusinessesbyNorthAmericanandEuropeanmigrants.Thiseconomic

shifthasresultedinthedisplacementoflocalpopulationsthroughthedevelopmentofan

illegallandtradeandarisingcostofliving.Despitetheseemergingissues,BocasdelTorois

marketedbythePanamaniangovernmentandtourismliteratureaspremieredestination

foraffluentmigrantstoliveandwork.Asaresultofthisgrowth,expatriatepopulations

relyonlocalworkerstofulfillthelaborrequirementsfortheconstructionandservice

industries(GuerronMontero,2011;Spalding,2013).

NarrativespertainingtothelocalworkforceinBocasdelToroareverysimilarto

representationsthatpreviouslycirculatedinthePanamaCanalZone.Inthe

autobiographicalaccount,ParadiseDelayedauthorIanUsherdescribestheadvicehe

receivedfromafellowexpatriateinBocasdelTorowhileseekingconstructionworkersfor

hisnewhome.“ItoldhimIwaslookingforworkersandaskedhisadvice.Hehadplenty,

muchofithumorousandfairlycynical,based,hesaid,onmanyyearsexperience”(2013,p.

303).Duetothedemographicmakeupofthearchipelago,themajorityoflaborersinthe

regionareofAfro-AntilleanandIndigenous,oftenNgobeorGuna.MembersoftheNgobe-

Bugletribeoftenfacethemostcriticismfromexpatriatepopulations.Britishexpatriate

MalcolmHendersondiscussestensionswithanIndigenousemployeeonhisfarmwhenhe

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writes,“AfeelingofdepressioncameovermeandIwonderedifthoseGringoswhosay

thereisnosuchthingasagoodIndianworkerareright(2004,page2360)“.Narratives

usedinreferencetoIndigenouspeoplesbyresidentialtouristsalsoemployedstereotypical

tropesthatinferredabsenteeparentingandsubstanceabuseissuesamongthecommunity.

Hendersonalsorecountsaconversationbetweenhimselfandafriendaboutfundinga

remoteIndigenousschoolinthearchipelago,

“Andhaveeitherthegovernmentortheparentsdoneanythingaboutit?”“Welltheparentsareraisingmoneytobuildaplaceforchildrentoeattheirmeal.”“Youthinkso?Idoubtit.Anymoneytheycollectwillgoonbeer.Theydosweet,fuck

allandjustwaitforasofthearted,evangelicalgringolikeyoutodropoutofthesky.Youarecausingmoreharmthangood,buster.Theywillneverlearniftheythinkthelikesofyouaregoingtosavethem”(2004,p.4293).TheexchangebetweenHendersonandhisfriendopenlydisparagesthecharacterofthe

localIndigenouscommunity.Inparticular,thispassagealludestotheperceptionbythe

twoexpatriatespeakersofapoorworkethicandalcoholismamongPanamanianresidents

inthearea.Althoughheavilyprejudicialinnature,Hendersonopenlydiscussesthese

narrativeswithanotherresidentandincludesthesenarrativesinhisbookforother

expatriatestoread.Thisexampleinconjunctionwithpreviousquotationsdiscussed,

illustratethecommonalityinwhichworkethic,servitude,andracearelinkedand

deliberatedamongtheexpatriatepopulationofBocasdelToro.Interestingly,author

ConnieMcBrideextendstheconversationofthePanamanianworkforcetotheroleofthe

federalgovernmentandlaborregulations.McBride,asailorthatremainedinBocasdel

Toroforoneyear,sharesaconversationregardingthelaborlawsduringnationalholidays

withafellowexpatriate.Herfriendexplains,

“See,Panamanianlawsaysthatworkersgetpaiddoubletimeandahalffornational

holidays.Theyalsogetonemonth’spaidvacationayearandeveryquartertheygetafreeweek’ssalaryasabonus,soitischeapertolayoffyouremployeesandclosethedoorsfortheentiremonthofNovemberthanitistopaythemforallthehourstheyarenotworking.Icouldheartheresentmentgrowinginjaysvoiceasheexplainedthelaborlaws.ButratherthanallowingmyselftogetcaughtupinhisindignationIremindedhim,yesbuttheymake$20aday”(2012,p.146).

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CriticalnarrativesfromNorthAmericanandEuropeanpopulationsconcerninglaborin

Panamaisnotonlylimitedtoanindividualscalebutalsoextendstofederalregulations.

MirroringarchivaldiscoursesofincompetentPanamanianleadership,contemporary

narrativesregardingPanamanianlaborlawsbyAmericanmigrantsalsocondemnfederal

leadershipinthecountry.Inalltemporalperiodsandscales,theantipathytowards

Panamaniansinresidentialtourismliteratureisreflectiveofantipathybyexpatriate

authors.Inparticular,thiscriticismtowardstheworkethicandlaborpracticesof

Panamaniansoccurswhenlocalpopulationsdonotadheretooractindependentlyfrom

theEurocentricexpectationsofexpatriateauthors.Fromthisexampleitisevidentthat

criticalnarrativesoflaborperpetuatedbyresidentialtouristsareimplementedinregardto

bothlocalandelitePanamanianpopulations.Narrativescritiquingthelabourpracticesof

non-whitepopulationsinPanamaarenottemporallyorspatiallyisolated.AsStoler

illustratesinadiscussionofarchivalliterature,“drawingourattentiontotheirown

scriptedtemporalandspatialdesignationsofwhatiscolonialandwhatisnolonger,

makingitdifficulttostretchbeyondguardedframes(2016,p.5).Inthecontextofaffluent

migrationtotheIsthmus,discourserelatedtorace,servitude,andmanagementhave

persistedinsimilarformsamongtheinterpersonalrelationsofwhite,elitemigrantsand

WestIndian,mestizo,andIndigenouspopulations.Althoughtheserecursionsemergeinthe

contextofglobaltourismratherthanAmericanimperialism,thegeographicimaginaries

informingmigrationandpowerinregardtoPanamaresultinsimilarmaterial

contingencies.

4.4Laborersas“Other”:TheRacialImaginariesInformingEmploymentPracticesin

Panama

Duringthetwentiethcenturyconstructionsofwhitesupremacyunderpinnedthe

labourpolicyoftheUnitedStatesgovernmentinthePanamaCanalZone.Frenkelasserts

that,

“Simplyput,theAmericans,assubjects,viewedPanamaandPanamaniansas‘Other’,asobjectstobemanipulatedwhendeterminingpolicyandbuildingpractices.Stereotypedvisionsoftentookprecedenceoverrealityinguidingtheformulationofthesepoliciesandpractices”(2002,p.86).

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RacialdiscoursebyAmericanmediaandUSgovernmentshapedpublic

representationsofmigrantlabourersas,“unhealthy,dirty,andimmoral”(Lasso,2013,p.

554,559).Contrarily,whiteAmericanmenlivingineconomicenclavesweredepictedin

Americanmediaas“hardworking,purposeful,andmasculine”(Martin,2013,p.335).This

binarynaturalizedalaborhierarchythatplacedwhiteAmericanmenincontrolofWest

Indian,Chinese,andPanamanianpopulations(Martin,2013,p.322).Inaddition,narratives

ofmoralityandutilityfacilitatedtheexclusionofmigrantlaborersfromAmericannation

buildingimaginaries,transformingtheZonebacktoaspaceofwhiteAmerican

exceptionalism(Lasso,2013;Frenkel,2002).

Discoursesoflabour,servitude,andracearealsoprevalentamongthepracticesand

processesoftourismandamenitymigration(McBride,2012;Henderson,2004;Murphy,

2008).Sheller(2004)contendsthathistoriesofslaveryandracialinequalitycontinueto

influencetherepresentationsofAfro-Caribbeanpopulationsintravelnarratives.Research

ontourismmarketingstrategiesunderpinthisassertion,

“Usingtheworld-makingpoweroftourismpermittedthetransformationofperilous“coastalblacks”intoiconicfiguresofCaribbeanbeauty:welcoming,tranquil,attractivemenandwomenreadytoentertainthetourists’wishes”(Guerron-Montero,2014,p.428).

ThegeographicimaginaryofblackservitudehasalsobeenresearchedinCentral

America.OntheAtlanticcoastofPanama,Mollett(2017)statesthat,“dehumanizing

narrativesthattargetAfro-descendantsareneverjustwords,butrenderlegitimate

multiplekindsofmaterialandviolentembodieddispossessions”(p.5).Thus,racial

narrativesthatfrequentlycirculateinthetourismindustrycaninfluencetheemployment

relationsandconditionsofIndigenous,mestizo,andAfro-Antilleanpopulationswithin

amenitymigrantenclaves.Forthisreason,theperpetuationsofcoloniallogicsinPanama

havebeenreconstitutedtoservethelabourhierarchiesinthetourismindustry(Stoler,

2016).

4.5“TheBushNative”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsofWhiteZoneResidents

AmericanauthorsfrequentlyromanticizedorinfantilizedIndigenousPanamanians

inautobiographicaltexts.MisrepresentativenarrativesaboutIndigenouspeoplewere

informedbyavarietyoffactors.Firstly,theconfinedspatialityoftheCanalZonelimited

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dailyinteractionbetweenAmericansandtheIndigenousvillagersthatlivedoutsideofthe

TenMileZone(Franck,1913).Secondly,popularnewspapersoftenportrayedIndigenous

Panamaniansasprimitivecomparedtowhitepopulations.Forinstance,TheLosAngeles

Timesdescribesthecrocodile-killingadventuresofanAmericanadventurerinPanama,

“ToawhitemanslayinganoldcrocodilelikeOldDevilisbutaminorevent.Toa

bushman,itisoccasionforcelebrationnotuntingedwithacertainamountofreligiousfrenzy,touchinguponandappertainingtothingsverysacredtothebushmanandhissecretgods.Hepayshomagetothewhitemanforthosethingsheproudlyconsidersanunsolvablemystery”(LosAngelesTimes,1922,p.X16).

Figure16:Illustrationof“OldDevil”(LosAngelesTimes,1922,p.X16)

AutobiographerHenryFranckcommentsuponthepopularityofsensationalizedstories

involvingIndigenouspopulations,“butitneedonlyalittletimeonthezonetomakeone

laughattheabsurdstoriesofdangerfromthebushnativethatareevenyetappearingin

manyUSpapers”(1913,p.282).DescriptionsofIndigenouspopulationswereoftenplaced

alongotherdangerouselementsofthePanamanianwilderness,“Hostilenatives,wild

beasts,andhugpoisonousreptilesbestthepathinsectshelpedtodiscouragepopulation”

(Globe&Mail,1925).Lastly,thehistoricalrepresentationsofIndigenousPanamaniansby

Europeancolonialactors,aswellasnarrativesfromUSdomesticexpansion,influencedthe

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perspectivesofautobiographersthroughthecontinuityofraciallogics(Stoler,2016).

Underthesecircumstances,Americanautobiographerswereinterestedinproviding

descriptionsofpeopleandtheirconditions.Inparticular,thecultural,social,andhistorical

dividebetweenIndigenousPanamaniansandforeignpopulations.

IndigenousrepresentationsromanticizedIndigenousculturesvisavisImperialpowersof

SpainandtheUS.RobinsonstatesthatprevioustoEuropeancolonizationeffortsin

Panama,lifeforIndigenousPanamanianswasgenerallyidealandencompassedathriving

society.Robinsonwrites,

“[…]thattheywereconsiderablyadvancedintheartsofcivilizedlife.Theylivedin

villages,eachgovernedbyacaciqueorchiefandwithoutbeingwhatiscalledprogressive,weregenerallyandpeacewitheachother,contented,andthereforehappy.Allthiswasrudelychanged.Theseprimitivehomeswereinvaded,thewonderingIndiansrobbedoftheirplentifulornamentsofvirgingold,andatthesametimeseizedandmadeprisonersandslaves.Theyquicklyvanishedfromthefaceoftheearth,underthecruelSpaniards”(1911,p.172). FranckalsoemphasizesthedestructionanddisplacementofIndigenouslifebyThe

UnitedStatesgovernment.Inparticular,Franckisardentwhendescribingtheprocessof

removingIndigenouscommunitiesfromthepathwayoftheCanal.Hewrites,

“Putyourselfinhis(Indigenousperson)breech-clout.Supposeathrongof

unsympatheticforeignerssuddenlyappearedresolvedtoturnalltheworldyouknewintoalake,justbecausethatabsurdoutsideworldwantedtofloatsteamersyouneverknewtheuseof,fromsomewhereyouneverheardof,tosomewhereyoudidnotknow.Supposearepresentativeofthatunsympatheticgovernmentcamesnortingdownuponyouoneday…andcried:“comeon!Getoutofhere!We’regoingtoburnyourhouseandturnthiscountryintoalake.”Floodthelandwhichwasyourgreat-grandfathers,thespotwhereyouusedtoplayleapfrogunderthebananatrees,thejunglelandwhereyourmotherscourtshipdayswerepassed…Theforeignershadcried,“takethismoneyandgobuyafarmsomewhereelse,“andyoulookedaroundyouandsawaltheworldyouhadeverreallyknowntheexistenceofsinkingbeneaththerisingwaters.Wherewouldyougo,thinkyou,tobuythatnewfarm?Evenifyoufledandfoundanotherunknownlandhighanddryoratownwhatcouldyoudo,havingnottheremotestideahowtoliveinatownwithonlypiecesofmetaltogetfoodoutofinsteadofthemangotreethathadstoodbehindthehouseyourgrandfatherbuilteversinceyouwerebornanddroppedmangoeswheneveryouwerehungry?Tosaytheleastyouwouldbesomepeeved”(1913,p.307-308).AlthoughIndigenousPanamanianswereoftenrepresentednegativelyinpopularAmerican

media,FranckillustratesthereasonswhyIndigenouspeoplemaybehesitanttoengagein

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relationshipswithworkersfromtheUnitedStates.Inaddition,therepresentationof

Americansinthepassageas“unsympathetic”and“snortingdownuponyou”illustrates

culpabilitybyTheUnitedStatesgovernmentanditscitizensforpoorrelationsbetween

IndigenouscommunitiesandtheworkersoftheCanalZone(Franck,1913,p.307).Franck

reiteratestheresponsibilitythatAmericanshaveincreatingastrainedrelationship

betweenmigrantsandlocalswhenhewritesofhisexperiencewithanIndigenous

communityontheoutskirtsofthePanamaCanal,

“…Somewhatfrightenedbecausetheir(Indigenous)experienceofAmericansisofa

discourteouscreaturewhoshootsattheminastrongtongueandswearsatthembecausetheydonotunderstandit.Themomenttheyheardtheirowncustomarygreetingstheychangedtochildrendelightedtodoanythingtooblige”(1913,p.282).Franck’swritingurgesAmericanreaderstoempathizewithIndigenouspopulations

throughtherepresentationallenseofinfantilism.Inparticular,Franckcharacterizesthe

behavioraldispositionofIndigenousadultsassimilartothatofachild,byusinglanguage

suchas“frightened”,“delighted”,andaninferenceofobedience.Theauthoralsoportrays

theIndigenouspopulationsasincapableofunderstandingtheactionsandbehaviorsof

Americanimperialists.InFranck’sattempttochallengethenegativedepictionsof

IndigenousPanamanians,theauthoralsoperpetuatesnotionsofinfantilisminregardto

thegroup.

Fifty-yearPanamaCanalZoneresident,TracyRobinson,alsochallengestheelite

depictionsofIndigenouspeopleinPanama.Hewrites,

“Itisdifficulttounderstandfully,andexpressanintelligentopinionuponthesocial

lifeofpeopleofanotherraceandlanguage,otherideasandcustoms,otherstandardsofaction,unlessfamiliesenableonetodoso”(1911,p.232).

RobinsoncontendsthatwhitecitizensoftheZoneareincapableofproducinganinformed

opiniononotherracialandethnicpopulationsinPanamawithoutpossessingpersonalties

totheaforementionedcommunity.AuthorJohnStephens,whotravelledextensivelyfrom

PanamauntilreachingtheYucatanin1841,sharesthepersonalrelationshipshehas

developedwithanIndigenouscommunityduringhistimeinCentralAmerica.Stephens

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describedthesceneastheauthorpreparedtoleaveanIndigenousvillagethathadoffered

himhospitality,

“Everymaleinhabitantcametothehousetobidusfarewellandwishustoreturn;

andbeforestartingweroderoundandexchangedadioswithalltheirwives;goodkindandquietpeople,freefromallagitatingcares,andaimingonlyatanundisturbedexistenceinaplacewhichIhadbeeninducedtobelievetheabodeofsavagesandfullofdanger”(1841,p.365).

StephensexpressesthathispreconceivednotionsofIndigenouspeoplediffered

significantlyfromhispersonalexperienceswithresidentsofanIndigenousvillage.

4.6“LikeDisney’sVersionofPocahontas”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsbyAmenityMigrants

Autobiographicalliteraturewrittenbyamenitymigrantsandresidentialtouristin

Panamafrom1990-2017oftenreducesthecomplexityofIndigenousPanamanianpeople

toonedimensionalandstereotypicaldepictions.Inresidentialtourismandamenity

migrationscholarship,IndigenouspeoplesofPanamaarecharacterizedasanextensionof

thecountry’snaturallandscapes.Historically,Europeancolonizersemphasizedaclose

relationshipbetweenIndigenousgroupsandthenaturalworldaspartofaprimitiveand

animalisticconceptualization.Relatedly,amenitymigrantsdistanceIndigenous

Panamaniansfromunderstandingsofmodernitythroughvariousdiscursiveandmaterial

practices.Theseprocessesfacilitateaninterpersonalhierarchybetweenthe

representationsofIndigenousPanamaniansandamenitymigrantsinPanama.

ForresidentialtouristsConnieMcBrideandMalcolmHendersoninBocasdelToro,

indigenouspopulationswerecommonlydescribedaspartofthenaturallandscape.Inthe

followingpassageMcBriderecountsadiscussionwithanacquaintanceonwhattoexpectin

thearchipelagoofBocasdelToro.Theauthorwrites,

“Unlikethearidislandsofoursailingpast,herewasalandwithrealsoilthatsupportedtreesofproportionsandvarietiesthatwehadneverseensoclosetoasea.Webombardedthemwithquestionsandtheyprovidedalltherightanswers.Theytoldusofmonkeys,mountains,waterfalls,sandybeaches,andIndians(2012,p.2).“

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Theplacementof“Indians”inalistwiththetopographicalfeaturesandanimalsofthe

Panamanianarchipelagoillustratesaconceptuallinkfortheauthorbetweenthese

elements.TheMcBridefamilyconsideredthepresenceofindigenouscommunitiessimilar

tonaturalattractionsinBocasdelToro.ForMalcolmHenderson,anexpatriatethathad

residedinPanamaforanumberofyears,indigenouspopulationswereoftendescribedas

partofthetropicalscenery.WhiledescribingaviewofthewaterHendersonwrites,“Inthe

distance,IndiansfishfromCayucosintheshadowsofthemangroves”(2004,Location

298).McBridealsodescribesasimilarscene,“WesawotherIndiansindugoutsthroughout

thebay,oblivioustothegawkerssailingthroughtheirbackyard”(2012,p.24).McBride

describesalocalteenagerwhenshewrites,

“Abeautifulgirlof16withdarkhairnearlytoherwaiststoppedtopose,thoughshe

nevermadeeyecontact;herhighcheekbonesandcaféconlecheskinremindedmeofaDisney’sversionofPocahontas”(2012,p.150).SimilartothetaleofDisney’sPocahontas,representationsofIndigenouscommunities

livingclosetonatureandevenpossessingmysteriousknowledgeregardingtheworld,

werereoccurringthemesamongtravelwriters.InDon’t’KillTheCowtooQuick,Henderson

describesthepurposeofasuddentrip,“Withanunexpectedweektospare,weheadedto

CostaRicatovisitmembersofanIndigenousIndiantribe,hopingtheywouldshowusthe

pathtoatranquillife”(2004,p.125).Henderson’sfascinationwithIndigenousknowledge

andculturalpracticesarenotonlylimitedtoCostaRicancommunitiesbutalsoabundantly

clearinregardtolocalPanamanianpopulations.Inparticular,Hendersonemploysthe

“idealizedEuropeanvision”ofIndigenousPanamaniansbyemphasizingtheir“conformity

withnature”(Redford,1991).Hendersonstatesthat,“AmongsttheIndigenouspeople,the

understandingsofnature’sneedandofmankind’sdependenceonherbounty,remainboth

practicalandspiritual”(2004,p.149).HendersonmaintainsIndigenouscommunitiesas

nature,particularlyinregardtospiritualworshipandsustenancecultivation.Henderson

furthersthe“discursivetraditionofnatureconservation”bypositioning“primitive”

Indigenouspopulationsastheonlycommunitiesallowedtolivewith“pristineornatural”

environments(DeBont,2015).Inaddition,Hendersonalsospeakstohisperceptionofa

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strongerhistoricalrelationshipbetweenIndigenouspopulationsandtheenvironmentthan

hisownEuropeanforbearers,

“IhadrespectforIndianadvice.Theirknowledgecarriestheexperienceoftheir

forefatherswholivedinharmonywithnature.Theirsurvivalwasdependentonunderstandingnature’swaysandhercures”(2004,p.2254).HendersonreplicatesaperspectivethatcharacterizesIndigenouspopulationsas

possessingamoreintimaterelationshipwiththenaturalworld.However,theconceptual

relationbetweenIndigeneityandtheenvironmentalsofunctionstodistinguishthese

populationsfromdiscoursesofmodernityanddevelopment.Throughouthistory,European

colonizersemphasizedacloserelationshipbetweenIndigenousgroupsandthenatural

worldaspartofaprimitiveandanimalisticconceptualization(Mollett2017).Henderson’s

commentonthelocalIndigenouspopulationsillustratestheauthor’sperceptualbinary

betweentheNgobe-BugletribeandothermembersoftheBocasdelTorocommunity.

Specifically,whiteandAfro-Antilleanresidentsarenotcharacterizedasinteractingwith

natureinsuchanintimateandextensivemanner.InEuriskoSailsWestMcBrideexpressesa

similarsentimenttowardsIndigenouspeopleinBocasdelToro.Inparticular,McBride

positivelyrepresentsmembersoftheNgobeandGunatribesthatliveinthejungle,rather

thanfamiliesthatliveinthevarioustownoftheBocasdelToroarchipelago.

“WediscoveredduringourstayinPanamathatthefartherintothejunglethe

Indianslived,thebetterofftheywere.Theonescutofffromcivilizationlivedinwellbuiltthoughsimplehomeswithporchesandyardsthattheykeepsweptandfreeofdebris.Theirchildrenwereclean,appropriatelydressand[sic]quickwithasmileandawave.ButtheIndianslivingclosetotownswerelesslikelytoshowanyprideintheirhomes,theirchildren,orthemselves.Therewasnotajunglefulloffoodsurroundingthem,norichdirtinwhichtogrowagarden,noclearstreamfromwhichtogatherwater,whattheygainedinaccesstomodernconveniencestheylostinthewayofself-relianceandconfidence”(2012,p.55).ThebinarypresentedbyMcBridemirrorsthenarrativesfrequentlyusedbyconservation

groupsandnativespokespeopletocharacterizeIndigenouslife,“TheIndianworld-

collective,communal,humanrespectfulofnature,andwise-andthewesternworld-

greedy,destructive,individualist,andenemyofnature”(Redford,1991).Asmentionedin

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thequoteabove,McBridenegativelyrepresentsIndigenouspeople,whodonotlivecloseto

thejungleoradheretootherformsof“traditional”Indigeneity.

“Inthemeantime,wewillkeepfilminglocalsinwhatmiddleclassAmericansconsiderhorriblelivingconditions.Butourpointis,whichgroupofpeopleishappiest?Theaccountantslavingawayfrom9to5,chasinghistail,worriedaboutmortgages,insurance,andkeepingupwithhisneighbors,ortheIndianfamilylivinginacorrugatedtinshackonthewater,worriedaboutnothingbutwhethertohavefishorriceforbreakfast?Whichgroupdoyouhearlaughingmostoften?”(2012,p.145)McBridecontinueswiththisnarrativeinanotherpartofhertravelmemoir,while

discussinganIndigenousfamilythatlivedclosetohersailboat.

“Atrailoflaughterfollowedthemastheypaddledtoshore:sixlittlebodiesina

dugoutcanoe,rowinghometoashackinamudflat,withnoelectricity,norunningwater,andnotacareintheworld,takingapieceofourChristmastreeasacovetedgift”(2012,p.38).TheIndigenouspovertydescribedbyMcBrideintheabovepassagesisseenasa

normalizedfeatureofPanamanianIndigenouslife(Mollett,2011).Academicdiscussionsof

IndigenouspopulationsinCentralAmericaassertthatdiscussionsofpovertyand

inequalityareshapedbyunderstandingsofdifference.Inparticular,“processesareset

forththroughculturalhierarchiesandtropesofbackwardness”thatnormalize

representationsofIndigenouspoverty(Mollett,2011,p.45).McBride’scharacterizationof

Indigenouspopulationsasunintelligentandunambitiousisanotherinvocationofthis

backwardness.

4.7Savage,Civilized,orNoble:ConstructionsofIndigeneityandNatureTravelwritersandtouristsinPanamahaveusedavarietyofdiscursivepracticesto

shapeIndigenousrepresentations.Inparticular,narrativesofinfantilismwereusedto

describethedispositionandagencyofIndigenousPanamaniansbyAmerican

autobiographers.AsAndreaSmith(2010)asserts,Euro-Americandiscoursecommonly

positsIndigenouspopulationsinabinaryofcivilizedorinfantile,

“TheNativeisrenderedpermanentlyinfantileor—asmostlycommonlyunderstood—aninnocentsavage.Shecannotmatureintoadultcitizenship,shecanonlybe

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lockedintoapermanentstateofinfancy—degenerateintobrutalsavageryordisappearinto“civilization”(Smith,2010,p.51).

EvidentinthediscussionsbyFranck(1913)andRobinson(1911),Indigenous

PanamaniansweredepictedastheantithesistoAmericanimperialexpansionism.In

particular,theauthorsrepresentedIndigenouspopulationsasinherentlyunableto

understandthecivilizingactionsoftheUnitedStates,duetotheirinfantilenatureand

positioningoutsideofmodernsociety.

AuthorsofautobiographicaltextsalsoromanticizedtherelationshipofIndigenous

peoplewiththeenvironment.Theserepresentationsalignwithscholarshipfromthefield

ofconservationthatattestsindigenouspopulationsarecommonly“ascribedelaborate

ecologicalfolkknowledge,whilebeingrepresentedassuccessfulstewardsoftheEarth”(De

Bont,2015,p.215).Inthiscolonialconstruction,nativepopulationsareunderstoodas

“NobleSavages”thatliveinharmonywiththeirenvironment(Redford,1991).AsMcBride

(2012)andHenderson(2004)demonstrated,Indigenouspersonsarecriticizediftheydo

notfulfillthelandusepracticesandqualitiesascribedtotheNobleSavagestereotype.

McBride(2012)andHenderson’s(2004)discussionisinformedbyracialimaginariesthat

shape“conceptionsofsuitableandunsuitablelandusepractices”byIndigenous

Panamanians(Mollett,2011,p.45).Thusconstructionsof“real”Indigeneityintersectwith

narrativesofmodernity,civilization,andenvironmentalism.

4.8TheMakingofAmericanSpaceinPanama

TravelwritersdocumentinglifeandtourisminPanamafrequentlycommentedon

theprocessesofAmericanspacemakingintheIsthmus.TheuseofAmericanfashion,

language,andhousingdesignbywhiteAmericansfacilitatedtheculturalandphysical

likenessofthePanamaCanalZonetomainlandUnitedStates.Segregatedrestaurants,bars,

interestgroupsandtheYMCAalsoshapedthesocialisolationofAmericanresidentsfrom

otherpopulationsinPanama.WhiteresidentsfrequentlypraisedtheUnitedStates

governmentfortransformingtheCanalZoneintoaspacereminiscentoftheUnitedStates.

Inparticular,travelwritersemphasizedtheirpersonalopinionthatprevioustoAmerican

occupation,Panamawasanundesirabletropicallocation.HenryFranckwrites,

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“Unclesamesurelymakeslifecomfortableforhischildrenwhereverhetakeshold.

Itisnotenoughthatheshallcleanupandsetinorderthesetropicalpestholes;hewillhavetheemployeefancyhimselfcompletelyathome”(1913,p.27)

Figure17:HighTeawithColonelandMrs.DavidD.Gaillard(McCullough,1977,p.513)

TheauthorpurveysasimilarsentimentwhenreferringtoAmericanworkerswhohave

residedintheCanalZoneforalongperiodoftime,“Andnonebutthosecaninanydegree

realizewhat“TioSam”hasdonefortheplace”(Franck,1913,p.28).Inbothquotations

FranckemphasizesabeliefthattheregionofPanamawasinneedoftransformation,asthe

previousconditionoftheZonewasunacceptablebyAmericanstandards.Theauthoralso

indicatesthatthePanamaCanalZonehasbecomemorethansimplyhabitable,thespace

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hasbeenmoldedtosuitthepreferencesofAmericanworkersallowingtheCanalZoneto

feellikehome.

AlthoughthebuiltformanddesignoftheCanalZonemimickedmanyofthephysical

featurespopularinAmericantowns,avarietyofdifferenceswerestillprevalentbetween

lifeinPanamaandTheUnitedStates.ForemployeesoftheZoneandvisitingtourists,these

differenceswereoftenareoccurringtopicofdiscussion.Inparticular,Americanresidents

intheCanalZonewereresistanttoadoptingthelanguage,climate,andsystemsof

Panamanianculture.InsteadAmericansinsisteduponimplementingpracticesfromthe

UnitedStatesinPanama.Amultilingualemployee,HenryFranckdiscusseshisopinionon

therefusalofAmericanstolearnSpanishwhenlivingintheisthmus,

“ItcomesbacktoourgovernmentandbeyondthattotheAmericanpeople.Withall

ourexpandingoverthesurfaceoftheearthinthepastfourteenyearstherestillhangsoverusthatoldprovincialbackwoodsboogie,“Englishisgoodenoughforme.”Child’staskasisthelearningofaforeignlanguage,provincialoldunclesamejustflatfootsalongthesameoldway,expectingtogovernandjudgeandleadalongthepathofcivilizationhisforeigncoloniesbybellowingattheminhisownnasaldrawandtreatingtheirtongueasifitweresomepurelyanimalsound”(1913,p.154).FranckreferstotheperspectiveoftheAmericangovernmentandmanycitizensthatdueto

theperceivedsuperiorityofAmericancultureoverothernations,foreignterritoriesshould

adapttothepracticesoftheUnitedStates.TheethnocentricmindsetamongEnglish

speakersinPanamawassostrongthatFranckclaimsregardlessofracialbackground,any

bilingualAmericancouldreceiveapositionamongtheadministrativeclass,“Howrareare

SpanishspeakingAmericansonthezonehasprovedbytheadmittanceofsuch

complexionstothegoldrole”(1913,p.33).Thisstatementregardingthedemandfor

bilingualworkersisespeciallyrevealingconsideringthewidevarietyofefforts

implementedbytheUnitedStatesgovernmenttosegregateworkersofcolorfromtheir

whiteAmericanscounterpartsintheCanalZone.

TheclimateofPanamawasanotherpointofcontentionregardingthe

implementationofPanamanianmethodsandpractices.Intheearlytwentiethcenturythe

apparelwornbybothAmericanmenandwomenwasofteninappropriateforahotand

humidclimate.Layeredclothingthatwasdesignedtocoveraperson’slimbsandneckwas

fashionableintheera,astylethatwascarriedfromtheUnitedStates.Inthehomesofgold

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staremployees,sheetsandcomfortersthatwereconsideredessentialintheNorthwere

oftenusedforbedding.Insistenceuponunsuitablematerialsandfashionsleftwhite-collar

workersuncomfortableinthetropicalheat.MaryLouiseAllenwhospenttimesocializing

withAmericanwomenwhiletravellingontheisthmussharedtheirexperiencesinher

novel,

“WhentheclimategetsonthenervesoftheAmericanwomendowntheresothat

thebegintoyarnforbracingwindsanddrivingsnowstormsandfrostedwindowpanes,theyhavetogouptothestatestogetstraightenedout;otherwise,iftheycantleave,theysometimesgotopiecesunderthestrain”(1913,p.127).MaryLouiseAllenalsodiscussedthePanamanianclimateasonereasonthatthewivesof

goldroleemployeesexperiencedhomesickness,

“Theonlytroublewiththemarriedmenseemstobeinkeepingtheirwives

contented.Householdlaborislightandserviceischeap,thereforethewomenarenotsobusyasthemenandhavetimetogethomesick.Butthegovernmenttackledthatproblemtooandimportedanorganizerofclubstohelpthewomenfindemploymentforthesparetimewhichotherwisemightuseinthinkingabouttheclimateandfarawaygod’scountry”(1913,p.128).TheunwillingnessofAmericanmigrantstoadjusttheircustomstolifeinPanamaoften

madelifeunnecessarilydifficult,includingtheabsenceofappropriatedressandlanguage

skills.Luckilyforthewivesofgoldroleemployees,theUnitedStatesgovernmentprovided

avarietyofopportunitiestoreducetheeffectsofhomesicknessandincreasesocialization

amongthewomen.Withoutentertainment,clubs,andpastimeprogramsfundedbythe

Americangovernment,populationsintheCanalZonewouldhavefewopportunitiesand

spacestoconnectwithotherwhiteAmericans.DuetotheabsenceofSpanishlanguage

ability,anethnocentricattitudebymostwhiteCanalfamilies,andthepropensityof

segregationinsocialvenues,upperclassAmericansrarelyintegratedintobroader

Panamaniansociety.

DespitethephysicalandsocialsegregationofAmericancitizensinPanama,andinsome

instancesbecauseofit,manywritersconsideredthestateofAmericanlifeintheCanal

Zoneasideal.Thepopularityofsocialandleisureactivities,lowcrimerates,andgenerous

incomeallowedwhiteAmericanmigrantstosustainthelevelofcomfortequaltoor

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surpassingconditionsintheUnitedStates.Inaddition,American’swereabletosustain

theirculturalpracticesinaforeignspace.Thesecircumstancesweretakenintoaccountas

travelwriterslookedforwardtothepossiblefutureofPanamaforAmericanpopulations.

ForTracyRobinson,theauthorbelievedtherelaxedscheduleofAmericantropicallife

wouldallowmoretimeforintellectualendeavorsandabetterqualityoflife.Robinson

argues,

“Thiskindoflifemightbefoundinthetropicsnow.Thepeopleofthetropicsdonot

leadsuchalife;theypasstheirsparetimeinidlenessandthepursuitofsensualjoys,untilennuyedtodesperationtheykickuparevolution.Butifthepeopleofthetemperateregions,whoarewearyoftheirstrifeforamereliving,couldrealizethepossibilitiesthatawaitthemonthehighlandsthatextendfromChiriquiontheisthmustothestateofOaxacainMexico,Ifancytheywouldflockthereinsuchnumbersastowipeoutthetracesofbarbarismthatstillremainthereandbringtopasstheconditionofaffairswhichbatesforetold”(1911,p.266).RobinsonprophesizesthattheideallivingconditionsexperiencedintheCanalZonewould

attractasubstantialnumberofresidentialmigrantsfromNorthAmericaandEuropetoall

areasofPanama.InRobinson’simaginativefuture,theabundantmigrationofpopulations

fromtheGlobalNorthwoulderadicatetheculturalpracticesandcustomsofPanamanians,

whichareconsideredbytheauthorinferiortothatofothernations.Evidentfromthis

passageisRobinson’sassumptionthatAmericancitizenswouldnotintegrateto

Panamanianculture,butrathertransformPanamaniansocietytoreflectAmericancultural

practices.TheauthorcontinueswithsimilarsentimentsofAmericanculturalexpansion.

Robinsonwrites,

“Nothingappearstohavebeencreatedinvainthetimewillcomewhenthewild

regionnowincludedwithinthelimitsofthePanamaIsthmus,aswellasthoseimmensesolitudesNorthandSouth,shallbetransformedintosmilingsummerlandswherecountlessmillionswillfindhomes”(1911,p.266).Robinson’sdescriptionofforeignpopulationsmovingtoandresidingwithinPanama

relatestodiscussionsofamenitymigrationandresidentialliterature.Inparticular,

RobinsoncharacterizesPanamaasspaceprimedforthefuturedevelopmentofresidential

enclaves,specificallyforAmericanpopulations.ThischaracterizationalignswithPanama’s

modernreputationasasafeandcomfortablespacetosettleforaffluentmigrants(Mollett,

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2017,Benson,2013,Guerron-Montero,2014).Robinsoncontinueswithasimilarsentiment

thatspeakstotheeconomicopportunityPanamawillprovideformanyAmericanmigrants.

“Alongbothcoastsaremanybaysandlovelyislandswhichformshelterforvessels,

andwillsomedaybedesirableforplantationsforcocoanutsandothertropicalproductionsaswellasforthedelightfulinsularhomesofafuturepopulations”(1911,p.179).Robinson’sdiscussionof“tropicalproductions”and“insularhomesofafuturepopulation”

relatesstronglytorepresentationsofelitemigrantenclavesintermsofeconomicand

residentialorganization.Inrecenttravelnarratives,authorshavedescribedenclavessuch

asBoquetewithan“Americaninfluencethatisunmistakable”(Carpenter,2010).Other

writershavestatedthatthephysicalandsocialcharacteristicsofamenityenclavesare

“welcomingtoAmericans”and“whereforeignersdon’tfeeloutofplace”(“BestPlaceto

RetireinPanama”,InternationalLiving).Americanspacemakingintheisthmusisalso

formedthroughcommunityactivities,suchphilanthropy.AmericanmigrantMalcolm

Hendersonasserts,“thecontributionofGringostothegoodofthecommunityis

considerable”inareaswithlargeamenitymigrantpopulations(2004,p.4341).Forthese

reasons,Robinson’simaginaryofAmericanspacemakinginPanamaisverysimilartothe

formationofamenitymigrantandresidentialtourismenclavesthroughoutthecountry.

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Figure18:AphotographinNationalGeographicofAmericanZoneresidentsshopping(Marden,

1941,p.599).

4.9CommunitySpaceMakinginAmericanEnclaves

AmericanspacemakingintheCanalZonewassupportedbyfederalplanningand

policyinitiativesthatfocusedonthedevelopmentofanAmericancommunity.Inparticular,

thegovernmentoftheUnitedStatesconsideredtheestablishmentofwhite-onlyleisure

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spacesasanimportantinitiativeto“boostingmorale”ofAmericanpopulationsintheCanal

Zone(McCullough,1977,p.478).InparticulartheAmericangovernment,“hadclubhouses

built,arrangedforweeklybandconcerts,establishedabaseballleague”inaneffortto

supportAmericanmigrantpopulations(McCullough,1977,p.478).ForwhiteAmerican

workersandtheirfamilies,segregatedspacesofleisureandcommunityfacilitatedthe

perpetuationofAmericanculturalpracticesinPanama,suchasEnglishlanguagespeaking

anddistinctfashion(McCullough,1977).AmericancorporationsinLatinAmerica,suchas

theUnitedFruitCompany,alsoimplementedsocialandcommunityprogramsforwhite

workers“tocombattheeffectofdistance”(Martin,2013,p.320).Infact,American

economicenclavesinLatinAmericaoftenfollowasimilarmodelofculturalisolation,

“foreignterritoriesmoldedbyUSculture,tiedintoworldmarkets,andwithlittle

connectiontothecountriesinwhichtheyarelocated”(LeGrande,1998,p.335).Forthis

reason,communityplacemakingforwhiteAmericanswasconsideredanessentialpractice

byemployersandgovernmentofficials.

Scholarsoftourismhavedemonstratedthatresidentialtouristsandamenity

migrantsoftenmakespacethroughtheimplementationofNorthAmericanandEuropean

culturalpracticesinforeignenclaves(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013;Guerron-Montero,

2014;Mollett,2017,Spalding2013).Infact,researchhasindicatedthatamenitymigrants

fromtheGlobalNorthareattractedtoareasthatalreadyhaveexistingcommunitiesof

NorthAmericanandEuropeanresidents(Benson,2013;VanNoorloos,2011).The

developmentofamenitymigrantenclavesisfrequentlycharacterizedbythephysical

transformationtoresidentialandbusinesslandscapesthatmimicdesignspopularinthe

GlobalNorth(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013;Benson,2013).Bensondescribesthis

phenomenoninthegrowthofBoquete,apopulartourismenclaveinthemountainsof

Panama,

“EachtimeIreturnedtoPanamathechangeinthepopulationwasevident,whetherinthesupermarket,onthestreetsofBajoBoquete,attheweeklyTuesdayMorningMeetingandmarketcateringfortheincreasingNorthAmericanpopulationinthearea”(2013,p.319).Robinson’s(2011)imaginaryofAmericanenclavesthroughouttheisthmusareremarkably

similartothecommunitiesofamenitymigrantsandresidentialtouristsinPanamatoday.

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Warmweather,economicopportunity,andaboomingrealestatemarkethasattractedelite

migrantpopulationstoPanama(Benson,2013;Benson&O’Reilly,2009).Inboththe

PanamaCanalZoneandamenitymigrantenclaves,formingacommunityhasbeenessential

tothecreationofAmericanspaces.

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ChapterFive:“SteppingBackintothePast”

TheGeographicImaginariesofModernPanamanianTravelLiterature:1990-Present5.1ProducingImaginaries:ThePracticesandProcessofModernTourismLiterature

Therepresentationsofpeopleandplacethatappearintourismliteratureare

informedbyavarietyofeconomicandsocialfactors.Firstly,scholarsoftourismcontend

thatthecommonnarrativesandimageryappearingintravelliteratureisfrequentlyshaped

byconsumerdemand,ratherthanaccurateandholisticdepictionsoftraveldestinations

(Jenkins,2003).Forthisreason,producersoftourismliteratureoftenemployfamiliarand

repetitiveimageryofthesamelocations(Jenkins,2003).In1986,Dilleyfoundthatthe

islandsoftheCaribbeanareusuallyadvertisedwithphotographsofbeachesand

recreationalwateractivities.MeanwhileinareasofEuropeandJapan,tourism

advertisementsrepeatedlyemployhistoricalimagesofheritagebuildingsandclassicart.In

addition,Scottishtravelliteraturecapitalizedonimagesofcastlesandbarrenlandscapesto

enticetourisminterest(Hughes,1992).Editorsoftourismliteraturemayalsoselecttravel

contentthatwasdesignedtomimiciconictourismimages,suchastheEiffeltoweror

imageryofprimitiveIndigenoustribes(McWhaetal,2014).Asaresult,scholarshavealso

foundthattouriststhemselvesrecreateandcirculatepersonalphotographyofa

destinationthatmimicstheimagerytheyhaveseenintravelliterature(Jenkins,2003).

Therepeateduseofimagesandnarrativesinrelationtotourismdestinationsisdue

to“sharedmeanings”thatdevelopinaculturetounderstandsuchimagery.Jenkins

explainstheconceptofsharedmeaningas,“theideathatparticularvisualimagescirculate

withinacultureandbecomeimbuedwithparticularmeanings,associationsandvalues”

(2003,p.307).Inpractice,sharedmeaningsareusedintourismadvertisingtotarget

specificmarketsanddenoteparticularnarrativesforpotentialconsumers.Anover-

simplifieddepictionoftraveldestinationsinconjunctionwithmisrepresentativemarketing

initiativescreatestravelnarrativesthat“mystifythemundane;amplifytheexotic;

minimizethemisery;rationalizethedisquietude;andromanticizethestrange”

(Weightman,1987,p.229).

TheexaminationofPanamaniantourismliteraturehasdemonstratedthe

commonalityofcolonialandimperiallogicsunderpinningtherepresentationsof

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Panamanianlandscapesandpeople(Guerron-Montero,2014;Mollett,2017).Scholarsof

tourismattestthatPanamaniantourismimagesaresimilartoCaribbeannations,withan

emphasisonracializedbodiesandnaturallandscapes(Sheller,2004;Guerron-Montero,

2014).InPanamaniantravelliteratureappearingonlineandinprint,travelwriters’focus

onPanama’spastasspaceofSpanishconquestandAmericanimperialcontrol.This

glorificationofPanama’shistoryhasbeenfoundtoinfluencethemobilityoftravelwriters

andtourists,whocontextualizetheirownmobilityinregardtoimperialactors.

5.2“Discovering”Panama:ColonialNarrativesofExplorationAmongTourists

Figure19:HeadlinefromtheWashingtonPost(November19,1933)

Contemporarytravelwritingremainslimitedtoanarrowandrepetitive

combinationofthemes.Inparticular,thesubjectofcolonialexplorationandconquestis

frequentlyusedtocontextualizetraveltoPanamaamongpopularliterature.Inthevast

majorityoftravelarticlescollectedandanalyzed,writersdiscusstheisthmus’historyasa

locationfrequentedbySpanishconquistadoressuchasChristopherColumbus,Vasco

NunezdeBalboa,andFranciscoPizarro,aswellaspiratessuchasSirHenryMorgan.The

fascinationwiththesecolonialactorsamongwritersillustratesthecentralroleof

colonialismincontemporaryunderstandingsofPanamaanditspopulationasatravel

destination.Althoughdiverseenvironmental,topographic,social,andculturalfeatures

characterizePanama,eachlocationdiscussedwasconsistentlytiedtothemobilitiesand

settlementofcolonialactors.

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Therepetitivedescriptionsandimaginariesseenincontemporarytravelnarratives

regardingcolonialismareillustratedinavarietyoflocationsthroughoutthecountry.For

instance,thearrivalofChristopherColumbustotheCaribbeanarchipelagoisthe

predominantnarrativeusedintravelliteraturetocontextualizetheimportanceofBocas

delTorofortourists.Inparticular,discussionsofthearchipelagorepresentBocasas

“untouched”previoustoColumbus’“discovery”,withlittledialoguediscussingtheNgobe-

Bugletribethathasresidedintheregionforcenturies(Carpenter,2010).Inthecontextof

BocasdelToro,travelwriterscontinuetorepresentthehistoryofcolonialisminPanamaas

atourismattractionforthecountry.

NarrativesofcolonialromanticismalsoemergeinTheTorontoStar’scoverageofthe

SanBlasislands.JabetGroenedescribestheKunaIndigenoustribeofSanBlasIslands,who

havefoughtagainstcolonialactorsfortheirindependenceandsovereigntysincethearrival

oftheSpanish.TheStarwrites,

“Notinvaders,norconquistadors,norpirates,normissionarieshavebeenabletosubdueorseducetheCunaIndiansofPanama.LifegoesonintheSanBlasislandstodaymuchasitdidbeforeBalboa”(Groene,1986,p.H7).Groene’swordchoiceof“subdue”inthispassagenotonlydiminishestheactionsand

methodsofcolonialforcestowardsIndigenouspopulations,butalsoinfersthecultureand

lifestyleoftheKunaasexcessiveorwild.Alternatively,theuseof“seduce”illustratesa

conceptualunderstandingofEuropeancultureastemptingtotheKuna.Inbothcontexts,

thewordchoicebytheauthorignoresthehistoricalrealitiesthatoccurredintheregionat

thehandsofcolonialactors.Theauthor’sstatementthat“LifegoesonintheSanBlasisland

todaymuchasitdidbeforeBalboa”demonstratesaconceptualunderstandingthatthe

Kunaremainuntouchedbycolonialismandmodernsociety,ratherthanframing

contemporaryKunacultureandpracticesasachoicemadebytheIndigenouscommunity

despitecenturiesofattemptedmodificationbyoutsideactors(Groene,1986,p.H7).Thus,

thisdepictionoftheKunaintheTorontoStardiminishesthepossibilityforanaccurate

understandingbyreadersofthetribe’shistoricalandcontemporaryagency.

Figure20:HeadlinefromtheTorontoStar,(Groene,1986,p.H7)

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EventheislandofTaboga,whichisutilizedbyresidentsofPanamaCityasanearby

beachandpark,wasdescribedintermsofitsefficacytohistoricalconquestand“departure

pointfortheirexploits”(Moon,2011).Inmanyofthequotesmentioned,thelanguageused

todescribecolonialisminPanamahasbeensanitizedforapopularaudience.Whiletravel

writersaredescribingconquistadoresas“adventurers”andconquestas“exploits,”the

violenceandsubjugationinherentinsuchendeavorshasbeenconsciouslyremoved.

TherepresentationofPanamaCityintravelliteraturehasbeeninfluencedbythe

capitol’sstrategiclocationtoimperialistsandeconomichistory.Overthepasttwodecades

PanamaCityhasexperiencedaneconomicboom,whichhassignificantlychangedthe

capitol’surbanlandscapes(Sigleretal.,2015).Rural-urbanmigrationaswellas

internationalinvestmenthasresultedinthegrowthofbothlow-incomeneighborhoods

andskyscrapers,whichholdthehomesandbusinessesofaffluentpopulations(Sigler,

2014).Inotherareasofthecity,neighborhoodrestorationprojectshaveforcefully

removedsquatterstocreateboutiquehotelsandtrendyrestaurants(Sigler&Wachsmuth,

2016).Likeanyotherurbanmetropolis,PanamaCityhasexperiencedsignificant

demographic,economic,andpoliticalchangessincetheturnofthecentury.However,in

mosttravelarticles,writersprefertofocusonthecity’shistoryasatradecenterforthe

valuablegoodsandmineralsoftheSpanishempireratherthanthesecontemporary

changes.Inparticular,authorsfocusedonthegeographicimportancePanamaCityhadto

Spanishpowers,duetothestrategiclocationoftheisthmusanditsproximitytoSouth

America.TheGuardianwrotein2003,

“SpanishexplorersfoundedOldPanama,whichbecamethenaturaljumpingoffpointforfurtherconquests,itsrenaissancestyleconstructionservingasamodelforallothercolonialSouthAmericancities.Swarmsofadventurerssailedoffwiththestolengoldsilver,pearlsandotherpricelesstreasureplunderedfromtheIncasofPerutounloadatOldPanama.FuelledwithtropicaldecadencetheareastillbuzzedwiththefilthandeleganceofseventeenthcenturySpainbutalsovibratedwiththesoundsofrevampingandrestoring”(Marks,2003,p.119).Fortravelwriters,thecolonialsubjugationoftheIncanempireandtheftofculturalgoods

byconquistadoreswasareoccurringthemeamongcontemporaryarticlesofPanamaCity.

Similartothepassageabove,innearlyeverytravelarticlethatmentionedPanamaCitythe

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authorhadincludeddetailsreferringtothecapitol’shistoryasanarea“richincolonial

history”and“richinPeruviangold”(Buehler,2003,p.K14).Despitethesignificantchanges

PanamaCityhasundergoneinthemodernera,writerscontinuedtofocusonthecapitol’s

importanceinpastcenturies,ratherthanit’scontemporaryfeaturesandcharacteristics.

DescriptionsofPanamaCityinaChicagoTribunearticleas“onceahubofcultureand

civilization”,illustratesthatdespitePanamaCity’stransformationoverthecenturies,the

importanceoftheurbancenterfortravelwritersisperceivedasfirmlyrootedinthepast

(Vohr,2013).ThedecisionbyauthorstocontextualizePanamaCityintermsofits

historicalcharacteristicsismeanttoattractthereaders’interestandtempttheir

imagination.Forthisreason,thementionofcolonialactorssuchas“HenryMorganand

FranciscoPizarro”wasusedinconjunctionwithmosttouristlocations(Moon,2011).

Movingbeyondthehistoricalcontextualizationofcolonialactorsintheregion,

manytravelwritershavealsobeguntoframetheirowncontemporaryexperiencesin

Panamabyenvisioningthemselvesasexplorers.Articlesfrequentlydescribedthe

emotions,imaginaries,andexperiencesoftravelwritersastheytraversetheisthmusand

discovernewareas.Byemployingthemselvesintheroleofconquistador,authors

perpetuatenarrativesthatcharacterizePanamaasamodernspaceinneedofcolonization.

Interestingly,thehistoricalcontextualizationofcolonialismintheregionmayhavehadan

influenceonthewaythesewritersunderstandtheirownmobilityandinteractionsinareas

suchasSanBlas,BocasdelToro,andPanamaCity.Inparticular,travelwritersimaginingor

comparingthemselvestohistoricalorliteraryfiguresisanoverwhelmingcommon

practice.SuchanexampleisseeninJamesYenckel’spiecefortheWashingtonPostin1995,

“WithnoeffortatallIimaginedwehadsteppedbackintothepast.Throughthe

centuries,travelersfromaroundtheworldhavecrossedtheIsthmusofPanamaenroutefromoneseatotheother.Iwaspleasedtobeablenowtocountmyselfamongthem”(Yenckel,1995,p.E1).Evidentintheauthor’spassage,theprominenceofcolonialdiscoursesintravelwriting

havemadeiteasyfortourists,includingauthors,toimaginethemselvesintheroleof

historicalactors.InthearticlebyTheWashingtonPost,theconceptualrelationthatexists

betweenYenkel’smobilityinPanamaandthematerialcontingenciesofcolonialactorsis

overwhelminglyportrayedinapositivelight.Spanishconquistadores,Britishpirates,and

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Americanworkershaveoverwhelmingassumedthemajorityofdescriptivediscourses

relatedtotheisthmus.Forthisreason,theauthor’simaginativepresenceincenturiespast

mostlikelypertainstothepowerfulEuropeanandAmericancolonistsratherthan

subjugatedpopulationsinPanama.

WhilevisitingtheSanBlasislands,authorTimNevilledescribeshisexperienceas

similartostrandedadventurerRobinCrusoe(2013).ThebookwrittenbyDanielDefoein

1719includesRobinsonCrusoe’slifeonatropicalislandovera28-yearperiod,including

encounterswithpirates,cannibals,andmutineers.Unfortunatelythecomparisonbetween

thefictionallifeofCrusoeandtheresidentsofSanBlasisnotparticularlyflattering.

Neville’scharacterizationoftheareaasisolatedanddevoidofcivilization,similartothe

storyofRobinsonCrusoe,ignoresthecontemporaryandhistoricalrealitiesoftheSanBlas

islands.In2012aCondéNastheadlinealsocomparedtheauthorPeterStevensonto

ChristopherColumbus(“TheSeductivelySleepyIslandsofBocasdelToro”,2012).

Ratherthansimplyperceivingtraveltotheareaasanactoftourism,authors

continuetocharacterizevisitationtoPanamaforthemselvesandtheirreadersasactionsof

“discovery”and“exploration”.IntheLonelyPlanetonlineguidebook,theauthorstatesthat

interactingwithnaturallandscapesinPanamais“allaboutdiscovery.”Thepassagegoeson

todescribehowifinspired,atravellercouldalso“exploreIndigenousterritoriesina

dugoutcanoe”(2017).Evidentlytheauthorhaspositionedthereaderinanimagined

situationthatplacesIndigenouscommunitiesasoutsideofregularhumancontact.Lonely

PlanetcontinuesbyurgingreaderswhowouldliketovisitPanamato“gowherethewild

thingsare”includingvisitingwaterfallsor“Panama’ssevenindigenousgroups”(2017).The

LonelyPlanetguidebookencouragesreaderstobothenvisionthemselvesasexplorerson

thePanamanianisthmusandparticipateinspecificactivitieswithpeopleandplacesthat

arecharacterizedaspredominantlyuntouchedbymodernsociety.DescriptionsofPanama

as“wild”followscolonialdiscoursesthatcommonlydisregardedthesocietyand

civilizationofPanamanians.Interestingly,theguidebookstatesthattherealityofa

dynamicIndigenoussocietyormanagedenvironmentisinconsequentialtoareader’s

experience,as“Panamaisaswildasyouwantittobe”(2017).Narrativesthatportrayrural

areasofPanamaasremainingunaffectedbyeconomic,political,andsocialfacetsofthe

contemporaryworldreoccurthroughouttravelliterature.Illustratedinanarticleforthe

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GlobeandMail,thetravelwriterrecountedthatwhenthearchipelagoofBocasdelToro

enteredhisvision,“civilizationdisappeared”(Rivers,2014).Bycharacterizingnatural

landscapesorruralareasasuntouchedbytouristsandresidents,writersareabletomore

convincinglyportrayPanamanianspacesasprimedforexplorationanddiscovery.The

GlobeandMailreaffirmstheconceptualrelationsbetweennaturalspacesandcolonial

interestwhenthearticlecontinues.TheauthorwritesthatPanama’s“sizehasnothingto

dowiththebreadthofitsbounty”(Rivers,2014).Asillustrated,theauthorofthispassage

createsaconceptualrelationbetweenthe“untouched”landscapesofPanamaandawealth

ofthecountry’sresources.Interestingly,“bounty”inthiscontextcanbeunderstoodasthe

valueofnaturallandscapesforPanamaintermsoftouristattractions,aswellasresource

extraction.ThisrelationshipbetweenterritoryandvalueisstronglyrelatedtoPanama’s

historyofcolonialism,withtheSpanishempireutilizingtheisthmus’geographicpositionto

attainpowerandcontroltrade(Marrin,1999).Aswiththeotherpassagesdiscussed,the

contextualizationofPanamaasaspacetoenactcolonialfantasiesbywritersandtourists

alike,havebeeninfluencedbycenturiesofcolonialnarrativesandcelebrationinpopular

discourse.Unfortunately,theperpetualuseofcolonialimaginariesincontemporarytravel

mediacontinuestoinfluencetheperceptionofPanamaformassaudiencesaroundthe

world.Inparticular,discoursesthatcharacterizetheisthmusaspossessingboundless

natureandlittlecivilizationreinforcestheimaginaryofPanamaasaspacewheretourists

canenactfantasiesofdiscoveryandconquest.

5.3ReconstitutedImaginariesofTheNewWorld

Historicalnarrativesofcolonialtraveltothe“NewWorld”haveinformedthe

geographicimaginariesoftouristsinPanama.Inparticular,EuropeanmobilityinLatin

Americahasbeenframedasthe‘discovery’and‘exploration’ofnewspacesincolonial

texts.AsdiscussedbyPratt,“travelbookswrittenbyEuropeansaboutnonEuropeanparts

oftheworldcreatedtheimperialorderforEuropeansathomeandgavethemtheirplacein

it”(1992).Inmoderncontexts,scholarsoftourismassertthattouristsoftenmimicthe

discourseandrepresentationsofcolonialactorswhiletravelling(Jenkins,2003).A

commonconsequenceofcolonialtravelnarrativesistheconceptualizationofLatin

AmericaandtheCaribbeanaspre-modern,“ithasneverthelessbeenspatiallyand

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temporallyevisceratedfromtheimaginarygeographiesof‘Westernmodernity”(Sheller,

2003,p.1).

AstouristsmovethroughPanamanianspaces,historiesofcolonialismalsoinformwhat

practicesareacceptableorexpected.InthecontextoftheCaribbean,thehistorical

interactionsofconquistadoreswithIndigenouspeoplesandtheenvironmenthave

producednarrativesofdominationandconsumption.Sheller(2003)atteststhat,

“TheCaribbeanhasbeenrepeatedlyimaginedandnarratedasatropicalparadiseinwhichtheland,plants,resources,bodies,andculturesofitsinhabitantsareopentobeinvaded,occupied,bought,moved,used,viewed,andconsumedinvariousways”(Sheller,2003,p.13).

Duetogeographicalproximityandsimilarhistoriesofcolonialism,Panamais

conceptualizedinasimilarmannertotheCaribbean.Inparticular,theAtlanticcoastof

Panamaisalsoimagined“aslandsofplentyasneverchangingandtimeless”(Guerron-

Montero,2011,p.22).AsMcKlintock(1995)illustrates,similarrelationsarefound

throughoutthe“NewWorld”asimperialactorsuniversally,“orientedthemselvesinspace,

asagentsofpowerandagentsofknowledge”(p.24).Thisculturaltraditionhasalsobeen

employedbytouristsinPanama,whocontinuetoframetheirowntravelinrelationto

colonialimaginaries.

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5.4UrbanImaginaries:TheComparisonofThePanamaCanalZonetoPanamanianCitiesinTravelLiterature

Figure21:PanamaCitySkyline(March2018)

ThehistoryofAmericanimperialisminPanamahaslongplayedanimportantrole

inpopulartravelliterature.Asillustratedintheanalysisofarchivalnewspapersattheturn

ofthetwentiethcentury,ThePanamaCanalZonewasapopulartopicofdiscussionamong

travelwritersandjournalists.Inparticular,talesfromtheisthmuspublishedinAmerican

newspapersgrabbedthepublic’sinterestandcreatedaburgeoningtourismindustryin

Panama.Nearlyonehundredyearslaterasthetwentyfirstcenturycametoaclose,

economicandpoliticalchangesontheisthmusagaininfluencedthetraveldiscourses

pertainingtoPanama.Inparticular,theremovalofGeneralManuelNoriegabytheUnited

StatesgovernmentandtheloomingannexationofthePanamaCanalZonebecamea

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commontopicofdiscussionintravelliterature(Guerron-Montero,2014).Thistemporal

periodofadjustmentforPanamawasaccompaniedbyanxiouscommentarybytravel

writers,whowarnedofanuncertainfuturefortheisthmus.Inparticular,travelwriters

werecriticalofthecapacityforPanamanianleadershipwithoutAmericanguidance.Nearly

twentyyearslater,similarsentimentregardingAmericanimperialismstilloccurs.Most

commonly,AmericancontrolinPanamahasbeenrepresentedintravelmediaasa

charmingandidealtimeforthecountry.Thischaracterizationcontrastswiththeportrayal

ofPanamacontemporarily,whichisoftendescribedasachaoticintermixtureofpeople,

places,anddevelopment.NarrativesintravelmediaalsocelebrateAmericanimperialism

astheprincipalreasonforPanama’ssuccessasatourismdestinationinthetwentyfirst

century.Forthesereasons,thischapterdiscussesthenostalgicdiscoursesofAmerican

imperialisminPanamaamongcontemporarytravelliterature.

Similartoarchivalnewspaperarticlesappearingintheearlytwentiethcentury,the

representationofthePanamaCanalZoneandAmericanimperialisminthecontemporary

eraremainspredominantlycomplementary.Inparticular,writersoftenprovidelengthy

descriptionsforreadersofwhatlifeinthePanamaCanalZonewaslikeforwhiteAmerican

citizensoverthepastcentury.EmphasisonthesimilaritiesbetweentheCanalZoneandthe

UnitedStatesproperiscommonlytoillicitemotiveandnostalgicresponsesamongreaders.

WriterShelleyEmlingfromTheAtlantaConstitutionin1999chroniclesthesuburban

settingoftheCanalinPanama.Hewrites,

“Therearealotofbackyardbarbecueshereeveryweekend.Wealsoplayalotof

basketballanddoalotofrunning.Sincethebeginning,theZonehasbeenthejungleMayberry,aplacewithvirtuallynocrimeorpoverty.Americanflagsadornmanyofthedwellingssetonneatlylandscapedlawnsfilledwithpalmtreesandiguanas.Twoorthreecarssitineachdriveway.Spacious,well-groomedparksandevenPopeyesandMcDonaldsarecloseby.TheresidentsemployPanamanianmaids,playbingoatnightandlistentoAmericanmusicatapublikebarcalledTheLoop”(Emling,1999,p.A23).Inthispassage,EmlingemphasizesthenormalcyandAmericanizedcharacteristicsofthe

CanalZone.Theauthor’sexperiencegrowingupintheterritoryprovidesgreaterdetailto

thearticleincludingthehobbiesandneighborhoodadornmentspopularforAmericans.In

particular,theauthor’sportrayalofthespaceas“Mayberry”,afictitiousneighborhood

fromTheAndyGriffinShow,illustratesanefforttorepresentThePanamaCanalasan

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archetypalsmallAmericantown.AsimilarnarrativeemergesadecadelaterinTraveland

Leisure’scoverageofPanamaregardingthepolishedappearanceoftheZone’sdesignand

residents.Themagazinewrites,

“Beforethis,thezonehadalwaysbeenamoreorlesspristineversionofAmericansuburbia,albeitinatropicalsetting.USsoldiersincrispuniformspatrolledthenearbybase,andonweekends,familieslivinginbeautifultwostorywoodenhouseswithscreenedterracesandporchesfrolickedontheirlawns,drinkingmartinisandeatingbarbecue,thechildrenglidingthroughtheaironplankswingsandplayingwithacheerfulplastictoy.Everythingcamefromthecommissary,shippedinbytheUSgovernment”(Wilentz,2009).AswiththearticlebyEmling,TravelandLeisure’sdescriptionoftheCanalZonefocuseson

apicturesquesuburbansetting,devoidofcrimeorpoverty.Inparticular,theimagery

describedinbotharticlesconstruesanenvironmentthatreplicatespopulartelevisions

showsofthemidtwentiethcenturysuchasFatherKnowsBestandLeaveittoBeaver.The

authorsofeacharticleshapetheperceptionoftheZoneforreadersbyemploying

narrativesandimagerythathaveaparticularmeaninginAmericansociety.Descriptionsof

“Twostoryhouses”,“Plankswings”,“onneatlylandscapedlawns”fulfillsthephysical

descriptionofsuburbiathathasbeencommonlyidealizedinmodernAmericansociety

(Wilentz,2009).However,forareasofPanamadescribedoutsidetheCanalZone,

unflatteringimagesofthenationproliferated.Inparticular,travelwritersquestionedhow

PanamawouldmoveforwardaftertheUnitedStatesannexedcontroloftheCanalZone

backtothePanamaniangovernment.AlthoughthePanamaCanalZonehadbeen

consistentlycelebrated,controloftheterritorybynon-Americanforceswasunderstoodas

thepotentialdestructionofsuchaspace.In1999,TheNewYorkTimesframesPanamaasa

countrythatemergedaftertheestablishmentofAmericancontrolintheZone,

“ForAmericansandPanamaniansalikeitistheendofaneraandmomentfor

reflectionandnostalgia.AfternearlyacenturyunderAmericanjurisdictionthebigditchfinallyisthepropertyofthecountrythatwascreatedarounditin1903andhasyearnedeversincetocontrolit”(Rohter,1999).Althoughhistoricallyandgeographicallyinaccurate,thequoteabovecontextualizesthe

developmentofgreaterPanamaasaresultofAmericanimperialismintheregion.In

particular,authorLarryRohter’sstatementthattheisthmuswas“createdaround”the

PanamaCanalillustratesaperspectivethatmaintainstheAmericanterritoryasthefocus

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andoriginationofPanamaasanation(Rohter,1999).Narrativesthatemphasized

Americanoccupationinthecountrywerecommonthroughouttravelliterature,with

writersignoringothercharacteristicsthatshapePanamainordertoreiteratethatthe

countrywasdefinedinthepubliceyebyitscolonialhistory.In1991TheNewYorkTimes

stated,

“PanamahasnotchangedsincepresidentTheodoreRooseveltseekingasubservient

countryinwhichtodigatransoceaniccanalencouragedtherebellionthatseparatedtheisthmusfromColombia”(Krauss,1991).OverthehundredyearperiodofAmericanoccupation,Panamahasbeenconsideredto

existinafixedstate,unchangedbyanyfactorotherthantheUnitedStates.Articles

describedPanamaasacountry“famouslyinvadedbytheAmericans”andinamoremorose

toneanation“borndead”assumedsignificantspaceinarticlesprofilingthecontemporary

age(Atkinson,1996,p.16;Fainaru,1990,p.7).Moreinterestingly,forallthenarratives

celebratingimperialismintheregion,anequalamountofrhetoricwasdedicatedto

portrayingPanama’scities,people,andgovernmentinanegativemanner.Anarticleinthe

AtlantaConstitutionmusedastowhethertheCanalcouldbetrustedinthecontrolof

anothercountryand“especiallyonewithpanama’sspottyrecord”(Williams,1999,p.C5).

AsimilarsentimentwaswritteninTheGlobeandMailin1995,

“InfactsincethePanamaniangovernmenttookcontroloftherailwaywhichusedto

beanimportanttransportroutefromtheAtlantictothePacificacrosstheIsthmusofPanama-nothingmovesbytrainanymore”(Vincent,1995,p.A13).ThenegativeportrayalofPanamaniangovernance,andmorespecificallythecapacityfor

competentgovernanceinthefuturewasframedasahighlyunlikelyphenomenonby

Americanmedia.Thiscriticismdirectlymirrorsnarrativesseeninarchivalliteraturethat

characterizedPanamanianleadershipasself-serving,incompetent,andunmotivated

(Palmer,1909).Inbothcontemporaryandarchivalcontexts,discussionsaimedatthe

federalgovernmentofPanamaoftenemploynarrativesofimperialistmanagement(Fanon,

1952).Inparticular,thesenarrativesframeracializedpopulationsasdependentuponthe

ideology,organization,andpowerofacolonizer.InthecontextofthePanamaCanalZone,

Americanwritersscoffedatthefutureoftheisthmus,withoutguidanceandcontrolofthe

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UnitedStates.TheBostonGlobesuccinctlyexpressedtheanxietysurroundingthe

acquisitionofthetraderouteandterritorybythePanamanianfederalgovernment.

“Manyexpertsseeseriousriskinthepanamacanalhandover.Panamahasno

experienceinmanagingsuchahugeandsignificantenterpriseonitsown.TheUnitedStateshasdominatedthePanamanianscenethroughoutthecountry’shistory”(Palmer,1999,p.A19).

Althoughmostcriticismappearingintravelliteraturewasaimedtowardsthebureaucratic

officialsandgovernmentalstructureofPanama,somenarrativesalsoemergedinregardto

Panamaniancitizens.Inparticular,authorsjumpedatthechancetocomparetheorganized

suburbanappearanceoftheAmericanrunCanalZonewithchaoticspacesofurban

Panama.Inparticular,writersinferredthatthedifferenceinappearanceandorganization

betweenthetwoareaswasinfluencedbythesuperiorityofAmericanculturalpractices

andbureaucraticorganization.Inextremecontexts,authorsusedconceptualandmaterial

comparisonsbetweenspacestojustifythetemporalextensionofAmericancontrolin

Panama.Anarticlepublishedin1990byTheBostonGlobediscussedtherecentremovalof

GeneralNoriegaandthefutureofannexationforThePanamaCanalZone.Theauthor,

SteveFainaru,writes,

“OneyearaftertheinvasionthesituationissogravethatAmericansappeartobe

neededmorethanever.HereisthedifferencesaidthePanamanianpointingtothewellmanicuredgroundsofAlbrookairforcebase,thentoadecayingstretchofrailroadtrackontheothersideoftheroad.“Gringosoverhere.Panamaoverhere”(1990,p.7).Descriptionsofunkemptorfilthyspaceswereofteninterwovenwithdiscussionsof

Panamanianindependenceandcapabilities.Inparticular,thebuiltformandphysical

characteristicsofurbanPanamawasunderstoodasareflectionofdisorganizationbythe

Panamaniangovernment.Incertaininstances,theenvironmentofurbanneighborhoods

wasalsousedtocharacterizethePanamanianresidents.InbothcircumstancesAmerican

writersinferredanegativerepresentationofPanamanianspacesandpeoplethatresided

outsideofAmericancontrol.AlthoughtravelwritersunequivocallyrepresentedtheCanal

Zoneasaspaceofpleasantorder,Panamaniancitieswereportrayedasdismalspacesof

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filthandanarchy.Thisincludeddescriptionsofthe“steamygarbagestrewnbarriosof

Colon”andthe“litteredsqualor”ofPanamaCity(Krauss,1991;Emling,1999,p.A23).

Figure22:AphotographappearinginNationalGeographicofafamilyinColon,Panama(Simmons,

November1999,p.66)

InconjunctionwithunflatteringdescriptionsofPanamanianspaces,travelwriters

alsoperpetuatednarrativesofPanamaniandependency.Despitesignificantresistanceto

AmericanimperialisminPanamanianhistory,mostevidentlyseeninthestudentriotsof

1964,journalistcontinuetooverwhelminglyemphasizenarrativesthatsupportedan

extendedAmericanoccupationbyPanamaniancitizens.In1999TheNationalGeographic’s

journalistLewisSimonsinterviewedlocalresidentsregardingtheannexationoftheCanal.

OnePanamanianstated,“EverydayIpraytogothatthegringodoesn’tleave.”Francisco

continues,“[i]t’sverybadforourcountrythatthey’regoing:thebiggestmistakePanama

hasevermade”(Simons,1999,p.62).BuildingonthisstatementLewiscontendsthat,“For

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peopleaspoorasFranciscoMepaquitothesetwilightdaysoftheAmericanpresencebring

theworrythattheywillgrowonlypoorerintheyearsahead”(Simons,1999,p.78).By

emphasizingtheuncertaintyregardingthefutureofthePanamaCanalanddepartureofthe

AmericangovernmentfromtheCanalZone,Americantravelwritersperpetuatenarratives

ofdependencybyPanamasincethearrivaloftheUnitedStatesacenturybefore.Inbroader

terms,Panama’shistoryasacolonizednationbothbySpainandTheUnitedStateshas

beenusedtojustifyassertionsofinfantilism.Simonscontinues,

“Itstruckmethatthetransformationtoselfreliancemaydependlesson

Panamaniansacquiringexpertisethanontheirabilitytostopthinkingofthemselvesonlyaslittlebrothers-ofAmericaforthepastcentury,ofColombiabeforethat,andearlierstillofSpain(Simons,1999,p.71).“Similartodiscoursesappearingintheearlytwentiethcentury,contemporarytravelwriters

haveemphasizedtheterritoryandpeopleofPanamaasreliantonforeignpowersto

manageandguidethecountry.Inpart,thisisduetoageographicimaginarythat

conceptuallyrepresentsthePanamaCanalZoneascomprisingtheentiretyofPanama.

Althoughthetensquaremileterritoryhasenormouseconomicimportanceforthenation,

Panama’ssocial,cultural,andgeographicbreadthextendsfarbeyondtheZone.Travel

literature’sfocusontheonce-Americanterritoryislargelyrelatedtonarrativesofnation

buildingandimperialismintheUnitedStates.Inparticular,byperpetuatingdiscoursesof

infantileandpaternalrelationsbetweenTheUnitedStatesandPanama,travelliterature

resonatesinthetemporalperiodofAmericanimperialismandpowerabroad.Thisis

evidentinexcerptsfromtravelliteraturesuchasNationalGeographic,whichframe

relationsbetweenPanamaandAmericaasinherentlyunequal.

“AlthoughPanamahasexistedasacountrysince1903,theUSinvolvementhasbeensooverwhelmingthatpeopleherehaveneverlearnedtofeelindependent.NowforthefirsttimePanamaniansareontheirown”(Lewis,1999,p.64).

TheNationalGeographicsupportsnarrativesofdependencyintheirarticlebyproviding

quotationsfromalocalPanamanian.Themanstates,

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“We’relikealittleboyinshortpantswho’salwaysruntodaddywhenhe’sgottenintotrouble.Nowdaddy’sgoneandthelittleboymustputonhisfirstpairoflongtrousers”(Lewis,1999,p.64).Itisclearfromthequotationsprovidedthatleadinguptotheannexationalevelofanxiety

andhesitancyregardingPanama’snewroleofgovernanceintheCanalZoneexistedamong

residenceofthecountry.However,noticeablyabsentfrompopulartravelliteraturewasan

alternativenarrativeofdesiredindependenceandfreedomfromtheUnitedStates’

imperialistreign.AlthoughbothperspectiveswereprevalentinthePanama,travelwriters

fromtheGlobalNorthandtheUnitedStatesmorespecifically,continuedtofocuson

statementsofdependency,whichperpetuatedhistoricaldiscoursesfromnearlyacentury

prior(Palmer,1909).ThefocusbyAmericantravelwritersonthePanamaCanalaswellas

infantiledescriptionofPanamanianpeoplecreatedaone-dimensionalrepresentationof

Panamaforgeneralaudiences.UnfortunatelyalackofdiversityamongPanama’s

representationintravelwritingestablishedalimitedgeographicimaginaryofthecountry

forpotentialvisitors.AsseenbywriterJimMinterfromtheAtlantaConstitution,the

expectationsbyAmericantouristsinthecountrywerestronglyshapedbytheserepetitive

narratives.MinterwritesofhisvisittoPanama,

“IhadexpectedtofindsomedegreeofappreciationfortheCarteradministration’s

agreementtosurrenderthecanal.Therewasnone-NorthAmericansdidnotseemwelcome.ThedominantdowntownlandmarkwasagiantmuraldepictinganarmedandhelmetedAmericansoldierasabeastlyoppressorofthepeople”(Minter,1988,p.D2).Thedivergenceinrepresentationbetweentravelliteratureandthepersonalexperienceof

authorJimMinterillustratesaconceptualandmaterialgapintheunderstandingof

Americanimperialism.Asstatedinthepassage,Minter’sexpectationofimperialist

celebrationandgratitudewasreplaced,intheauthor’sview,withresistancetohis

presenceinPanama.Itisevidentfromthisexperience,thatthedescriptions,

representations,andperspectivesappearingintravelwritingfromtheGlobalNorth,

deviatessignificantlyfromtheemotionsandinteractionsofmanyPanamanians.Most

importantly,travelliteratureinfluencesthebehavioroftouristsinplace,shapingthe

experiencesandpotentialnarrativesthatemergefromtheisthmus(Mollett,2017).Forthis

reason,thethemeofAmericanimperialisminpopulartravelliteratureofthe

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contemporaryeracanbeunderstoodasfunctioninginacyclicalfashion,withmany

touristsre-creatingnarrativesofcelebrationregardingAmericancontrolintheisthmus.

5.5NarrativesofManagementinPanama’sUrbanCentersTravelnarrativesofinferiorPanamaniangovernanceduringthe1990ssupported

thecommonrepresentationoftheUnitedStatesasanexceptionalimperialforceoverthe

peopleandspacesofPanama.SincethearrivalofAmericantravelwritersinPanama,

commentatorshavedescribedPanamaniansinnegativeterms.Inparticular,these

discourseshavebeeninformedbyraciallogicsthatrepresentPanamaniansasinferiorto

whiteAmericas(Frenkel,2002).IntheTraveler’sGuideandBusinessMan’sHandbook

(1862),Panamanianpeopleweredescribedas,“composedofamongrelraceofSpaniards,

Indians,andNegroes,weretooindolentandunaccustomedtolabortobedependedonto

anygreatextent”(Frenkel,2002,p.88).ThenegativeperceptionofPanamanian

populationshadavarietyofmaterialcontingencies.Scholarsofgeographyassertthat

historically“Thenegativenatureofthese[Panamanian]representationsundergirded

AmericanperceptionsoftheCanalZone”andsupportedphysicalsegregationinitiatives

(Frenkel,2002,p.85).Inparticular,whiteAmericansrationalizedtheresidential

organizationofZoneandlabourhierarchyasnecessarypracticesduetothenegative

perceptionofPanamaniansandmigrantlabourers(McCullough,1977;Frenkel,2002,

Lasso,2013).UnfavourabledescriptionsofracializedPanamaniansalsoshapedthe

representationsofcitieswithsignificantpopulationsofWestIndianandAfro-colonial

people,

“AmericansalsodistancedthemselvesasmuchaspossiblefromPanamaniancities.

Theyperceivedthecitiesasdirty,unhealthyplaces,andusedthemtojustifythemaintenanceofa‘safehaven’(theZone)forCanalemployees.TheimagehomogenizedPanamaniancitiesas‘pestholesofthetropics”(Frenkel,2002,p.94).

CriticismregardingPanamanianspaceshascontinuedoverthetwentiethcentury

andbecameincreasinglyevidentaftertheAmericaninvasionofPanamaCityin1989and

theCanalannexationin1999.Duringthistimeperiod,narrativesof“criminalityandawide

rangingeconomiccrisis”characterizeddescriptionsofPanama’sgovernance(Guerron-

Montero,2014,p.423).DespiteattemptsbythePanamaniangovernmentto“constructan

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imageofapeacefuldemilitarized,nation,safefortourists”,travelwriterscontinuedto

representPanamanians,cities,andgovernmentinnegativeterms(Guerron-Montero,2014,

p.420).Inparticular,criticsusedtheaestheticdifferencesbetweentheCanalZoneand

otherurbancentersasevidenceofimpropergovernancebyPanamanians.Forthisreason,

thespatialcharacteristicsofvariousurbanlandscapeswereembeddedwithracial

representationsofinferiorityandincompetency(Frenkel,2002;Emling,1999;Simons,

1999).ScholarsofPanamaassertthatnarrativesofsuperiorAmericanmanagement

informedthisperception(Lasso,2013;McCullough,1977). 5.6SearchingforSanctuary:NarrativesofWildernessandEscapeamongPanamanianTravelLiterature

SincethedepartureoftheUnitedStatesfromthePanamaCanalZoneterritory,

Panamaniantravelnarrativeshavechangedconsiderablyinthetwentyfirstcentury.

Startinginthe1990sthetourismagendaofthePanamanianfederalgovernmentfocused

onthenaturalenvironmentofthecountryasanattractionforforeignvisitorsafterthe

removalGeneralNoriega(Guerron-Montero,2014).However,itwasnotuntilthe

annexationofthePanamaCanalZonein1999thattravelwritersalsoturnedtheirattention

naturallandscapesoftheisthmus.Inthetwenty-firstcentury,Panamahasfollowedthe

eco-tourismexampleofneighboringCostaRicawithgreatsuccess.Infact,theisthmushas

becomeknownasapreferablealternativetoCostaRica,whichhasrecentlybeen

characterizedintravelliteratureastoocommercialized.ThetravelblogNomadicMatt

publishedanarticleonPanamawriting,

“PanamaisstillfarfrombeingoverrunwithtouristsinthewaythatsayCostaRica

is.It’sstilleasytofindbeachorislandyoucanhaveentirelytoyourselforspendthenightinavillagethat’shardlyeverseenatourist,evenPanamanianones”(Kepnes,2008).DuetothepositivepublicityPanamahasreceivedoverthepasttwodecades,thetourism

industryhasgrownsignificantly.Ratherthandescribedasa“priceinflatedeco-circus”like

neighboringCostaRica,Panamahasbeencharacterizedaspossessinga“rustictranquility”

intravelliterature(Cristol,2005,p.M1;Neville,2013).ThetransformationofPanamanian

travelnarrativesshortlyafterthewithdrawaloftheUnitedStatesfromthecountrycreated

aconsensusamongwritersthatforPanamainthetwentyfirstcentury,the“USisoutand

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tourismisin(Gedan,2003,p.M1)”.Inthiscontext,thecountry’ssuccessasatourism

destinationwaslargelydependentondescriptionsofPanamaasapicturesqueandperfect

areaofescape.Thesenarrativescombinedwithimageryoflushfoliageandwhitesand

beacheshavefacilitatedcomparisonsofPanamatoareallife“paradise”or“Eden”in

populartravelliterature(Neville,2013;Carpenter,2010).Inotherarticles,authors

emphasizedPanama’sotherworldlyqualities,describingthecountryasa“magicalspot”,

“likesomethingoutofadream”,and“asanctuaryforthesoul”(Victor,2002,Ramesch,

2016,BocasBreeze,2013).AlthoughPanamahasalwayspossessedbeautifullandscapes

andnaturalattractions,interestbytravelliteratureinthesequalitiesisinfactaresponseto

publicdemand.Escapefrommodernsocietyhasbecomeagrowingdesireformany

touristsinthecontemporaryera.In2006TheBostonGlobediscussedthedrawtoPanama

forAmericanresidentialtouristsstatingthat,“foreignersarelookingforahavenfroma

worldtheyperceiveasunsafebecauseofcrimeathomeandglobalterrorism”

(Lakshmanan,2006,p.A1).Theperceivedsafetyofexpatriateenclavesandruralareasof

theisthmusisaconsiderabledrawfortouristswhofeeluncertainineverydaylifedueto

therapidandtransformativegeo-politicalfactorsofthetwentyfirstcentury.Forother

travelers,Panamaprovidesanopportunitytoescapestressfulanddemandingoccupations.

In2015,InternationalLivingadvertisementsforBocasdelToro,Panamatargeted

audienceslookingtoescapefromtheobligationsofcontemporarysociety.Themagazine

wrote,

“Despitethebohemiantypesthattricklethrough,it’sstillthekindofplaceIdescribe

as“untouristy”andmostdefinitelyunspoiled.Nobignameresortsorconcretejungleshereandtherearenohurricanesever.Thebeachesareneverovercrowdedandyoucanoftenhavestretchesentirelytoyourself.Peoplegoabouttheirdailylivesscarcelyaffectedbythemodernworld.Suretheyhavecellphonesandemailaccountsbuttheydon’tspendeverysecondcheckingthem.Thepaceoflifeisblissfullylanguid-noratraceallowed.Themottoyou’llhearmost:ceroestres(zerostress)(Ramesch,2015).Thedesirebytouriststotemporarilyeliminatestressfulelementsoftheirlifeisarepeated

themethroughoutPanamaniantravelwriting.AftervisitingtheIsthmus,CondeNastauthor

PeterStevensondiscussesthelongingforhisownchildrentoexperiencePanamaasa

spacedevoidofmodernanxieties.Hewrites,

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“Bocasstilloffersitselfwithoutadornmentwithoutthefaçadeofvacationlandanditsveryrealnesswasactingonmeasade-stressor.Ithoughaboutcomingback,withmykidstheycouldexperienceaplacewhichfeltremovedfromtimeandconcern”(Stevenson,2012).

Figure23:DockinIslaBastimientos,BocasdelToro,Panama:KylaEgan(March,2018)

Intravelliteratureadvertisementsofferingtouristsanescapefrommodernsocietyare

oftenusedinconjunctionwithimageryofwildernessandsolitude.Interactionwithnature

bytravellersislargelyunderstoodasthetemporalandspatialantithesistomodernlifein

theGlobalNorth.Forthisreason,travelwritersoftendiscussingreatdetailtheabundance

oflandscapesandwildlifethatarepresentinPanamaasatouristattraction.Inparticular,

travelliteratureoftenfocuseson“opportunitiestoescapeintountouchedwilds”of

Panama,inordertogaingreaterpublicinterest(Gillcash,2014).Forthisreason,Panama’s

animalsandlandscapeshavebecomeassignificantofanattractionastheCanalinthe

contemporaryera.TheBostonGlobedescribesthecountry’sbiodiversityin2014,

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“Themassivewildernessareaisawildlifewatchersparadisefeatureredandgreen

macaws,birdsofparadise,monkeys,armadillosandtheetoedsloths.OfcoursethesearejustafewofPanama’swonders,theisthmusnationisrifewithamazingcoastline,deepjunglesandabiodiversitythatismindboggling”(Vohr,2014).Inthepasttwodecades,Panama’stourismindustryhasusedthecountry’snatural

biodiversityinconjunctionwiththedevelopmentofeco-lodgesandexpatriateenclavesto

attractforeignpopulations.Asseeninnarrativesofshort-termtravel,immersionof

touristsinPanama’snaturalattractionsisconsideredarelieffromthestressfulandchaotic

elementsthatcharacterizemodernsocietyintheGlobalNorth.Similarenvironmental

narrativesarealsousedtoattractlong-termresidentialtourists,whoviewmigrationto

Panamaasaformofescape.IntheLosAngelesTimes,thepopularexpatriateenclaveof

Boqueteisdescribedintermsofitsfertilesoilandabundantnaturallandscapes.The

authorYvonneHornwrites,

“AcontributortotheSanFranciscochroniclewroteaboutaPanamanianShangri-la

inthecoolhighlandsofChriquiwheretheywererushingtroutfilledstreams,alushmountainrainforest,abundantorangegrovesandcoffeeplantations,andapicturepostcardtownchockablockwithflowergardens.Thisidyllicplace,thewriterwentontosay,wasknownonlytothewellto-doofPanamalookingtoescapethemugginessandmosquitosofthelowlands”(Horn,2002).Boquete’slocationinthemountainoushighlandsfacilitatesthegrowthofcoffeeplantations

andorangefarmsintheregion.Oftendescribedasthelandof“eternalspring”intravel

literature,thearea’sexpansiveforestsandgardensareoftenusedinadvertisements

(Witmer,2017).ForBocasdelToro,anotherprominentexpatriateenclave,the“ringsof

tropicalgreenwater”andsandbeachesofthearchipelagoisthepredominantdrawfor

residentialtourists(Neville,2013).Descriptionsbytravelwritersthatrepresentthearea

as“isolated”isalsoconsideredapositivecharacteristicfortheislands(Neville,2013).In

TheGuardian,travelwriterIanUsherdescribeslifeinthearchipelago,includingdaily

interactionwithwildanimals.Theauthorwrites,

“Atfirstwefeltlikewe’dachievedtheperfectlife-sunnydaysskimmingacrossthewaterinourlittleboatwatchingdolphins,snorkelinginclearwaterthroughshoalsoffish.Wewerelivingonfreshseafood,bananas,pineapples,coconutsandeggsfromthechickensthatroamedfreelyacrosstheisland”(Usher,2015).

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Narrativesthatcelebrategreaterinteractionwithnaturalelementsoftheworld,including

landscapesandanimals,arealsoappliedinthisinstancetotheconsumptionofresources.

Asillustratedabove,theuseoffreshandsustainablyfarmedresourcesinBocasdelTorois

consideredoneaspectthatcontributestothe“perfect”existenceacquiredinthe

archipelago.Inotherarticles,BocasdelToro’snaturalandisolatedcharacterissaidto

create“adeliciouslyslowandseductivepace”and“smilinglaidbacklocals”(Stevenson,

2012;Mills,2013).CommonrepresentationsoflifeinPanamaoftendiscussthepositive

effectthatasimplerlifestyleandabundantwildernesshavehadonpopulationsfromthe

GlobalNorth.InternationalLivingdiscussedthepersonaltransformationfeltamong

residentialmigrantfamilyinBocasdelToro.

“Livinginharmonywithnaturehasreallyallowedourfamilytoletourguarddownfromtheenergyofthecityandbemoresensitivetolife.Youhavetobecreativeheretomakethingsworkout.Patienceandbeingabletoletgoofexpectationsisabiglessontolearn”(Witmer,2017).ThroughoutcontemporarytravelnarrativesregardingPanama,abetterqualityoflifeis

repeatedlystatedasthemainreasonforeignmigrantshavemovedtotheisthmus.Infactin

manytravelarticles,closenesstonatureisportrayedasanimportantelementin

transformingthecharacterofaperson’slife.Idyllicdescriptionsofrelaxingsandbeaches,

thechirpingofbirdsinjungletreetops,andexpansivegardensarecommonlyrepeated

imagesthatshapetheexpectationsofvisitingtouristsorresidents.Thepurposeofthese

representationsistodenoteasimpler,lessstressful,andeasierlifethanwhatisofferedin

theGlobalNorth.Narrativesofescapism,particularlytowildorisolatedlandscapes,are

usedtoadvertisePanamaasapremierdestination.Inparticular,claimsbytravelmedia

thatontheisthmus“everydayisavacation”forforeignresidentssupportsthese

geographicimaginaries(Ramesch,2015).ForPanama,theprincipalmessagetouristsare

receivingfromtravelliteratureisthatthecombinationofabundantwilderness,lifestyle

changes,andwarmclimate,“shouldgiveyousomepictureofhowhappypeoplehereare-

homegrownandexpatalike”(Newell,2015).Forthisreason,thenarrativesofescapism

thatarecommoninPanamaniantravelliteraturearerepresentativeoftheantipathythat

populationsinGlobalNorthhavetowardsaspectsofmodernsociety.Whethertouristsare

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interestedinrelaxationoradventurePanama’sreputationasadestinationofescape

facilitatesNorth-Southmigrationtotheisthmus.

5.7ConstructingValuein‘Wild’Spaces

Panama’srepresentationintravelmediaasanecologicalsanctuaryisinformedbya

varietyofconceptualunderstandings.Firstly,theimportanceof‘wild’and‘virgin’

landscapesfirstemergedduringthenineteenthcenturyintheUnitedStates,asavarietyof

culturalandpoliticalactorsclaimedtheresourceofuntouchedlandswereinshortsupply

(Cronon,1995).Crononstatesthatduringthisculturalmoment,“Thewastelandsthathad

onceseemedworthlesshadforsomepeoplecometoseemalmostbeyondprice”(Cronon,

1995,p.6).Sheller(2003)statesthattheimportanceofnatureintheCaribbeanalso

emergedduringthenineteenthcenturybutduetoadifferentprocess,

“Thisromanticvisionofuntamedtropicalnature,whicharoseespeciallyintheperiodfollowingtheabolitionofslavery,wasconstructedaroundexperiencesofmovingthroughCaribbeanlandscapesandofexperiencingbodilywhatwasalreadyknownimaginativelythroughliteratureandart”(Sheller,2003,p.38).

Thetransformationofnatureandwildernessinpopularimaginariesinformsthegrowthof

Panama’secotourismindustry(Sheller,2003;VanNoorloos,2011.Inparticular,the

emergingrepresentationofnatureasanimportantanddisappearingelementoftheworld,

actuallyleadtogreaterconsumptionof‘natural’and‘untouched’landscapesbyNorth

AmericansandEuropeans(Cronon,1995).IntheUnitedStates,“eliteurbantourists”and

“thenation’swealthiestcitizens”emergedastheprincipalconsumersofwilderness

throughactivitiessuchasguidedhikingtoursandhuntinginthenineteenthandtwentieth

centuries(Cronon,1995).Thesepracticesoftourismwerethefoundationfortravel

narrativesthatlaterglorifiedPanama’stropicaljunglesandwhitesandbeachesintourism

literature(GuerronMontero,2011).

Historically,elitetouristsconceptualizedwildernessdifferentlythanrural

populations,“wildlandwasnotasiteforproductivelaborandnotapermanenthome;

rather,itwasaplaceofrecreation”(Cronon,1995).Avarietyofsimilaritiesexistbetween

theelitetouristsofthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturiesintheUnitedStatesandamenity

117

migrantpopulationsinPanama.Inparticular,scholarshavedemonstratedthatthemobility

ofamenitymigrantsisinformedbypursuitfora“betterwayoflife”(Benson,2013,p.501,

Benson&O’Reilly,2009,&Spalding,2013).Benson(2013)discussestheappealfor

amenitymigrantsofatourismdestinationconceptuallysecludedfromurbansettings,

“Inmanyways,thedesirefortheruralidyllembeddedinthemigrants'livesparallelsthequestforauthenticitythatisclaimedtolieattherootofthetouristexperience.Unliketourists,however,thedesireforauthenticliving-hereencapsulatedintheconceptoftheruralidyll-isongoingineverydaylifeaftermigration”(Benson,2013,p.501).

Forsomeamenitymigrants,residingandworkingin‘wild’landscapesisperceivedas

providingabetterqualityoflife,duetothepositiveconceptionsofwildernessthatfirst

emergedintravelnarrativesoftheUnitedStates.

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ChapterSix:Conclusion

Thisthesisoffersananalysisofhowcolonial-imperiallogicsofempireremained

embeddedincontemporarynationbuildingagendas.Inparticular,thisthesisdemonstrates

howhegemonicEuro-Americangeographicimaginationsshapethepastandpresent

throughthemesofnaturalresourceconsumption,whitesupremacy,American

exceptionalism,placemaking,andmigrationappearingintravelliterature.Thesethemes

emergethroughtheuseofhistoricalgeographyandthediscursiveanalysisofavarietyof

travelnarratives,foundinnewspapersandautobiographicalaccounts.Inparticular,this

thesiscontendsthatsuchimaginariesaremobilizedbytouristsandaffluentelitemigrants

fromNorthAmericaandEuropeinwaysthatreproducesparticularunderstandingsof

Panamanianspace,placeandpeopleinPanama.Forthisreason,imperialnarratives

appearinginPanamaniantravelliteratureinformthegeographicimaginaryofPanamaand

influencetheperceptionsandbehaviorofaffluentpopulationsontheisthmusfrom1841to

present.Themethodologicalapproachofhistoricalgeographyandhistoricaldatacollection

oftravelmaterialsdemonstratesthecongruityofimperialnarrativesinthecontemporary

tourismindustryofPanama.Inparticular,discussionsofmigrationandtourismtoPanama

wereconceptuallygroundedintheUnitedStates’expandingempireandforgedthrough

celebratorynarrativesofimperialsuperiority(Salvatore,1998;Moore,2013).Raciallogics

underpinnedmanyoftherelationsontheisthmus,includingresidentialorganization,

labourrelations,andthedevelopmentofruralland(McCullough1977,Lasso,2013,

Frenkel2002).ThecolonialhistoryofPanamaalsoinformedthegeographicimaginaryof

thecountryasaspaceofabundantanduntoldpotentialforEuro-Americanpopulations,a

narrativethathadpersistedsincethearrivalofSpanishcolonizersnearlyfourhundred

yearsprior(Frenkel,1996).ColonialconstructionsofPanama’slandandpeopleintravel

mediainformedpopulardiscussionsofresourcedevelopment,wilderness,andIndigenous

populations(Frenkel,1995;Cronon,1995;Mollett2011;Mollett,2016;Redman1991).

TheanalysisofPanamaniantravelnarrativeshasrevealedbothsubstantial

transformationsandpersistentcongruitiesofdiscoursefrom1880to2017.Duringthe

formationofthePanamaCanalZonebytheUnitedStates,Panama’sattractionfortourists

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andmigrantswasitspotentialasafruitfulAmericancolony(Scott,2016).Inthemodern

contextofamenitymigrantandresidentialtourismenclaves,imperialandcoloniallogics

continuetoinformNorth-SouthpatternsofmobilityandsettlementtotheIsthmus

(Benson,2013;Mollett,2017;Guerron-Montero,2011;Spalding,2013).Inparticular,

Panama’stourismindustryutilizesgeographicimaginariesofPanamaasaspaceof

consumption,sanctuary,anddiscovery(Mollett,2017;Guerron-Montero,2014;Sheller

2003;Spalding,2013).Panama’sreputationascountrywhereelitemigrantsareableto

makeplaceandestablishcommunitiescontinuestoinformtheisthmus’appealforamenity

migrantpopulations(Benson,2013;Guerron-Montero,2014).Thenationbuilding

imaginariesofAmericanandEuropeanempireshaveshapedthegeographicimaginaries

forshort-termandlong-termelitemigrantssincethenineteenthcentury.

RecommendationsForMovingForwardandFutureResearch

Asdiscussed,thepervasiveuseofimperialtravelnarrativeshasinfluencedthe

mobilities,imaginaries,andbehavioroftouriststoPanama.Bycombiningcompelling

travelnarrativeswiththedevelopmentagendasandinternationalinvestment,Panama’s

tourismindustrywillcontinuetoprosperinthecomingyears.Planstoexpandthe

internationalairport,transformColónintoahubforcruiseships,andfurtherdevelop

residentialtourismenclavesareallrecentinitiativessupportedbythePanamanian

governmentinanattempttoaccommodatethegrowingdemandforinternationaltourism

experiencedinthecountry(Castellano,2017;Ramirez,2017).ItispossiblethatPanama

mayalsoseeanotherboominresidentialtouristmigrationasthepoliticalenvironmentof

theUnitedStatesandEuropebecomesincreasinglyturbulent.Thecontemporary

environmentofthePanamaniantourismindustryischaracterizedbyfastpacedand

hurrieddevelopment,whichhasbeenlargelyinspiredbyelitetourismactors.Moreover,

thepersuasivetravelnarrativesappearingintourismliteraturehavefacilitatedthese

changesbyencouragingtouristsfromtheGlobalNorthtomigrate,explore,andsettleinthe

isthmus.Forthisreason,inordertonegatethegrowinginfluenceoftravelnarratives,a

varietyofrecommendationshavebeendeveloped.Firstly,publicawarenessregarding

prejudicialormisleadingtravelnarrativesisthemostimportantfactorinshapingthe

120

public’sgeographicimaginaryoftouristdestinations.Travelwritersandtouristsareoften

unawareofthehegemonicpowerformationsthatinfluencetheperceptionofotherpeople

andplaces.Inparticular,imperialnarrativescanbedifficulttoidentifybecausetheyare

frequentlyembeddedincommondiscourse.Forthisreason,discussionsregardingthe

historicalandsocialrelationsunderpinningthetourismindustryneedtobemorewidely

circulatedintraveldiscussionsoutsideoftheacademicfield.However,asalternativeforms

oftourismbecomemorecommonandwiththeincreaseddisseminationofacademic

materialinthemainstreammedia,consumerdecisionsregardingtourismmaystartto

change.Thisreconstructionwillbeseenmorequicklyiftouristsbecomeresponsibleand

criticalconsumersoftravelliterature,ratherthancomplicitinthedisseminationof

imperialnarratives.Secondly,thepublishers,editors,andwritersresponsibleforthe

creationoftravelliteratureneedtobeheldaccountableregardingtheinformationand

opinionssharedinmainstreammedia.Althoughtourismistraditionallyviewedasaleisure

industry,writerssharingmisrepresentativeinformationshouldbecompelledtoadhereto

thejournalisticstandardsseeninotherareasofthediscipline.Workbyscholarssuchas

Iaquinto(2011),whichexaminesthefinancialandsocialfactorsthatinfluencedecision

makingattourismliteraturecompanies,isincreasinglynecessaryinordertounderstand

howbesttoapproachthistopic.Takingtheserecommendationsintoaccount,future

researchcouldexpandtoalsoincludeimage-basedmedia,whichisbecomingincreasingly

popularforthetravelindustry.ThismayincludethedepictionofPanamanianimageryin

movies,travelshows,musicvideos,andsocialmediaplatformssuchasInstagramor

YouTube.Theanalysisofmediathatismostcommonlyutilizedbyyoungadults,could

illustratehowimperialnarrativeshavepenetrateddigitalimageryforanewgeneration.

121

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