the forum hoard of anglo-saxon coins il ripostiglio dell'atrium vestae

THE FORUM HOARD OF ANGLO-SAXON COINS

IL RIPOSTIGLIO DELL’ATRIUM VESTAE

NEL FORO ROMANO

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Libro Boll Num.indb 1 12/07/16 19:47

MUSEO NAZIONALE ROMANO

Medagliere

RIPOSTIGLI

collana a cura di

Gabriella Angeli Bufalini

Front cover: The Atrium Vestae as it was in 1884, shortly after the discovery of the Forum hoard in November 1883 (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico,13/FR/CV/A)

Back cover: Modern reconstruction of the bag which once may have contained the Forum hoard (by Bob Naismith)

In copertina: L’Atrium Vestae così come appariva nel 1884, poco dopo la scoperta del ripostiglio nel novembre del 1883 (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 13/FR/CV/A)

In quarta di copertina: Moderna ricostruzione della sacca che un tempo avrebbe potuto contenere il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae (di Bob Naismith)


MINISTERO DEI BENI E DELLE ATTIVITÀ CULTURALI E DEL TURISMO

BOLLETTINODI NUMISMATICA

55-56 ANNO 2011 NUOVA SERIE gennaio-dicembre

ROMA, MUSEO NAZIONALE ROMANO


IL RIPOSTIGLIO DELL’ATRIUM VESTAE NEL FORO ROMANO

di Rory Naismith

Francesca Tinti

ISTITUTO POLIGRAFICO E ZECCA DELLO STATORoma 2016



BOLLETTINO DI NUMISMATICAVia di San Michele, 22 - 00153 Roma

www.numismaticadellostato.it

Direttore Silvana Balbi de Caro

Capo redattore e coordinatore di redazione Gabriella Angeli Bufalini

Redazione Fabiana Lanna, Giuseppina Pisani Sartorio

Responsabile settore grafico Stefano Ferrante [email protected]

Acquisizione immagini Gianfranco Boscarino

Comitato tecnico scientifico Ermanno A. Arslan, Renata Cantilena, Emanuela Ercolani Cocchi, Salvatore Garraffo, Giovanni Gorini, Andrea Saccocci, Aldo Siciliano

Roma 2016


CONTENTS / SOMMARIO

Preface / Prefazione Rory Naismith, Francesca Tinti, The Forum Hoard of Anglo-Saxon coins / Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae nel Foro Romano (traduzione di Alessio Fiore)

Introduction / Introduzione . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 3 / 295

Discovery, Preservation and Research / Scoperta, conservazione e studi . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 4 / 296

Context of the Hoard: Rome and the House of the Vestals in the Tenth Century / Il contesto del ripostiglio: Roma e la Casa delle Vestali nel X secolo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 6 / 298

Summary of Contents / Il contenuto del ripostiglio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 14 / 301

The Hoard in its English Setting / Il ripostiglio nel suo contesto inglese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 24 / 311

A Payment to the Papacy? / Un versamento al papato? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 38 / 319

The Anglo-Viking Coins / Le monete anglo-vichinghe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 44 / 325

The Non-English Coins / Le monete di origine non inglese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 45 / 326

The Hooked Tags / I fermagli a uncino . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 48 / 328

Conclusion / Conclusioni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 50 / 329

CATALOGUE / CATALOGO di Rory Naismith

Kingdom of England

Alfred (871-99) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 53

Edward The Elder (899-924) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 55

Æthelstan (924/5-39) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 114

Æthelstan / Edmund . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 225

Edmund (939-46) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 226

Irregular English Issues of Uncertain Ruler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 279

Uncertain English King (Edward – Edmund) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 281

Archbishopric of Canterbury

Plegmund (890-923) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 282

Viking Kingdom of York

Olaf (?Guthfrithsson, 939-41) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 283

Sihtric (?Sihtricsson, circa 942-3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 285

Olaf (?Sihtricsson, 941-4) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 285


Kingdom of Italy

Berengar I as emperor (915-24) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 286

Hugh of Arles and Lothar II (931-47) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 286

West Frankish Kingdom

Odo (888-97) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 287

Ottonian Empire

Otto I (936-73) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 287

Duchy of Bavaria

Berthold (938-47) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 288

Byzantine Empire

Theophilus (829-42) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 288

Small fragments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 289

Metalwork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 293

BIBLIOGRAPHY / BIBLIOGRAFIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . 333

INDICES / INDICI Minting authorities / Autorità emittenti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p. 349Mint-places / Zecche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 349Moneyers / Monetieri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 351Plates / Tavole fuori testo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 358

Bollettino di Numismatica. Volumi editi Nuova serie Studi e ricerche on lineMateriali on line


Dedicated to the memory of Mark Blackburn (1953-2011)and Nicholas Brooks (1941-2014)


Plate I

Kingdom of England. Alfred (871-99) London. London monogram penny (obverse, cat. no. 1)

Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924) London region. Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 198)

tavole fuori testo def 55-56.indd 2 12/07/16 20:02

1

Preface

This volume represents the welcome but unforeseen product of a project commenced by the two authors in summer 2011, generously supported by a British Academy Small Research Grant given to explore the larger question of relations between England and Rome in the tenth and eleventh centuries. During a visit to Rome in September 2012, we examined the Forum hoard in the Medagliere of the Museo Nazionale Romano and were invited by the director of the Medagliere, Dr. Gabriella Angeli Bufalini, to conduct research on the hoard and prepare a catalogue of it for publication in the series Bollettino di Numismatica.

Our work on bringing this project to completion has been supported at every stage by many colleagues and institutions. In Rome, the Medagliere of the Museo Nazionale Romano has hosted us on several visits, and its staff has answered innumerable queries promptly and professionally. Particular thanks are due to Gabriella Angeli Bufalini for initiating and coordinating the project, and also to Fabiana Lanna, who has dealt with practical issues concerning the publication with patience, good humour and impressive attention to detail. We have also been privileged to stay and work in the convivial surroundings of the British School at Rome, and our research has benefited enormously from the resources of the School’s unparalleled library. Furthermore, the director of the British School, Prof. Christopher Smith, kindly provided us with letters of introduction to libraries and museums across Rome. We are grateful to everyone who has helped us in Rome: our project is much the better for their support.

At our home institutions, Francesca Tinti’s work on this volume constitutes part of the activities conducted by the research group IT751–13, funded by the Basque Government, and the Unidad de Formación e Investigación UFI11/02 of the University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU. Rory Naismith completed this project during the tenure of a Leverhulme Trust Early Career Research Fellowship, and the latter stages of a Junior Research Fellowship at Clare College, Cambridge, and while working as a Mellon Research Associate at the University of Cambridge. Finally, the British Academy Small Research Grant (which began the entire process) has provided essential material support throughout the project. This grant also permitted us to commission an Italian translation of our original English text by Alessio Fiore.

We are also grateful to a number of friends and colleagues who have read and commented on drafts of our work, or provided advice on specific questions pertaining to the research. Hugh Pagan and Stewart Lyon shared with us unpublished work on the coinages of Æthelstan and Edmund, and read sections of both the introduction and the catalogue. Peter Ilisch advised us on the Bavarian and Lotharingian coins. Henry Hurst and Riccardo Santangeli Valenzani commented on the archaeological context of the hoard, and Pauline Stafford and Chris Wickham on its historical implications. Alessia Rovelli kindly read both the English original text and the Italian translation and provided valuable comments. Lucia Travaini has also advised on specific points in the translation. Michelle Brown, David Ganz, Ildar Garipzanov, Mark Handley, Jane Kershaw, Elisabeth Okasha, Gale Owen-Crocker, Jo Story and Gabor Thomas all discussed the two hooked tags from the hoard and their inscription. Lacey Wallace produced the maps in expert fashion. We are also grateful for the questions and comments of audiences in Cambridge, Dublin, Harrogate, Manchester, Reading and Oxford to whom we presented papers based on this research.

Rory NaismithDepartment of History,

King’s College London, UK

Francesca Tinti Departmento de Historia Medieval, Moderna

y de América, Universidad del País Vasco UPV/EHUIKERBASQUE, Basque Foundation for Science


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Prefazione

Questo volume vede la luce come il felice ma non previsto risultato di un progetto intrapreso dai due autori nell’estate del 2011, generosamente sostenuto da un British Academy Small Research Grant relativo alla più ampia questione dei rapporti tra Roma e l’Inghilterra nei secoli X e XI. Nel corso di un soggiorno a Roma nel settembre del 2012 abbiamo esaminato il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae conservato presso il Medagliere del Museo Nazionale Romano e siamo stati invitati dalla responsabile del Medagliere, la dott.ssa Gabriella Angeli Bufalini, ad approfondirne lo studio e approntarne un catalogo da pubblicare nelle serie del Bollettino di Numismatica.

Il nostro lavoro nel corso del progetto è stato sostenuto in ogni sua fase da molti colleghi e istituzioni. A Roma, il Medagliere del Museo Nazionale Romano ci ha ospitati più volte e il suo personale ha risposto alle nostre innumerevoli richieste con grande rapidità e professionalità. Un particolare ringraziamento va a Gabriella Angeli Bufalini per l’avvio e il coordinamento del progetto e così pure a Fabiana Lanna, che si è occupata della parte redazionale con pazienza, buon umore e grandissima attenzione per i dettagli. Abbiamo avuto il privilegio di soggiornare e lavorare negli accoglienti ambienti della British School at Rome e le nostre ricerche hanno enormemente beneficiato delle risorse della sua magnifica biblioteca. Inoltre il direttore della British School, il prof. Christopher Smith, ci ha gentilmente fornito lettere di presentazione per le biblioteche e i musei romani. Siamo debitori verso tutti coloro che ci hanno aiutato durante il nostro soggiorno a Roma: il nostro progetto deve a loro molto.

Per ciò che riguarda le nostre istituzioni di appartenenza, il lavoro di Francesca Tinti in questo volume costituisce parte delle attività svolte dal gruppo di ricerca IT751–13, finanziato dal Governo dei Paesi Baschi, e dalla Unidad de Formación e Investigación UFI11/02 dell’Università dei Paesi Baschi, UPV/EHU. Rory Naismith ha terminato questo progetto durante una Leverhulme Trust Early Career Research Fellowship, e le ultime fasi di una Junior Research Fellowship presso il Clare College di Cambridge, e in qualità di Mellon Research Associate presso la stessa Università di Cambridge. Infine il British Academy Small Research Grant (che ha dato vita a tutto il processo) ci ha fornito l’indispensabile supporto materiale per tutta la durata del progetto e ci ha anche consentito di commissionare la traduzione italiana dell’originario testo inglese ad Alessio Fiore.

Siamo inoltre grati a parecchi amici e colleghi che hanno letto e discusso le bozze del nostro lavoro o hanno fornito pareri su specifiche questioni relative alla ricerca. Hugh Pagan e Stewart Lyon hanno condiviso con noi un lavoro ancora inedito sulle monete di Æthelstan ed Edmund e hanno letto parti dell’introduzione e del catalogo. Peter Ilisch ci ha fornito informazioni sulle monete bavare e lotaringie. Henry Hurst e Riccardo Santangeli Valenzani hanno discusso il contesto archeologico del ripostiglio, mentre Pauline Stafford e Chris Wickham le sue implicazioni storiche. Alessia Rovelli ha cortesemente letto sia il testo in inglese che la traduzione italiana e offerto preziosi commenti. Lucia Travaini ci ha anche fornito utili consigli su punti specifici della traduzione. Michelle Brown, David Ganz, Ildar Garipzanov, Mark Handley, Jane Kershaw, Elisabeth Okasha, Gale Owen-Crocker, Jo Story e Gabor Thomas hanno discusso il problema dei due fermagli a uncino del ripostiglio e delle loro iscrizioni. Lacey Wallace ha elaborato con mano esperta le cartine. Siamo inoltre grati per le domande e i commenti agli uditori di Cambridge, Dublino, Harrogate, Manchester, Reading e Oxford a cui abbiamo presentato relazioni basate su questa ricerca.

Rory NaismithDepartment of History,

King’s College London, UK

Francesca Tinti Departmento de Historia Medieval, Moderna y de América, Universidad del País Vasco UPV/EHUIKERBASQUE, Basque Foundation for Science


3

A virtute volens virtutis in alta migrare, Romuleum statuit concurrere gratis ad altar,

Scilicet ut veteris lustraret busta piacli, Augmentumque suis quiret conquirere votis

“From virtue to still higher virtue [Wilfrid] wished to ascend:And gladly to the altar of Romulus decided to wend, So that he might cleanse the remains of ancient sin,And by his own prayers seek to improvement win”

Frithegod of Canterbury (fl. 950s) Breviloquium vitae Wilfridi, ch. III (PL 133, col. 984C)

Introduction

The Forum hoard was discovered on 8 November 1883, in the course of excavating the Atrium Vestae (also known as the House of the Vestal Virgins) in the Roman Forum. It consisted of at least 830 coins, although the precise original total is slightly uncertain because of the presence of several small fragments (see cat. nos i-xvi). However, there is no doubt that the overwhelming bulk of the hoard consisted of English coins of the late ninth and early tenth century. All but six of the identifiable coins in the hoard were minted in England between the 880s and 940s, in the names of Anglo-Saxon kings from Alfred the Great (871-99) to his grandson Edmund (939-46); a few name Plegmund, archbishop of Canterbury (890-923), or the rulers of Viking York. The six non-English coins (five silver and one gold: cat. nos 825-30) come from the east and west Frankish kingdoms, northern Italy and the Byzantine Empire. Also mixed in with the coins were two inscribed silver “hooked tags” (cat. nos a-b), very probably of English manufacture, which – almost uniquely among early medieval hoards – carry an inscription giving a strong clue to the intended purpose of the hoard and a further indication of its date: a gift to Pope Marinus II (942-6). His pontificate coincides precisely with the date of the latest coins. The assembly of the hoard can therefore be assigned confidently to the period 942×946 (probably after 944), when Marinus was pope and Edmund was king of all England; its deposition in Rome presumably fell within this span or conceivably shortly after.

As one of the largest and best-preserved finds of English coins from the tenth century, the Forum hoard is of great importance to scholars of Anglo-Saxon history and numismatics. It is the largest single source for coins of King Æthelstan, and is especially significant as having probably been gathered in southern England, in contrast to the northern origins of most English hoards of the tenth century. In

Rory Naismith, Francesca Tinti



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addition, the hoard is a valuable and well-documented witness to evolving Anglo-Roman monetary relations, as well as to the history and archaeology of Rome in the tenth century. It is, in every respect, a find of the utmost significance.

Discovery, Preservation and Research

The circumstances surrounding the discovery of the hoard are well known from a detailed report written just a few months later by Giovanni Battista de Rossi (1822-94) in Notizie degli scavi di antichità. This drew on his first-hand experience of the excavations in the Atrium Vestae, carried out under the direction of Rodolfo Lanciani (1845-1929).1 Lanciani and de Rossi reported that the hoard was found beneath a large rock while clearing the rubbish from the floor of an early medieval building in the northernmost corner of the House of the Vestals, about 1.6 metres above the floor of the ancient Atrium (fig . 1).2 When first discovered, the hoard was contained within a pot, described by de Rossi as una ciotola di rozza terra cotta (“a rough terracotta bowl”).3 This pot is no longer extant, or at least cannot be identified. Its form and origin are therefore impossible to establish with certainty.4 The two hooked tags are likely to have once been the fastenings of a bag or pouch,5 and a small piece of woven fabric adhering to one of the coins probably belonged to the pouch or its inner lining (cat. no. 605). This fragment of fabric is not preserved, but it may be seen in photographs taken prior to cleaning (fig . 2).6

De Rossi and Lanciani were on-hand at the time of discovery to guarantee that the hoard was retrieved in its entirety, identified immediately and safely deposited for future study. It remains one of relatively few hoards of this period to have been preserved intact and well discussed in both scholarly and popular literature.7 Reaction to the hoard in print was almost immediate. Reports appeared in British newspapers just two days after the hoard came to light, accompanied by enthusiastic speculation on the circumstances behind its deposition.8 De Rossi’s report on the hoard, included in Lanciani’s larger survey of the excavation of the Atrium Vestae, followed soon after, together with a detailed letter written in English by Lanciani himself, published in The Athenaeum.9 On 10 December 1885 the hoard was given by the Direzione generale dei musei e scavi d’antichità del Regno to the museum at the Baths of Diocletian.10 By 1895 the hoard was on display in one of the rooms there.11 It is now preserved in the Medagliere of the Museo Nazionale Romano in Palazzo Massimo alle Terme.

De Rossi included with his initial publication a thorough list of the different designs and inscriptions represented in the hoard. He also quickly communicated news and details of the find to learned societies in Great Britain, where a summary translation of his work was produced by Charles Francis Keary and published in the Numismatic Chronicle in 1884.12 Research on the hoard slowed substantially in the following decades. Charles Lewis Stainer, writing in the early twentieth century on coins minted at Oxford, obtained casts

1 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, pp. 434-514.2 . . . Il tesoretto era nascosto a met . 1,60 sopra il piano antico, nell’ultimo angolo dell’Atrio delle Vestali, verso il Foro e verso l’odierna chiesa di s . Maria liberatrice, in una stanza costruita nel medio evo . . . (Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 493).3 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 487.4 The best-known type of ceramic from Rome between the eighth and tenth centuries was Forum ware (see in general Mazzucato 1977, pp. 31-4 and figs 51-7; Paroli 1992). Forum ware ciotole/bowls of the appropriate period are discussed and illustrated in Mazzucato 1993, pp. 45, 64 and 67-9 (figs 38 and 78). However, it should be noted that Forum ware is always heavily glazed, which seems difficult to reconcile with the description of the vessel as made of rozza (“rough”) terra cotta: other common wares current in tenth-century Rome should also be considered. See also Romei 2004.5 See below, pp. 48-50.6 Metcalf 1992, p. 66.7 Cf. Toubert 1973, vol. 1, p. 559.8 Pall Mall Gazette (10 Nov. 1883), p. 6; The Times (10 Nov. 1883), p. 5; Birmingham Daily Post (12 Nov. 1883), p. 4; The Belfast News-Letter (16 Nov. 1883), p. 5; The Graphic (17 Nov. 1883), p. 487; The Daily News (25 Dec. 1883), p. 3. 9 The Athenaeum 2934 (19 Jan. 1884), pp. 95-6. Cf. Cubberley 1988, pp. 151-4 (no. LIV).10 As attested in a document signed on that day by Ettore de Ruggiero, director of the museum at the Baths of Diocletian, now preserved with the hoard in the Medagliere of the Museo Nazionale Romano.11 Tesoroni 1895, p. 262; cf. Van Deman 1909, p. 47.12 Keary 1884.


Fig. 1 - Schematic map of the western part of the Forum in the early Middle Ages, showing principal medieval features in relation to major ancient monuments (drawn by Lacey Wallace)


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of relevant coins from the Forum hoard and details of their weights,13 and numerous other British scholars recognised the hoard’s importance for understanding of tenth-century English currency, but apparently only with reference to Keary and de Rossi’s work of the 1880s.14 Serious fresh research only came in the 1970s with Christopher Evelyn Blunt (1904-87). His seminal 1973 study of the coinage of Æthelstan incorporated an appendix which re-assessed the find and corrected a number of errors in de Rossi’s earlier catalogue.15 Most of the coins were not illustrated, but around this time Blunt’s son Simon had made a complete set of photographs for use by Blunt and his colleagues.16

The last three decades have seen the Forum hoard attract considerable attention as a key source for tenth-century numismatics and, increasingly, for the monetary and economic history of contemporary Rome. Christopher Blunt included the hoard in an important survey of Anglo-Saxon finds from Italy (a subject revisited recently by Rory Naismith),17 and it featured prominently in a major survey of the tenth-century

English currency published by Blunt along with Stewart Lyon and Lord Stewartby in 1989.18 For the first time, scholars integrated the Forum hoard into discussion of the Anglo-Saxon currency, though there are still limits on its interpretation imposed by the absence of a fully illustrated catalogue. Michael Metcalf in the 1980s sought to fill this gap with a new study and catalogue of the hoard. This project never came to fruition, although the invaluable introduction he wrote for the anticipated publication appeared separately in 1992.19 The hooked tags were also the subject of another short article in 1991 by James Graham-Campbell, with contributions from Elisabeth Okasha and Michael Metcalf.20

Analysis from an Italian perspective has generally approached the hoard as a reflection of what money was available in Rome in the middle of the tenth century. Pierre Toubert, Ermanno Arslan and Cécile Morrisson discussed it in the general context of Rome’s monetary history,21 while Alessia Rovelli mentioned the hoard as an early representative of the resurgence of Pavian denari.22 Historians concerned with interactions between England and Rome have also considered the context and significance of the Forum hoard: their contribution will be discussed below.23

Context of the Hoard: Rome and the House of the Vestals in the Tenth Century

In Lanciani’s long report of 1883 on the excavation of the Atrium Vestae only about two pages are dedicated to the use of the site in the centuries following the expulsion of the Vestal Virgins from their ancient residence under Theodosius I (379-95), and the impression is that the description of the room underneath which the hoard was found would have been even shorter than the paragraph it is assigned,

13 Stainer 1904, pp. xlv and 2-4.14 E.g. Hawkins 1887, pp. 134 and 139; Dolley, Metcalf 1961, pp. 82, 84, 87.15 Blunt 1974, pp. 141-55.16 Blunt 1974, p. 141. One set of these photographs is in the hands of the authors and was used in preparation of this publication.17 Blunt 1986, p. 161; Naismith 2014a.18 CTCE; see also Stewart 1988.19 Metcalf 1992.20 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991. Cf. Okasha 1992, p. 53 (nos 202-3).21 Toubert 1973, vol. 1, pp. 552-76; Arslan, Morrisson 2002, pp. 1276-7.22 Rovelli 2012, p. 16 no. VIII; cf. Toubert 1973.23 See below, pp. 38-44.

Fig. 2 - Copy of a photograph taken in the 1970s of cat. no. 605 before cleaning (Christopher Blunt).


7

THe Forum Hoard of Anglo-Saxon coins

were it not for the remarkable treasure which was discovered there. Reconstruction of the archaeological setting in which the hoard came to light is therefore deeply problematic. Lanciani referred to an early medieval house in the north-eastern corner of the Atrium, one of several stages of late antique and early medieval activity within the ancient structure.24 He wrote that only one room of this house had been excavated up to the time of his report,25 and that this was located 2.5 metres above the floor level of the imperial-era Atrium (for its location, fig . 1 and fig . 3).26 Its east and north walls were provided by the ancient structure, and leaning against the outer side of the ancient east wall used by the early medieval building was an aedicula which several contemporary and later archaeologists thought could have hosted a statue of Vesta. By contrast, Lanciani identified this, probably correctly, with one of the several edicole compitali (shrines to household gods) which could be found on Roman streets (fig . 4).27

The south and west walls of the building were said to date back to the ninth or tenth century, and three pedestals originally made to carry statues of Vestal Virgins were found to have been re-used as foundations for the south wall.28 The medieval walls were destroyed in 1884 – “unwisely”, as Lanciani noted in a publication of 1888 – but without specifying whether this occurred in the course of the excavation campaign that he directed until 17 March 1884 or at some point thereafter.29 After the dismantling of the medieval walls, however, the three pedestals were left in situ for some time, as can be seen in various late nineteenth-century photographs of the area (figs 5-7), including those taken during the 1899 excavation of the Atrium’s sewer system (fig . 8).30 The terracotta bowl containing the hoard was found about 90 cm below the floor-level of the medieval building, hidden under a big stone, but (as has been recently noted by Andrea Augenti) Lanciani did not make clear whether the hoard could have been hidden through an excavation from the floor-level of the house or before the construction of the house itself. Still more worrying is Augenti’s suspicion that the date of the early medieval house was suggested to Lanciani by the hooked tags bearing the name of Pope Marinus which were found with the coins.31 As no physical remains or photographs of this structure survive, and the bowl which contained the coins and the hooked tags cannot be identified, very little possibility remains of casting further light on the context of the hoard.32 It should be noted, however, that the western wing of the Atrium Vestae continued to be at least partly used and inhabited after the tenth century, as may be deduced from the presence of a wall con cortina in soli tufelli dating from the twelfth or thirteenth century or later, as well as from the discovery of numerous fragments of medieval ceramic in the course of the early twentieth-century excavations.33

From the time of its discovery there has been interest in links between the hoard and the papacy, which has affected interpretation of the find-context. The hooked tags were initially identified as pectoral clips which would have been sewn on the edge of the cloak worn by a papal officer (who may have owned the building beneath which the hoard was buried).34 The presence of an important papal officer in this area was explained by de Rossi as a consequence of the continued presence of the papal curia on the Palatine since the time of John VII (705-7), who according to the Liber pontificalis began the construction of an episcopium “above” (super) the site occupied by the nearby church of S. Maria Antiqua. Two tiles (tegoloni) stamped with the name

24 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486; Coates-Stephens 1996, p. 249. For late antique activity in the west end of the Atrium Vestae see further Filippi 2001; and Filippi et al . 2004. 25 It is not clear whether more remains of the early medieval building were found but not reported, or if it could have incorporated more of the ancient edifice. Alternatively, the room found by Lanciani may have been a stand-alone structure. In his publications on the excavation Lanciani initially speaks of a room but later on preferred to refer to a small house, thus giving the impression (impossible to verify) that no other medieval room was subsequently found adjoining this one. Cf. Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486, Lanciani 1888, p. 160 and Idem 1897, p. 23326 Augenti 1996, p. 61 gives slightly different measurements stating that the tenth-century room stood 2.3 metres above the ancient level of the House of the Vestals (and in this he has been followed by Meneghini, Santangeli Valenzani 2004, p. 168).27 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486; cf. Coarelli 1983, p. 266.28 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486.29 Lanciani 1888, p. 161. The exact dates for the beginning and end of the campaign are given by Lanciani in a letter of 29 March 1884: Cubberley 1988, p. 160. For further early work on the same sites see also Jordan 1884 and Idem 1886. 30 Sisani 2004, p. 64.31 Augenti 1996, p. 139.32 For comments and context see Coates-Stephens 1996, esp. p. 244.33 Augenti 1996, pp. 79-80 and plan of the House of the Vestals at p. 23.34 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 487.


8

Fig. 3 - Aerial photograph, taken during the 1883 excavations (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 19/FR/VA)


9

Fig. 4 - The edicola compitale after its late nineteenth-century reconstruction (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 12/FR/CV/E)


Figs 5-6 - The Atrium Vestae shortly after the excavations of 1883, showing the position of the three pedestals used as foundation blocks in the early Middle Ages

(SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 13/FR/CV/A and 5/FR/CV/A)


Fig. 7 - The Atrium Vestae shortly after the excavations of 1883, showing the position of the three pedestals used as foundation blocks in the early Middle Ages

(SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 15/FR/CV/A)


12


John in Greek came to light in the Atrium Vestae close to the hoard, and have traditionally been interpreted as material evidence for the presence of John’s episcopium in this area.35

More recently, however, the identification of the hooked tags as clips or brooches for a papal official has been rejected, and it has been demonstrated that the hooked tags, probably a product of Anglo-Saxon manufacture, were most likely used to secure the bag in which the coins were carried.36 Moreover, the hypothesis of continued papal presence on or near the Palatine has been rejected, as after only a brief period in the early eighth century the papal curia moved back to the Lateran and remained there.37 The only connection between this area of the Forum, the Palatine and the papacy depends on the identification of what may have been a papal archive near the Arch of Titus. This may have been the building referred to as the Testamentum in the Einsiedeln itinerary of c . 800; still more tentative is the identification of the Testamentum with the building referred to as the Cartularium in the Mirabilia urbis Romae of the twelfth century and other sources of later date.38 The presence of this building led Andrea Augenti to suggest that the tenth-century house where the hoard was found could have been the residence of the officer responsible for that archive,39 though its location so far to the west of the Arch of Titus is problematic. While certainly a possibility worth considering, there is nothing to confirm whether or not the hoard’s concealment was the work of a person or institution directly connected to the

papacy. A collection of money intended for donation to the pope would, if the Liber pontificalis is any guide, most likely have been used to provide bullion or funds for ecclesiastical support.40 Concealment of such a donation, isolated but apparently intact, may well mean that it never reached its final recipient or intended use.

Another nearby building which may have had some relation with the place where the Forum hoard was found is the church of S. Maria Antiqua or, more precisely, its atrium, which preserves frescoes dating to the tenth and eleventh centuries and became known as the church of S. Antonio by the twelfth century.41 After the earthquake of 847 the church itself was abandoned and its properties and functions as a diaconia were transferred to S. Maria Nova, also in the Roman Forum. However, the frescoes of the

35 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 494, where it is suggested that the tiles may have fallen down from the Palatine hill onto the ramp which ended near the House of the Vestals.36 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991; and Owen-Crocker 2004, pp. 153-5. See below, pp. 48-50.37 Augenti 1996, pp. 56-8 and p. 62; cf. Meneghini, Santangeli Valenzani 2004, pp. 209-10.38 Itinerarium of Einsiedeln, c. 8 (ed. Valentini, Zucchetti 1940-53, vol. 2, p. 196) and Mirabilia urbis Romae, c. 24 (ed. Valentini, Zucchetti 1940-53, vol. 3, p. 57). The latest discussion of this building by Rodríguez López (Rodríguez López 2005, esp. pp. 321-6) is hesitant about identifying the Testamentum with the Cartularium . See also Bison 2010.39 Augenti 1996, p. 62, n. 7 and pp. 72-3; see also Idem 1994, pp. 682-4 and map at p. 673 for the suggested position of the Cartularium. 40 Delogu 1988; Reuter 2000.41 Osborne 1987, p. 221.

Fig. 8 - Photograph taken during the 1899 excavations in the western part of the Atrium Vestae, showing the ancient Roman sewer system, as well as the position of the three pedestals used

as foundation blocks in the early Middle Ages (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 16/FFR/CV/A)


13


atrium suggest that at least this part of the complex remained in use beyond the mid-ninth century. In 1987 John Osborne made the interesting suggestion that a monastic community may have used the atrium in the tenth and eleventh centuries as a church, based primarily on the presence of frescoes demonstrably later than the ninth century. This community may have been responsible for the erection of a covering structure over the atrium; a large masonry pier found in the middle of the atrium in the excavations of 1900 could belong to this phase of construction, or to a later date.42 Whether or not the community had any connection to the nearby building in the Atrium Vestae underneath which the Forum hoard was found can only be a matter of speculation.43

This area of the Forum appears in any case to have been very much in use in the ninth and tenth centuries.44 Riccardo Meneghini has recently pointed out the number of ancient buildings which were adapted and reused for a variety of purposes at this time. High-status domestic buildings appeared in and around the Forum in the mid-ninth century.45 Churches as well as secular buildings nestled within the temples and monuments. Like the north-eastern corner of the House of the Vestals and the atrium of S. Maria Antiqua, the nearby Basilica Julia, which was still standing in the early Middle Ages, hosted in its northern aisle a small ninth-century oratory with frescoes on its walls (known as S. Maria in Cannapara). The remains which were found there also attest to the presence of craft activities, possibly including cordage. Between the Basilica Julia and the Temple of Saturn, more recent excavations have brought to light another tenth-century building leaning against the arches of the Basilica.46

These points about the level of activity around the House of the Vestals in the tenth century lead to the central question of what circumstances might have resulted in the deposition of the hoard in this location. Despite the tumultuous reputation of tenth-century Rome,47 the 940s and 950s in fact come across as comparatively peaceful.48 By this time the princeps Alberic (932-54) had staved off a number of attacks by Hugh of Provence, who had hoped to recover control of Rome after marrying Alberic’s mother Marozia in 932. In the later years of Alberic’s reign the most immediate threats to the city were Hungarian raids. It was thanks to these raids that western coins – including many from Rome and the rest of Italy – came to be included in Hungarian hoards of the tenth century.49 But the closest any known raid came to penetrating the city itself was in 942, when a group of Hungarians reached the gate of S. Giovanni, but were defeated and turned back by the Romans50 – and this is in any case too early to be the context for the Forum hoard: its intended recipient, Marinus II, was only elected pope in the autumn of that year, and consecrated on 11 November.51 Comparatively little is known about conditions within Rome in the 940s, and it is entirely possible that an unrecorded Hungarian raid or internal conflict precipitated the concealment of the Forum hoard.52 But despite the assumption of de Rossi and other scholars that violent military or political strife must have been to blame,53 possibilities for why the hoard was buried are infinite, and in the absence of further historical or archaeological detail it is impossible to settle with any real confidence on a more precise explanation. While the story of the hoard’s assembly and intended purpose can be told in relative detail, the story of why it came to be hidden where it was found must remain a mystery.54

42 Osborne 1987, p. 190 and pp. 219-23; for a photograph of the pier at the time of the excavations see Augenti 1996, p. 67 fig. 33.43 It should be noted that decorations also survive on the walls of a narrow passageway in the right (west) wall of the atrium of S. Maria Antiqua, created during this later phase of use of the structure. Osborne hinted at the possibility that the monastic community who possibly used the church at the time may have resided in the adjoining structures on the west side of the atrium; that is, the side opposite to the one closer to the Vestals House (Fig. 1): Osborne 1987, pp. 216-19.44 Serlorenzi, Maetzke 2001.45 Goodson 2010, esp. p. 62.46 Meneghini, Santangeli Valenzani 2004, pp. 167-72.47 See below, pp. 50-1.48 Falco 1954, pp. 260-1; Arnaldi 1960; Wickham 2000; Idem 2013 (and Idem 2015).49 Bakay 1999, p. 543; Fusconi 2012.50 Fasoli 1945, pp. 174-5; Arnaldi 1960, p. 650.51 References to the sources for the exact dates of his pontificate are given in Zucchetti 1920, p. 167 n. 3. Cf. Piazzoni 2008.52 Bakay 1999, p. 544. In 947 the Hungarians reached Apulia but the route they followed is unknown, though it seems unlikely that they went through Rome or its area: Fasoli 1945, pp. 179-80. On the chronology of the Hungarian attacks see also Schulze 1984.53 Cf. Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 493; Gregorovius 1885, pp. 39-40; Metcalf 1992, pp. 77-8. 54 See on this point Bogucki 2005.


14


Summary of Contents

The 830 identifiable coins in the Forum hoard can be broken down by ruler, type and moneyer as follows:

CATALOGUE NO. KINGDOM RULER TYPE MINT* MONEYER NO. OF

SPECIMENS

1 England Alfred (871-99) London monogram London - 1

2 “ “ Two-Line / Horizontal [Wessex] Æthelræd 1

3-4 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornmær 25 “ “ “ Canterbury Deorweald 16 “ “ “ [uncertain] Ecgwulf 1

7 “Edward the

Elder (899-924)

Two-Line / Horizontal [east midlands] Adalbert 1

8-13 “ “ “ [Kent] Æthelferth 614-31 “ “ “ [Wessex] Æthelræd 1832-7 “ “ “ [Kent/Wessex] Æthelstan 6

38-48 “ “ “ [Wessex] Æthelwulf (I) 1149 “ “ “ [west midlands] Æthelwulf (II) 150 “ “ “ [southeast midlands] Agnes 151 “ “ “ [east midlands] Badda 152 “ “ “ [London] Beagræd 1

53-9 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beagstan 760 “ “ “ [east midlands] Beornheard 1

61-4 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornhere 465-6 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornræd (?) 267 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornweald 1

68-9 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornwulf 270 “ “ “ [east midlands] Bonus Homo 171 “ “ “ [Wessex] Clip 172 “ “ “ [west midlands] Coenbeorht 1

73-4 “ “ “ [Wessex] Deora 275-7 “ “ “ [west midlands] Deormod 3

78-83 “ “ “ [Wessex/London] Deorweald 684 “ “ “ [Kent] Dryhtweald 185 “ “ “ [west midlands] Eadmund 186 “ “ “ [Wessex] Eadwulf 1

87-9 “ “ “ [London] Ealhlaf (?) 390-3 “ “ “ [Wessex] Ealhstan 494 “ “ “ [Wessex] Eardwulf 195 “ “ “ [east midlands] Earnwulf (?) 196 “ “ “ [Wessex] Ecglaf 197 “ “ “ [Kent] Eicmund 198 “ “ “ [west midlands] Eoformund 1

99-109 “ “ “ [Wessex] Frithubeorht 11

* Square brackets indicate inferred mint.


15



SPECIMENS110-12 “ “ “ [Wessex/London] Garheard 3

113 “ “ “ [London] Garwulf 1114-17 “ “ “ [Wessex/London] Grimweald 4

118 “ “ “ [southeast midlands] Gundbert 1119 “ “ “ [uncertain] Heardbeorht (?) 1120 “ “ “ [Wessex] Heathubeald 1121 “ “ “ [west midlands] Heremod 1122 “ “ “ [Wessex] Landbeorht 1

123-4 “ “ “ [east midlands] Landuc 2125 “ “ “ [southeast midlands] Mægenheard 1126 “ “ “ [London] Manna 1127 “ “ “ [east midlands] Oda 1128 “ “ “ [Wessex] Oslac 1129 “ “ “ [east midlands] Pastor 1

130-1 “ “ “ [east midlands] Pitit 2132 “ “ “ [uncertain] Reinferth (?) 1

133-46 “ “ “ [Wessex] Reinulf 14147 “ “ “ [Wessex] Rihard 1

148-9 “ “ “ [Wessex] Samsun 2150-2 “ “ “ [Wessex] Sprov 3153-4 “ “ “ [uncertain] Thorlakr 2

155-64 “ “ “ [Wessex/London] Tila 10165 “ “ “ [east midlands (?)] Tuda 1

166-71 “ “ “ [Kent] Wealdhelm 6172 “ “ “ [southeast midlands] Weard 1173 “ “ “ [east midlands] Willuf 1

174-5 “ “ “ [east midlands] Winegar 2176-80 “ “ “ [Wessex] Wulfheard 5

181 “ “ “ [west midlands] Wulfræd 1182 “ “ “ [west midlands] Wulfsige 1

183-94 “ “ “ [uncertain] [irregular] 12195 “ “ “ [uncertain] [uncertain] 1

196-7 “ “ Bust Diademed [London] Beagræd 2198 “ “ “ [London] Beagstan 1199 “ “ “ [London] Deorweald 1200 “ “ “ [London] Eadwulf (?) 1

201-2 “ “ “ [London] Ealhlaf (?) 2203 “ “ “ [London] Garheard 1204 “ “ “ [London] Grimweald 1205 “ “ “ [London] Igere 1206 “ “ “ [Wessex] Landbeorht 1207 “ “ “ [London] Leofhelm 1208 “ “ “ [London] Si(ge)gar 1209 “ “ “ [London] Tila 1210 “ “ “ [Wessex] Wulfræd 1



16



SPECIMENS

211-13 “ “ “ [East Anglia] [irregular] 3214 “ “ Exceptional [west midlands] Boiga 1215 “ “ “ [west midlands] Eadmund 1216 “ “ “ [west midlands] Oswulf 1

217-18 “ Æthelstan (924/5-39)

Two-Line / Horizontal [Chester] Abba 2

219 “ “ “ [Hertford/Maldon] Abonel 1220-3 “ “ “ [Kent/Sussex] Ælfheah 4224 “ “ “ [Wareham] Ælfræd 1225 “ “ “ [London] Ælfstan 1

226-7 “ “ “ [London/Kent] Æthelferth 2228-9 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Æthelsige 2230 “ “ “ [Winchester] Æthelwulf 1

231-2 “ “ “ [east midlands] Are 2233 “ “ “ [east midlands] Arnulf (?) 1

234-5 “ “ “ [London] Beagræd 2236 “ “ “ [east midlands] Belci 1237 “ “ “ [London] Beorhtric 1238 “ “ “ [London] Beorhtweald 1239 “ “ “ [London] Beorngar 1

240-1 “ “ “ [Chester] Beornheard (?) 2242 “ “ “ [east midlands] Beornhyge 1243 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Burghelm 1244 “ “ “ [Shrewsbury] Coenbeorht 1245 “ “ “ [west midlands] Cynewulf 1

246-7 “ “ “ [east midlands] Dominic 2248-9 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Dryhtweald 2250 “ “ “ [east midlands] Durand 1

251-3 “ “ “ [Chester/Shrewsbury] Eadmund 3254-5 “ “ “ [London/Wessex] Ealhlaf (?) 2256 “ “ “ [Oxford] Eardwulf 1

257-9 “ “ “ [London] Earnwulf 3260 “ “ “ [Shrewsbury] Eoformund 1261 “ “ “ [east midlands] Fram 1

262-3 “ “ “ [Southampton] Frithubeorht 2264-6 “ “ “ [east midlands] Fugol 3267 “ “ “ [east midlands] Fulrad 1

268-9 “ “ “ [London] Garwulf 2270-2 “ “ “ [east midlands] Gota 3273 “ “ “ [London] Grimweald 1

274-7 “ “ “ [Canterbury] “Herebeau” 4



Plate II

Kingdom of England. Alfred (871-99) London. London monogram penny (obverse, cat. no. 1)

Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924) London region. Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 198)


Plate III

Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924) West midlands. Penny with a floral design around the moneyer’s name (reverse, cat. no. 214)

Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924) West midlands. Penny with floral motifs above and below the moneyer’s name (reverse, cat. no. 216)


17



SPECIMENS

278 “ “ “ [Gloucester] Heremod 1279 “ “ “ [east midlands] Hildebeorht 1280 “ “ “ [west midlands] Hrothheard 1281 “ “ “ [London] Igere 1282 “ “ “ [east midlands] Incgelbert/Engelbert 1

283-4 “ “ “ [east midlands] Inga 2285-8 “ “ “ [Chichester] Iohann 4

289-90 “ “ “ [east midlands] Klakkr 2291-4 “ “ “ [east midlands] Landuc 4295 “ “ “ [east midlands] Leofhelm 1296 “ “ “ [east midlands] Litelman 1

297 “ “ “ [uncertain] Mæthelbeorht/Æthelbeorht 1

298 “ “ “ [east midlands] Manna (I) 1299 “ “ “ [London] Manna (II) 1

300-3 “ “ “ [east midlands] Nother 4304-15 “ “ “ [east midlands] Oda 12316-17 “ “ “ [east midlands] Oswulf/Ásulfr 2

318 “ “ “ [Chester] Paulus 1319-20 “ “ “ [east midlands] Pitit 2321-2 “ “ “ [Winchester] Reinulf 2323-4 “ “ “ [west midlands] Rihard 2325 “ “ “ [east midlands] Sigebrand (?) 1

326-7 “ “ “ [Oxford] Sigeland 2328 “ “ “ [east midlands] Sprohene (?) 1

329-30 “ “ “ [east midlands] Stefanus 2331 “ “ “ [east midlands] Thorlakr 1332 “ “ “ [Chester] Tiotes 1333 “ “ “ [east midlands] Uf(l)ebeorht 1

334-7 “ “ “ [London/Canterbury] Wealdhelm 4338 “ “ “ [Stafford] Wigmund 1339 “ “ “ [Lewes] Wilebeald 1340 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Wilric 1

341-51 “ “ “ [east midlands] Winele 11352 “ “ “ [Chester] Wulfgar 1

353-4 “ “ “ [Winchester] Wulfheard 2355 “ “ “ [Wareham] Wulfsige 1356 “ “ “ [Wessex] Wulfstan 1

357-61 “ “ “ [uncertain] [irregular] 5

362 “ “ Circumscription / Two-Line mule [uncertain] Rihard 1



18



SPECIMENS

363 “ “Two-Line /

Circumscription mule

Hertford Abonel 1

364 “ “ “ London Ealhlaf (?) 1365 “ “ “ London Igere 1366 “ “ “ London Wulfhelm 1

367-8 “ “ “ Oxford Sigeland 2

369 “ “ Circumscription (with mint) Bath Beorhtwulf 1

370 “ “ “ Bath Herewis 1371 “ “ “ Bridport (?) Wihtwulf 1372 “ “ “ Canterbury Æthelferth 1

373-4 “ “ “ Canterbury Æthelsige 2375 “ “ “ Canterbury Manna 1376 “ “ “ Canterbury Torhthelm 1

377-9 “ “ “ Chester Abba 3380 “ “ “ Chester Beornheard 1

381-2 “ “ “ Chester Cnapa 2383-6 “ “ “ Chester Eadmund 4387-8 “ “ “ Chester Efrard 2389 “ “ “ Chester Mægenræd 1390 “ “ “ Chester Mældomen 1391 “ “ “ Chester Martin 1

392-3 “ “ “ Chester Oslac 2394-5 “ “ “ Chester Paules 2396 “ “ “ Chester Salc(es) 1

397-8 “ “ “ Chester Sigeferth 2399-400 “ “ “ Chester Weard 2

401 “ “ “ Chester Wulfstan 1402 “ “ “ Chichester Iohann 1403 “ “ “ Derby Boiga 1404 “ “ “ Derby Si(ge)gar 1405 “ “ “ Exeter Abun 1

406-9 “ “ “ Exeter Reinald 4410 “ “ “ Langport Beorhthelm 1411 “ “ “ Langport Wynsige 1

412-14 “ “ “ Leicester Thorstein 3415 “ “ “ London Æthelræd 1

416-17 “ “ “ London Beagræd 2418 “ “ “ London Beorhtric 1419 “ “ “ London Ealhlaf (?) 1420 “ “ “ London Heahwulf (?) 1



19



SPECIMENS

421-3 “ “ “ London Igere 3424 “ “ “ London Leofhelm 1425 “ “ “ Nottingham Æthelnoth 1426 “ “ “ Oxford Ingelri 1

427-8 “ “ “ Oxford Mathelweald 2429 “ “ “ Shaftesbury Æthelwine 1430 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Beorhthelm 1431 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Coenbeorht 1432 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Ecgheard 1433 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Eoformund 1

434-5 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Frotger 2436 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Wulflaf 1437 “ “ “ Southampton Eadgild 1

438-9 “ “ “ Stafford Eardwulf 2440 “ “ “ Stafford Wihtmund 1441 “ “ “ Totnes (?) Beorhtwulf 1442 “ “ “ Warwick (?) Manthegn (?) 1

443-4 “ “ “ Winchester Æthelwulf 2445 “ “ “ Winchester Amelric 1

446-59 “ “ “ York Ragnaldr 14460-1 “ “ “ “Derby” [irregular] 2462-6 “ “ “ “London” [irregular] 5

467 “ “ Circumscription (without mint) [uncertain] Reinhere (?) 1

468-73 “ “ “ [uncertain] [irregular] 6

474 “ “ Circumscription / Bust Crowned mule [Oxford/Wallingford] Æthelmund 1

475 “ “ “ [uncertain] Cyneweald 1476-83 “ “ Bust (with mint) Canterbury Ælfric 8484-7 “ “ “ Canterbury Æthelsige 4

488-90 “ “ “ Canterbury Torhthelm 3491 Hertford Abonel 1492 “ “ “ Lewes Eadric 1

493-4 “ “ “ London Ælfstan 2495-503 “ “ “ London Ælfweald 9

504-9 “ “ “ London Beagræd 6510-18 “ “ “ London Beornheard 9519-22 “ “ “ London Ealhlaf (?) 4523-8 “ “ “ London Grimweald 6

529-31 “ “ “ London Igere 3532-7 “ “ “ London Leofhelm 6



20



SPECIMENS

538 “ “ “ London Manna 1539-40 “ “ “ London Wulfhelm 2

541 “ “ “ Maldon Abonel 1542 “ “ “ Norwich Bardel 1543 “ “ “ Norwich Eadgar 1

544-6 “ “ “ Norwich Giongbeald 3547-8 “ “ “ Norwich Hrothgar 2

549-51 “ “ “ Norwich Manna/Manticen 3552-4 “ “ “ Norwich Manticen 3555-6 “ “ “ Oxford Eardwulf 2557-9 “ “ “ Oxford Uthelric 3560 “ “ “ “SMRIE” Eadbeald 1561 “ “ “ Wallingford Æthelmund (?) 1

562-3 “ “ “ Wallingford Beornweald 2564-6 “ “ “ Winchester Æthel(hel)m 3567 “ “ “ Winchester Amelric 1

568-70 “ “ “ Winchester Leofric 3571 “ “ “ Winchester Otic 1

572-4 “ “ “ Winchester Rægenulf 3575 “ “ “ York Æthelferth 1

576-7 “ “ Bust (without mint) [uncertain] Ælfheah 2578-80 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Æthelferth 3

581 “ “ “ [Shaftesbury] Æthelwine 1582-3 “ “ “ [Wallingford] Beornweald 2584 “ “ “ [east midlands] Bus 1585 “ “ “ [Wessex] Ceolhelm 1586 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Deorweald 1587 “ “ “ [Dover] Folcræd 1588 “ “ “ [east midlands] Fredard 1589 “ “ “ [east midlands] Fulrad 1590 “ “ “ [London] Grimweald 1591 “ “ “ [east midlands] Herric 1

592 “ “ “ [southern England (Canterbury dies)] Hunric 1

593-8 “ “ “ [southern England (London/Wessex dies)] Leofing 6

599 “ “ “ [southeast England (Canterbury dies)] Manning 1

600 “ “ “ [southeast England (London dies)] Sigewulf 1

601-3 “ “ “ [York] Sielan 3

604 “ “ “ [east midlands] Smala 1



Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924) West midlands. Penny with a floral design around the moneyer’s name (reverse, cat. no. 214)

Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924) West midlands. Penny with floral motifs above and below the moneyer’s name (reverse, cat. no. 216)

Plate IV


Plate V

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) Canterbury. Bust Crowned penny (obverse, cat. no. 480)



21



SPECIMENS605 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Torhthelm 1606 “ “ Church [uncertain] Wilsige (?) 1

607 “ Æthelstan / Edmund

Æthelstan Bust / Edmund Two-Line

mule[Southampton] Eadgild 1

608 “ “Edmund Two-Line / Æthelstan Circum-

scription or Bust mule (with mint)

Chester Faro 1

609 “ “ “ Wallingford Beornweald 1610 “ Edmund

(939-46)Two-Line/ Horizontal [Hertford/Maldon] Abonel 1

611 “ “ “ [uncertain] “Adeau” 1612 “ “ “ [west midlands] Ælfheard 1613 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Ælfric 1

614-24 “ “ “ [London] Ælfstan 11625-7 “ “ “ [London] Ælfweald (I) 3628 “ “ “ [southern England] Ælfweald (II) 1629 “ “ “ [west midlands] Ælfwine 1630 “ “ “ [Winchester] Æthelhelm (I) 1631 “ “ “ [west midlands] Æthelhelm (?) (II) 1

632-4 “ “ “ [Oxford/Wallingford] Æthelmund 3635-6 “ “ “ [Shaftesbury] Æthelwine 2

637-41 “ “ “ [Stafford] Amund/Æthelmund 5642-3 “ “ “ [east midlands] Are 2644-6 “ “ “ [east midlands] Arnulfr 3647-8 “ “ “ [Bedford] Baldwin 2

649-51 “ “ “ [London] Beagræd 3652 “ “ “ [southern England] Beagwulf 1

653-5 “ “ “ [southern England] Beorhtræd 3656-7 “ “ “ [southern England] Beorhtwig 2

658-72 “ “ “ [London] Beornheard 15673-9 “ “ “ [Wallingford] Beornweald 7680-4 “ “ “ [southern England] Deorhelm 5685-8 “ “ “ [southern England] Deorweald 4689 “ “ “ [Chester] Deorwulf 1

690-1 “ “ “ [Huntingdon] Dudig 2692 “ “ “ [Southampton] Eadgild 1

693-5 “ “ “ [west midlands] Eadmund 3696-8 “ “ “ [southern England] Eadræd 3699 “ “ “ [Stafford] Eardwulf 1700 “ “ “ [Hereford] Ecgbeorht 1701 “ “ “ [east midlands] Einhard/Ginard 1702 “ “ “ [west midlands] Eoforwulf 1



22



SPECIMENS

703-4 “ “ “ [east midlands] Faraman 2705 “ “ “ [Dover] Folcræd 1

706-8 “ “ “ [east midlands] Fugol 3709 “ “ “ [east midlands] Gota 1710 “ “ “ [Bedford] Grimr 1

711-17 “ “ “ [London] Grimweald 7718 “ “ “ [west midlands] Gundferth 1719 “ “ “ [southern England] Heathubeald 1720 “ “ “ [southern England] Herebeald 1

721-2 “ “ “ [southern England] Hereman 2723-4 “ “ “ [Wallingford] Heremod 2725-8 “ “ “ [southern England] Hunsige 4729 “ “ “ [west midlands] Ildeomert 1730 “ “ “ [York] Ingelgar 1731 “ “ “ [southern England] Landwulf 1732 “ “ “ [London] Leofhelm 1

733-7 “ “ “ [southern England] Leofing 5738-41 “ “ “ [Winchester] Leofric 4

742 “ “ “ [east midlands] Litelman 1743-7 “ “ “ [east midlands] Manna 5

748-52 “ “ “ [southern England] Mannel 5753 “ “ “ [Winchester] Martin (I) 1

754-5 “ “ “ [west midlands] Martin (II) 2756 “ “ “ [west midlands] Ondres 1757 “ “ “ [west midlands] Osferth/Ásfrithr 1758 “ “ “ [southern England] Osmund/Ásmundr 1

759-60 “ “ “ [Northampton] Osweald 2761 “ “ “ [southern England] Oswulf/Ásulfr 1

762-3 “ “ “ [Derby] Othelric 2764-5 “ “ “ [Winchester] Otic 2766 “ “ “ [east midlands] Reingrim 1

767-72 “ “ “ [Exeter] Reinald 6773 “ “ “ [west midlands] Re(in)theres 1

774-5 “ “ “ [southern England] Rodbert 2776-7 “ “ “ [southern England] Siademan 2778 “ “ “ [Derby] Sigeweald 1779 “ “ “ [east midlands] Stefanus 1780 “ “ “ [west midlands] Waringod 1

781-3 “ “ “ [west midlands] Wigheard 3784 “ “ “ [west midlands] Wiglaf (?) 1



23



SPECIMENS

785 “ “ “ [west midlands] Wihthelm 1786 “ “ “ [Malmesbury] Wulfric 1787 “ “ “ [west midlands] Wulfstan 1

788-91 “ “ “ [uncertain] [irregular] 4792 “ “ Bust (with mint) Bedford (?) Boiga 1793 “ “ “ Norwich Elact/Klakkr 1794 “ “ “ Norwich Giongbeald 1

795-6 “ “ “ Norwich Hrothgar 2797 “ “ Bust (without mint) [East Anglia] Erconbald 1

798-800 “ “ “ [East Anglia] Fredard 3801 “ “ “ [east midlands] Gis 1802 “ “ “ [east midlands] Iedulf 1

803-4 “ “ “ [east midlands] Telia 2

805-6 “ uncertain [irregular]

Two-Line / Horizontal [uncertain] [irregular] 2

807-12 “ “ Circumscription [uncertain] [irregular] 6

813 “ uncertain [damaged]

Two-Line / Horizontal [uncertain] [uncertain] 1

814-15 “ Abp Plegmund

Two-Line / Horizontal [Canterbury] Æthelferth 2

816-17 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Sigehelm 2

818 VikingOlaf

Guthfrithsson (939-41)

Raven [York] Æthelferth 1

819-20 “ “ Circumscription [York] Hrodulf 2821 “ “ “ [Derby] [uncertain] 1

822 “Sihtric

Sihtricsson (ca. 942-3)

Circumscription [York] Hrodulf 1

823 “Olaf

Sihtricsson (941-4)

Two-Line / Horizontal [east midlands] Arnulfr 1

824 “ “ “ [east midlands] Nother 1

825 Italy Berengar I (915-24) “ Pavia - 1

826 “Hugh of Arles and Lothar II

(931-47)“ Pavia - 1

827 West Francia

Odo (888-97) or later “ Limoges - 1

828 Ottonian Empire

Otto I (936-73) “ Strasbourg - 1

829 Bavaria Berthold I (938-47) “ Regensburg “Het” 1

830 Byzantine Empire

Theophilus (829-42) “ Constantinople - 1



24


As can be seen from the catalogue and plates, a significant proportion of the coins are fragmentary or broken, and one by-product of the cleaning process is that some coins previously held together by encrustation are now in several pieces.

The Hoard in its English Setting

The Forum hoard was assembled at a time when the dynasty originating in Wessex with Ecgberht (802-39) had extended its rule over most of modern England. Mercia and Wessex – separate kingdoms since at least the seventh century – grew closer together in the mid-ninth century, and Alfred the Great was recognised as ruler of both kingdoms. At the time of his death, he was described in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as “king over the whole English people except for that part which was under Danish rule” (cyning ofer eall Ongelcyn butan ðæm dæle þe under Dena onwalde wæs).55 His son Edward the Elder (in conjunction with his sister and her husband, Æthelflæd and Æthelred, rulers of the Mercians) took the fight to the Vikings in the first decades of the tenth century, and conquered East Anglia and the east midlands. Edward’s heir Æthelstan brought York and the rest of Northumbria under English control, and asserted his supremacy over other rulers in northern and western Britain. This expanded polity was shaken by a renewed Viking assault after Æthelstan’s death which led to the loss of Northumbria and the east midlands, but by 942 Edmund had brought everything up to Dore in Yorkshire back under English rule, and in 944 regained York as well.56

The development of the coinage closely follows this gradual expansion of the West Saxon dynasty’s fortunes.57 Broad silver pennies bearing the name of the king and the official (“moneyer”) responsible for production had been the foundation of the English currency since the eighth century. Although coins were struck in the names of different kings in the eighth and ninth centuries, all territories south of the Humber followed similar weight and metal standards, and surviving hoards and single-finds show that their coins were used interchangeably.58 From the time of Æthelwulf in Wessex (839-58) and Berhtwulf in Mercia (840-52) the West Saxon and Mercian currencies had also been moving closer together administratively, such that in the mid-860s under Æthelred I (865-71) the prevailing Mercian coin-type was adopted in Wessex. Thereafter a common coinage united the two kingdoms, and after c . 880 Alfred was named as king at Mercian mints such as London, Oxford and Gloucester as well as in West Saxon territory south of the Thames.59

Recognition of the ruling king of the West Saxon dynasty through coinage was one of the first signals of the new regime to appear after eastern and northern England were conquered from the Vikings in the early tenth century.60 Edward, Æthelflæd and Æthelstan took advantage of existing local expertise, and a number of moneyers who had previously worked under Viking authority can be found producing coins in the names of Edward and Æthelstan.61 Although a basic unity prevailed across the kingdom in that the same king and broadly the same standards of weight and fineness were observed everywhere, the piecemeal nature of West Saxon military expansion left significant traces in regional monetary organisation. Various segments of the kingdom used distinct designs or organisational features.62 From the point of view of the coinage, England south of Oxford and London was a relatively homogeneous unit (even though its northern portion had historically looked more towards Mercia than Wessex), with some differentiation at certain times between the southeast and Wessex, or at individual mints. The west

55 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 900 (ed. Plummer 1892, vol. 1, pp. 91-2; trans. Whitelock, Douglas, Tucker 1961, p. 58).56 For general accounts of this process see Keynes 1999; Stafford 1989.57 Naismith 2014b.58 Naismith 2012, pp. 203-9.59 Blackburn 1998 and Idem 2003.60 Naismith 2014b.61 Blackburn 2001 and Idem 2006, pp. 205-8.62 Blunt 1974, p. 114; Naismith 2014b.


25


midlands, corresponding to the northwestern part of the old kingdom of Mercia, generally differed quite subtly from its southern and eastern neighbours: small rosettes replaced crosses in parts of the design from about the time of Æthelstan, for example. However, in the middle part of Edward’s reign mints in this area departed more dramatically from southern practice with a remarkable series of pictorial reverse designs.63 East Anglia was also distinct, particularly in its adherence to designs incorporating a bust. The east midlands – sometimes referred to as the “Northeast” by numismatists, with reference to its position in the kingdom under Edward the Elder – were marked out by conservatism in design and by characteristic features of style and moneyers’ names. York (the one mint north of the Humber) was closely linked to the east midlands, but can be distinguished by its occasional periods of Viking control.

These principal monetary divisions of the kingdom shared a comparatively small and closely-related series of designs over the period c . 880-973, and at times there were attempts to impose a greater degree of typological uniformity. Until the reign of Æthelstan there was widespread adherence to some form of the so-called Two-Line or Horizontal type (fig . 9). Instituted under Alfred in both Wessex and Mercia c . 880, this carried the king’s name around an inner circle containing a cross on the obverse, and the moneyer’s name in two lines on the reverse, with various ornaments above and below. It was not the sole coin-type used in Alfred’s later years – London, for example, briefly used an attractive portrait and monogram type in the early 880s (fig . 10) – but became the dominant coinage over a broad swathe of territory thanks to its general use across Wessex, the west midlands and the freshly conquered lands in the east under Alfred and Edward the Elder. The Two-Line/Horizontal type continued to be issued in at least some parts of England right down to the 970s. Alongside it were two other major coin-types, both introduced under Æthelstan as apparent essays at new kingdom-wide coinages.64 The first was the “Circumscription” type, so-called for placing both the king’s name on the obverse and the moneyer’s name on the reverse in circumscription around an inner circle (fig . 11). The second was the “Bust Crowned” type. As the name suggests, this placed the king’s name around a crowned bust, usually with the moneyer’s name (and often also the mint-name) in circumscription on the reverse (fig . 12).65 Bust types with a diadem rather than a crown had also been issued sporadically under Edward and in Æthelstan’s earlier years.

These three main types together dominated England in the period covered by the Forum hoard. Æthelstan’s Circumscription and Bust Crowned types were used widely (with the notable exception of the east midlands) in his reign but did not outlast his death, save for the Bust Crowned type in East Anglia; Edmund’s reign is, like Edward the Elder’s, dominated by Horizontal/Two-Line coins. However, within this broad scheme there was a great deal of local complexity. Painstaking study of Edward the Elder’s coinage by Stewart Lyon has shown that minor details such as the orientation of the central cross and the form of the outer border can convey important points of chronology and geographical attribution.66 Hugh Pagan has explored in detail the ramifications of similar details for the reign of Edmund.67 Æthelstan’s Bust Crowned coinage was examined closely by Michael Metcalf. Most pennies of this type belong late in the king’s reign – probably to the mid- and late 930s (although there were a few examples, with the king wearing a diadem instead of a crown, struck earlier). Metcalf noted an important contrast in the distribution of Circumscription and Bust Crowned types in the Forum hoard: the former were widely and relatively evenly spread among numerous mints, with comparatively little weighting towards those of larger size; but among the latter there was a marked increase in the share of the coinage represented by larger mints such as Canterbury, London and Winchester. He was also able to use the diverse stylistic structure of the portrait coins to suggest possible centres of die-distribution. The principal sources of dies in southern England were probably Canterbury, London and Winchester. Dies of Canterbury style include both “crude” and “refined” varieties, possibly

63 See below, p. 28.64 Blunt 1974, pp. 46-51.65 The relatively high representation of Æthelstan’s Bust Crowned type in the Forum hoard was suggested by Michael Metcalf (Metcalf 1992, p. 70) to be a result of preferential selection of those coins for propaganda reasons.66 CTCE, pp. 20-96.67 Pagan 1995. Mr Pagan has also been kind enough to share with the authors his more recent work on stylistic distinctions within southern England, the results of which are incorporated in the attributions in the catalogue.


26


Fig. 9 - Two-Line/Horizontal-type pennies of Alfred the Great, Edward the Elder, Æthelstan and Edmund (cat. nos 3, 69, 275 and 680)

no. 3

no. 275 no. 680

no. 69


27


Fig. 10 - London Monogram penny of Alfred the Great (cat. no. 1)

Fig. 11 - Circumscription penny of Æthelstan (cat. no. 443)

Fig. 12 - Bust Crowned penny of Æthelstan (cat. no. 492)


28


made by the same craftsman at different times (figs 13 a-b). Dies of the style tentatively associated with Winchester (fig . 14) are the most plentiful and widespread, being used sometimes at both Canterbury and London as well as Southampton, Wareham, Lewes and other locations. Oxford, Wallingford and (in the case of one die) Winchester used a slightly different variety of this “Winchester” style (fig . 15), made at or for this particular group of mints. At Winchester itself, a later variation on the bust type enclosed the king’s bust entirely within an inner circle and used a longer royal title (fig . 16). London’s dies of the bust type were probably made later than those of Winchester/Oxford, and were used largely by moneyers within that city, as well as by those at Hertford and Maldon, and on a small scale in Canterbury (fig . 17).68

Some regional peculiarities were more marked than the minute stylistic variations within Æthelstan’s Bust Crowned coinage. Diademed busts were favoured at London to some degree under Edward the Elder; conversely, the west midlands (for whatever reason) never took up the Bust Crowned design under Æthelstan, while the east midlands stuck doggedly to the Horizontal/Two-Line type throughout the reign, eschewing both Circumscription and Bust Crowned. Perhaps the most remarkable departure from the norm came in the west midlands in the middle part of Edward the Elder’s reign with the so-called “Exceptional” or “Ornamental” types. These retained the obverse design which had become standard by c . 910 – the king’s name around an inner circle containing a cross – but carried a range of elegant pictorial designs along with the moneyer’s name on the reverse. Some show buildings such as a church, fortress or gateway; others have floral motifs, birds or the hand of God. These remarkable coin-types had been phased out by the latter part of Edward’s reign, and may have been associated in some way with the period when Edward’s sister Æthelflæd, lady of the Mercians, ruled over the territory in her own right (911-18).69 Few examples were present in the Forum hoard (cat. nos 214-16) because of its strong weighting towards southern England, but one of its three “ornamental” coins is a spectacular specimen of the “tower” or “reliquary” type (fig . 18).

68 Metcalf 1992, pp. 80-9.69 CTCE, pp. 34-43.

Fig. 13 a - “Crude” Canterbury style of Bust Crowned die-cutting under Æthelstan (cat. no. 478)

Fig. 13 b - “Refined” Canterbury style of Bust Crowned die-cutting under Æthelstan (cat. no. 485)


29


The mint-organisation behind this elaborate monetary system had grown up quite rapidly in the decades from c . 880 onwards.70 In the 870s, there may have been only two substantial mints active in English territory: Canterbury and London, both of which had been leading centres of coin production for

70 Blunt 1974, pp. 42-5; CTCE, pp. 255-63.

Fig. 15 - Variant Winchester-style Bust Crowned die of Æthelstan, mostly used at Oxford and Wallingford (cat. no. 559)

Fig. 16 - Winchester-style variant Bust Crowned design, with bust fully enclosed by inner circle (cat. no. 569)

Fig. 14 - Winchester-style Bust Crowned die of Æthelstan (cat. no. 574)

Fig. 17 - London-style Bust Crowned die of Æthelstan (cat. no. 513)


30


centuries. However, a small group of mint-signed issues of Alfred and Edward the Elder show that by the very early tenth century coins had also been issued at Bath, Exeter, Gloucester, Oxford and Winchester. Contemporary Viking coins, many of them made in imitation of English types, also occasionally named mint-places in the very late ninth or early tenth century, among them Leicester, Lincoln, Norwich, a revived York and (possibly) Great Shelford near Cambridge. New mint-places were associated with boroughs: fortresses which were founded with, or over time acquired, administrative and urban functions.71 However, the majority of coins produced in the period covered by the Forum hoard do not carry a mint-name, just those of the king and moneyer. Only during part of Æthelstan’s reign (when the Circumscription and Bust Crowned types were current) did mint-names become standard, and these show that at least 37 mint-places were active, extending from Exeter and Dover in the south to York and Chester in the north. The Forum hoard is the largest, most diverse single assemblage of

the coinage of Æthelstan: 26 mints are represented within it, many of them extremely rare (fig . 19). These mint-towns housed anything from one to about a dozen or more moneyers. Attributions before and after this time are generally based on moneyers who are named at particular mints under Æthelstan; others can often be tentatively assigned based on stylistic affinities with attributable moneyers. However, it remains the case that for many moneyers no attribution is possible beyond a general region, or the centre likely to have been supplying dies. For this reason, in the catalogue below, some coins are assigned only to a region or style, which is to say that they were struck from dies associated with that area or centre.

The surviving corpus of coins minted in England during the period c . 880-970 is dominated by hoards from northern England.72 The largest are those from Cuerdale (Lancashire, dep. c . 905-10), which contained some 7,500 coins;73 Chester (1950, dep. c . 965), with 546 or more;74 and Tetney (Lincolnshire, c . 965), with 420.75 There are many other, smaller finds from Lincolnshire, Shropshire and further north. From the east and south, however, hoards are comparatively few. An important exception is the Morley St Peter (Norfolk) hoard (dep. c . 925), which included almost 900 coins.76 Single-finds have redressed the north-south balance to a significant degree. More than half of the known single-finds of coins of this period come from East Anglia or southern England.77 These finds, and the various hoards, provide very different views of coin-circulation in tenth-century England. Some of the hoards in particular give the impression of a strongly localised currency. The Tetney hoard was dominated by coins from the east midlands, with a few from York, but none from the south, East Anglia or the west midlands, while three-quarters of the Morley St Peter hoard consisted of idiosyncratic East Anglian issues from late in the reign of Edward the Elder. Some of the small hoards from the south have a similarly local texture, such as those from London (Cannon

71 Naismith forthcoming. 72 CTCE, pp. 248-54. For a listing, see Checklist.73 Checklist no. 87 (Williams 2011b).74 Checklist no. 144 (Pagan 2012, pp. 17-26).75 Checklist no. 141 (Walker 1945; Gunstone 1981).76 Checklist no. 107 (Clough 1980).77 Naismith 2014b, pp. 62-8.

Fig. 18 - Reverse of a penny of Edward the Elder, showing a tower or reliquary (cat. no. 215)


31


Street station, dep. c . 935),78 Amesbury (dep. c . 920)79 and “Hampshire” (c . 970).80 But others are quite different. The London (Threadneedle Street, dep. c . 945),81 Kintbury (Berkshire, dep. c . 960) and Bath (Somerset, dep. c . 955)82 hoards all consist largely or entirely of coins from outside the

78 Checklist no. 117a (Stott 1991, p. 323).79 Checklist no. 104 (Robinson 1984).80 Checklist no. 171c (Lessen 2003).81 Checklist no. 126 (Stott 1991, pp. 322-3).82 Checklist no. 136 and 140 (for both see Blunt, Pagan 1975).

Fig. 19 - Map of mint-places under Æthelstan: filled dots are mints represented in the Forum hoard; empty dots are known from other sources (drawn by Lacey Wallace)


32


local region of southern England; the same is true of a hoard from Shrewsbury (Shropshire, dep. c . 910) in the west midlands.83 The single-finds support an interpretation of patchy circulation, with some very insular areas and some where the currency was quite diverse. Lincolnshire – the territory of the Tetney hoard – seems to have been highly localised in its coin-circulation at this time, for all but one identifiable single-find from this county known down to 2012 was minted either in the east midlands or Northumbria. Even single-finds from the rest of the east midlands (Bedfordshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Northamptonshire and Rutland) are markedly more diverse, with significant representation of the south and the west midlands. Single-finds tend to be more dominated by local issues in the west midlands and in Northumbria (and, in the latter, virtually all other non-local finds come from the east midlands, to the immediate south), while in East Anglia and the south (especially the southeast) local coins are somewhat less dominant, and there is a broader mix of external coins. Tenth-century English coinage was on the whole more localised in circulation than its eleventh-century successor, but to very varying degrees in different parts of the kingdom. These patterns of diversity are important in interpreting the likely origin and context of the Forum hoard.84

Leaving aside the one gold coin minted in Constantinople in the first half of the ninth century and the five silver coins from continental Europe minted in the tenth century,85 the Forum hoard consists of pennies from England between c . 880 to the 940s: it extends from the London monogram and Horizontal/Two-Line coinages of Alfred, through all the principal types of Edward and Æthelstan, into the reign of Edmund. The proportions of coins of each reign are shown below (fig . 20); Edmund’s reign, although represented by fewer coins than Æthelstan’s, has the highest proportion of coins to length of reign – probably even more so than suggested by fig . 21 because the hoard was collected at some point before his death.86

83 Checklist no. 89 (Robinson 1983).84 Naismith 2014b. Cf. Molyneaux 2015, pp. 123-41; Bruand 2002, pp. 155-84 on similar variation in the currency of ninth-century west Francia.85 For discussion of which see below, pp. 45-7.86 For a similar graph cf. Metcalf 1992, p. 66.

0.7

24.50

48.27

26.49

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

ALFRED (871-99) EDWARD THE ELDER (899-924) ÆTHELSTAN (924/5-39) EDMUND (939-46)

Fig. 20 - Percentage of coins belonging to each reign in the Forum hoard


33


A long time-span is, however, far from exceptional for substantial English hoards of this period. Old coins were not being regularly removed from circulation, and continued to change hands for decades alongside newer specimens, resulting in the long “tail” of the Forum hoard. The Chester (1950) hoard likewise includes coins from the time of Alfred and Edward the Elder, as well as more recent rulers, to give just one example.87

Another similarity with the Chester hoard is the relative geographical diversity apparent in the Forum hoard. Across its whole time-span, about 41 per cent of the coins in the Chester hoard were produced in the local (west midlands) region (fig . 22). It is not surprising that the largest share of the coinage should be from the local region, but it still does not constitute the majority of the English coins in the hoard.

Importantly, the proportion of west midland coins remained broadly consistent across all the well-represented reigns in the Chester hoard; so too did the proportions of coins from the east midlands and southern England (fig . 23). The assemblage of coins in the Chester hoard, in other words, represents contact with a mixed pool of currency over a sustained period: it belonged to a person or group probably based in the vicinity of Chester where west midland coins were well represented, but with ready access to cash from the east and especially the south of the country. Not all hoards were like this, as discussed above: north and south, hoards can be found which are either largely local or largely not, suggesting that mixture of the currency perhaps varied on a micro-regional, functional or even social level; that is to say, some places, people or uses might have been more likely to draw in a diverse range of currency than others. The Chester (1950) hoard thus provides an important parallel to the Forum hoard, and a reminder that although a diversified pool of currency was not necessarily the norm, neither was it exceptional.

87 Indeed, the proportion of older coins is somewhat higher than in the Forum hoard: Metcalf 1986, pp. 147-9.

0.21

7.84

26

30.57

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

ALFRED (871-99) EDWARD THE ELDER (899-924) ÆTHELSTAN (924/5-39) EDMUND (939-46)

Fig. 21 - Average number of coins per year of each reign among identifiable English coins found in the Forum hoard


34


EAST ANGLIA, 1.47%

EAST MIDLANDS, 15.65%

YORK, 6.63%

WEST MIDLANDS, 41.07%

SOUTH, 27.44%

NON-ENGLISH, 0.55%

UNCERTAIN, 4.24%

4.35 4.62

0 0 1.48

15.22

0

18.49

27.28

15.56

10.87

3.08

0.68

6.36

12.59

34.78

43.08

57.53

25.45

48.89

21.74

49.23

23.29

40.91

20.74

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

ATHELSTAN EDMUND EADRED EADWIG EDGAR

% o

f coi

ns

EAST ANGLIA

EAST MIDLANDS

YORK

WEST MIDLANDS

SOUTHERN ENGLAND

Fig. 22 - Proportion of origins among English coins in the Chester (1950) hoard

Fig. 23 - Percentage of coins from various regions represented in the Chester (1950) hoard, arranged by reign


35


In some respects both the Chester (1950) and Forum hoards bear comparison with another of the English hoards found in Rome: the Vatican hoard, assembled circa 925 (fig . 24).88 This hoard (consisting largely of coins of Edward the Elder) is made up mostly of southern issues, which constitute about 80 per cent of the total, but both the east and west midlands are represented by significant numbers of coins, amounting to some 5 and 7 per cent respectively.

The pattern suggested by these finds is of a currency which was dominated by regional issues, but open to circulation from elsewhere in the kingdom. The geographical makeup of the Forum hoard is more comparable to that of Chester (1950) in its relative diversity, though – like the Vatican hoard, if not to the same degree – the balance is in favour of southern England. Overall, coins attributable to the south account for nearly 60 per cent of the Forum hoard’s content (fig . 25). The best represented segments of the kingdom after this are the east midlands (14 per cent) and the west midlands (10 per cent),89 with smaller proportions from East Anglia (about 3 per cent), York (about 2 per cent) and the southeast midlands (about 1 per cent).

88 For details of this hoard’s discovery see above, pp. 4-13.89 Though the low proportion of die-linking among west midland coins might indicate more fragmented interchange of coins between the north and the south: Metcalf 1992, pp. 70-1.

EAST ANGLIA, 2.49% EAST

MIDLANDS, 4.59%

WEST MIDLANDS,

6.88%

SOUTHERN ENGLAND,

79.92%

VIKING, 0.19%

NON-ENGLISH,

1.15%

UNKNOWN, 4.59%

Fig. 24 - Regional origins of all coins in the Vatican hoard


36


The breakdown by reign does not show marked clustering by region in any particular period (fig . 26). Southern coins are especially prominent among those dating to the reign of Edward the Elder because at that stage the east midlands were still being brought under English control, and so only began to contribute to the currency in the last few years of the reign, while York remained independent. The geographical distribution of coins across the reigns of Edward, Æthelstan and Edmund indicates prolonged access to currency from across England.

It remains to consider what the makeup of the Forum hoard might say about its date, origin and background within England. The relatively precise date furnished by the coins and the hooked tags (942×946) can be narrowed slightly to the later part of this period. One clue is that the representation of Edmund’s moneyers within the hoard is relatively high. Blunt, Stewart and Lyon, for example, list 94 different moneyers in the reign producing coins of “HT1” (Horizontal/Two-Line, with three crosses and two trefoils of pellets on the reverse), which was the most common type in the south of England at this time.90 Of these, only 32 are not represented in the Forum hoard (discounting those moneyers likely to have been active already in Æthelstan’s reign), which would on the face of it suggest that the hoard was put together approximately two thirds of the way through the reign (i.e. c . 943/4).91 However, this is only the most inexact of guides. A stronger indication that the hoard was put together in 944 or after comes in its inclusion of a coin in the name of Edmund by the moneyer Ingelgar, known from his work for later Viking rulers to have been based in York (cat. no. 730). If this attribution is correct, the coin could only have been minted after Edmund gained dominion over York and Northumbria in 944, though the faint possibility remains that Ingelgar worked somewhere south of the Humber when he coined for Edmund and only later moved to York.

90 CTCE, pp. 123-5.91 For a similar conclusion reached by a slightly different route see CTCE, p. 214.

EAST ANGLIA 3,01%

EAST MIDLANDS 13,98%

YORK 2,77%

SOUTHERN ENGLAND 58,92%

WEST MIDLANDS 12,53%

UNCERTAIN 6,63%

SOUTHEAST MIDLANDS 1,45%

NON-ENGLISH 0,72%

Fig. 25 - Regional origins of all coins in the Forum hoard


37


Rather more may be said, on the other hand, about the Forum hoard’s likely geographical origins. The most immediately striking feature – which sets the find apart from all other large tenth-century hoards found in English soil – is the prevalence of coins from the south. This, therefore, was presumably where it originated. Many coins can only, based on present knowledge, be attributed to the south as a whole, but there is a significant proportion of specimens in all reigns that can be assigned with more or less confidence to a specific part of the region – either to a particular mint, or to a stylistic group which drew dies from London, Winchester, Canterbury or elsewhere. Wessex is dominant in the reign of Edward (46 per cent of all coins in the hoard), but this must in large part reflect the circumstances of the early tenth century, in which both London and Canterbury fell away virtually to nothing in minting activity and recovered only slowly;92 they are represented by only 10 and 9 per cent respectively of coins of Edward in the Forum hoard. London in particular revived under Æthelstan and Edmund, representing 18 and 21 per cent of all coins respectively; Wessex, by comparison, fell back to 12 and 16 per cent.93 Moreover, there is an impressive series of die-links and die-duplicates among the London coins of Æthelstan and Edmund: six die-duplicates for the probable London moneyer Ælfstan, and ten for his counterpart Beornheard, to name just two from the reign of Edmund (cat. nos 614-22 and 661-71).94 Clusters of coins such as these are likely to represent groups which were made in sequence and remained together subsequently; that is to say, parcels of currency which had not been broken apart by circulation.95 Occurring in such numbers and especially among the more recent components of the hoard, these clusters point to a relatively close connection between the hoard and the moneyers based in London.

92 CTCE, pp. 29-32, pp. 44-5 and pp. 47-51; Lyon 2001, pp. 76-7.93 Cf. Metcalf 1992, p. 73.94 Cf. Metcalf 1992, p. 71.95 Metcalf 1992, pp. 67-9; see also Idem 2006, pp. 367-71 and pp. 386-8; and Moesgaard 2006, p. 411.

Fig. 26 - Percentage of coins from various regions represented in the Forum hoard, arranged by reign

EAST ANGLIA

EAST MIDLANDS

SOUTHEAST MIDLANDS

YORK

WEST MIDLANDS

SOUTHERN ENGLAND

90.00

80.00

70.00

60.00

50.00

40.00

30.00

20.00

10.00

EDWARD

% o

f coi

ns

ATHELSTAN EDMUND

61.86

17.01

0.52

4.12

12.37

55.19

15.57

4.92

0.00

20.49

84.26

6.60

0.002.031.52

7.61

3.82 4.12


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London is hence the most likely point of origin for the hoard. By the 940s, the city was already a commercial and monetary centre of some significance. English coins had been made in London almost constantly since the seventh century. Archaeological and numismatic evidence indicate that it underwent an important revival in the 880s, and a hiatus in its coinage during the 890s and very early tenth century gave way in the 920s to renewed prominence.96 London was assigned eight moneyers in a law-code of approximately this period: more than any other town among those named, though the law-code mentions only a selection of places, all in Wessex, and so misses out some (such as Chester) known to have been of comparable or greater size further north.97 Other evidence for coin circulation within London and its environs is also compatible with the geographical variation seen in the Forum hoard. A small hoard from the Thames (dep. c . 915) contained three imitations of Edward the Elder’s Horizontal/Two-Line type of possibly East Anglian origin, two St Edmund Memorial pennies definitely from eastern England and even one St Peter penny from Viking York;98 another from Threadneedle Street (dep. c . 945) included two southern pennies, two from the east midlands and one imitation of uncertain (possibly east midland) origin. Slightly further afield but similarly interesting for its mixed content is the small Plumpton hoard (dep. c . 940) from East Sussex, which contained only two coins from southern England, and two each from the east midlands and the west midlands.99

In short, there is enough evidence for mixing of the currency in hoards and single-finds from southern England that the Forum hoard no longer seems so exceptional, and one should thus keep an open mind with regard to the background of its composition. There are die-linked “clusters” which hint at the hoard’s origin, and the wastage rate within it (i.e. the rate at which old coins fell out of circulation) is comparatively low, which might point to a “savings” hoard.100 Yet there are fewer “clusters” in the earlier part of the hoard, and it is difficult to pin down specific groups which could have been added on any one occasion. In other words, if the Forum hoard does represent savings, it must have been assembled by someone with consistent access to coins from across the kingdom. For this reason it has sometimes been identified as a parcel assembled under the auspices of the archbishop of Canterbury, or from the royal treasury: both agencies with interests all over the kingdom.101 But it may alternatively be an example of what a significant tranche of cash circulating in southern England – possibly London – might look like. Older coins survive because, quite simply, they were still in circulation, and on the whole were more chipped or damaged than more recent specimens; hence perhaps the higher wastage rate of some (but by no means all) smaller finds that tended to veer towards fresher pennies.102 In addition, although the size of the Forum hoard is unusual among surviving hoards, references to payments and fundraising for pilgrimage demonstrate that much larger sums changed hands regularly.103 One should not balk at the possibility of what is essentially a “currency” hoard consisting of over 800 coins. It should be stressed again that the Forum hoard is probably not the only find of this kind. The Chester (1950) hoard has a similar chronological profile, including a smooth tail of coins from across the kingdom running back to the late ninth century. Both hoards could have been extracted from the currency en bloc by a person or institution with the wherewithal to gather hundreds of pennies at once.

A Payment to the Papacy?

Within two days of the hoard’s discovery, Mr Shakespeare Wood – a sculptor acting as the London Times’s correspondent in Rome – had already raised the possibility that “the money was tribute, or Peter’s

96 See above, note 93. Cf. Naismith 2013a.97 II As., ch. 13-18 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, pp. 158-9; trans. Whitelock 1979, p. 420).98 Checklist no. 93b (Blunt, Stewart 1994, pp. 34-5).99 Thomas, Archibald 2013, pp. 428-34.100 Metcalf 1992, p. 72.101 Metcalf 1992, p. 67. 102 An example of a small hoard which goes against this trend is that from Plumpton, Sussex (dep. c . 940), which included three pennies of Edward, two of Æthelstan and one of Edmund: Thomas, Archibald 2013, pp. 428-34.103 See further Naismith 2013b. See below, pp. 42-3.


39


Pence, sent by the Anglo-Saxons to Rome”.104 Numerous subsequent scholars have followed suit.105 Peter’s Pence was the later medieval name – never used in the Anglo-Saxon period – for a render paid every year by England to the papacy as a mark of pious devotion. A link with the papacy might be (and has been) claimed for many of the numerous deposits of English coins found in Rome or along the route to it,106 but the clinching evidence in the case of the Forum hoard is the pair of silver hooked tags with their inscription naming Pope Marinus II (cat. nos a-b).107 It is likely that the Forum hoard would originally have been contained in a bag or purse prepared for presentation to the pope himself. Its claim to being an offering for the papacy seems as secure as one could hope for. The question that remains is what the relationship was between the Forum hoard and the various types of English payment to the papacy which took place in the tenth century. Peter’s Pence was important among these, but had yet to emerge historically in its fully developed form in the 940s, and is by no means the sole possibility that should be considered: gifts and payments to Rome took many forms over time, and it is instructive to review briefly their forms and development.

Donations from Anglo-Saxon England to Rome can be traced as far back as the seventh and eighth centuries, and later medieval writers such as William of Malmesbury, Roger of Wendover and Matthew Paris saw in these early gifts the beginnings of Peter’s Pence.108 However, until the tenth century these were probably one-off ventures on the part of individual kings with special affection for Rome. The epitaph composed for Cædwalla, king of the West Saxons (685-8), after his death in Rome mentions that he came there dona gerens (“bearing gifts”), and a Mercian king who ended his days in Rome, Coenræd (704-9), is said by Bede to have devoted himself to the distribution of alms in the city.109 However, there is no evidence for the institution of a regular donation by either ruler. Offa, king of the Mercians (757-96), came significantly closer with the establishment of an annual gift of 365 mancuses of gold to St Peter. This he pledged at a synod attended by papal legates in 786, and carried out in subsequent years; the payment is known from a letter written by Pope Leo III to Offa’s successor, Coenwulf, urging him to maintain the custom, but no reply survives to indicate whether he did.110 References survive to further royal gifts to Rome in the time of Æthelwulf, king of the West Saxons (839-58), who visited the city in 855: the Liber pontificalis includes a detailed record of his sumptuous gifts,111 and Asser mentions that the king left in his will the stipulation that 300 mancuses be taken to Rome each year and split equally into three parts – one each for lighting in St Peter’s and in S. Paolo fuori le mura, and one for the pope himself.112 Whether his wishes were fulfilled or not is unclear. Æthelwulf ’s son Alfred the Great visited Rome twice as a child, in 853 and again with his father two years later,113 and retained a strong sense of devotion to St Peter and the papacy later in life. By 883 at the latest he had arranged payment of alms to Rome (possibly using special large silver coins),114 and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the rest of the 880s records annual journeys to Rome by various ealdormen, bishops and abbots bearing alms.115 In 889 it is even stated explicitly that no alms were sent that year, implying that they had become a regular fixture. Also, for the first time these alms are described as being sent on behalf of both the king and the West Saxon people.116 How long alms

104 The Times (10 Nov. 1883), p. 5. Wood’s identity is not given in the report, but may be inferred from other sources (Morison 1939, p. 363).105 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, pp. 490-3; Keary 1884, pp. 227-32; more recently Blunt 1974, p. 141; and Metcalf 1992, pp. 77-8.106 Naismith 2014a.107 See below, pp. 48-50.108 Loyn 1992, pp. 241-58. William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum II.109 (ed. and trans. Mynors, Thomson, Winterbottom 1998, vol. 1, pp. 158-9); Matthew Paris, Chronica majora (ed. Luard 1872-83, vol. 1, p. 360); Roger of Wendover, Flores historiarum (ed. Coxe 1841-4, vol. 1, pp. 256-7).109 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum V.7 and 19 (ed. Colgrave, Mynors 1969, pp. 473-4 and 516-17). Cf. Sharpe 2005 on Cædwalla’s epitaph.110 Ed. Dümmler 1895, pp. 188-9 (no. 127).111 Liber pontificalis, Benedict III.34 (ed. Duchesne 1886-92, vol. 2, p. 148, trans. Davis 1995, pp. 186-7).112 Asser, De rebus gestis Ælfredi, c. 16 (ed. Stevenson 1959, pp. 14-6; trans. Keynes, Lapidge 1983, p. 73).113 Keynes 1997.114 Dolley 1954.115 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle s.a. 883-90 (ed. Plummer 1892, vol. 1, pp. 79-83; trans. Whitelock, Douglas, Tucker 1961, pp. 50-3).116 Loyn 1992, pp. 253-4.


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went on being paid in this way by Alfred and the English after 890 is impossible to determine. The only evidence for continuation of the custom after Alfred’s death is the late-tenth-century Chronicon of Æthelweard, which adds that a further render of alms donated by the populus and King Edward was conveyed to Rome by Plegmund, archbishop of Canterbury (890-923), in 908.117

It is not until the second half of the tenth century that clearer evidence emerges for something approaching the later phenomenon of Peter’s Pence;118 that is, a regular payment collected (along with other Church dues) from individual households through the diocesan machinery of England and then sent to Rome. Ostensibly the earliest reference to it is in the law-code I Edmund, in a passage on tithes,119 but the crucial word Romfeoh (“Rome money”) – one of the standard Anglo-Saxon terms for payment to Rome – appears only in one late manuscript (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 201) among a group of texts strongly associated with Wulfstan, archbishop of York (1002-23), where other copies of the same text have the more general term ælmesfeoh (“alms money”).120 It may well represent an early eleventh-century addition rather than an authentic reference to regular payment to Rome in the reign of Edmund. Probably the earliest reliable text to discuss the incipient “Peter’s Pence” is a very brief anonymous tract known to scholarship as Romscot. It stipulates that Romgesceot (“Rome payment”) is to be given before noon on St Peter’s day (29 June); if not, 60 shillings are to be paid as a fine and the Rompenincg (“Rome penny”) must be repaid twelve-fold. This short passage is preserved in a manuscript of Alfred and Ine’s laws (London, British Library, Cotton, Nero A.1) written around the time of the Norman Conquest, inserted between the rubric and main text of Alfred’s laws. Patrick Wormald interpreted it as an adaptation of a law of King Ine concerning payment of “church scot”, which had possibly been incorporated into the main text of the laws from a marginal position closer to the relevant section of Ine’s laws. When this occurred is unclear, but as the penalties are lighter than those laid down in the laws of Edgar, Romscot probably dates from some time between the reigns of Alfred and Edgar (959-75).121 The first dated pronouncement on renders for Rome comes in a law-code from the reign of the latter king, possibly issued as early as 959-62.122 As in Romscot, the principal point is that a penny – here called a heorðpæning (“a hearth-penny”) – is to be paid by St Peter’s day, one from each household (assuming hearth to be a metonym for a homestead). Those who did not pay by that time were ordered to take the missing penny, along with thirty more, to Rome, and return with a swutelunge (“record”) of their journey; they also had to pay the king 120 shillings as a fine on returning.123 Repeat offenders had to undertake more journeys and pay larger fines. Edgar’s especially severe legislation was not maintained by subsequent rulers: in particular, the requirement for offenders to deliver their missing penny to Rome in person – an apt but almost comical penalty – was generally dropped, though did resurface in one homily associated with Archbishop Wulfstan.124 A range of other law-codes and homilies from the time of Æthelred II (978-1016) and Cnut (1016-35) written or influenced by the prolific Archbishop Wulfstan elaborate on this basic scheme: a code of Æthelred, for example, from the year 1008 is the first to add that the pecunia Romana was to be paid to the bishops (pontifices);125 other homiletic texts mention the same method of payment, in one case adding that each individual bishopric should pass its contribution

117 Ed. Campbell 1962, p. 52.118 For context see Tinti 2010.119 I Em, ch. 2 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, pp. 184-5).120 Wormald 1999, pp. 206-10.121 Wormald 1999, p. 227 and pp. 368-9.122 Keynes 2008, pp. 11-12.123 II Eg, ch. 4.1-2 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, pp. 198-9). Cf. Napier 1883, p. 116n (no. XXIII).124 Napier 1883, p. 311 (no. LXI); Whitelock 1973, pp. 242-3. It must be noted, however, that in the manuscript through which this homily has been preserved, the archbishop himself glossed the requirement to go to Rome by adding the words uel sende, that is, send the payment instead of taking it to Rome in person: see Keynes 1986, p. 94. Wulfstan was generally not very favourable towards trips to Rome and, unlike the late Anglo-Saxon archbishops of Canterbury or some of his predecessors and immediate successors at York, he does not seem to have gone there to fetch his pallium in person: Tinti 2014a.125 VI Atr, ch. 18 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, pp. 252-3).


Plate VI




Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) York. Bust Crowned penny of York style (obverse, cat. no. 575)

Plate VII

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) Southern England (Shaftesbury, Wessex dies?). Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 581)


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to the archbishop of Canterbury;126 and there are several which reiterate the importance of paying Romfeoh or Rompæning by St Peter’s day.127

Payments to Rome and St Peter continued to be mentioned in late Anglo-Saxon England in documents written after Wulfstan’s death in 1023.128 A letter of 1027 written by Cnut to his English subjects asks his bishops to keep the faith of the kingdom, including the payment from both town and countryside of denarii quos Rome ad Sanctum Petrum debemus (“the pennies which we owe to St Peter at Rome”);129 and an anonymous code from northern England known as the “Northumbrian Priests’ Law”, influenced by Wulfstan but probably put together after his death, stressed the need for each Rompæni to be paid by St Peter’s day.130 A document of the mid-eleventh century states that a penny was expected to be paid to the abbey cellarer by every householder in Bury St Edmunds on St Peter’s day;131 moreover, there is evidence that a list of Romescot payments due from churches in east Kent copied in the time of Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury (1070-89), dates back to at least 1053.132

Such, in summary, is the history of Anglo-Saxon references to Peter’s Pence and its precursors. The outstanding features for present purposes are that regular renders to Rome in the name of king and people developed under Alfred, but also that stable and formalised structures for extracting the payment cannot be seen to have been in place until the second half of the tenth century. Dating to the 940s, the Forum hoard stands in the midst of this formative period, and is far from the only find of Anglo-Saxon coins of this period from Rome. English pennies dating to as early as the beginning of the eighth century have been found around Rome and elsewhere in Italy on the pilgrim route towards Rome. But finds of Anglo-Saxon coin in Italy are especially numerous in two periods: in the late eighth and early ninth centuries (circa 770-850); and in the mid-tenth century (circa 920-70). At these times, English coins constituted one of the largest elements among all Italian finds, especially in and around Rome. Among the relevant finds are several further large hoards of the tenth century, including a collection of more than 500 specimens deposited around 925 and found during construction of the Vatican radio station circa 1928, and a hoard of almost 100 coins probably assembled around 950 said to have been found in Rome in 1846 or before.133 A further small group of English coins of this period held in the Museo Nazionale Romano probably represents another hoard, and a penny of Æthelstan was found in excavations at the Palazzo della Cancelleria.134

The sudden and impressive burst of English coin-finds from Rome in the mid-tenth century might in itself be a signal that donations of some form had stepped up. The gradually more institutionalised payment of a tribute to Rome must be rated as a possible if not yet compelling background for their collection and transmission, but Romfeoh or Peter’s Pence of the form first recorded in detail under Edgar is only part of the story of payments from Anglo-Saxon England to Rome. Archbishops of Canterbury in the tenth and eleventh centuries regularly journeyed to Rome to collect the pallium in person, for which payment was expected.135 By 1027 Cnut had to intervene personally with the pope to curb the value of these payments.136 The date of the Forum hoard is not compatible with any known archiepiscopal visit to secure the pallium,137 but there are records of many other clergy and

126 Ed. Napier 1883, pp. 116, 118n. and 208 (nos XXIII and XLIII). Cf. Keynes 2007, pp. 177-9. 127 V Atr, ch. 11.1, VIII Atr, ch. 10-10.1 and I Cn, ch. 9-9.1 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, pp. 240, 265 and 292-3); ed. Napier 1883, pp. 116 and 311 (nos XXIII and LXI).128 See in general Barlow 1979, pp. 294-7.129 Cn. 1027, ch. 16 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, p. 277).130 Northu., ch. 57.1 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, p. 384). Wormald 1999, pp. 396-7.131 Ed. and trans. Robertson 1939, pp. 220-1 (no. CXIX).132 Douglas 1944, pp. 14-5.133 Details of these and other finds are given in Naismith 2014a; and Blunt 1986. For the Vatican hoard in particular see O’Donovan 1964. For the economic background of money and society in tenth-century Rome, see Wickham 2013 (and Idem 2015), ch. 3.134 Metcalf 1992, pp. 79-80 (cf. Bertoldi 1997, pp. 83-4); Munzi 2009, no. 71.135 Ortenberg 1999, p. 52; Tinti 2010, p. 164; Eadem 2014a.136 Cn. 1027, ch. 7 (ed. Liebermann 1903-16, vol. 1, p. 276).137 Tinti 2010, pp. 169-71.


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(especially) laymen bringing cash with them for expenses, donation or both.138 Anyone, from the king to the lowest levels of society, might be moved to go on pilgrimage to Rome and bring with them an offering for St Peter and his heir. As early as 762 a thegn named Dunwald sold an estate pecuniam illius pro anime eius salute ad limina apostolorum Rome cum aliis perferre desiderans (“desiring its value to take to the thresholds of the apostles in Rome, along with others, for the good of his soul”).139 Two Kentish wills of the early ninth century record provisions made by wealthy reeves concerning finance for a pilgrimage and a donation to Rome: Æthelnoth and his wife arranged that if either of them went on suðfor (“southern pilgrimage”) their land at Eythorne would be bought by the bishop;140 and Abba arranged that whoever might succeed to his property should arrange for 2,000d. to be sent to St Peter.141 Alfred, ealdorman of Surrey in the second half of the ninth century, asked in his will that his widow Wærburh take two wergilds of money to St Peter’s,142 and another late-ninth-century Mercian woman sold an estate at Marlcliff, Worcestershire, to a thegn when she wished to go on pilgrimage to Rome.143 Closer to the time of the deposition of the Forum hoard, a document from Selsey in Sussex records that a layman named Wiohstan wished to go on pilgrimage to Rome with his wife and son, and so sold an estate he possessed at Up Marden, Sussex, to Wulfhun, bishop of Selsey (930/31-940×943), for 2,000 d. and a horse.144 Another English layman named Ulf, who died around the middle of the eleventh century, bequeathed four marks of weighed silver (640d.) in his will to be taken to Rome to sancte Petre (“to Rome for St Peter”).145 Churches and high-level clergy often appear as buyers or lenders in these transactions, thereby offering their spiritual sanction and financial support for pilgrims, as they did elsewhere in contemporary Europe.146 Travel expenses for pilgrimage to Rome were also catered for in the gild statutes from Exeter in the first half of the tenth century: members of the gild pledged to provide 5d. each to supply the needs of any member desiring to go æt suþfore (“on the southern pilgrimage”).147 Pilgrimage, in other words, was a heavy burden to undertake. It meant risk and expense, both on the journey itself and at the final destination.148 Yet for this very reason it held strong appeal for devout members of society, ecclesiastical and secular, rich and poor. Payment of proper material devotion to St Peter in Rome was a major part of the exercise. Indeed, it is likely that many of the numerous pilgrims who drew the admiration of Bede in the eighth century already carried with them money or other gifts intended for donation as alms (such as those found in the Confessio of St Peter’s).149 These may even have made pilgrims particularly tempting targets for bandits: several bands of unlucky English pilgrims were set upon by Saracen raiders in the Alps in 921, 923 and 940.150

Where does the Forum hoard fit in? The hooked tags emphatically suggest that it was indeed some sort of donation to the papacy, and it is one of precious few early medieval hoards for which one can confidently state the intended purpose – and one of even fewer where that purpose was a gift.151 Early medieval gift-giving frequently and openly involved sums of money: suitability for giving was not tied to the content of a gift, but to the act of presentation itself.152 Hence the Forum hoard was contained within a specially marked bag, most likely a purpose-made one of some quality, and finds parallels in labelled sacks of gold solidi bequeathed by a seventh-century Frankish bishop to various prestigious

138 Cf. Naismith 2013b and Tinti 2014b. For the experience and practice of pilgrimage more generally see Sumption 1975; and Birch 1998.139 S 1182 (ed. Kelly 1995, no. 12).140 S 1500 (ed. Brooks, Kelly 2013, no. 39A). 141 S 1482 (ed. Brooks, Kelly 2013, no. 70). 142 S 1508 (ed. Brooks, Kelly 2013, no. 96).143 S 222 (ed. B 537).144 S 1206 (ed. Kelly 1998, no. 16).145 S 1532 (ed. Crick 2007, no. 13).146 Bull 1993, pp. 213-15.147 Ed. Conner 1993, pp. 168-9; trans. Whitelock 1979, p. 605 (no. 137).148 On the practical aspects of pilgrimage to Rome see Birch 1998, pp. 38-71.149 Serafini 1951.150 Flodoard of Rheims, Annales, s.a. 921, 923 and 940 (ed. Lauer 1905, pp. 5, 19 and 75). Cf. Dodwell 1982, pp. 152-4. See also below note 217.151 On money and gifts see Naismith 2012, pp. 259-67 and Idem 2013b; also Davies, Fouracre 2010.152 For modern parallels see Zelizer 1994.


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recipients, and a silver cup full of coins mentioned as a bequest in an English will of the tenth century.153 The English owner(s) of the Forum hoard had every reason to believe that it would make a respectable and welcome donation to the pope. That is not to say, however, that it must be a collection of Peter’s Pence. The hoard falls a long way short of what might have been expected from a national payment of Romfeoh, assuming that this did consist (broadly speaking) of one penny from every household in England. By the twelfth century Peter’s Pence had become fixed at 299 marks (47,840 d.): even this probably reflects a reduction from earlier times, though no earlier figure is ever provided.154 Even a single diocese would – at least in principle – have produced appreciably more than the Forum hoard contained. Essex and Middlesex, which made up most of the diocese of London, in Domesday Book contained some 3,700 hides, for example.155 They could therefore have produced more than four Forum hoards, and the tenth-century diocese probably still more, for at the time of the hoard’s assembly the bishop of London’s authority also embraced much of East Anglia.156 Of course, many sticky fingers could reduce the scale of a donation between a bishop or king demanding a tribute for Rome, that sum being assembled, and finally delivered to the pope.157 Moreover, the Forum hoard need not represent the entirety of a donation. Some portion could have been extracted before it was concealed, and multiple consignments may have been put together at the time it was assembled. Based on surviving coins (and counting the gold solidus, cat. no. 830, as a mancus of 30 d.), the Forum hoard would have been worth about 875d. This would translate to 29 mancuses in overall value – conceivably 30 if the silver hooked tags were counted. If it was part of a larger sum, this could represent approximately a third of £11 (2640 d.) by tale, or – if measured by weight and assuming that the solidus stood for at least twelve times its weight in silver158 – a little short of a third of £10 (based on a notional standard of 1.6 g per penny). Æthelwulf ’s will had shared a bequest three ways, between St Peter’s, S. Paolo fuori le mura and the papacy: if this had provided a model for whoever collected the Forum hoard in the tenth century, there might once have been two other parcels of similar size and composition, each perhaps adorned with a pair of tags naming the recipient.

Peter’s Pence cannot be ruled out as an explanation for the assembly of the Forum hoard – but if it was an early representative of this payment it is unlikely to reflect everything the kingdom of England, or even a diocese within the kingdom, owed for a year. Other explanations should also be considered, and private donations are if anything rather better attested than Peter’s Pence around the time of the Forum hoard. Although unusually large in the context of surviving hoards, and small relative to likely payments of Peter’s Pence, the Forum hoard is comparable in scale to private benefactions recorded from the Anglo-Saxon period. Ulf ’s 640d. comes closest, and Abba bequeathed 2,000d. for St Peter, while Wiohstan in Sussex secured the same sum shortly before setting off for Rome with his family, the latter presumably to cover travel costs as well as donations. All three of these individuals were wealthy secular landowners, yet still comparatively obscure: they make barely a mark on the historical record outside the charters in question. Donations on the scale of the Forum hoard, therefore, cannot have been exceptional.

There is no way to determine with any certainty what processes brought the Forum hoard from southern England to Rome, but the balance of probability is slightly in favour of a private offering because of its size and date. There could even have been some blurring between Romfeoh sent by the kingdom or a diocese as a whole and personal donations by important individuals, such as those who were charged with carrying alms to Rome under Alfred and Edward the Elder. An altogether more productive line of argument is to consider what kind of donor might lie behind the Forum hoard. One clue is provided by the composition of the hoard. Its contents are consistent with assembly in southern England, and there are signs that London featured especially prominently. The

153 Will of Bertram, bishop of Le Mans (616) (ed. Weidemann 1986, pp. 45-6); S 1539 (ed. Whitelock 1930, pp. 10-15, no. 3).154 Lunt 1939, pp. 1-30.155 Darby 1977, p. 336.156 See below, p. 44.157 Brett 1975, pp. 168-73.158 Lyon 1969, pp. 207-9; McCormick 2001, pp. 338-9; Rovelli 1993, pp. 555-6.


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size of the Forum hoard as well as the presence of the two silver hooked tags might also be taken to indicate the involvement of an agency of relative means and (possibly) literacy.

These features point towards one possible candidate among known visitors to Rome for the hoard’s original bearer or owner: Theodred, bishop of London (909×926-951×953). He stands out as one of the most influential and powerful individuals in the kingdom during the 930s and 940s.159 At this time Theodred held jurisdiction over the southern East Anglian see of Dunwich as well as the traditional London diocese. This may have been a temporary arrangement, prompted by the disruption of Viking invasions in the ninth century, but Theodred held extensive lands on his own account in East Anglia, and Abbo of Fleury, writing a Passio sancti Eadmundi late in the tenth century, mentioned his devotion to the cult of St Edmund.160 Most knowledge of Theodred derives from his will, written between 942 and his death in 951×953 and preserved at Bury St Edmund’s.161 It lists bequests to the king, St Paul’s cathedral in London, his own family and others, including a number of clergy with continental Germanic names who may, like Theodred, have come originally from outside England. There are numerous bequests of money, including 200 marks of gold to the king as heriot, and at least £75 to be distributed among various other recipients. Most importantly, the will mentions a white and a yellow chasuble þe ic on Pauie bouhte (“which I bought in Pavia”). Pavia was, in the tenth and eleventh centuries, a major commercial centre where luxury goods of all sorts from Italy and the eastern Mediterranean could be bought and sold. It was a destination in itself for English traders, but also a stopping-point on the way to Rome for pilgrims and clergy such as Theodred.162 The date of his probable visit to Rome cannot be pinned down: only that it had taken place at some point before the composition of the will (942×953). However, this is compatible with the deposition date of the Forum hoard.

There must of course have been many other travellers to Rome with the resources necessary to assemble the Forum hoard. Theodred’s own trip, like so many others, is only known through a passing reference in one of the relatively scarce surviving documentary records from Anglo-Saxon England. He is a plausible candidate for the donor of the hoard, because of the date, his relative wealth and power, and his connection with London. Even if it is impossible to go beyond the fact that he had means, motive and opportunity, Theodred stands out as an example of the sort of person most likely to have brought the hoard on either his own account or that of a larger institution or territory.

The Anglo-Viking Coins

Despite making up less than one per-cent of the Forum hoard, its seven Anglo-Viking coins are critical in interpreting the complex series of coinages issued by Viking rulers in England after Æthelstan’s death in 939. Late that year, York was seized by Óláfr son of Guthróthr, also known as Olaf Guthfrithsson: a member of the Viking dynasty founded by Ívarr, which had interests on both sides of the Irish Sea during the tenth century.163 He was soon joined in 940 by a kinsman from Dublin, also named Óláfr (d. 981; known by the patronym Sigtrygsson or Sihtricsson, and also by his Irish nickname Cuarán). At some point between 940 and 942 the rulers of York gained some measure of control in the east midlands; enough that Derby and possibly other mint-places produced coins in the name of Olaf (either Guthfrithsson or Sihtricsson) instead of Edmund. In 942 Edmund seized back control over the east midlands, and, after a Viking counterattack against Tamworth, peace was settled the following year between the English king and the rulers of York. During the same year Edmund went on to stand sponsor at the baptism of Olaf Sihtricsson (Olaf Guthfrithsson having died in 941), and also, somewhat later in 943, at the baptism

159 Whitelock 1975, pp. 17-21; Kelly 2004, pp. 116-18.160 Abbo, Passio sancti Eadmundi, ch. 16 (ed. Arnold 1890-6, vol. 1, pp. 20-2).161 S 1526 (ed. Whitelock 1930, pp. 2-5, no. 1; ed. Kelly 2004, pp. 225-8).162 Dodwell 1982, pp. 149-53; Ortenberg 1990, pp. 236-8; and Pelteret 2014.163 Downham 2007.


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of another king from York of the same dynasty, Rögnvaldr Guthrøtharson (Ragnald Guthfrithsson). Both kings were expelled by Edmund in 944. He maintained power over York until his death, although further Viking attacks by Olaf Sihtricsson/Cuarán and a ruler named Eric came later in the 940s, and Northumbria was not brought under English power for good until 954.164

There is still debate over the exact chronology and the weight given to various sources for this course of events, and the coins provide an important and direct contribution to understanding of what took place. Points of difficulty with the coins arise in assigning some issues to the correct king, or to the correct period of rule in the case of those rulers who enjoyed multiple spells on the throne of Northumbria during the years 939-54. The importance of the Forum hoard lies in its containing a small clutch of coins which can with certainty be tied to the first and longest stretch of Viking rule in Northumbria between 939 and 944, based on the dating evidence furnished by the rest of the hoard.165 The Anglo-Viking element of the hoard includes four specimens which can, on the basis of stylistic evidence and the careers of the moneyers named on them, be attributed to York (cat. nos 818-20 and cat. no. 822), but also three coins which on the same criteria seem to belong to Derby and to an unlocated mint somewhere in the east midlands (cat. no. 821 and cat. nos 823-4 respectively).166 Six of the seven coins in the hoard are in the name of a king Olaf. Conventionally, the “Raven” type has been assigned to Olaf Guthfrithsson and the Circumscription type to Olaf Sihtricsson/Cuarán, while the Two-Line/Horizontal specimens from south of the Humber could belong to either ruler. One of the Anglo-Viking coins in the Forum hoard (cat. no. 822) is the only known penny of Circumscription type by a king Sigtryggr/Sihtric, and one of only three coins surviving in the name of this ruler. The identity of this king – known solely from his coins – is shadowy, but Irish sources and the close affiliation of his coins with those of other York kings hint that he was a member of the same royal dynasty as the two Olafs and Ragnald.167

The presence of a small element of Anglo-Viking coins in a large assemblage of tenth-century English pennies is in no way exceptional. Five were found in the Chester (1950) hoard of more than 500 English coins;168 two alongside 92 English coins in the 1846 “Rome” hoard;169 and one in the Vatican hoard of over 500 coins.170 Such a small number of Viking coins suggests a conscious effort to remove non-English coins from circulation, with only a minute residue surviving.

The Non-English Coins

The six coins minted outside the British Isles are of diverse origins. One each belongs to west Francia (cat. no. 827), Bavaria (cat. no. 829), Lotharingia (cat. no. 828) and the Byzantine Empire (cat. no. 830), and there are two north Italian denari of Pavia (cat. nos 825-6). All of these belong to types which circulated very widely within western Europe.171 Coins comparable to cat. no. 827, from Limoges in the name of Odo, king of the West Franks (888-98), were plentiful, and continued to be produced long after his death, well into the tenth century. Specimens occurred in the Cuerdale hoard (c . 905-10), the later Fécamp hoard (c . 980), in the Confessio of St Peter’s in Rome, and elsewhere.172 Silver coins of Regensburg in the name of the dukes of Bavaria, such as that of Berthold (938-47) in the Forum hoard (cat. no. 829), and from Strasbourg in the name of Otto I the Great (936-73) (cat. no. 828) are rather rarer, but it should be noted that coins from German

164 This account is based on Downham 2003; and Eadem 2007, pp. 107-12. In many respects this accepts the series of events as reconstructed in Beaven 1918; more substantial departures from Beaven’s chronology have been proposed in Sawyer 1995; and Woolf 1998.165 Dolley 1957-8, p. 33 described the Forum hoard as “easily the most critical for the dating of the whole of the post-Brunanburh coinage of the Viking kings of York”.166 This east midlands component was identified in Dolley 1957-8, pp. 50-3 and 73-5; and CTCE, pp. 216-19. 167 Dolley 1957-8, pp. 69-70; CTCE, p. 211 and p. 213; and Downham 2003, pp. 42-3.168 Pagan 2012, nos 23-7.169 Blunt 1986, pp. 161-2.170 O’Donovan 1964, no. 27. For these three hoards see also above, pp. 30-5.171 The circulation of English and German coins in northern and eastern Europe is also very well attested, but lies beyond the scope of this publication and only began on a significant scale some decades after the 940s.172 Williams 2011b, pp. 284-5; Dumas 1971, pp. 250-3. Serafini 1951, p. 238 (nos 128-34). See also the summary lists in Coupland 2011.


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or Lotharingian mints such as Cologne, Constance, Mainz, Metz, Strasbourg, Verdun and Würzburg were included in the Cuerdale, Fécamp, “Galli Tassi” (c . 964), Langres (c . 900-20) and Rennes (c . 920) hoards.173 Tenth-century coins of Verdun and Worms were also among the coins found in the Confessio of St Peter’s.174 Finally, the two Italian denari (cat. nos 825-6) could have been found circulating locally in northern Italy (or indeed Rome) during the 940s,175 but specimens also occurred in northern European finds, including the Cuerdale, Chester (1950), Fécamp and Rennes hoards,176 and among English single-finds.177

The solidus of Theophilus (829-42) (cat. no. 830; fig . 27) is exceptional on two counts, as by far the oldest coin in the hoard and as the sole gold coin. Gold was a rare and very precious commodity in western Europe during the ninth and tenth centuries, and when it was hoarded tended to be kept separate from silver, or (as here) to appear alongside silver in only very small quantity.178 Even so, there are no British hoards from the ninth or tenth century containing gold coins, and only a few include gold objects. The “Vale of York” hoard, found in 2007, included one gold arm-ring alongside numerous silver coins and objects, as did the Ballaquayle hoard from the Isle of Man, found in 1894, while the hoards from Beeston Tor (Staffordshire) and Talnotrie, Kirkcudbrightshire both contained one gold ring each.179 Gold coin-finds from western Europe dating to between the eighth and eleventh centuries are remarkable for their rarity,180 but the Theophilus piece from the Forum hoard belongs to a type which enjoyed relatively wide circulation and exercised a strong stylistic influence over a long period. Solidi of this type have been found at Porto Torres in Sardinia, at Venice and at the Viking town of

173 Williams 2011b, pp. 284-5; Dumas 1971, pp. 280-5; Saccocci 2001-2, p. 181; Gariel 1883-4, pp. 131-2; Lafaurie 1965, p. 280. English single-finds include EMC 1986, 0127 and 2005.0209; see also Blunt 1981 for an overstruck coin of Cologne, and Cook 1999, pp. 232-7.174 Serafini 1951, pp. 239-41 (nos 195 and 251).175 Cf. Rovelli 2012, no. VIII.176 Pagan 2012, no. 809; Williams 2011b, pp. 284-5; Dumas 1971, pp. 287-8; Lafaurie 1965, pp. 290-1; cf. Coupland 2011.177 EMC 1995.0271 and 2003.0165.178 McCormick 2001. The earlier Ilanz (Switzerland) hoard included both debased gold tremisses of Charlemagne and Lombard rulers and silver denarii, but was concealed at a time of transition between gold and silver currency in Italy (Bernareggi 1977). An exception, made up largely of gold and just a few gilded silver coins, is the great Hoen hoard from Norway (Fuglesang, Wilson 2006).179 Ager 2011, pp. 127-8; Ager, Williams 2011, p. 136; Bornholdt Collins 2003, no. M6; Wilson 1964, pp. 120-1; Maxwell 1913, p. 15; cf. Hinton 1978, pp. 150-8.180 McCormick 2001; for England see Blackburn 2007.

Fig. 27 - Byzantine Empire, Theophilus (829-42). Solidus, mint of Constantinople (cat. n. 830)


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Hedeby,181 and provided a model for moneyers at Mainz in the time of Emperor Henry II (1002-24).182 It is therefore entirely feasible that the (relatively worn) Forum hoard specimen had been circulating in western Europe for more than a century.

These six coins could have been added to the largely English parcel in or en route to Rome.183 Even though Limoges, Regensburg and Strasbourg lay off the principal roads known to have been used by English visitors to Italy,184 the products of their mints might have been encountered by travellers taking a more direct route. Yet the general character of the Forum hoard is more indicative of an assemblage put together in England for a specific purpose.185 The tags preserved with the hoard point towards its being a distinct parcel of money destined for the pope and probably not a store of cash for sustenance on the journey. Given the range of locations through which a traveller from England to Rome must have passed (probably over several months), at all of which provisions and accommodation would have been needed, it is difficult to believe that the minimal quantity of non-English coins in the Forum hoard – less than 1 per cent of the total – reflects the residue of a purse used for general purposes on such a journey. There is also good evidence for a small stock of foreign coin circulating within England during this period. Anglo-Saxon rulers from the late eighth century and after enforced quite effective exclusion of foreign currency from circulation, but were never completely successful.186 Specific examples of foreign coin-finds from England have been noted above, both as single-finds and from hoards. The large Chester (1950) hoard of c . 970 – quite closely comparable to the Forum hoard in a number of respects, as we have seen – contained three continental European coins (one Italian, two from Melle in Aquitaine) alongside 543 coins in the name of Anglo-Saxon or Viking rulers.187 Also worth noting are the six foreign coins (four from Cologne, two from Pavia) in the Vatican hoard of circa 925, which may have had a similar history to the non-English coins in the Forum hoard.188

In short, in an English hoard of over 830 coins, six foreign specimens would be in no way surprising, regardless of find-spot, and could well have been part of the original assemblage in England. Even the gold solidus, although not specifically paralleled by other English finds of coins of Theophilus, is comparable to a few eighth- and ninth-century Arabic, Byzantine and Carolingian gold single-finds.189 Byzantine silver and copper-alloy coins of the ninth and tenth centuries are also known from England,190 and payment to the papacy was one context in which prestigious and widely-accepted gold coins were particularly favoured.191 The famous Offa dinar of the late eighth century was probably made for such a purpose and may have been found in Rome, and one of the other very rare English gold coins (minted in the time of Edward the Elder) was found at Lutry on the outskirts of Lausanne in Switzerland,192 which featured among the stopping-places in Archbishop Sigeric’s itinerary of the journey between Rome and England in the late tenth century.193

181 McCormick 2001, nos A32, A38 and B21; there are also several finds of solidi of Theophilus from eastern and southeastern Europe.182 Kluge 1991, nos 75-6; Dbg 1186.183 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991, pp. 221-2.184 Pelteret 2011.185 A suggestion already made in Keary 1884, pp. 225-6.186 Cook 1999; Naismith 2012, pp. 206-7.187 Pagan 2012, nos 807-9.188 O’Donovan 1964, p. 29.189 Blackburn 2007; Naismith 2010.190 The one known silver coin (a miliaresion of John I) interestingly occurred in the “Walbrook” hoard (1872) (dep. c . 1066 or 1074) (Checklist no. 261; Egan 2007, p. 115). Copper-alloy Byzantine coins from the ninth and tenth centuries include coins of Basil I (Georganteli 2012, no. 4), Leo VI (PAS DOR-0F6596), Romanus I (Egan 2007, p. 115), Constantine VII with Romanus I (PAS SUSS-940F95) and anonymous folles of class A2 (Georganteli 2012, no. 5 and PAS CAM-064213). There is some debate about the authority of finds of Byzantine copper from Britain, for these coins were often bought as casual souvenirs by modern travellers (Boon 1991; for a more optimistic view see Moorhead 2009; and Morrisson 2014) - but this would not have been the case with silver and gold.191 Naismith 2012, pp. 112-14.192 Blackburn 2007, nos B1 and B6.193 Ortenberg 1990, p. 239.


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The Hooked Tags

The Forum Hoard is unique in containing a pair of inscribed hooked tags which provide important evidence for the original nature and purpose of the assemblage: a presentation of some sort to Pope Marinus II. Split between the two tags are the words +DOMNO MA/RINO PAPA+, “to/for the Lord Pope Marinus” (cat. nos a-b). The tags are the only known pieces of tenth-century English metalwork to name an identifiable historical individual, and are also the sole surviving example of an Anglo-Saxon inscription split across two objects. They are both made of silver, and consist of an oval plate with a pair of perforated lugs at one end and a plain hook extending from the other. The inscription is set between an inner and outer border on the oval plate, with a very simple trilobate foliate motif in the centre; the inscription, foliate motif and borders are all marked out with niello. The tag carrying the first half of the legend is slightly larger and heavier, and also carries a V-shaped arrangement of 17 pellets on the reverse.194

The initial publication of these two objects by de Rossi and Lanciani identified them as brooches for the fastening of a papal official’s cloak; a point which played an important part in their conclusions about who owned the house beneath which the hoard was concealed.195 More recent examination of these tags by James Graham-Campbell and Elisabeth Okasha, however, has left little doubt that they were English-made.196 Tags of this form could fulfil a range of purposes,197 but Graham-Campbell and Okasha argued that in this case their most likely function was as a pair of fasteners on a single object – probably a bag or purse designed to contain the hoard (a conclusion recently supported by Gale Owen-Crocker).198 Two much plainer hooked tags of the same general form are also known from the Tetney (Lincolnshire) hoard of the 960s, and may have been used in a similar context.199 The hoard of tenth-century Anglo-Saxon coins which was bought from a Rome dealer in 1846 were also accompanied by a silver fastener, albeit a strap distributor of different form.200

Bags or purses (marsupia) were commonly used for storing or sending money, particularly by travellers, and must commonly have been secured with tags or fasteners such as these. Peter Damian described a marsupium or folliculum which was used to carry 24s. (i.e. 288 d.) of Pavian coins by a pair of Lombard pilgrims to Rome in the mid-eleventh century,201 and labelled (cum brevicellis sigillatis) bags were used for distributing bequests of gold coin in seventh-century Gaul.202 It should be noted that a pouch containing the Forum hoard need not have been exceptionally large or unwieldy: the cumulative weight of all coins, fragments and the hooked tags is only about 1.25kg, and a bag designed to contain the hoard could have been quite compact (fig . 28).203 Given that the tags themselves contain the equivalent of eight or nine pennies in silver, there is a good chance that the purse was in itself an object of some quality; a suitably impressive container for a gift to the pope which the owner would probably have expected to hand over with appropriate pomp and circumstance.

Since cleaning, it has become apparent that the final “a” in PAPA on the second tag has two cross-bars (fig . 29). It is conceivable that this was intended as a primitive form of “ae” ligature, the effect of which would be to render the inscription grammatically correct. If so, it could have been used to remedy a shortage of space, which was not sufficient for a ninth letter. Straightforward error might have prompted this stop-gap solution, or it could have been intentional, so as not to have too great an imbalance of

194 This description is modelled on that of Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991, p. 222.195 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 487. See above, pp. 7-12.196 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991. For an earlier interpretation of the tags as hooks for securing a papal official’s cloak, see Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, pp. 487-8.197 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991, pp. 223 and 225; cf. Thomas 2009.198 Owen-Crocker 2004, pp. 154-5.199 Wilson 1964, p. 178 (nos 86-7); Walker 1945, p. 81.200 Blunt 1986, p. 162; Wilson 1964, pp. 161-3 (no. 63).201 Ed. Reindel 1989-93, vol. 4, p. 249 (Epistola 169).202 Will of Bertram, bishop of Le Mans (616): ed. Weidemann 1986, pp. 45-6.203 The range of designs and ornamentation that could be found among medieval purses is highlighted (albeit for a later period) in Goubitz 2007.


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Fig. 28 - Modern reconstruction of the bag which once may have contained the Forum hoard (by Bob Naismith)

Fig. 29 - The silver hooked tags found with the coins (Metalwork, cat. nos a-b)


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letters between the two fasteners. The double-barred “a” appears quite precise and deliberate; it probably was not executed by mistake, and similar ligatures of letters within letters were used in display script of manuscripts such as the Benedictional of St Æthelwold (London, British Library, Additional 49598 (971×984)).204 However, this use of double-barred “a” to signify “ae” is not paralleled by other epigraphic or manuscript sources.205 Another possibility is that the inscription was intended to be in the ablative rather than the dative (perhaps influenced by the formulation used in papal documents), in which case the final papa would be correct – though this would assume that the case of the word was not adjusted to its probable donative context.206

Other aspects of the arrangement of the inscriptions on the tags support a general link with papal bullae. Placement of the inscriptions around an inner circle is comparable in a very general sense to contemporary papal bullae which had, since the time of Pope Nicholas I (858-67), commonly placed the pope’s name in circumscription around an inner circle containing a floral or cruciform motif.207 The exact wording used on the tags is also probably informed by the practice of contemporary papal documentation: lead bulls of the period (for instance one of Leo VIII illustrated by Serafini) as well as the lengthier written texts commonly used the style domnus … papa for the pope.208 It is therefore likely that the designer of the Forum tags was aware of current papal documentary practices, and viewed them as appropriate models for his work.

Conclusion

The tenth century was once known, with some justification, as the “Dark Age” of the papacy – partly due to lack of sources once the Liber pontificalis ceased to be maintained in any meaningful way after about 891, and partly due to the poor reputation of many incumbents of the throne of St Peter at this time.209 The pervasive influence of Rome’s secular aristocracy over the papacy, and other aspects of ecclesiastical and political life in the city, has traditionally been seen as the salient, and deeply negative, feature of the period. Alberic II’s hold over Rome and the papacy was strong, and apparently never more so than in the time of Marinus II: the later tenth-century chronicler Benedict of Monte Soratte stated plainly that Marinus non audebat adtingere aliquis extro iussio Alberici principi (“did not dare make any appointment without the permission of Prince Alberic”).210 This interpretation of tenth-century Rome has been coloured by the strong opinions and lurid anecdotes of contemporary writers such as Benedict, and especially Liudprand of Cremona.211 However, alternative readings of the tenth-century popes and their part in the life of the city are more prevalent in modern scholarship, based on a more constructive view of the Church as a unifying factor in relations with the local aristocracy once kings and emperors were no longer such regular visitors to Rome,212 and on the still exceptional concentration of wealth and population the city contained by the standards of the early medieval West.213 Alberic and his family spearheaded monastic revival in Rome, inviting Odo of Cluny to provide advice and guidance.214 Although limited, papal influence could still be felt in courts

204 See especially the capitals on f. 70r (Prescott 2002). 205 E.g. Okasha 1971, pp. 126-7 (no. 138). 206 These points and comparisons were suggested by Professors Michelle Brown, Jo Story and Ildar Garipzanov.207 Serafini 1910.208 Serafini 1910, p. 22 (Leo VIII no. 2) and pl. G, 3. For surviving privileges and letters of Marinus II, see ed. Zimmermann 1984-9, vol. 1, pp. 172-91 (nos 98-108).209 The history of the term “Dark Age” (along with the associated “century of iron”) is surveyed in Zimmermann 1971, pp. 15-21. On papal authority at the beginning of the tenth century see Herbers 2007; Arnaldi 1990, pp. 40-53; and Savigni 1992.210 Benedict of Monte Soratte, Chronicon (ed. Zucchetti 1920, p. 167). Cf. Piazzoni 2008.211 Arnaldi 2005, pp. 23-43; Idem 1961, pp. 505-6; and Sutherland 1988, pp. 36-41.212 Arnaldi 1961, pp. 496-7. 213 Wickham 2000. See also now his major new study Idem 2013 (and Idem 2015).214 Arnaldi 1957, pp. 145-7, p. 153 and pp. 155-6; Idem 1961, pp. 503-7; Idem 2005, pp. 39-41; Rosé 2008, pp. 256-69; and Hamilton 1962, pp. 46-60.


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and churches far beyond the walls of Rome throughout the tenth century.215 A major reason power in Rome became so contested was quite simply because there were still prizes at stake worth winning.

The Forum hoard bears witness to some of these prizes. Despite the criticisms contemporary writers voiced in their assessments of the tenth-century papacy, it remained an object of respect and veneration among the English, and a worthy recipient of largesse. The donation implied by the name of Marinus II on the hooked tags in the Forum hoard is a powerful reminder that gold and silver carried in the purses of pilgrims continued to flow towards Rome, buttressing the wealth of the papacy, just as the Liber pontificalis recorded in so much detail for the ninth century and before. Occasional references to these visitors can still be found in other sources: in addition to the English travellers referred to Anglo-Saxon chronicles and charters,216 Flodoard of Rheims mentions pilgrims from both Britain and Gaul travelling towards Rome in the middle of the tenth century, sometimes harried or blocked in the Alps by Saracen incursions,217 and the Bavarian Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg (923-73), was warmly received by Alberic II himself when he arrived on pilgrimage in Rome.218 There must have been many, many more caches of treasure like the Forum hoard which ended up in Rome, the large majority of them presumably being spent – as the donors intended – on the support of the papacy and other ecclesiastical institutions. Quite what led to the Forum hoard’s different fate is unknown. It may have been concealed before or after donation to the pope, by either an Anglo-Saxon traveller or a local, and may or may not have been hidden in reaction to known political events of Rome in the 940s. The obscure circumstances of the hoard’s recovery in 1883 do nothing to help fill in the blanks in the story. But what can be said is that the Forum hoard takes centre-stage among the large clutch of English coin-finds from Italy at this time, highlighting the strong attraction Rome still held.

The hoard also offers a window onto the opposite leg of this journey: its collection in England and transferral thence to Rome. Peter’s Pence could have been a part of its background, but so could a private donation – maybe one carried by Theodred, bishop of London, which potentially blurred the lines between a diocesan and personal gift. Theodred himself undoubtedly had the resources to raise a sum of this scale and the opportunity to bring it to Rome; he also had strong links in London, which features so prominently in the hoard’s contents. There is no disputing that someone like Theodred must have brought this valuable, carefully packaged collection of silver across Europe. Neither is there any doubt about the Forum hoard’s strong southern English links, which make it the sole large tenth-century Anglo-Saxon hoard not to be dominated by coin-issues from northern England. While single-finds have already gone some way towards revealing the more even spread of monetary wealth across England at this time, the Forum hoard calls attention to the geographical diversity which could be found in a parcel of cash assembled in the southern part of the kingdom.

On multiple levels, therefore, the Forum hoard stands out as one of the most historically significant finds of Anglo-Saxon coin ever known. It is, indeed, unique as an early medieval silver treasure with a label stating its intended purpose (even if it had not necessarily fulfilled this purpose when hidden). A great many monetary gifts were given at this time, but the Forum hoard is the only one still to survive with a clear indication of this function intact. It, more than almost any other find of its kind, demonstrates the deeply human motives and interactions which must be presumed to lie behind every penny lost or hidden in the “century of iron”.219

215 Arnaldi 1957, pp. 148-9; Klinkenberg 1955. For papal support of the Carolingians via the archdiocese of Rheims down to the 940s see Guillot 1987.216 See above, p. 42.217 In addition to the annals cited in note 150 above concerning Anglo-Saxon pilgrims, see Flodoard of Rheims, Annales, s.a. 936, 939 and 951 (ed. Lauer 1905, pp. 65, 74 and 132). 218 Gerhard, Vita S . Uodalrici episcopi I, 14 (ed. Berschin, Häse 1993, pp. 214-17).219 See above, note 209.


52

Note on arrangement of catalogue

The catalogue presented here arranges the 830 identifiable coins and sixteen small fragments of the Forum hoard first by political division (the large majority of the coins belonging to England), and within each political division by reign. For English coins, the breakdown within each reign is by major type, the largest being “Two-Line/Horizontal”, “Circumscription” and “Bust”. Mint-signed coins are listed separately before those without a mint signature. Coins with a named mint are arranged alphabetically by mint, and within each mint alphabetically by moneyer, while those without a mint-name are arranged solely by moneyer. Even when coins do not carry a mint-name it is usually possible to assign at least a regional origin with some confidence: this information is given under “mint” in each entry, but alphabetisation remains based on the moneyer’s name unless the coin actually carries the name of its mint. Moneyers’ names are normalised, usually according to the forms listed in Smart 1992.

The special typeface used for numismatic inscriptions, “Inscription Numismatic”, is used with kind permission of the Fitzwilliam Museum. It should be noted that this includes the non-standard Old English letters ð (eth, “th”), þ (thorn, “th”) and a p-like character known as wynn (“w”). Coins have been checked for die-links with SCBI 34, covering the British Museum’s holdings of coins of Æthelstan and Edmund; die-links with coins in other collections noted in CTCE have also been included in the catalogue.

Note al catalogo

Il catalogo qui presentato ripartisce le 830 monete identificabili e i sedici piccoli frammenti del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae in primo luogo per formazione politica (la maggior parte delle monete è di origine inglese), mentre all’interno di ciascuna formazione la ripartizione è per regno. Per quanto riguarda i pezzi inglesi, la suddivisione, all’interno di ciascun regno, è per tipi principali, i più rilevanti dei quali sono Two-Line/Horizontal, Circumscription e Bust. Le monete con indicazione della zecca di provenienza sono elencate separatamente, prima di quelle che ne sono prive. Le monete in cui la zecca è indicata sono ripartite per zecca in ordine alfabetico e, per ciascuna zecca, sono ordinate alfabeticamente in base al monetiere, mentre quelle in cui la zecca non è menzionata sono ripartite solo in base al monetiere. Anche nel caso in cui i pezzi non recano il nome della zecca è generalmente possibile attribuire almeno, con un certo margine di affidabilità, un’origine regionale: questa informazione è fornita sotto la voce “mint” (zecca), ma l’ordine alfabetico rimane sempre basato sul nome del monetiere a meno che la moneta non rechi effettivamente il nome della zecca di provenienza. I nomi dei monetieri sono normalizzati in base a Smart 1992.

Lo speciale carattere tipografico usato per le iscrizioni numismatiche, Inscription Numismatic, viene utilizzato per gentile concessione del Fitzwilliam Museum. Bisogna inoltre aggiungere che ciò include anche le lettere non-standard tipiche dell’Old English: ð (eth, “th”), þ (thorn, “th”) e la lettera simile alla “p” nota come wynn (“w”). Le monete con legami di conio per il dritto e per il rovescio sono state verificate tramite SCBI 34, che copre la collezione del British Museum delle emissioni di Æthelstan ed Edmund; per le altre collezioni si è fatto riferimento al CTCE, come segnalato nel catalogo.


53

CATALOGUECATALOGO

di Rory Naismith

KINGDOM OF ENGLAND

Alfred (871-99)

London monogram type (circa 880-5)

Penny, silver mint: London

O/ ÄLFR ED REX around draped and diademed bust rightR/ monogram of Lundonia

Bibl.: North 1994, no. 644; MEC I, nos. 1354-8; de Rossi 1884, no. 1

1. g 1,54 (chipped) 19,5 mm 225° inv. 3117/1 O/ ÄLFR [E]D REX

Two Line/Horizontal type (circa 880-99)

Æthelræd

Penny, silver mint: Wessex

O/ ãEL FRE D REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between

Bibl.: Blackburn 1989; MEC I, nos. 1360-8A; North 1994, nos. 635-9; de Rossi 1884, no. -

2. g 0,73 (fragment) 18,1 mm 270° inv. 3139/63


54

3 - 5 Alfred (871-99)Catalogue

Beornmær


O/ ãEL FRE D RE around inner circle containing crossR/ BEORN / MÄR M with + + + between, trefoil above upper

line and pellet between lines

Bibl.: Blackburn 1989; MEC I, nos. 1360-8A; North 1994, nos. 635-9; de Rossi 1884, no. 2

3. g 1,20 21,6 mm 90° inv. 3119/3


O/ ãEL FRE D RE around inner circle containing crossR/ BEORN / MÄR M with + + + between

Bibl.: Blackburn 1989; MEC I, nos. 1360-8A; North 1994, nos. 635-9; de Rossi 1884, no. 2

4. g 0,99 (badly chipped) 18,7 mm 135° inv. 3118/2 O/ ÄL [F]RE D [R]E R/ [B]EORN / MÄR M

Deorweald

Penny, silver mint: Canterbury

O/ +AELFRED REX DORO around inner circle containing crossR/ DIãRV0 / LD MO with + + + between

Bibl.: Blackburn 1989; MEC I, nos. 1360-8A; North 1994, no. 638; de Rossi 1884, no. 3

5. g 1,06 (several fragments) 19,8 mm inv. 3232/198 and inv. 3757/813


55

Edward the Elder (899-924) Alfred (871-99) 6 - 8Catalogue

Ecgwulf

Penny, silver mint: uncertain

O/ 0 ELF RE+ DR E around inner circle containing crossR/ E6VVLF / MO¯ with pellet between

Bibl.: Blackburn 1989; MEC I, nos. 1360-8A; North 1994, nos. 635-9; de Rossi 1884, no. -

6. g 1,25 (chipped and broken) 20,6 mm 180° inv. 3172/102 O/ 0 ELF [RE]+ DR E

Edward the Elder (899-924)

Two Line/Horizontal type

Adalbert

Penny, silver mint: east midlands

O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ @D@L / BERT with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 50 (Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 4

7. g 1,35 (chipped) 22,6 mm 170° inv. 3120/4

Æthelferth

Penny, silver mint: Kent

O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELF / ER5 MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of

pellets above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 52i (Middle II/Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 7

8. g 1,58 22,9 mm 330° inv. 3124/17 Same dies as 9-10


56

9 - 12 Edward the Elder (899-924)Catalogue

9. g 1,44 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3125/18 Same dies as 8 and 10



O +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR Ä5ELF / ER5 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


11. g 1,47 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3125/19 Same obv. die as CTCE, no. 220

12. g 1,40 22,7 mm 270° inv. 3125/21


57

Edward the Elder (899-924) 13 - 15Catalogue


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELF / ER5 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


13. g 1,50 22,6 mm 270° inv. 3125/22

Æthelræd


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MÖ with trefoil of pellets between and pellet

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 65 (Early I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

14. g 1,39 20,9 mm 90° inv. 3129/33


O/ E`DVVE`RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO+ with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 64i (Early I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

15. g 1,41 21,1 mm 180° inv. 3129/42


58



O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 63ii (Early II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

16. g 1,35 20,8 mm 170° inv. 3129/32


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 64iii (Middle I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

17. g 1,11 (broken) 19,6 mm 0° inv. 3129/46 and inv. 3183/119 bis O/ +E@DVVE@[RD REX] R/ Ä5E[R] / ED M[O]


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO+ with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 64iv (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

18. g 1,50 (chipped) 21,9 mm 0° inv. 3129/34 Bibl.: CTCE, no. 64ii (Early II)

19. g 1,49 (chipped) 21,4 mm 0° inv. 3129/30


59



21. g 1,52 (chipped) 21,4 mm 0° inv. 3129/36 Same dies as 20 and 22


23. g 1,47 21,9 mm 0° inv. 3129/37

24. g 1,59 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3129/39


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 64ii (Early II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

25. g 1,56 (corroded) 20,7 mm 0° inv. 3129/45


60



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 66ii (Middle II/Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

26. g 1,43 (chipped) 21,8 mm 90° inv. 3129/41


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 66iii (Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9

27. g 1,57 (corroded) 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3129/43 O/ [+E@]DVVE@RD RE[X] Same obv. die as 28

28. g 1,51 (chipped and cracked) 22,7 mm 180° inv. 3129/38 Same obv. die as 27


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


29. g 1,49 (chipped) 21,6 mm 270° inv. 3129/35


61



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between, cross above and pellet

below


30. g 1,49 (chipped) 22,5 mm 70° inv. 3129/44 Same obv. die as 31


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ER / ED MO with + + + between, cross above and pellet

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 69 (Late II/Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 9


Æthelstan


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELç / T@N MO with + + + between and pellet above

and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 56i (Early II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 8

32. g 1,30 21,1 mm 90° inv. 3127/24


62



O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELç / TãN MO with + + + between and trefoil of


Bibl.: CTCE, no. 57ii (Middle I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 8

33. g 1,61 21,7 mm 270° inv. 3127/28

Penny, silver mint: Wessex/Kent

O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELç / TAN MO with + + + between and pellet above

and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 56 (Wessex Middle I/Kent Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 8

34. g 1,58 21,6 mm 200° inv. 3127/26

35. g 1,74 21,7 mm 0° inv. 3127/27 Bibl.: CTCE, no. 56 (Wessex Middle I)


O/ EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELç / TãN MO with + + + between and trefoil of


Bibl.: CTCE, no. 57iii (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 8

36. g 1,65 23,2 mm 270° inv. 3126/23 Same dies as 37


63



Æthelwulf (I)


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ã5EL / VLF MO with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above

and pellet below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 74i (Middle I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 6

38. g 1,53 21,6 mm 0° inv. 3123/15


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ A5EL+ / VLF MO with + + + between and two pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 76 (Middle I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 6

39. g 1,48 (slightly chipped) 21,7 mm 0° inv. 3123/9


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ã5EL+ / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 79ii (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 6

40. g 1,52 22,2 mm 180° inv. 3123/7


64



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing cross

R/ A5EL / VLF MÖ with + + + between, one pellet above and two below


41. g 1,58 (cracked) 22,9 mm 90° inv. 3123/13 Same rev. die as 42

42. g 1,17 (chipped) 21,7 mm 90° inv. 3123/8 Same rev. die as 41


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ A5EL / VLF MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


43. g 1,53 (chipped) 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3123/14


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ A5EL / VLF MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 74ii (Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 6

44. g 1,55 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3123/12


65



O/ +EADVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ã5EL / VLF MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below


45. g 1,20 (chipped) 22,8 mm 270° inv. 3123/16 O/ +EADVVE@[RD RE]X


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ã5EL / VLF MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 80i (Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 6

46. g 1,53 (slightly chipped) 22,2 mm 180° inv. 3122/6 Same dies as 47

47. g 1,54 (cracked) 22,9 mm 180° inv. 3123/10 Same dies as 46


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ã5EL / VLF MÖ with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above

and cross below


48. g 1,52 (chipped) 21,8 mm 0° inv. 3123/11


66


Æthelwulf (II)

Penny, silver mint: west midlands

O/ +EãDVVER REX retrograde around inner circle containing cross

R/ ãDEIæ / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 80ii (Late II) ; Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 5

49. g 1,21 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3121/5

Agnes

Penny, silver mint: southeast midlands

O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ãèNE / ç MO+ with + + + between and quatrefoil of pellets

above and below


50. g 1,56 22,9 mm 180° inv. 3130/47

Badda


O/ +EADVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BAD / DA MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 82ii (Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 11

51. g 1,53 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3131/48


67


Beagræd

Penny, silver mint: London region

O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEAH / RED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


52. g 1,48 22,5 mm 280° inv. 3133/50

Beagstan


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEAHç / TAN MO with + + + between and trefoils of pellets

above and below


53. g 1,57 20,6 mm 135° inv. 3137/58

54. g 1,45 21,1 mm 90° inv. 3137/55

55. g 1,42 (slightly chipped) 21,7 mm 135° inv. 3137/56 Same rev. die as 56

56. g 1,42 21,4 mm 0° inv. 3137/59 Same rev. die as 55


68



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BE@Hç / T@N MO with + + + between, cross above and

trefoil of pellets below


57. g 1,47 22,1 mm 90° inv. 3137/54

58. g 1,64 21,9 mm 180° inv. 3137/57 Same obv. die as 59 Bibl.: CTCE, no. 85iii (Late I)


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BE@Hç / T@N MÖ with + + + between, cross above and



59. g 1,56 22,5 mm 180° inv. 3136/53 Same obv. die as 58

Beornheard


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIÖRN / ARD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


60. g 1,60 21,1 mm 90° inv. 3146/70


69


Beornhere


O/ EãDVVEãRD RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ BEORN / ERE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 95 (Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 14

61. g 1,54 (chipped) 21,7 mm 180° inv. 3138/60


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEÖRN / ERE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


62. g 1,20 (chipped) 20,5 mm 0° inv. 3139/62 O/ +EADVVEA[R]D REX R/ BEÖRN / ERE M[O]


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEORN / ERE MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below




70



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEÖRN / ERE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


64. g 1,47 (chipped) 23,2 mm 90° inv. 3148/72

Beornræd (?)


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIONN / EDE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 111 (Early II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 17

65. g 1,50 20,6 mm 225° inv. 3144/68


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIONN / EDE MO with + + + between, cross above and

pellet below


66. g 1,52 20,7 mm 200° inv. 3150/74


71


Beornweald


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEÖRN / æOLD MÖ with + + + between and pellet above

and below


67. g 1,56 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3143/67

Beornwulf


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing cross, with small ã above

R/ BEÖRN / VLF MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and below




Bonus Homo


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing cross

R/ BONVç / HOMO MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 117i (Late I/Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 20


02_catalogo 55_56.indd 71 14/07/16 15:40

72


Clip


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing cross

R/ 6LIP M / ÖNETA with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


71. g 1,65 22,8 mm 0° inv. 3151/75

Coenbeorht


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 6ENBR / EHT MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


72. g 1,55 24,0 mm 180° inv. 3145/69

Deora


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DIÖRA / MÖNE with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 149i (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 26



73



O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DIÖRA / MÖNE with + + + between and pellet above and

below



Deormod


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DEOR / MOD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


75. g 1,54 (chipped) 22,1 mm 200° inv. 3152/76


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DEORã / MOD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


76. g 1,50 (corroded, cracked and chipped) 23,1 mm 270° inv. 3153/77 Same dies as 77

77. g 1,41 (chipped, broken and repaired) 23,1 mm 180° inv. 3157/85 Same dies as 76


74


Deorweald


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DEORV / VALD MO with + + + between and pellet above

and below


78. g 1,54 20,4 mm 315° inv. 3154/78


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DEÖRV / V@LD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of


Bibl.: CTCE, no. 146i (Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 25

79. g 1,52 21,8 mm 0° inv. 3156/80




75



O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DEÖRV / VALD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of



82. g 1,54 22,9 mm 45° inv. 3157/83


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DEORV / VALD MO with + + + between, cross above and

pellet below



Dryhtweald


O/ EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DRyHT / V@LD MO with + + + between and trefoil of



84. g 1,52 (chipped) 22,8 mm 0° inv. 3160/88


76


Eadmund


O/ +EADVVEARD RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ EADMV / ND MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


85. g 1,57 23,2 mm 315° inv. 3164/92

Eadwulf


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E@DV / +LF MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 169 (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. -

86. g 1,45 (chipped and broken) 23,3 mm 90° inv. 3163/91

Ealhlaf (?)


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ELL@F / MONETA with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


87. g 1,51 (slightly chipped) 23,3 mm 270° inv. 3174/104 Same obv. die as 88-9

02_catalogo 55_56.indd 76 14/07/16 15:44

77



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ELL@F / MO3ET with + + + between, cross above and trefoil

of pellets below


88. g 1,51 23,3 mm 90° inv. 3175/105 Same dies as 89; same obv. die as 87


Ealhstan


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E@LHç / T@N MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




92. g 1,48 22,5 mm 270° inv. 3167/97 Same obv. die as 90-1


78



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E@LHç / T@N MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below


93. g 1,37 (cracked) 22,2 mm 315° inv. 3167/95

Eardwulf


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E@RD / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


94. g 1,64 (chipped and cracked) 23,1 mm 90° inv. 3168/98

Earnwulf (?)


O/ XE@DVVE@RD RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ E@R3V / LE MO3 with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


95. g 1,43 22,9 mm 0° inv. 3169/99


79


Ecglaf 1


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E6LAF / MONE with + + + between and pellet above and

below



Eicmund


O/ +E`DVVE`RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EI6MV / ND MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


97. g 1,47 20,4 mm 180° inv. 3173/103

Eofermund


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EOFER / ¹ND with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


98. g 1,50 22,3 mm 45° 3178/109

1 Possibly the same moneyer as Ealhlaf (above).


80


Fritheubeorht


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRI5EB / RHT MO+ with + + + between and pellet above

and below


99. g 1,27 (chipped) 21,6 mm 90° inv. 3181/113 Same dies as 100



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRI5EB / RHT MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below


101. g 1,42 22,7 mm 180° inv. 3183/117



81



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRI5EB / RHT MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below


103. g 1,54 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3180/111 Same rev. die as 104-6

104. g 1,23 (chipped and broken) 21,4 mm 0° inv. 3183/120 O/ +E@DVVE@[RD REX] Same dies as 105-6; same rev. die as 103

105. g 1,59 (slightly chipped) 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3183/118 Same dies as 104 and 106; same rev. die as 103

106. g 1,60 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3183/121 Same dies as 104-5; same rev. die as 103


O/ E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRI5EB / RHT MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


107. g 1,07 (chipped, broken and cracked) 22,5 mm 30° inv. 3183/116 O/ E@[DV]VE@RD REX

R/ FRI5E / [BERH]T MÖ

Same obv. die as 109


82



O/ E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRI5EB / RHT MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


108. g 1,56 22,1 mm 180° inv. 3182/115


O/ E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRI5EB / RHT MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below



Garheard


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èARE / ARD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


110. g 1,47 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3186/124


83



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ è@RE / @RD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


111. g 1,37 (chipped) 23,1 mm 225° inv. 3185/123


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ è@RE / @RD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


112. g 1,22 (chipped and broken) 22,8 mm 180° inv. 3186/125

Garwulf


O/ +EADVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ è@RV / LF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


113. g 1,43 (chipped) 23,6 mm 225° inv. 3187/126


84


Grimweald


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIMæ / ALD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


114. g 1,50 (chipped) 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3190/131


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIMæ / ALD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


115. g 1,75 22,7 mm 225° inv. 3188/127

116. g 1,47 23,2 mm 135° inv. 3189/128


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIMæ / ALD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 202ii (Wessex, Late I/London, Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 42

117. g 1,58 22,4 mm 180° inv. 3190/129

114

02_catalogo 55_56.indd 84 14/07/16 15:56

85


Gundbert


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èVNDB / ERT MO with + + + between and quatrefoil of



118. g 1,25 (chipped) 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3191/132

Heardbeorht (?)2


O/ +EãDVVÎÊãDER retrograde around inner circle containing cross

R/ HãRB / ERT MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


119. g 1,53 22,0 mm 270° inv. 3206/147

Heathubeald


O/ +EADVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HãDEB / ãLD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 206ii (Middle I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 44

120. g 1,60 21,8 mm 180° inv. 3193/134 Same obv. die as CTCE, no. 103ii (moneyer Beornweald)

2 Possibly an irregular issue.


86


Heremod


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HERE / MÖD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


121. g 1,38 23,7 mm 180° inv. 3195/136

Landbeorht


O/ +EADVVERD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LÖNDB / RIHT MÖ with + + + between and pellet above

and below



Landuc


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ L@ND / VE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


123. g 1,40 (chipped and cracked) 22,7 mm 270° inv. 3200/141


87



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ L@ND / VF MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Mægenheard


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ MãèN / ãRD MO with + + + between and quatrefoil of



125. g 1,49 (some corrosion) 23,3 mm 90° inv. 3204/145

Manna


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ M@N M / ONET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


126. g 1,52 22,9 mm 225° inv. 3205/146


88


Oda


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ODO / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


127. g 1,33 (chipped) 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3207/148

Oslac


O/ +EADVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OçLA6 / MÖNE with + + + between and pellet above and

below


128. g 1,52 22,9 mm 0° inv. 3208/149

Pastor


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ PãçT / OR MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


129. g 1,54 22,9 mm 90° inv. 3210/151


89


Pitit


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ PITIT / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



131. g 1,44 (chipped) 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3214/155 O/ +[E]@DVVE@RD REX

Same obv. die as 130

“Reinferth (?)”

Penny, silver mint: uncertain (possibly irregular)

O/ +EãDVVEãRD RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ REèEN / FRETIã with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. - (Late II?); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 659; de Rossi 1884, no. 45

132. g 1,58 22,5 mm 180° inv. 3194/135


90


Reinulf


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below


133. g 1,46 21,3 mm 270° inv. 3216/167

134. g 1,52 21 mm 90° inv. 3216/159 Same dies as 135

135. g 1,20 (chipped and broken) 21,1 mm 90° inv. 3216/166 O/ [+]EADVVEARD REX

Same dies as 134


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below


136. g 1,48 21,9 mm 90° inv. 3216/161


91



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below


137. g 1,52 22,2 mm 180° inv. 3216/168


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 248iv (Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 61

138. g 1,26 (chipped) 22,4 mm 180° inv. 3216/169

139. g 1,48 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3215/157




92



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 248iv (Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 61


143. g 1,32 (chipped) 21,9 mm 90° inv. 3216/162 O/ +[E@]DVVE@RD REX

Same dies as 142


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


144. g 1,52 22,7 mm 0° inv. 3216/158

145. g 1,57 (broken) 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3214/156 and inv. 3216/170 O/ [+E]@DVVE@RD RE[X] R/ RÄèE[N] / VLF M[O]


93



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MÖ with + + + between, cross above and



146. g 1,34 (clipped?) 20,8 mm 180° inv. 3216/165

Rihard


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RIH@ / RD MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below


147. g 1,54 23,2 mm 180° inv. 3217/171

Samsun


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ç@Mç / VN MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. - (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 63

148. g 1,49 22,1 mm 200° inv. 3218/172


94



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ç@Mç / VN MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below


149. g 1,54 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3219/173

Sprov Penny, silver mint: Wessex

O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ çPROV / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 269 (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 64

150. g 1,49 23,3 mm 0° inv. 3222/176


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ çPROV / MONE with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 268 (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 64

151. g 1,47 22,8 mm 180° inv. 3221/175


95



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ çPROV / MÖNE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


152. g 1,39 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3220/174

Thorlakr


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 5VRL / ã6 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


153. g 1,53 23,1 mm 180° inv. 3161/89


O/ +EãDVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 5VRL / A6 MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


154. g 1,60 23,5 mm 225° inv. 3162/90


96


Tila


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TIL@ M / ONET@ with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 276ii (Wessex, Middle II/London, Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 66



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TIL@ M / ONET@ with + + + between, pellet above (?) and


Bibl.: CTCE, no. 277 (Wessex, Middle II/London, Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 66

156. g 1,49 22,1 mm 90° inv. 3224/178


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TIL@ M / ONET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 277ii (Wessex, Late I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 66




97



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TIL@ M / ÖNET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 277iii (Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 66

159. g 1,24 (chipped) 21,8 mm 180° inv. 3226/187 O/ +E[ADV]VEARD REX


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TILã M / ONETA with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 277ii (Late III); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 66




O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TIL@ M / ÖNETã with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


162. g 1,57 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3226/184


98



O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TIL@ M / ONETã with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




Tuda

Penny, silver mint: east midlands (?)

O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TVD0 / MONE with + + + between


165. g 1,62 21,9 mm 0° inv. 3238/204

Wealdhelm


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVEãL / DELM MO with + + + between and trefoil of





99




O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVEãLD / ËLM MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of





170. g 1,38 (chipped) 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3230/195

171. g 1,40 23,2 mm 180° inv. 3230/196 Probably overstruck


100


Weard


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVIã+ / ERD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


172. g 1,51 23,1 mm 180° inv. 3234/200

Willuf


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVIL / LVF M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


173. g 1,54 22,7 mm 270° inv. 3232/199

Winegar


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æINEè / E@R MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


174. g 1,24 (chipped) 22,4 mm 270° inv. 3211/152 O/ [+EADV]VEARD REX


101


175. g 1,46 (chipped) 22,7 mm 180° inv. 3212/153

Wulfheard


O/ +E0DVVE0RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLF / ãRD MO with + + + between

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 299 (Early I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 71

176. g 1,50 21,5 mm 200° inv. 3235/201


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFË / ARD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 301ii (Late I/Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 71



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFË / @RD MÖ with + + + between and pellet above

and below




102



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFË / ARD MÖ with + + + between and pellet above

and below


179. g 1,57 22,8 mm 270° inv. 3237/203


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFË / ARD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Wulfræd


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLF / RED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


181. g 1,58 23,0 mm 90° inv. 3240/207


103


Wulfsige


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFç / IèE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below



Irregular issues


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ETILA3 / ONE¾@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, pp. 53-4 (Late II or after?); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 66

183. g 1,50 23,2 mm 270° inv. 3179/110


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EBEIO / bEOM with + + + between and uncertain devices

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, pp. 53-4 (Late II or after?); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 38 and 83

184. g 1,40 (fragment) 23,2 mm 270° inv. 3226/190 bis and inv. 3253/220


104



O/ +ERDRãEVVDDã around inner circle containing crossR/ EEEEO / EEEEO (lower half retrograde) with + + + between

and trefoil of pellets above and below


185. g 1,56 23,4 mm 90° inv. 3243/210


O/ +EIãDVVEãR RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ OEOIÎ / DEVO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


186. g 1,41 23,6 mm 0° inv. 3244/211


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OEOIÎ / DEVO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, pp. 53-4 (Late II or after)?); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 75

187. g 1,27 22,3 mm 0° inv. 3245/212


105



O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OHÎÊ (retrograde) / IãEDO with + + + between and trefoil

of pellets above and below


188. g 1,60 23,5 mm 0° inv. 3246/213


O/ +VDVVEãRD RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ÊÎÊÊ (retrograde) / IEDMO with + + + between and trefoil

of pellets above and below


189. g 1,25 22,5 mm 270° inv. 3247/214


O/ +ERDVVEãRD EX (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

R/ EDàÖR / ÊÎÖIÊ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


190. g 1,43 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3248/215


106



O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DEWO / BVÖE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


191. g 1,64 23,5 mm 270° inv. 3249/216


O/ +EVDVVEãRD RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ÊÖIÊ» / EIÖIVO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


192. g 1,51 23,0 mm 90° inv. 3251/218


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ÙãEIO / ÊODÊ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


193. g 1,28 22,8 mm 270° inv. 3252/219


107



O/ […]EãDVVIã[…]around inner circle containing crossR/ […]M / OI6[…] with + + + between and uncertain devices

above and below

Bibl.: de Rossi 1884, no. -

194. g 0,50 (fragment) 17,5 mm 3139/63 bis and inv. 3239/206

Uncertain moneyer


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ uncertain inscription in two lines

Bibl.: de Rossi 1884, no. 83a

195. g 1,13 (several corroded fragments) 21,5 mm inv. 3254/221

Bust Diademed type

Beagræd


O/ +EADVVEARD REX around inner circle containing draped and diademed bust left

R/ BE@H / RED MO with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below


196. g 1,53 (chipped) 23,3 mm 250° inv. 3132/49


108



O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing draped and diademed bust left

R/ BE@H / RED MO with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below


197. g 1,39 (chipped) 23,3 mm 90° inv. 3134/51 O/ +E@DVVE@RD RE[X]

Beagstan



R/ BEAHç / TAN MO with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below


198. g 1,55 (chipped) 23,6 mm 180° inv. 3135/52

Deorweald



R/ DEORV / VALD MO with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above and cross below




109


Eadwulf (?)



R/ EAVVLF / MONETA with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below


200. g 1,45 (chipped and broken) 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3170/100 O/ +EADVVEARD R[E]X

Ealhlaf (?)



R/ ELLAF / MONETA with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below



202. g 1,43 (chipped) 23,6 mm 180° inv. 3177/108 O/ +EADVVEA[R]D REX


110


Garheard



R/ èARE / ARD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


203. g 1,59 (slightly chipped) 23,3 mm 0° inv. 3184/122 Same obv. die as BMC, no. 81

Grimweald



R/ èRIMæ / @LD MO with + + + between, cross above and trefoil of pellets below


204. g 1,55 22,1 mm 170° inv. 3190/130

Igere



R/ IèERE / MONETA with + + + between, unknown device above and trefoil of pellets below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 29 (Late II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 651; de Rossi 1884, no. -

205. g 1,08 (badly chipped) 21,1 mm 180° inv. 3198/139 O/ +E@[DVVE@RD R]EX R/ [I]èER[E] / MONETA


111


Landbeorht


O/ +EADVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing draped and diademed bust right

R/ LÖNDB / RIHT MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and below



Leofhelm



R/ LIÖFH / ELM MO with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below


207. g 1,57 22,5 mm 90° inv. 3203/144

Si(ge)gar



R/ çIèAR / MONETA with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below


208. g 1,39 23,0 mm 180° inv. 3223/177


112


Tila



R/ TIL@ M / ONET@ with + + + between, cross flanked by trefoils of pellets above and trefoil of pellets below


209. g 1,31 (badly chipped and in several fragments) 21,4 mm 270° inv. 3226/189

O/ +E@DV[V]E@RD REX

Wulfræd


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing draped and diademed bust left

R/ VVLF+ / RED with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


210. g 1,40 (chipped) 20,6 mm 270° inv. 3241/208

Irregular issues

Penny, silver mint: East Anglia

O/ +EãDVVEãRD RE+ around inner circle containing crude draped and diademed bust left

R/ IIEãNR / HHã3 with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, pp. 53-4 (Late II or after?); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 653 var.; de Rossi 1884, no. 48

211. g 1,34 23,0 mm 0° inv. 3192/133


113



O/ XEãDVVEãRD RE+ around inner circle containing crude draped and diademed bust right

R/ 3EIOIR / OIIEI6I with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, pp. 53-4 (Late II or after?); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 653/1; de Rossi 1884, no. 80

212. g 1,30 (chipped) 22,8 mm 270° inv. 3250/217


O/ +E@DVVE@RD REX around inner circle containing crude draped and diademed bust left

R/ IèERE / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, pp. 53-4 (Late II or after?); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 651; de Rossi 1884, no. -

213. g 0,82 (badly chipped) 20,1 mm 0° inv. 3196/137 O/ +E@DVV[E@RD REX] R/ IèER[E] / MONE

“Exceptional” reverse types

Boiga


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BOIèã with floral motif on three steps above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 330c (Middle II); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 659; de Rossi 1884, no. 19

214. g 1,35 21,6 mm 0° inv. 3147/71


114

215 - 217 Edward the Elder (899–924) Æthelstan (924/5-39)

Catalogue

Eadmund


O/ +E@DVVEARD REX (Vs upside-down @) around inner circle containing cross

R/ E0 / DV / ¹ / ND arranged on either side of a tower or reliquary with cross below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 320f (Middle I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 666; de Rossi 1884, no. 29

215. g 1,33 21,2 mm 90° inv. 3165/93

Oswulf


O/ +EãDVVEãRD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OçVLF with floral spray above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 329d (Middle I); Lyon 2001; North 1994, no. 649; de Rossi 1884, no. 57

216. g 1,56 20,8 mm 90° inv. 3209/150

Æthelstan (924/5-39)

Two-Line/Horizontal type

AbbaPenny, silver mint: west midlands (Chester ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ãBBã / MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 7; North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 84

217. g 1,55 23,2 mm 90° inv. 3255/222


115

Æthelstan (924/5-39) 218 - 221Catalogue

218. g 1,32 (chipped) 23,1 mm 90° inv. 3256/223

Abonel

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Hertford or Maldon ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ãBÖ / NEL with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below


219. g 1,45 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3257/224

Ælfheah (?)

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Kent/Sussex)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ @LFE@ / V MON with + + + between, cross above and

annulet below


220. g 1,28 22,6 mm 90° inv. 3266/233

221. g 1,43 23,1 mm 270° inv. 3267/234


116

222 - 225 Æthelstan (924/5-39)Catalogue

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Kent/Sussex)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ãLFEã / V MON with + + + between, cross above and

annulet below




Ælfræd

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Wareham ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ÄLFR / ED MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


224. g 1,59 22,8 mm 45° inv. 3263/230

Ælfstan (?)3

Penny, silver mint: southern England (London ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +ÄLFç / TAN MO (?) with + + + between and trefoil of


Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 10 var.; North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. -

225. g 1,28 (two fragments, small part missing) 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3357/339 and inv. 3392/374

R/ +Ä [L]Fç / T@N [M]O (?)

3 The badly worn reverse of this coin is difficult to make out: the moneyer attribution is therefore uncertain.


117


Æthelferth

Penny, silver mint: southern England (London dies ?)

O/ +E5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELF / ER5 MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


226. g 1,31 23,2 mm 0° inv. 3259/226

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Canterbury ?)

O/ +E5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E5ELFR / E5 MON with between and pellet above and below


227. g 1,38 22,5 mm 90° inv. 3260/227

Æthelsige


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELç / IèE MON with + + + between and cross above

and below


228. g 1,63 23,7 mm 180° inv. 3262/229


118



O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E5ELçIè / E MONE with + + + between, trefoil of pellets

above and pellet below


229. g 1,57 22,5 mm 270° inv. 3292/259

Æthelwulf

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Winchester ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ A5EL+ / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


230. g 1,55 22,1 mm 180° inv. 3258/225

Are


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE around inner circle containing crossR/ ãRE M / O3ETã with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 370 (NE I); North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 95

231. g 1,48 21,7 mm 90° inv. 3270/237 Same obv. die as 232; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 199


119



O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE around inner circle containing crossR/ @RE M / ÖNETã with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Arnulf (?)


O/ Ä5ELçTaN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ãENL / F MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


233. g 1,22 21,9 mm 180° inv. 3265/232

Beagræd


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEAH / RED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


234. g 1,60 23,2 mm 180° inv. 3273/240


120



Belci


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE around inner circle containing crossR/ BELCI / MÖ3ET with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


236. g 1,43 22,46 mm 270° inv. 3275/242

Beorhtric


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIORHT / RI6 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above


237. g 1,55 22,5 mm 90° inv. 3280/247

Beorhtweald


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIORHT / æ@LD MO with + + + between and trefoil of



238. g 1,41 (broken and repaired) 23,6 mm 270° inv. 3281/248


121


Beorngar


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BERN / èAR MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


239. g 1,31 22,5 mm 270° inv. 3278/246

Beornheard (?)

Penny, silver mint: west midlands (Chester ?)

O/ +E5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEOR / ãRD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


240. g 1,55 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3276/243


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEORA / ãRD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


241. g 1,48 (chipped) 23,2 mm 315° inv. 3277/244


122


Beornhyge


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEORN / hV6 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 27 (but style variant of NE I); North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 100

242. g 1,39 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3278/245

Burghelm

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Canterbury dies ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BVRHEL / M MO¯ with + + + between, trefoil of pellets



243. g 1,28 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3282/249

Coenbeorht

Penny, silver mint: west midlands (Shrewsbury ?)

O/ +E5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 6ENBR / EHT MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


244. g 1,52 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3283/250


123


Cynewulf


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 6VNV / LF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


245. g 1,47 24,3 mm 270° inv. 3285/252

Dominic


O/ Ä5ELçTaN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DOMI / NIC M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


246. g 1,28 21,7 mm 270° inv. 3286/253 Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 211


O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DÖMEN / CEç MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


247. g 1,47 22,4 mm 270° inv. 3294/261


124


Dryhtweald


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DRyHT / VãLD MO with + + + between and trefoil of





O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DRyHT / VãLD MO with + + + between, trefoil of pellets



249. g 1,40 22,8 mm 0° inv. 3301/268

Durand


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE around inner circle containing crossR/ DVRI / ãNT with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below


250. g 1,45 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3290/270


125


Eadmund

Penny, silver mint: west midlands (Chester or Shrewsbury ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EãDM / V3D with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


251. g 1,47 (chipped) 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3287/254


O/ +E5ELSTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EãDMV / ND MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


252. g 1,59 (chipped) 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3291/258


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RRI around inner circle containing crossR/ EãDW / V3D with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


253. g 1,49 22,4 mm 315° inv. 3299/273


126


Ealhlaf (?)


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ELLAF / MÖNETA with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


254. g 1,53 23,2 mm 90° inv. 3308/277

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Wessex dies ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E6LãF / MÖNE with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above

and pellet below


255. g 1,30 (chipped) 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3309/272 Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 18

Eardwulf

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Oxford (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing cross R/ EARD / VLF MO with + + + between, quatrefoil of pellets

above and unknown device below


256. g 1,02 (broken into several fragments) 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3288/255 and inv. 3299/266

O/ [+Ä]5ELçTã[N REX]


127


Earnwulf


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EARNV / LF MONE with + + + between and trefoil of



257. g 1,20 22,4 mm 270° inv. 3289/256

258. g 1,35 23,2 mm 270° inv. 3302/263

Penny, silver mint: southern England (dies of uncertain origin)

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ E@RNV / LF MOIE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


259. g 1,21 23,8 mm 90° inv. 3293/260

Eoformund

Penny, silver mint: west midlands (Shrewsbury ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãNE REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EFER / MVD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


260. g 1,36 21,9 mm 90° inv. 3305/275


128


Fram


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRãM / MONÖ with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above

and quatrefoil of pellets below


261. g 1,40 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3310/276

Frithubeorht

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Southampton (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FRI5EB / RIHT MO with + + + between, trefoil of pellets

above and cross below


262. g 1,54 (slightly chipped) 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3311/278 Same dies as 263; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 19

263. g 1,53 21,7 mm 180° inv. 3312/279 Same dies as 262; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 19


129


Fugol


O/ Ä5ELçTaN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FVèEL / MONET with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above

and cross below




O/ Ä5ELçTaN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 6VèELI / MÖNN with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


265. g 1,41 21,8 mm 90° inv. 3284/251

266. g 1,54 21,7 mm 0° inv. 3288/271

Fulrad


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FVLR@ (@ inverted) / D MÖNE with + + + between, cross

above and trefoil of pellets below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. - (NE II); North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 126

267. g 1,55 23,7 mm 90° inv. 3314/281


130


Garwulf


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èARV / LF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


268. g 1,53 (chipped) 22,9 mm 180° inv. 3315/282

269. g 1,58 (chipped) 23,7 mm 190° inv. 3316/283

Gota


O/ Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èOTã / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


270. g 1,59 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3317/284


O/ Ä5ELçTN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èOT0 / MO3E with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




131



O/ Ä5ELçTA RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ gOTã / MONà with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


272. g 1,48 22,6 mm 180° inv. 3318/285

Grimweald


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIMæ / ALD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


273. g 1,62 22,5 mm 225° inv. 3320/287

“Herebeau”


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX (NR ligatured) around inner circle containing cross

R/ ËREBE / ãV MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


274. g 1,36 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3323/290


132




R/ HEREBE / ãV MON with + + + between and pellet above and below


275. g 1,32 23,0 mm 90° inv. 3321/288


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ËREBE / ãV MO with + + + between, trefoil below

(apparently with annulet engraved over trefoil) and uncertain device above


276. g 1,32 24,0 mm 0° inv. 3322/289


O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ËREBE / ãV MON with + + + between, cross flanked by

pellets above and pellet below


277. g 1,25 21,6 mm 270° inv. 3324/291


Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) York. Bust Crowned penny of York style (obverse, cat. no. 575)

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) Southern England (Shaftesbury, Wessex dies?). Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 581)

Plate VIII


Plate IX

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) Southern England (Dover, Canterbury dies?). Bust Crowned penny (obverse, cat. no. 587)

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) East midlands. Bust Crowned penny of east midlands style (obverse, cat. no. 591)


133


Heremod

Penny, silver mint: west midlands (Gloucester ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HERE / MOD ¹ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Hildebeorht


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ILDE / BERT with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 66 (but style NE I variant); North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 135

279. g 1,52 22,6 mm 90° inv. 3329/296

Hrothheard


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RO5H / ARD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


280. g 1,27 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3365/347


134


Igere


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +IèERE / MONETA with + + + between, cross above and

uncertain device below


281. g 1,54 (chipped) 23,2 mm 90° inv. 3327/294 and inv. 3357/339 bis Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 22

Incgelbert/Engelbert


O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ I36èE / àBERT with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


282. g 1,30 21,2 mm 90° inv. 3330/297

Inga


O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ INèã / MÖNE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




135



Iohann

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Chichester (Canterbury dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ IOHãN / N MO¯ with + + + between, trefoil of pellets



285. g 1,42 21,5 mm 270° inv. 3334/301


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ IOHãN / N MO¯ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


286. g 1,40 22,6 mm 180° inv. 3335/302


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ IOHãN / N MON with + + + between and pellet above and

below


287. g 1,40 22,6 mm 180° inv. 3333/300


136



O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ IÖNãN / 3 MO¯ with + + + between and pellet above

and below



Klakkr


O/ Ä5ELçT`N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 6LA6 / MONE with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above

and pellet below



290. g 1,56 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3286/274

Landuc


O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ L@ND / VE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


291. g 1,58 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3337/304


137



O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ L@ND / V6 MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


292. g 1,54 22,5 mm 90° inv. 3338/305 Same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 221


O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ L@ND / VC MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




Leofhelm


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ LIOFH / ELM MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 72 (but style of NE II); North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 140

295. g 1,35 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3339/306


138


Litelman


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ LITIL / M@N with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below


296. g 1,30 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3340/307 Same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 222

Mæthelbeorht/Æthelbeorht


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ BHHT / M ã5EL with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


297. g 1,35 23,5 mm 270° inv. 3326/293

Manna (I)


O/ +5ELçTAN REX (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

R/ Mã3 / 3ã MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below




139


Manna (II)

Penny, silver mint: southern England (copy of London dies ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ M@N M / ONET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


299. g 1,51 23,2 mm 90° inv. 3342/309

Nother


O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ NO5E / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


300. g 1,58 22,5 mm 90° inv. 3343/310


O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ NO5E / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




140



O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ NO5ER / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



303. g 1,41 21,3 mm180° inv. 3346/313 Same rev. die as 302

Oda


O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ODA M / ONET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


304. g 1,60 22,5 mm 90° inv. 3347/314


O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ÖDA M / ÖNET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


305. g 1,43 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3348/322


141



O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ODA M / ÖNET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



307. g 1,52 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3348/319 Same dies as 308; same obv. die as 306; same rev. die as 309

308. g 1,54 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3348/325 Same dies as 307; same obv. die as 306; same rev. die as 309



O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ODA M / ONET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




142


311. g 1,51 22,5 mm 80° inv. 3348/317 Same rev. die as 312 and SCBI 34, nos. 227-8

312. g 1,53 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3348/321 Same dies as SCBI 34, nos. 227-8; same rev. die as 311


O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ÖDA M / ÖNET@ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


313. g 1,67 22,7 mm 270° inv. 3348/318

314. g 1,42 22,6 mm 90° inv. 3348/324

315. g 1,38 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3348/323


143


Oswulf/Ásulfr


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE around inner circle containing crossR/ 0çVL / F NOD with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


316. g 1,39 22,5 mm 270° inv. 3272/239


O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ÖçVLF / MONETã with + + + between and trefoil of



317. g 1,55 22,2 mm 180° inv. 3350/326

Paulus


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ PãVL / Vç M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


318. g 1,64 22,8 mm 180° inv. 3351/327 Same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 28.


144


Pitit


O/ Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ PITIT / MÖNE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


319. g 1,51 22,7 mm 0° inv. 3358/340


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ PITIT / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


320. g 1,55 22,5 mm 0° inv. 3359/341

Reinulf

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Winchester (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RÄèEN / VLF MO with + + + between, trefoil of pellets

above and quatrefoil of pellets below



322. g 1,46 (fragment) 20,9 mm 270° inv. 3357/339 ter and inv. 3361/343


145


Rihard


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ RIHã / RD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




Sigebrand (?)


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ çIèEDR / VID MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 93 (but style NE II); North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 154

325. g 1,47 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3368/350

Sigeland

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Oxford (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ çIèEL / ãND M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




146


Penny, silver mint: southern England [Oxford (west midlands dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçTN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ çIèEL / ãND M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


327. g 1,33 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3370/352

“Sprohene” (?)


O/ Ä5ELçTãN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ çPRÖ / HENE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


328. g 1,36 21,4 mm 90° inv. 3371/353

Stefanus


O/ Ä5ELçT@N RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ çTEF / ANVç with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


329. g 1,64 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3372/354


147



O/ Ä5ELçT@N RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ãNVç / çTEF with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


330. g 1,51 22,7 mm 315° inv. 3373/355

Thorlakr


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 5VRL / ã6 MO with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


331. g 1,52 23,4 mm 45° inv. 3295/262

Tiotes


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ TIOTE / ç MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


332. g 1,53 22,6 mm 270° inv. 3374/356


148


Uf(l)ebeorht4


O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ VFLE / BãRT with + + + between and quatrefoil of pellets

above and below


333. g 1,32 21,9 mm 180° inv. 3375/357

Wealdhelm


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVEALD / HELM MO with + + + between and trefoil of



334. g 1,28 23,8 mm 330° inv. 3376/358



R/ VVEãLD / HELM MO with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above and pellet below


335. g 1,29 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3377/359

4 Or possibly Wulfbeorht.


149



O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVEãLD / ËLM MO (MM ligatured) with + + + between,

cross above and trefoil of pellets below

Bibl: Blunt 1974, no. 106; North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 160

336. g 1,33 22,1 mm 90° inv. 3378/360 Same obv. die as 337; possibly same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 37


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVEãLD / ËLM MO (MM ligatured) with + + + between

and pellet above and below



Wigmund

Penny, silver mint: west midlands (Stafford ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVIM / VND M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


338. g 1,34 (chipped and broken into several pieces) 22,1 mm 0° inv. 3381/364


150


Wilebeald

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Lewes (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVILEB / @LD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Wilric


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVILR: / 6 MO¯ with + + + between and pellet above and

below


340. g 1,32 22,3 mm 0° inv. 3381/363

Winele


O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æNE / àE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below




151



O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æINE / àE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


342. g 1,35 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3353/331 Same obv. die as 341 and 343


O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æNE / àE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below




O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æINE / àE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


344. g 1,52 22,7 mm 270° inv. 3353/329


152



O/ Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æINE / àE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æINE / LE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



347. g 1,44 (chipped) 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3355/333 Same rev. die as 346


O/ Ä5ELçTAN RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ æINE / LE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




153



O/ Ä5ELçT@N RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ æINE / LE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


349. g 1,44 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3355/335

350. g 1,50 22,4 mm 90° inv. 3355/336


O/ Ä5ELçT@N RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ æINE / àE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


351. g 1,49 22,4 mm 180° inv. 3355/337

Wulfgar


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFè / ãR MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and uncertain device below


352. g 0,96 (fragment) 22,2 mm 90° inv. 3385/367 O/ +Ä[5ELç]T@N REX

R/ VVLFè / [ãR M]O


154


Wulfheard

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Winchester (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFË / ãRD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


353. g 1,50 22,3 mm 200° inv. 3383/365

354. g 1,59 (chipped) 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3384/366 Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 39

Wulfsige

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Wareham (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing cross R/ VVLFç / IèE MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Wulfstan


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFç / T@N MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


356. g 1,25 (chipped) 22,7 mm 0° inv. 3388/370


155


Irregular issues


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

R/ LILF / ELD II with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


357. g 1,38 23,0 mm 180° inv. 3328/295


O/ +EDELTãN RE+ (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

R/ àEEL¾ / E3E6 with + + + between and various devices above and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. -; North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 169

358. g 1,36 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3389/371


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 5VRI / EBãI¹ with + + + between and cross above and

below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. - (style NE II); North 1994, no. 668; de Rossi 1884, no. 171?

359. g 1,14 22,7 mm 270° inv. 3386/368


156



O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 6IÖE3 / EàM MÖ with + + + between, cross above and





O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ 6IÖE3 / EàM MÖ with + + + between, cross above and




Circumscription / Two-Line / Horizontal mule

Rihard


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ RIHA / RD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 118; North 1994, no. -; de Rossi 1884, no. 151

362. g 1,50 21,9 mm 0° inv. 3364/346


157


Two-Line / Horizontal / Circumscription mule (with mint signature)

HERTFORD

Abonel

Penny, silver mint: Hertford

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +ABONÄL MON TO HIORTF5 around inner circle

containing cross

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 120; North 1994, no. 672 var.; de Rossi 1884, no. 211

363. g 1,41 22,8 mm 30° inv. 3459/454

LONDON

Ealhlaf (?)


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +ELLAF MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle containing

cross



Igere


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle broken by four pellets and containing cross

R/ +IèERE MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle broken by four pellets and containing cross


365. g 1,44 (chipped) 23,9 mm 270° inv. 3515/531


158


Wulfhelm


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing cross superimposed on annulet

R/ +æVLFHELM MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle containing cross superimposed on annulet


366. g 1,54 23,7 mm 300° inv. 3526/547

OXFORD

Sigeland

Penny, silver mint: Oxford

O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +çIèELãND MO OX VRB around inner circle containing

cross




O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +çIèELAND MO OX VRBIç around inner circle containing

cross




159


Circumscription type (with mint signature)

BATH

Beorhtwulf

Penny, silver mint: Bath

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRãNITI around inner circle containing cross

R/ +BIORHTVLF MON BãT 6IVITãE around inner circle containing cross


369. g 1,66 23,0 mm 0° inv. 3420/404

Herewis

Penny, silver mint: Bath

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX OT around inner circle containing crossR/ +HEREæIç MO BA5ãN around inner circle containing cross


370. g 1,27 21,8 mm 180° inv. 3419/403

BRIDPORT (?)

Wihtwulf

Penny, silver mint: Bridport ?

O/ +Ä5ELçT[…] RE[…]OT BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +æIHTV[…]O[…]B[…]IDIãN around inner circle containing cross


371. g 1,08 (chipped and broken in several pieces) 24,1 mm 0° inv. 3588/611


160


CANTERBURY

Æthelferth


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TÖ BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +E5ELFRE MÖ DÖR 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


372. g 1,44 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3441/426

Æthelsige


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX TÖ BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +Ä5ELçIèE MO DOR 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


373. g 1,44 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3432/417


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX TÖ BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +Ä5ELçIèE MÖ DOR 6I around inner circle containing cross


374. g 1,69 22,9 mm 225° inv. 3431/416


161


Manna


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +MãNNã MO DÖR 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


375. g 1,38 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3442/427

Torhthelm


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TÖ BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +TORHTELM MO DÖR 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


376. g 1,26 23,1 mm 315° inv. 3445/431

CHESTER

Abba

Penny, silver mint: Chester

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BR around inner circle containing cross

R/ +ãBBã MONIT LEèE 6 around inner circle containing cross


377. g 1,56 25,1 mm 0° inv. 3464/459


162



O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE TO BR LE around inner circle containing cross

R/ +ãBBã MOIN LEèE 6F around inner circle containing cross


378. g 1,45 (chipped) 23,5 mm 30° inv. 3466/461


O/ Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BR LE around inner circle containing cross

R/ +ãBBã MOINT LEèE EF around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


379. g 1,56 23,2 mm 240° inv. 3465/460

Beornheard


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BR around inner circle containing rosette of pellets and S

R/ +BEORãRD MON LEIE 6F around inner circle containing rosette of pellets




163


Cnapa


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BR around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +6NãPã MÖ LEIè 6F around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


381. g 1,62 22,9 mm 315° inv. 3495/470


O/ +E5ELçTãN RE+ TO BR around inner circle containing cross

R/ +ENãPã MON LEè 6FE around inner circle containing cross


382. g 1,55 22,4 mm 180° inv. 3474/469

Eadmund


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRN around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +EãDMVND MO LEIè 6 around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


383. g 1,59 22,4 mm 270° inv. 3469/464 Same obv. die as 384 and SCBI 34, no. 184



164



O/ Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRIE around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +EãDMVND MON LEIE6 around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


385. g 1,58 22,7 mm 165° inv. 3470/465


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRN around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +EãDMVND MO LEè 6F around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


386. g 1,59 24,2 mm 90° inv. 3472/467

Efrard


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BR around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +EFRãRD MON LEIè 6F around inner circle containing rosette of pellets




165




R/ +FRãRD MO LEIèE 6F around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


388. g 1,47 23,1 mm 90° inv. 3476/471 Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 186; same obv. die as 387

Mægenræd


O/ +E5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRI around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +MEèRED MO LEIã 6II around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


389. g 1,62 22,3 mm 0° inv. 3467/462

Mældomen



R/ +MÄLDOMEN MO LEè 6 around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


390. g 1,59 24,3 mm 200° inv. 3477/472


166


Martin


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRN around inner circle containing cross

R/ MÄRTENE MO LEèE 6F around inner circle containing cross


391. g 1,54 24,3 mm 0° inv. 3478/473

Oslac


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BR around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +ÖçLA6 MÖN LEèE 6 around inner circle containing rosette of pellets




O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRIE around inner circle containing cross

R/ +OçLã6 MONET LEIE 6F around inner circle containing rosette of pellets




167


Paulus


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BR around inner circle containing cross

R/ +PãVLEç MO LEèE 6IF around inner circle containing cross


394. g 1,65 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3481/476

395. g 1,58 23,3 mm 345° inv. 3482/477

Salc(es)


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRIT (ãN ligatured) around inner circle containing cross

R/ +çãL6Eç MO LEè 6FI around inner circle containing cross


396. g 1,43 24,0 mm 90° inv. 3483/478

Sigeferth


O/ Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRIE around inner circle containing crossR/ +çIèEFER5 MO3 IEèE 6F around inner circle containing cross


397. g 1,27 (chipped) 22,6 mm 270° inv. 3484/479


168



Weard


O/ +E5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRIEN around inner circle containing crossR/ +VVIãRD MONETã LEIE 6 around inner circle containing cross


399. g 1,51 22,8 mm 200° inv. 3487/482


O/ +E5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRIEN around inner circle containing crossR/ +VVIãRD MONET LEè 6F around inner circle containing rosette

of pellets


400. g 1,38 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3488/483

Wulfstan



R/ +VVLFçTAN MO LEIè around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


401. g 1,41 (chipped) 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3486/481


169


CHICHESTER

Iohann

Penny, silver mint: Chichester

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +IOHãN MO 6VççãN 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


402. g 1,50 22,4 mm 90° inv. 3422/406

DERBY

Boiga

Penny, silver mint: Derby

O/ +E5ELçTãN RE çXVOM around inner circle containing cross

R/ +BIèã MOTET DEORãIVI around inner circle containing cross and M


403. g 1,45 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3427/411

Si(ge)gar

Penny, silver mint: Derby

O/ +E5ELçTãN REX çãXORVM around inner circle containing cross

R/ +çIHãREç MON DEORãBVI around inner circle containing cross


404. g 1,62 22,5 mm 0° inv. 3426/410


170


EXETER

Abun

Penny, silver mint: Exeter

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TOT BRI around inner circle containing cross

R/ +ãBVN MO EãX 6IVITã around inner circle containing cross


405. g 1,47 23,1 mm 90° inv. 3446/432

Reinald



R/ +RÄèENOLD MÖ EãXãNIÄ 6IV around inner circle containing cross and pellet





171



O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TÖT BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +RÄèENOLD MÖ EãXãNIÄ 6IV around inner circle containing cross




LANGPORT

Beorhthelm

Penny, silver mint: Langport

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO B around inner circle containing cross

R/ +ByRHTELM MO LãNèPORT around inner circle containing cross


410. g 1,55 23,2 mm 90° inv. 3462/457


172


Wynsige

Penny, silver mint: Langport


R/ +VVyNçIèE MO LONèPORT around inner circle containing cross



LEICESTER

Thorstein

Penny, silver mint: Leicester


R/ +5VRçTãN MO+ TO LI6 6VI around inner circle containing cross


412. g 1,45 22,4 mm 90° inv. 3563/585 Same dies as 413 and SCBI 34, no. 83; same rev. die as 414

413. g 1,46 23,1 mm 90° inv. 3564/586 Same dies as 412 and SCBI 34, no. 83; same rev. die as 414


173


Penny, silver mint: Leicester

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +5VRçTãN MO+ TO LI6 6VI around inner circle containing cross


414. g 1,37 22,3 mm 0° inv. 4565/587 Same rev. die as 412-13 and SCBI 34, no. 83

LONDON

Æthelræd


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +Æ5ERED LVND 6IVITT around inner circle containing cross


415. g 1,43 22,0 mm 270° inv. 3489/484

Beagræd


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +BEAHRED MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle

containing cross


416. g 1,59 22,6 mm 45° inv. 3498/502 Same dies as 417 and SCBI 34, no. 84


174


417. g 1,52 (slightly chipped) 23,2 mm 45° inv. 3499/503 Same dies as 416 and SCBI 34, no. 84

Beorhtric


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +BIÖRHTR6 MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle

containing cross


418. g 1,31 23,8 mm 270° inv. 3502/513

Ealhlaf (?)


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +ELLAF MONETA LVND 6IVITT around inner circle

containing cross


419. g 1,53 23,4 mm 90° inv. 3505/518

Heahwulf (?)


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +EAæLF MONETA LVND 6IVITT around inner circle

containing cross


420. g 1,49 22,5 mm 250° inv. 3511/524


175


Igere


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle broken by four pellets and containing cross

R/ +IèERE MONETA LVND 6IVITT around inner circle broken by four pellets and containing cross




O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle broken by four pellets and containing cross

R/ +IèERE MONETA LVND 6IVITT around inner circle containing cross




Leofhelm


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +LIOFHELM MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle containing cross




176


NOTTINGHAM

Æthelnoth

Penny, silver mint: Nottingham

O/ +E5ELNOÞ ON çNOTEN6ENãFI around inner circle containing cross5

R/ +E5ELNOÞ ON çNOTEN6ENãFI around inner circle containing cross


425. g 1,44 (slightly chipped) 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3772/828 Same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 90

OXFORD

Ingelri

Penny, silver mint: Oxford ?

O/ +EDIT3ãLEI+ around inner circle containing cross6

R/ +INèELRI5 ON OX VRBI around inner circle containing cross

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 199; North 1994, no. 672; de Rossi 1884, no. 401(?)

426. g 1,32 23,0 mm 270° inv. 3773/830

Mathelweald


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +Mã5ELæãLD MO OX VRBIç around inner circle

containing cross



5 This coin is struck from two reverse dies.6 Obverse possibly irregular.


177



SHAFTESBURY

Æthelwine

Penny, silver mint: Shaftesbury


R/ +Ä5ELVVINE MO ç6EFTEç around inner circle containing cross


429. g 1,62 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3559/581 Same die as SCBI 34, no. 94

SHREWSBURY

Beorhthelm

Penny, silver mint: Shrewsbury


R/ +BERHTELMO ç6ROB around inner circle containing cross


430. g 1,38 (chipped) 22,9 mm 90° inv. 3558/580 R/ +BER[HT]EL[MO] ç6ROB


178


Coenbeorht



R/ +6ENBERHT MO ç6ROB around inner circle containing cross


431. g 1,61 23,0 mm 180° inv. 3552/574

Ecgheard


O/ +E5ELçTãN RE+ TO BR around inner circle containing cross

R/ +E6èHERD MONE ç6R around inner circle containing cross


432. g 1,39 (chipped) 23,4 mm 270° inv. 3553/575 O/ +E[5]ELçTãN RE+ TO BR

R/ +E6[è]HERD MONE ç6R

Eoformund


O/ +E5ELçTãN RE+ TO BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +EOFRMVND ç6ROB around inner circle containing cross


433. g 1,38 21,5 mm 90° inv. 3554/576


179


Frotger


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TÖ BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +FROàèER MO ç6ROB around inner circle containing cross


434. g 1,50 22,3 mm 0° inv. 3555/577

435. g 1,60 24,5 mm 0° inv. 3556/578

Wulflaf


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +VVLãF MO ç6ROB around inner circle containing cross


436. g 1,54 23,9 mm 0° inv. 3557/579

SOUTHAMPTON

Eadgild

Penny, silver mint: Southampton

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +E@DèILD MO HãNTVN VRB around inner circle

containing cross




180


STAFFORD

Eardwulf

Penny, silver mint: Stafford


R/ +EãRDVLF MO çTE5 around inner circle containing cross


438. g 1,55 23,5 mm 0° inv. 3560/582


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRT around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +EãRDVLF MO çTEF around inner circle containing rosette of pellets


439. g 1,55 22,9 mm 90° inv. 3561/583

Wihtmund


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BR around inner circle containing cross

R/ +VVIHTèMVND MO çT around inner circle containing cross and annulet


440. g 1,54 23,3 mm 0° inv. 3562/584


181


TOTNES (?)

Beorhtwulf

Penny, silver mint: Totnes ?

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +BIORHTVLF MO DãRENT VRB around inner circle

containing cross



WARWICK (?)

Manthegn (?)

Penny, silver mint: Warwick ?

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BR around inner circle containing crossR/ +MÖNFãèN MÖ IN VR around inner circle containing cross


442. g 1,45 23,1 mm 270° inv. 3582/605

WINCHESTER

Æthelwulf

Penny, silver mint: Winchester

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TOT BRI around inner circle containing crossR/ +ã5VLF MÖ VVIN 6IVIT around inner circle containing

cross and second small cross


443. g 1,57 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3566/588 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 5a


182


444. g 1,52 22,5 mm 0° inv. 3567/589 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 6b

Amelric


O/ +E5ELçTAN REX TO BRI around inner circle containing crossR/ +ãMELRI6 MO VVIN 6IVIT around inner circle containing

cross, and small trefoil of pellets



YORK

Ragnaldr

Penny, silver mint: York

O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNãLD MO EFÖRæIC around inner circle containing cross


446. g 1,34 23,5 mm 90° inv. 3454/440


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing cross and annulet

R/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing cross


447. g 1,39 21,2 mm 90° inv. 3455/441


183



O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing

cross and trefoil of pellets


448. g 1,60 23,0 mm 135° inv. 3455/442


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing cross and C

R/ +REèNãLD MO EFÖRæIC around inner circle containing cross


449. g 1,40 22,4 mm 120° inv. 3455/443


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNã¾D MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing cross


450. g 1,47 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3455/444


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing cross and trefoil of pellets

R/ +REè3ã¾D MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing cross


451. g 1,78 23,3 mm 270° inv. 3455/445


184



O/ +E5LçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing

cross surrounded by quatrefoil of pellets


452. g 1,35 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3455/447


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIIá around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNã¾D MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing

cross surrounded by quatrefoil of pellets


453. g 1,52 23,0 mm 0° inv. 3455/448


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNã¾D MO EFORI around inner circle containing cross


454. g 1,21 21,2 mm 330° inv. 3455/449


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing cross surrounded by quatrefoil of pellets

R/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing cross


455. g 1,41 22,4 mm 180° inv. 3455/450


185



O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing cross



Penny, silver7 mint: York

O/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing cross


457. g 1,18 (badly chipped) 22,4 mm 170° 3288/255 bis and inv. 3458/453 Obv. die is the same as rev. of 458; same rev. die as 456


O/ +E5LçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæIC around inner circle containing cross


458. g 1,26 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3455/446 Rev. die is the same as obv. of 457


O/ +E5ELçTãN REX TO BRIà around inner circle containing crossR/ +REèNãLD MO EFORæC around inner circle containing cross


459. g 1,52 23,4 mm 75° inv. 3457/452

7 This coin is struck from two reverse dies.


186


UNCERTAIN

Irregular issue with “Derby” mint signature

Penny, silver mint: “Derby”

O/ +E5ELXTã3 REX IBIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +T3VMMET DEDRãEV around inner circle containing cross




Irregular issue with “London” mint signature

Penny, silver mint: “London”

O/ +E5ELçTã3 RE+ TOT BàIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +EàE MO3Tã LV3D 6OT around inner circle containing cross


462. g 1,25 22,4 mm 90° inv. 3507/520


O/ +E5IïTLã3 RE+ TOT BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +E6E MONET0 LV3D 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross




187



O/ +EDIçITãHT+ TOT BRIT around inner circle containing cross and pellet

R/ +EIE NONET0 LVNER around inner circle containing cross and pellet


464. g 1,30 22,0 mm 300° inv. 3509/522


O/ +E5EçTANRE+ TOT BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +EàE MONETã LVND 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


465. g 1,52 22,5 mm 180° inv. 3510/523


O/ +Ä5LçTãN RE+ TOT BRIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +àF MONETA LVND 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


466. g 1,49 23,1 mm 180° inv. 3521/538


188


Circumscription type (without mint signature)

Reinhere (?)8


O/ +EDELçT0N RE+ IO around inner circle containing crossR/ REIHERE ME FECIT (ME ligatured) around inner circle

containing cross


467. g 1,50 (chipped) 22,1 mm 0° inv. 3452/438

Irregular issue with uncertain reverse inscription


O/ +Ä5E@LçT@RDET around inner circle containing crossR/ +TEãTDãEOETRNãIT around inner circle containing cross


468. g 1,28 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3583/606


O/ +E5ELçT@çR+OBP around inner circle containing crossR/ +RãPOIIEFEICTVBT around inner circle containing cross


469. g 1,63 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3585/608 Same rev. die as Blunt 1974, no. 463

8 Possibly irregular.


189



O/ +EI5TãN REX TO + E around inner circle containing crossR/ +ERIãNIÖIDIRBEÖ around inner circle containing cross


470. g 1,24 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3586/609


O/ +E5EIZTVM+IÖ BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +TVIEREVVMEFRIV around inner circle containing cross


471. g 1,55 23,5 mm 180° inv. 3587/610


O/ Ä5ELçTãN RE+ TO around inner circle containing crossR/ +EDEILDIIOãIIEO around inner circle containing cross


472. g 1,54 22,6 mm 0° inv. 3589/612


O/ +ELçTã3R6Vã+OR around inner circle containing crossR/ +EDLçTV3RLVEO+OR around inner circle containing cross


473. g 1,14 22,1 mm 0° inv. 3591/613


190


Circumscription / Bust Crowned mule (without mint signature)

Æthelmund

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Oxford or Wallingford ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BRIT around inner circle containing cross, with second small cross below

R/ +A5ELMVND MONE around inner circle containing cross


474. g 1,47 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3393/375

Cyneweald


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX TOT BRIT around inner circle containing crossR/ +6YNEæALD MO around inner circle containing cross



Bust type (with mint signature)

CANTERBURY

Ælfric


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +ÄLFRI6 MO DOR 6IV around inner circle containing cross




191




O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +ÄLFRI6 MO DOR 6IV around inner circle containing cross


478. g 1,21 21,2 mm 315° inv. 3434/419


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX (NR ligatured)around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +ELFRI6 MO DOR 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


479. g 1,56 22,8 mm 0° inv. 3435/420



R/ +ÄLFRI6 MÖ DÖR 6IVI around inner circle containing cross


480. g 1,54 21,2 mm 270° inv. 3440/425 Same dies as 481; same obv. die as 482 and SCBI 34, no. 123


192


481. g 1,47 21,3 mm 270° inv. 3437/422 Same dies as 480; same obv. die as 482 and SCBI 34, no. 123



R/ +ELFRI6 MONETã DO around inner circle containing cross


482. g 1,24 21,6 mm 90° inv. 3438/423 Same obv. die as 480-1 and SCBI 34, no. 123



R/ +ELFRI6 MO®OR 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross


483. g 1,40 22,2 mm 120° inv. 3439/424

Æthelsige



R/ +Ä5ELçIèE MÖ DÖR 6I around inner circle containing cross


484. g 1,64 21,2 mm 90° inv. 3429/413


193



486. g 1,46 21,3 mm 180° inv. 3428/412 Same dies as 487; same rev. die as 485

487. g 1,76 21,6 mm 0° inv. 3430/415 Same dies as 486; same rev. die as 485

Torhthelm



R/ +TORHTELM MO DÖR 6 around inner circle containing cross



489. g 1,34 21,1 mm 270° inv. 3443/428 Same dies as 490 and SCBI 34, no. 124; same obv. die as 605 and SCBI

34, no. 173; same rev. die as 488


194


490. g 1,19 20,8 mm 270° inv. 3444/430 Same dies as 489 and SCBI 34, no. 124; same obv. die as 605 and SCBI

34, no. 173; same rev. die as 488

HERTFORD

Abonel

Penny, silver mint: Hertford


R/ +ABONEL MO HIORT around inner circle containing cross and trefoil of pellets


491. g 1,39 21,6 mm 270° inv. 3460/455

LEWES

Eadric

Penny, silver mint: Lewes


R/ +EADRI6 MONETA LÄ around inner circle containing cross


492. g 1,60 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3461/456


195


LONDON

Ælfstan



R/ +ÄLFçTAN MÖ LOND 6IVI around inner circle containing cross



494. g 1,58 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3491/486

Ælfweald



R/ +ÄLFæALD MO LOND 6IVI around inner circle containing cross


495. g 1,58 22,1 mm 250° inv. 3492/487 Same dies as 496-7; same obv. die as 498-500

496. g 1,59 22,4 mm 150° inv. 3495/495 Same dies as 495 and 497; same obv. die as 498-500


196


497. g 1,48 22,1 mm 150° inv. 3497/497 Same dies as 495-6; same obv. die as 498-500

498. g 1,52 21,6 mm 345° inv. 3495/493 Same obv. die as 495-7 and 499-500

499. g 1,52 22,7 mm 90° inv. 3495/494 Same dies as 500; same obv. die as 495-8; same rev. die as 501

500. g 1,50 (slightly chipped) 22,3 mm 225° inv. 3495/491 Same dies as 499; same obv. die as 495-8; same rev. die as 501




R/ +ÄLFæALD MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross


502. g 1,41 21,1 mm 0° inv. 3495/490


197


503. g 1,55 21,7 mm 300° inv. 3495/492

Beagræd



R/ +BEAHRED MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross


504. 1,53 22,2 mm 160° inv. 3494/489 Same dies as 505





198


508. g 1,68 21,6 mm 200° inv. 3497/500

509. g 1,56 22,9 mm 45° inv. 3497/501

Beornheard


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +BIORNEARD MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross




O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +BIORNE@RD MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross




199




R/ +BIORNEARD MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross


512. g 1,51 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3501/505 Same dies as 513-17; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 129

513. g 1,49 22,5 mm 0° inv. 3501/506 Same dies as 512 and 514-17; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 129

514. g 1,49 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3501/508 Same dies as 512-13 and 515-17; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 129

515. g 1,41 22,7 mm 90° inv. 3501/509 Same dies as 512-14 and 516-17; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 129

516. g 1,57 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3501/511 Same dies as 512-15 and 517; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 129


200


517. g 1,10 (badly chipped) 22,0 mm 180° inv. 3501/512 O/ +Ä5E[L]çTAN REX

R/ +BIORNEARD M[O L]OND 6I

Same dies as 512-16; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 129


Ealhlaf (?)



R/ +ELLAF MO LONDONI 6I around inner circle containing cross


519. g 1,52 21,8 mm 0° inv. 3503/514 Same dies as 520-2; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 132

520. g 1,53 21,7 mm 315° inv. 3503/515 Same dies as 519 and 521-2; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 132

521. g 1,56 21,7 mm 330° inv. 3504/516 Same dies as 519-20 and 522; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 132


201


522. g 1,56 21,5 mm 330° inv. 3504/517 Same dies as 519-21; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 132

Grimweald



R/ +èRIMæALD MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross





526. g 1,51 21,9 mm 90° inv. 3513/527


202




R/ +èRIMæALD MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross


527. g 1,48 22,0 mm 180° inv. 3513/528



R/ +èRIMæãLD MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross


528. g 1,50 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3514/530

Igere



R/ +IèERE MO LOND 6IVI around inner circle containing cross




203




R/ +IèERE MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle containing cross


530. g 1,51 (slightly chipped) 22,2 mm 330° inv. 3519/536 Same obv. die as 529

531. g 1,54 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3517/533

Leofhelm



R/ +LIOFHELM MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross



533. g 1,45 (chipped) 22,5mm 165° inv. 3524/545 Same dies as 534; same obv. die as 535-7 and SCBI 34, nos. 134-6; rev.

die as 532


204


534. g 1,62 22,8 mm 180° inv. 3523/543 Same dies as 533; same obv. die as 535-7 and SCBI 34, nos. 134-6;

same rev. die as 532

535. g 1,39 (chipped) 21,4 mm 90° inv. 3523/541 Same dies as 536-7 and SCBI 34, no. 134; same obv. die as 533-4 and

SCBI 34, nos. 135-6

536. g 1,34 21,8 mm 315° inv. 3523/542 Same dies as 535, 537 and SCBI 34, no. 134; same obv. die as 533-4 and

SCBI 34, nos. 135-6

537. g 1,49 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3523/544 Same dies as 535-6 and SCBI 34, no. 134; same obv. die as 533-4 and

SCBI 34, nos. 135-6

Manna



R/ +MAN MO LVND 6IVITT around inner circle containing cross


538. g 1,33 (chipped) 22,8 mm 315° inv. 3525/546


205


Wulfhelm



R/ +æVLFHELM MO LOND 6I around inner circle containing cross




MALDON

Abonel

Penny, silver mint: Maldon


R/ +ABONEL MAELD around inner circle containing cross


541. g 1,47 21,3 mm 0° inv. 3529/550


206


NORWICH

Bardel

Penny, silver mint: Norwich

O/ +E5ELZTãN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +BVRDEL MO NORæI around inner circle containing cross



Eadgar



R/ +EãèãRMO NOR5æ around inner circle containing cross



Giongbeald



R/ +èIONèBãLD MO NOR5æ6 around inner circle containing cross


544. g 1,55 22,0 mm 180° inv. 3533/554 Same dies as 545; same rev. die as 546 and SCBI 34, no. 142

02_catalogo 55_56.indd 206 14/07/16 16:03

207


545. g 0,86 (broken and chipped) 20,7 mm 180° inv. 3592/614 Same dies as 544; same rev. die as 546 and SCBI 34, no. 142



R/ +èIONèBãLD MO NOR5æ6 around inner circle containing cross



Hrothgar



R/ +HRÖDèAR MÖ NÖRæI6 around inner circle containing cross


547. g 1,53 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3538/560 Same dies as 548; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 143

548. g 1,65 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3539/561 Same dies as 547; same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 143

02_catalogo 55_56.indd 207 14/07/16 16:03

208


Manna/Manticen



R/ +MãNEN MO NORDæE around inner circle containing cross





Manticen


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN RE+ around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +MãNTI6EN MÖ NÖRæI6 around inner circle containing cross


552. g 1,45 (chipped) 22,2 mm 190° inv. 3536/558


209




R/ +MãNTI6EN MÖ NÖRæI6 around inner circle containing cross


553. g 1,63 21,6 mm 45° inv. 3537/559


O/ +E5ELçTãN RE+ around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +MANTI6EN MO NORæI6 around inner circle containing cross


554. g 1,15 21,2 mm 270° inv. 3542/564

OXFORD

Eardwulf



R/ +EaRDVLF MO OX VR around inner circle containing cross




210



Uthelric



R/ +V5ELRI6 MO OX VRBIç around inner circle containing cross


557. g 1,55 (slightly chipped) 21,5 mm 270° inv. 3549/571 Same dies as 558; same obv. die as 559




R/ +V5ELRI6 MO OX around inner circle containing cross




211


“SMRIE”9

Eadbeald

Penny, silver mint: “Smrie”


R/ +EãDBãàD NO çMRI6 around inner circle containing cross


560. g 1,67 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3584/607

WALLINGFORD

Æthelmund (?)

Penny, silver mint: Wallingford

O/ +Ä5ELçTN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +ã5ELMND MO æELINè around inner circle containing cross


561. g 1,34 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3579/602 Slightly double-struck

Beornweald



R/ +ByRNæALD M ON æE around inner circle containing cross


562. g 1,57 21,5 mm 270° inv. 3580/603 Same dies as 563 and probably SCBI 34, no. 154; same obv. die as 583

9 The location of this mint remains a matter of debate. Eaglen 2006, p. 16 summarises an argument originally made in an unpublished paper by Michael Dolley that SMRIE was perhaps an abbreviation for sancti martyri Eadmundi – i.e. Bury St Edmunds. Blunt 1974, pp. 79-80 tended towards an East Anglian attribution, but preferred to interpret the legend as an abbreviation for sanctae Mariae: a cathedral or other major church in East Anglia dedicated to the BVM.


212


563. g 1,50 21,6 mm 270° inv. 3581/604 Same dies as 562 and probably SCBI 34, no. 154; same obv. die as 583

WINCHESTER

Æthel(hel)m



R/ +Ä5ELM MO VVIN 6I around inner circle containing cross, with second small cross


564. g 1,54 20,6 mm 270° inv. 3568/590 Same obv. die as 565 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 18a



R/ +Ä5ELM MO VVIN 6IVIT around inner circle containing cross and four pellets


565. g 1,44 21,5 mm 0° inv. 3570/592 Same obv. die as 564 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 19a


Plate X

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) Southern England (Dover, Canterbury dies?). Bust Crowned penny (obverse, cat. no. 587)

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) East midlands. Bust Crowned penny of east midlands style (obverse, cat. no. 591)


Plate XI

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) Uncertain mint (York dies?). Bust Crowned penny of east midlands style (obverse, cat. no. 603)

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) East or west midlands (?). Penny with an architectural design (reverse, cat. no. 606)


213



O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX TO BR around inner circle containing draped and crowned bust right

R/ +Ä5ELM MÖ VVIN 6I around inner circle containing cross and second small cross


566. g 1,51 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3569/591 Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 159 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 17b

Amelric



R/ +AMELRI6 MO VVIN 6I around inner circle containing cross


567. g 1,58 22,1 mm 0° inv. 3572/594 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 21b

Leofric



R/ +LEÖFRI6 MÖ VVIN 6I+ around inner circle containing cross


568. g 1,50 (chipped) 21,8 mm 45° inv. 3574/596 Same obv. die as 569-70 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 23a


214




R/ +LEÖFRI6 MÖ VVIN 6I around inner circle containing cross


569. g 1,53 (slightly chipped) 22,2 mm 90° inv. 3574/597 Same dies as 570; same obv. die as 568 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 22b

570. g 1,60 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3573/595 Same dies as 569; same obv. die as 568 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 22a

OticPenny, silver mint: Winchester

O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX T B around inner circle containing draped and crowned bust right

R/ +OTI6 MONETã VVIN 6I around inner circle containing cross and second small cross



RægenulfPenny, silver mint: Winchester

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BR around inner circle containing draped and crowned bust right

R/ +RÄèENVLF MO VVIÇI around inner circle containing cross and pellet


572. g 1,61 21,8 mm 180° inv. 3576/599 Same dies as 573 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 29b


215


573. g 1,53 21,7 mm 165° inv. 3577/600 Same dies as 572 Bibl.: Biddle 2012, no. 29a



R/ +RÄèENVLF MO VVIN6I around inner circle containing cross and pellet



YORK

ÆthelferthPenny, silver mint: York

O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX T B around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +Ä5ELERD MO EFEREC around inner circle containing cross


575. g 1,56 21,7 mm 90° inv. 3453/439


216


Bust type (without mint signature)

Ælfheah (or “Alfeau”) (?)10



R/ +ãLFEãV MON around inner circle containing cross




O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX (NR ligatured) around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +ALFEAV MONETA around inner circle containing cross and pellet


577. g 1,58 22,6 mm 225° inv. 3398/380

Æthelferth


O/ +Ä5ELçTN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +Ä5ELFRE5 MON around inner circle containing cross



10 The name is consistently spelt ALFEAV on the coins, though (as recognised Smart 1992) this does not obviously correspond to a known Anglo-Saxon name element.


217




R/ +E5ELFRE5 MO around inner circle containing cross and pellet




Æthelwine11

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Shaftesbury (Wessex dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX around inner circle containing draped and diademed bust left

R/ +Ä5EL / VVINE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


581. g 1,55 22,9 mm 180° inv. 3261/228

Beornweald

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Wallingford (Wessex dies) ?]


R/ +BVRNæALD MONE around inner circle containing cross

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. -; North 1994, no. 673; de Rossi 1884, no. 175

582. g 1,57 21,2 mm 200° inv. 3399/381

11 Chronologically this specimen predates those with the crowned bust: it probably comes from the earliest years of Æthelstan’s reign (circa 924/5-7).


218


583. g 1,62 21,6 mm 270° inv. 3400/382 Same obv. die as 562-3 and probably SCBI 34, no. 154

“Bus”


O/ E5ELçTãN REX around draped, crowned and helmeted bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +BVç MONETã around inner circle containing cross crosslet

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 410 (NE II); North 1994, no. 686; de Rossi 1884, no. 176

584. g 1,48 22,0 mm 180° inv. 3401/383

Ceolhelm



R/ +6IãLELM MON around inner circle containing cross


585. g 1,73 23,5 mm 180° inv. 3402/384

Deorweald



R/ +DIãRVVãLD MON around inner circle containing cross


586. g 1,26 21,0 mm 90° inv. 3405/387


219


Folcræd

Penny, silver mint: southern England [Dover (Canterbury dies) ?]

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX (NR ligatured) around draped and diademed bust right

R/ FOL6RED MON around inner circle containing cross


587. g 1,55 22,4 mm 90° inv. 3406/388

Fredard


O/ +Ä5ELçT0N REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +FREDãRD MONEIT around inner circle containing cross


588. g 1,60 21,2 mm 270° inv. 3403/385

Fulrad


O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around draped, crowned and helmeted bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +FVLRãD MONTã around inner circle containing cross crosslet with trefoil of pellets in outer angles


589. g 1,37 21,7 mm 345° inv. 3407/389


220


Grimweald12


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around draped and diademed bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +èRIMæALD MONETA around inner circle containing cross


590. g 1,54 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3408/390

Herric


O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX (NR ligatured) around draped, crowned and helmeted bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +HERRI6 MONETã around inner circle containing cross crosslet


591. g 1,44 22,1 mm 90° inv. 3409/391

Hunric


O/ +Ä5ELçT@N REX (NR ligatured) around draped and diademed bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +HVNRI6E MON around inner circle containing cross


592. g 1,61 23,2 mm 180° inv. 3410/392

12 Chronologically, this specimen predates those with the crowned bust: it probably comes from the earliest years of Æthelstan’s reign (circa 924/5-7).


221


Leofing


O/ +Ä5ELçTAN REX around draped and diademed bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +LIOVINè MONETA around inner circle containing cross


593. g 1,63 22,4 mm 135° inv. 3412/394





O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX (NR ligatured) around draped and diademed bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +LIFINè MONE 3 around inner circle containing cross




222



Manning


O/ +Ä5ELçAN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +MãNNINè MON (NN ligatured) around inner circle containing cross



Sigewulf



R/ +çIèEVLF MO around inner circle containing cross


600. g 1,64 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3414/398

“Sielan” (Sigeland ?)

Penny, silver mint: uncertain (York dies ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX TO BR around inner circle containing draped and diademed bust right

R/ +çIELãN MO¯Tã around inner circle containing cross


601. g 1,32 22,1 mm 180° inv. 3416/400


223


Penny, silver mint: uncertain (York dies?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX (NR ligatured) around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +çIELãND MO¯Tã around inner circle containing cross



Penny, silver mint: uncertain (York dies ?)

O/ +Ä5ELçTãN REX (NR ligatured) around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +çIELãND MOEã around inner circle containing cross



Smala


O/ Ä5ELçTãN REX around draped and helmeted bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +çMãLã MONETã around inner circle containing cross crosslet


604. g 1,42 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3415/399


224


Torhthelm



R/ +TORHTELM MO around inner circle containing cross


605. g 1,32 20,8 mm 270° inv. 3418/402 Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 173; same obv. die as 489-90 and SCBI 34,

no. 124

Church type

Wilsige ?13

Penny, silver mint: east or west midlands ?

O/ +YXAEDLçTAN RE M around inner circle containing crossR/ æVLISIg (retrograde except for g) with steep-roofed building

above, standing on line across field, annulet either side and cross with square superimposed below

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 443 (NE III); North 1994, no. 683; de Rossi 1884, no. 170

606. g 1,46 21,6 mm 0° inv. 3390/372

13 The moneyer’s name on this coin is difficult to interpret. Blunt 1974, p. 92 read it as “Wyltsig”, which would presumably stand for the Old English name Wilsige: a moneyer with this name is also known under Edmund, Eadred, Eadwig and Edgar, probably associated with the west midlands (CTCE, p. 310). However, the attribution of this “Church” type remains problematic, as other moneyers represented in it can be assigned to York and the east midlands as well as the west midlands. The presence of numerous examples in the recent “Vale of York” hoard has led Gareth Williams to suggest that it could represent a brief issue from the immediate aftermath of Æthelstan’s conquest of York in 927, including from the portions of that kingdom’s territory south of the Humber, which could in later times have been more closely associated in numismatic terms with the east and west midlands (Williams 2011a, p. 154).


225

Æthelstan / Edmund 607 - 608Catalogue

Æthelstan / Edmund

Æthelstan Bust / Edmund Two-Line / Horizontal mule

Eadgild

Penny, silver mint: southern England (Northampton or Southampton ?)


R/ E@Dè / ILD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


607. g 1,49 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3298/265

Edmund Two-Line/Horizontal / Æthelstan Circumscription or Bust (with mint signature) mules

CHESTER

Faro


O/ EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ +FãRO MàI LE6E around inner circle containing cross

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 247; North 1994, no. 699; de Rossi 1884, no. 382



226

609 - 610 Æthelstan/Edmund Edmund (939-46)

Catalogue

WALLINGFORD

Beornweald


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +BEORNæãLD MO æEL around inner circle containing cross


609. g 1,53 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3620/655 Same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 155 (Æthelstan)

Edmund (939-46)


Abonel

Penny, silver mint: Hertford/Maldon ?

O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ABEN / EL MO+ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


610. g 1,36 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3592/615


227

Edmund (939-46) 611 - 613Catalogue

“Adeau”14

Penny, silver mint: southern EnglandO/ +EãDMVD REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ãDEA / V ¹O with + + + between, trefoil of pellets above

and pellet below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 105/1; North 1994, no. 688/1; de Rossi 1884, no. 287

611. g 1,14 21,0 mm 90° inv. 3593/616

Ælfheard


O/ EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ELFERD / MONE with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


612. g 1,47 21,6 mm 180° inv. 3664/710

Ælfric

Penny, silver mint: Canterbury ?

O/ +E@DMVND REX around inner circle containing annuletR/ ÄLFR / I6 MO+ with O + O between and cross above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 135; North 1994, no. 695/4; de Rossi 1884, no. 292

613. g 1,39 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3600/624

14 Of unusual style and possibly irregular.


228

614 - 619 Edmund (939-46)Catalogue

Ælfstan

Penny, silver mint: London ?

O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ÄLFç+ / TAN MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


614. g 1,59 21,6 mm 45° inv. 3602/628 Same obv. die as 615-22 and SCBI 34, no. 279

615. g 1,59 21,8 mm 135° inv. 3602/629 Same obv. die as 614 and 616-22 and SCBI 34, no. 279

616. g 1,60 21,7 mm 315° inv. 3602/633 Same dies as SCBI 34, no. 279; same obv. die as 614-15 and 617-22

617. g 1,55 21,9 mm 135° inv. 3601/625 Same dies as 618-22; same obv. die as 614-16 and SCBI 34, no. 279

618. g 1,64 21,8 mm 135° inv. 3602/626 Same dies as 617 and 619-22; same obv. die as 614-16 and SCBI 34,

no. 279

619. g 1,62 21,5 mm 135° inv. 3602/627 Same dies as 617-18 and 620-2; same obv. die as 614-16 and SCBI 34,

no. 279


229


620. g 1,54 22,3 mm 135° inv. 3602/630 Same dies as 617-19 and 621-2; same obv. die as 614-16 and SCBI 34,

no. 279

621. g 1,49 22,6 mm 135° inv. 3602/631 Same dies as 617-20 and 622; same obv. die as 614-16 and SCBI 34,

no. 279

622. g 1,62 22,7 mm 135° inv. 3602/634 Same dies as 617-21; same obv. die as 614-16 and SCBI 34, no. 279

623. g 1,60 22,5 mm 270° inv. 3602/635

624. g 1,69 21,8 mm 200° inv. 3602/632

Ælfweald (I)


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ÄLFæ / ãLD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


625. g 1,56 22,1 mm 90° inv. 3604/637


230


626. g 1,57 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3605/638

627. g 1,61 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3665/711 Same dies as SCBI 34, nos. 280-1 Bibl.: de Rossi 1884, no. 328

Ælfweald (II)

Penny, silver mint: southern England

O/ +E0DMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ÄLFæ / OLD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


628. g 1,52 22,5 mm 0° inv. 3606/639

Ælfwine


O/ EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ÄLFVI / NE MO with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


629. g 1,55 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3603/636


231


Æthelhelm (I)

Penny, silver mint: Winchester ?

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ AE5E / LM MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


630. g 1,42 (chipped) 21,9 mm 315° inv. 3597/621

Æthelhelm (?) (II)


O/ +EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5EI3O / MNETã with + + + between and rosette of



631. g 1,62 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3596/620

Æthelmund

Penny, silver mint: Oxford/Wallingford ?

O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ A5ELM / VND MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




232



O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ã5EL+ / MVND M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ã5ELM / VND MO with + + + between and pellet above

and below


634. g 1,56 22,4 mm 165° inv. 3595/618

Æthelwine

Penny, silver mint: Shaftesbury ?

O/ +EãDMV / ND RE+ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

R/ +E5ELVINE MO around inner circle containing cross


635. g 1,46 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3599/623


233


Penny, silver mint: Shaftesbury ?

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5EL / æINE M with + + + between


636. g 1,23 21,6 mm 180° inv. 3598/622

Amund/Æthelmund

Penny, silver mint: Stafford ?

O/ +EãDMVND RE+ (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

R/ 3VMã / DEZ WON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


637. g 1,53 (chipped) 24,2 mm 270° inv. 3613/647


O/ +EãDMVND RE+ (with cluster of pellets between R and EX) around inner circle containing cross

R/ ãMVN / DEç MOT with + + + between and rosette of pellets above and below




234



O/ +EãDMVND REX (with trefoil of pellets between D and REX) around inner circle containing cross

R/ +ãMVN / DEç MOT with + + + between and rosette of pellets above and below


639. g 1,45 22,9 mm 285° inv. 3611/645


O/ +EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ãMV3 / ¾O3ÎÊ with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


640. g 1,40 22,1 mm 90° inv. 3612/646


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ 0MVN / DEç MOT with three rosettes of pellets between and rosette of pellets above and below


641. g 1,44 22,6 mm 150° inv. 3610/644


235


Are


O/ ÄãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ãRE M / O3ETA with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 141 (NE I); North 1994, no. 688; de Rossi 1884, no. 299



Arnulf

Penny, silver mint: east midlands ?

O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ãERN / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below





236


Penny, silver mint: east midlands ?

O/ +E0DMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ãERN / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


646. g 1,19 21,9 mm 200° inv. 3608/641

Baldwin

Penny, silver mint: Bedford ?

O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BALDV / VIN MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


647. g 1,45 21,9 mm 90° inv. 3617/651


O/ +ÄADHVNDRE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ BãLDV / IN NOM with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

flanked by one pellet either side above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 100; North 1994, no. 688 var.; de Rossi 1884, no. 300

648. g 1,49 21,5 mm 90° inv. 3616/650


237


Beagræd


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEAH / RED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



650. g 1,57 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3618/652 Same obv. die as 651; same rev. die as 649


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BEAH+ / RED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Beagwulf


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIAH / VLF MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 116/2; North 1994, no. 689; de Rossi 1884, no. 305

652. g 1,70 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3625/661


238


Beorhtræd


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BERHT / RED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


653. g 1,03 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3621/656


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BERHT / RED MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below




Beorhtwig


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BERHT / æIè MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




239



Beornheard


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIORNE / ARD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


658. g 1,56 21,6 mm 180° inv. 3627/663


O/ +EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ BIRNE / ARD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


659. g 1,48 21,8 mm 180° inv. 3629/665


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BIRNE / ARD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




240



O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ByRN / ãRD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


661. g 1,57 21,4 mm 160° inv. 3149/73 Same dies as 662-70; same obv. die as 660; same rev. die as 671 Bibl.: de Rossi 1884, no. 307

662. g 1,53 21,5 mm 135° inv. 3631/667 Same dies as 661 and 663-70; same obv. die as 660; same rev. die

as 671

663. g 1,54 21,6 mm 330° inv. 3632/668 Same dies as 661-2 and 664-70; same obv. die as 660; same rev. die as

671


671


671


671


241


667. g 1,53 21,5 mm 330° inv. 3632/673 Same dies as 661-6 and 668-70; same obv. die as 660; same rev. die

as 671


671

669. g 1,61 21,3 mm 330° inv. 3632/675 Same dies as 661-8 and 670; same obv. die as 660; same rev. die

as 671

670. g 1,52 21,6 mm 135° inv. 3632/676 Same dies as 661-9; same obv. die as 660; same rev. die as 671



O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ByRN / EãRD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


672. g 1,29 21,9 mm 0° inv. 3628/664


242


Beornweald

Penny, silver mint: Wallingford ?

O/ +E0DMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ByR3æ / 0LD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ +EaDMV3D REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ByR3æ / 0LD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ BVRN / åãLD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


675. g 1. 16 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3634/678 Same rev. die as 676


243



O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ BVRN / åãLD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ByR3 / æãLD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ByR3æ / ãLD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




244



O/ +EaDMV3D REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ByRNæ / ãLD MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below


679. g 1,56 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3637/683

Deorhelm15


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DIãRË / LM MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DIãRE / LM MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


681. g 1,77 21,5 mm 90° inv. 3641/687

15 The orthographic features of this moneyer’s name – specifically the raising and unrounding of the diphthong – suggests he may have been based in the southeast.


245



O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DIãRË / LM MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below




O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ DI@RË / LM MON (MM ligatured) with + + + between,

cross above and trefoil of pellets below




Deorweald16


O/ +ÄãDMVND REX around inner circle containing cross and pellet

R/ DEORV / ãLD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


685. g 1,62 21,0 mm 0° inv. 3638/684

16 The orthographic features of this moneyer’s name – specifically the raising and unrounding of the first diphthong on 686 – suggest he may have been based in the southeast.


246




R/ DIãRV / ãLD MO with + + + between and pellet above and below





R/ DIãRæ / ELD MO with + + + between cross above and pellet below




O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing cross and pellet

R/ DIARæ / ELD MO with + + + between, pellet above and trefoil of pellets below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 106/2; North 1994, no. 688/2; de Rossi 1884, no. 314

688. g 1,80 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3646/692


247


Deorwulf

Penny, silver mint: Chester ?

O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ DORV / LF MO with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


689. g 1,57 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3647/693

Dudig

Penny, silver mint: Huntingdon ?

O/ +EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ DVDI / è MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


690. g 1,43 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3648/694

Penny, silver mint: Huntingdon ?

O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ DVDI / è MOE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




248


Eadgild

Penny, silver mint: Southampton ?

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EADè / ILD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


692. g 1,54 22,2 mm 180° inv. 3650/696

Eadmund


O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ EãDM / VND M with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


693. g 1,56 23,8 mm 90° inv. 3651/697


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EãDM / VND M with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below




249



O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ EãD / MV® with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


695. g 1,54 22,6 mm 180° inv. 3653/699 Double struck

Eadræd


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EADR / ED MO with + + + between and cross above and

below




O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing cross and pellet

R/ EADR / ED MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


697. g 1,58 22,9 mm 180° inv. 3655/701


250



O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EADR / ED MO with O + O between and cross above and

below


698. g 1,49 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3656/702 Same dies as SCBI 34, nos. 362-3

Eardwulf


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EãRD / VLF W with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


699. g 1,53 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3657/703

Ecgbeorht

Penny, silver mint: Hereford ?

O/ +E0DMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ E6èBR / IHT MO with + + + between and cross above and

below


700. g 1,22 21,1 mm 90° inv. 3658/704


251


Einhard/Ginard


O/ +EaDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ EINã / RD MO with + + + between and quatrefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 236 (NE II); North 1994, no. 688 var.; de Rossi 1884, no. 325

701. g 1,34 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3662/708

Eoforwulf


O/ +EãDMVND R around inner circle containing crossR/ EFER / VLF MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


702. g 1,19 22,2 mm 0° inv. 3661/707

Faraman


O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ FãRã / MãN with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


703. g 1,42 21,7 mm 90° inv. 3667/713


252


704. g 1,54 21,8 mm 90° inv. 3668/714

Folcræd

Penny, silver mint: Dover ?

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ FÖL6 / RED MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


705. g 1,32 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3669/715

Fugol


O/ +EADMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ FVèEL / MÖNET with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


706. g 1,70 22,5 mm 0° inv. 3672/718 Same obv. die as 707; same rev. die as SCBI 34, no. 390


O/ +EADMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ FVèEN / MÖNEN with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




253



O/ +ÄADMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ FVèEL / MÖNET with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


708. g 1,43 22,2 mm 90° inv. 3674/720

Gota


O/ EADNVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ èOT0 / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



Grimr


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIM / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


710. g 1,16 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3725/779


254


Grimweald


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIMæ / ãLD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



712. g 1,45 (chipped) 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3682/731 Same dies as 711; same obv. die as 713


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIMV / VãLD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


713. g 1,44 (chipped) 22,9 mm 270° inv. 3680/727 Same obv. die as 711-12; same rev. die as 714


715. g 1,51 (chipped) 22,0 mm 270° inv. 3680/728


255



O/ +EaDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ èRIMæ / ãLD MO with + + + between




Gundferth


O/ +EãBMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ èVND / FER5 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


718. g 1,26 21,9 mm 315° inv. 3683/732

Heathubeald

Penny, silver mint: southern England ?

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HãDEB / ãLD MÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


719. g 1,04 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3684/733


256


Herebeald

Penny, silver mint: southern EnglandO/ +E@DMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ËREBA / LD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


720. g 0,81 (chipped) 21,3 mm 90° inv. 3197/138

Hereman


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ ËREM / ãN MÖ with + + + between and pellet above and

below




Heremod


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HERE / MOD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


723. g 1,55 21,5 mm 270° inv. 3697/746


257


724. g 1,53 22,2 mm 270° inv. 3688/737

Hunsige


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HVNçI / èE MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


725. g 1,31 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3691/740


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HVNçI / èE MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below





O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ HVNç / IèE MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below


728. g 1,43 22,4 mm 0° inv. 3693/742


258


“Ildeomert”


O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ ILDEO / MERT with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


729. g 1,10 23,1 mm 270° inv. 3689/738

Ingelgar

Penny, silver mint: York ?

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ INèEL / èAR MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


730. g 1,31 21,1 mm 330° inv. 3695/744

Landwulf


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LA®V / LF MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below


731. g 1,02 21,5 mm 0° inv. 3730/786


259


Leofhelm


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LIOFH / ELM MO with + + + between


732. g 1,60 21,7 mm 180° inv. 3703/754

Leofing17


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LIãFI+ / N6 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




O/ +EADMVND REX (V is inverted A) around inner circle containing annulet

R/ LIAFI / N6 MO with O + O between and trefoil of pellets above and below


734. g 1,57 22,1 mm 180° inv. 3699/748

17 The orthographic features of this moneyer’s name – specifically the raising and unrounding of the diphthong – suggest he may have been based in the southeast.


260



O/ +ÄãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LIãFI / N6 MO with + + + between and pellet above and below


735. g 1,55 21,2 mm 180° inv. 3694/743


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LIAFI / N6 MO with + + + between and cross above and below




O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LIAFI / N6 MO with + + + between and cross above and below



Leofric


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LEOF+ / RI6 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




261


739. g 1,27 (chipped and broken) 21,8 mm 0° inv. 3701/751 Same dies as 740; same obv. die as 738

740. g 1,46 (chipped) 21,6 mm 180° inv. 3702/752 Same dies as 739; same obv. die as 738


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ LEOF / RI6 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


741. g 1,51 (chipped) 21,4 mm 90° inv. 3703/753

Litelman


O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ LITIL / WãN with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 158 (NE II); North 1994, no. 688; de Rossi 1884, no. 349

742. g 1,40 21,7 mm 180° inv. 3704/755 Same obv. die as CTCE, no. 154 (Faraman)


262


Manna


O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ M@N / N@ MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


743. g 1,26 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3705/756


O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ M@3 / 3ã 3O with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below



745. g 1,52 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3706/758 Same obv. die as SCBI 34, no. 381 (moneyer Benedictus); same rev.

die as 744 and 746



O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ NãIN / Nã NÖ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


747. g 1,55 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3714/768


263


Mannel

Penny, silver mint: southern England18

O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ MANN / EL MO+ with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


748. g 1,50 (chipped) 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3708/760


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ MANN / EL MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


749. g 1,64 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3709/761 Same dies as 750-1; same obv. die as 752

750. g 1,58 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3710/762 Same dies as 749 and 751; same obv. die as 752

751. g 1,47 22,0 mm 270° inv. 3710/763 Same dies as 749-50; same obv. die as 752

752. g 1,58 22,3 mm 270° inv. 3710/764 Double struck Same obv. die as 749-51

18 The style of this moneyer’s dies is generally associated with Wallingford, Winchester or (less probably) London.


264


Martin (I)


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ MART / IN MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


753. g 1,51 (chipped) 21,5 mm 90° inv. 3711/765

Martin (II)


O/ EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ MÄRT / NE MÖ with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


754. g 1,45 22,1 mm 0° inv. 3712/766


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ MÄRT / EN EI with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


755. g 1,60 22,3 mm 180° inv. 3713/767


265


Ondres


O/ +EãDMVND REI+ around inner circle containing crossR/ ONDREç / MONETã with + + + between and rosette of



756. g 1,50 21,9 mm 270° inv. 3717/771

Osferth/Ásfrithr


O/ +EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ OçFE / R5 MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


757. g 1,21 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3718/772

Osmund/Ásmundr


O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OçMV / ND MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


758. g 1,25 22,1 mm 180° inv. 3719/773


266


Osweald

Penny, silver mint: Northampton ?

O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ Oçæã / àD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


759. g 1,27 21,7 mm 270° inv. 3721/775

Penny, silver mint: Northampton ?

O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ Oçæã / LD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


760. g 1,37 22,0 mm 90° inv. 3722/776

Oswulf/Ásulfr

Penny, silver mint: southern England19

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OçVLF / MO3E with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


761. g 1,37 22,1 mm 270° inv. 3720/774

19 The style of the dies associates this coin generally with the Winchester area.


267


Othelric

Penny, silver mint: Derby ?

O/ +EãDMVND REI+ around inner circle containing crossR/ O5ELRI / I6EZ MO with + + + between and rosette of





O/ +EãDMVND REI+ around inner circle containing crossR/ O5ELRI / 6EZ MOT with + + + between and rosette of




Otic


O/ +E0DMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OTI6+ / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


764. g 1,63 22,1 mm 180° inv. 3723/777


268



O/ +EaDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ OTI6+ / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


765. g 1,44 (chipped) 21,5 mm 270° inv. 3724/778

Reingrim


O/ EADMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ REèE / èRIM with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. 163a; North 1994, no. 688; de Rossi 1884, no. 366

766. g 1,40 21,7 mm 0° inv. 3732/788

Reinald

Penny, silver mint: Exeter ?

O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing cross and pellet

R/ RÄèE / NOLD M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


767. g 1,48 23,0 mm 0° inv. 3726/780 Same dies as 768-70 and SCBI 34, no. 331


269


768. g 1,51 21,8 mm 0° inv. 3728/782 Same dies as 767 and 769-70 and SCBI 34, no. 331

769. g 1,63 22,0 mm 0° inv. 3729/783 Same dies as 767-8 and 770 and SCBI 34, no. 331

770. g 1,59 (slightly chipped) 22,1 mm 0° inv. 3729/784 Same dies as 767-9 and SCBI 34, no. 331

Penny, silver mint: Exeter ?

O/ +E@DMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ REèEN / OLD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below





270


“Reintheres”


O/ +EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ REè5E / REà MOT with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


773. g 1,32 22,0 mm 180° inv. 3731/787

Rodbert

Penny, silver mint: southern England ?

O/ +EADMVND REI around inner circle containing crossR/ RODBE / RIHT M with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below




“Siademan”


O/ EADMVND REX (V inverted A) around inner circle containing cross

R/ çIãDE / MAN MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


776. g 1,31 22,6 mm 180° inv. 3737/793


271



O/ EADMVND REX (V inverted A) around inner circle containing cross

R/ çIEDEM / ãN MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below


777. g 1,40 22,6 mm 270° inv. 3738/794

Sigeweald


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ çIèæOL / DEç MOT with + + + between and rosette of



778. g 1,52 22,5 mm 45° inv. 3739/795

Stefanus


O/ EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ çTEFN / ãN MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


779. g 1,38 21,8 mm 180° inv. 3740/796


272


Waringod


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ æãREN / èOD MO with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


780. g 1,52 22,8 mm 90° inv. 3743/799

Wigheard


O/ +EãDMV3D RET around inner circle containing crossR/ æIèE / ãRD N with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below


781. g 1,43 21,5 mm 0° inv. 3747/803 Same obv. die as 782-3 and SCBI 34, no. 341-2


O/ +EãDMV3D RET around inner circle containing crossR/ æIèE / ãRI N with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above

and below


782. g 1,29 21,3 mm 270° inv. 3749/805 Same dies as 783; same obv. die as 781 and SCBI 34, no. 341-2

783. g 1,16 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3748/804 Same dies as 782; same obv. die as 781 and SCBI 34, no. 341-2


273


Wiglaf (?)


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVILã / FE MO with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below



Wihthelm


O/ +EãDMVND RE around inner circle containing crossR/ VVIH / TELM with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


785. g 1,53 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3744/800

Wulfric

Penny, silver mint: Malmesbury ?

O/ +EADMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLF / RI6 MO with + + + between and pellet above and

below


786. g 1,20 21,8 mm 0° inv. 3750/806


274


Wulfstan


O/ +EãDMVND REX around inner circle containing crossR/ VVLFç / TãN M with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


787. g 1,52 22,9 mm 345° inv. 3746/802 Slightly double-struck on obv.

Irregular issues


O/ +EãÎMVND EX (retrograde) around inner circle containing crossR/ EDIR / E5EL with + + + between

Bibl.: CTCE, no. -; North 1994, no. 690; de Rossi 1884, no. 322

788. g 1,42 19,4 mm 270° inv. 3659/705


O/ +EãDMVND R around inner circle containing crossR/ EDWO / EO6N with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. -; North 1994, no. 688 var.; de Rossi 1884, no. 323

789. g 1,22 21,4 mm 270° inv. 3660/706


O/ +EãDMVND RE+ around inner circle containing crossR/ DãmEI / ãNO5I with + + + between and rosette of pellets

above and below


790. g 1,22 22,1 mm 0° inv. 3751/807


275



O/ +EãDMVND E+ (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

R/ 6IEIO+ / RENR with + + + between and rosette of pellets above and below


791. g 1,44 21,7 mm 270° inv. 3752/808

Bust type (with mint signature)

BEDFORD (?)

Boiga


O/ +EãDMVN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +BOè MONETã BI around inner circle containing cross


792. g 1,60 21,3 mm 180° inv. 3630/666

NORWICH

Elact /Klakkr


O/ +E@DMVND REXO around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +EL@6T MONETRE NO around inner circle containing cross


793. g 1,66 21,8 mm 270° inv. 3663/709


276


Giongbeald


O/ +EADMVND RE around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +èIONèBALD MO NOR5 around inner circle containing cross


794. g 1,65 21,5 mm 75° inv. 3676/722

Hrothgar


O/ +EãDMVND REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +HRODèãR NÖ NÖRVE around inner circle containing cross


795. g 1,60 22,7 mm 0° inv. 3735/791



R/ +HRODèãR MÖ NÖRV6 around inner circle containing cross


796. g 1,64 21,6 mm 270° inv. 3736/792


277


Bust type (without mint signature)

Erconbald



R/ +ERèI¹BãLT WO3ETã around inner circle containing cross



Fredard

Penny, silver mint: East AngliaO/ +EãDMVN REX around draped and crowned bust right,

breaking inner circleR/ +FREDãRD MO3EIT around inner circle containing cross


798. g 1,42 21,5 mm 0° inv. 3670/716

799. g 1,54 21,2 mm 90° inv. 3673/719



R/ +FREDãRD MO3EIT around inner circle containing cross


800. g 1,36 21,7 mm 270° inv. 3675/721


278


Gis


O/ +EãDMVN REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +èIç MO3ETã around inner circle containing cross-crosslet


801. g 1,36 21,6 mm 90° inv. 3677/723

“Iedulf ”


O/ +EãDEMV® RX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +IEDVLF MO¯Tã around inner circle containing cross-crosslet


802. g 1,59 22,3 mm 90° inv. 3700/749

Telia


O/ +EãDMV® REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +TELIã MONTã around inner circle containing cross-crosslet




279

Edmund (939-46) 804 - 806CatalogueIrregular English Issues


O/ +EãDMV® REX around draped and crowned bust right, breaking inner circle

R/ +TELIã MO¯Tã around inner circle containing cross-crosslet



Irregular English Issues of Uncertain Ruler


Uncertain moneyer


O/ +EII+DOI+àIC+RO around inner circle containing crossR/ àEMI / ÄDIM with + O + O + between and cross above and

below

Bibl.: de Rossi 1884, no. 392

805. g 1,50 22,3 mm 0° inv. 3765/821


O/ +RIODFDVNÊ@ (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

R/ DIMÙD / MODIO (lower half of legend inverted) with + + + between and rosette of pellets above and below

Bibl.: de Rossi 1884, no. 393

806. g 1,27 21,5 mm 180° inv. 3766/822


280

Catalogue807 - 810 Irregular English Issues

Circumscription type

Uncertain moneyer


O/ +EIITãËRI+TBRTËO around inner circle containing crossR/ +EHBMOICIãI6RIT (HB ligatured) around inner circle

containing cross

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 469; de Rossi 1884, no. 397

807. g 1,33 22,4 mm 45° inv. 3770/826


O/ +EIITãËRI+TBITËO around inner circle containing cross and two pellets

R/ EIß6IXICTOIXT3ã around inner circle containing cross


808. g 1,36 22,1 mm 135° inv. 3769/825


O/ +IÖIãITIÖT6DERVBVI around inner circle containing crossR/ +ÖIVMEPEITãIREjã around inner circle containing cross

Bibl.: Blunt 1974, no. 469; de Rossi 1884, no. 400 (?)

809. g 1,20 22,9 mm 190° inv. 3773/829


O/ +IÙÊ3ITOMãÚÚÊM around inner circle containing rosette of pellets

R/ +EãNDVOEãR63E+ (3E ligatured) around inner circle containing cross


810. g 1,19 21,9 mm 0° inv. 3771/827


Plate XII

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) Uncertain mint (York dies?). Bust Crowned penny of east midlands style (obverse, cat. no. 603)

Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39) East or west midlands (?). Penny with an architectural design (reverse, cat. no. 606)


Plate XIII

Kingdom of England. Edmund (939-46) Norwich. Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 793)


281

CatalogueUncertain English King Irregular English Issues 811 - 813


O/ +INEREVVÖMEèINVI around inner circle containing crossR/ TIVIEREVVÖMçVVEI around inner circle containing cross


811. g 1,40 (chipped) 24,3 mm 70° inv. 3767/823


O/ +TFIRBOããRNEZãèIT around inner circle containing cross

R/ +TIVIIREVVOMçVVEèI around inner circle containing cross


812. g 1,57 (chipped) 23,0 mm 180° inv. 3768/824

Uncertain English King (Edward-Edmund)


Uncertain moneyer


O/ +[…] REX around inner circle containing unknown deviceR/ […]RED / […] with + + + between and unknown devices

above and below

Bibl.: de Rossi 1884, no. -

813. g 0,36 (fragment) 17,9 mm 0° inv. 3226/183


282

814 - 816 Plegmund (890-923)Catalogue

ARCHBISHOPRIC OF CANTERBURY

Plegmund (890-923)

Two-Line/Horizontal type20

Æthelferth


O/ +PLEèMVND AR6HIEP around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELFR / E5 MÖN with + + + between

Bibl.: CTCE, p. 81, P.3(d); North 1994, no. 256; de Rossi 1884, no. 389

814. g 1,44 23,8 mm 135° inv. 3761/817


O/ +PLEèMVND AR6HIEP around inner circle containing crossR/ Ä5ELFR / E5 MÖN with + + + between and trefoil of


Bibl.: CTCE, p. 81, P.3(e); North 1994, no. 256; de Rossi 1884, no. 389

815. g 1,41 23,0 mm 180° inv. 3762/818

Sigehelm


O/ +PLEèMVND AR6HIEP around inner circle containing crossR/ çIèEHE / LM MON with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, p. 82, P.7(e); North 1994, no. 256; de Rossi 1884, no. 391


20 All four specimens come from late in Plegmund’s archiepiscopate – probably after circa 915.


283

Olaf (?Guthfrithsson, 939-41) Plegmund (890-923) 817 - 818Catalogue


O/ +PLEèMVND ãR6HIEP around inner circle containing crossR/ çIèEHE / LM MÖN with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, p. 82, P.7(d); North 1994, no. 256; de Rossi 1884, no. 391

817. g 1,60 23,2 mm 270° inv. 3764/820

VIKING KINGDOM OF YORK

Olaf (?Guthfrithsson, 939-41)21

“Raven” type

Æthelferth


O/ +ANLAF CVNVN6N around inner circle containing bird (raven?) with outstretched wings flying upwards

R/ +A5ELFERD MyNETRII around inner circle containing cross

Bibl.: CTCE, p. 230 Group IV (ag); North 1994, no. 537; de Rossi 1884, no. 383

818. g 1,21 20,7 mm 90° inv. 3754/810

21 The attribution of coins in the name of Olaf to the two rulers of that name recorded in York during the period 939-44 remains uncertain: for the sake of convenience the arrangement here follows the traditional sequence of CTCE.


284

819 - 821 Olaf (?Guthfrithsson, 939-41)Catalogue


Hrodulf


O/ +ANLAF CVNVN6 around inner circle containing cross and small crescent

R/ +RA5VLF MONETR around inner circle containing cross

Bibl.: CTCE, p. 231 Group VI (c); North 1994, no. 541; de Rossi 1884, no. 384

819. g 1,25 20,5 mm 180° inv. 3755/811


O/ +ANLAF CVNVN6 around inner circle containing cross moline


Bibl.: CTCE, p. 231 Group VI (k); North 1994, no. 541; de Rossi 1884, no. 384

820. g 1,27 21,1 mm 180° inv. 3756/812

Uncertain moneyer


O/ +ANàãà CVNVN6V around inner circle containing cross and M

R/ +EO5EITãNRE6+çã+ONV (retrograde) around inner circle containing cross

Bibl.: CTCE, p. 229 Group I (c); North 1994, no. 538; de Rossi 1884, no. 387

821. g 1,48 22,2 mm 180° inv. 3759/815


285

Olaf (?Sihtricsson, 941-4) Sihtric (?Sihtricsson, circa 942-3) 822 - 823Catalogue

Sihtric (?Sihtricsson, circa 942-3)


Hrodulf


O/ +ZITRIC EVNVN6V (V upside-down A) around inner circle containing cross


Bibl.: CTCE, no. p. 231 Group VI (d); North 1994, no. 546; de Rossi 1884, no. 388

822. g 1. 32 20,7 mm 225° inv. 3760/816

Olaf (?Sihtricsson, 941-4)


Arnulf


O/ +ÖNL`F REX around inner circle containing crossR/ +OM FL / `RNV with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. p. 229 Group II/III(b); North 1994, no. 543; de Rossi 1884, no. 386

823. g 1,28 20,6 mm 180° inv. 3758/814


286

824 - 826 Olaf (?Sihtricsson, 941-4) Hugh of Arles and Lothar II (931-47)

Catalogue

Nother


O/ +ãNLEF RE+ N around inner circle containing crossR/ NO5E / MONE with + + + between and trefoil of pellets

above and below

Bibl.: CTCE, no. p. 229 Group II/III(f); North 1994, no. 540/1; de Rossi 1884, no. 385

824. g 1,18 22,5 mm 90° inv. 3336/303

KINGDOM OF ITALY

Berengar I as emperor (915-24)

Denaro, silver mint: Pavia

O/ +BERENGãRIVS I around inner circle containing Chi-Rho with pellets in angles

R/ +XPIITIãNã RELIC around Pã / PIã / CI

Bibl.: MEC I, no. 1019; Sambon 1912, no. 652; CNI IV, p. 473 (10)

825. g 1,68 21,5 mm 90° inv. 3774/831

Hugh of Arles and Lothar II (931-47)

Denaro, silver mint: Pavia

O/ +VGO LOHTãRIV around inner circle containing monogram of HVGO

R/ +XPIITIãNã RE around Pã / PIã

Bibl.: MEC I, no. 1025; Sambon 1912, no. 665; CNI IV, p. 474 (1)

826. g 1,73 20,2 mm 90° inv. 3775/832 O/ +VGO LOHTã[RIV] R/ [+XPII]TIãNã RE


287

Otto I (936-73) Odo (888-97) 827 - 828Catalogue

WEST FRANKISH KINGDOM

Odo (888-97)22

Denier, silver mint: Limoges

O/ +èRãTIã DI RE around inner circle containing + / ODO / +R/ +LIMOVICãs CIVI around inner circle containing cross

with pellets in angles

Bibl.: MEC I, no. 973; Prou 1896, no. 783; Morrison, Grunthal 1967, no. 1332

827. g 1,45 23,4 mm 225° inv. 3776/833

OTTONIAN EMPIRE

Otto I (936-73)

Denar, silver mint: Strasbourg

O/ +OTTO REX PãCIFICVS around inner circle containing diademed bust left

R/ +ãRGENTINã CIVITãS around inner circle containing church with spire

Bibl.: Kluge 1991, no. 37; Dannenberg 1876-1905, no. 906

828. g 1,31 (broken into three pieces) 20,4 mm 90° inv. 3264/231 and inv. 3757/813 bis

O/ +OTTO RE[X P]ãCIFICV[S] R/ +ãRGENTINã C[IVIT]ãS

22 Coins of this type became immobilised after Odo’s death, and continued to be issued well into the tenth century.


288

829 - 830 Berthold (938-47) Theophilus (829-42)

Catalogue

DUCHY OF BAVARIA

Berthold (938-47)

Denar, silver mint: Regensburg

O/ +BROTHãDuX VDß (?) around inner circle containing cross with pellets in angles

R/ +REGINã CIVITãS around church containing letters HEI

Bibl.: Kluge 1991, no. 261 var.; Hahn 1976, nos. 8-9 var. [no. 10h (Henry I) for moneyer]; Dannenberg 1876-1905, no. 1700

829. g 1,70 22,3 mm 0° inv. 3777/834

BYZANTINE EMPIRE

Theophilus (829-42)

Solidus, gold mint: Constantinople

O/ ŠíñOFILOS bASILñO around bearded, draped and crowned facing bust holding patriarchal cross

R/ +mIXAHLS COnStAntINV (NV ligatured) around draped and crowned facing busts of Michael II and Constantine, with cross above

Bibl.: DOC III, no. 3e

830. g 4,13 19,9 mm 0° inv. 3778/835


289

SMALL FRAGMENTS

These small fragments (all probably of Anglo-Saxon origin) may belong to otherwise unknown coins, or – more probably – to one of those listed above. No definitive attribution one way or the other is possible, for which reason they have not been counted in the main sequence.


Uncertain moneyer


O/ […]NA[…] around inner circle containing unknown deviceR/ uncertain legend with + + + between and unknown devices

above and below

Bibl.: -

i. g 0,20 9,8 mm inv. - Several further extremely small fragments are preserved with this piece


O/ +[…] uncertain legend around inner circle containing unknown device

R/ […] / […]RN[…] uncertain legend with + + + between and trefoil of pellets above and below

Bibl.: -

ii. g 0,13 8,3 mm inv. 3288/255 ter

Uncertain type


O/ […]O or D[…] uncertain legend in circumscription around unknown design

R/ uncertain

Bibl.:. -

iii. g 0,04 5,7 mm inv. 3139/63 ter


290

iv - viii Small fragments


O/ […]E or F[…] uncertain legend in circumscription around unknown design

R/ uncertain

Bibl.: -

iv. g 0,03 5,0 mm inv. 3757/813 ter


O/ uncertain legend in circumscription around inner circle containing cross

R/ uncertain

Bibl.:. -

v. g 0,02 5,9 mm inv. -


O/ uncertain legend in circumscription around unknown designR/ uncertain

Bibl.: -

vi. g 0,04 6,8 mm inv. -


O/ uncertain R/ uncertain

Bibl.: -

vii. g 0,06 6,9 mm inv. 3226/190



Bibl.: -

viii. g 0,04 5,7 mm inv. -


291

ix - xiiiSmall fragments



Bibl.: -

ix. g 0,04 6,4 mm inv. -



Bibl.: -

x. g 0,03 5,12 mm inv. -



Bibl.: -

xi. g 0,03 5,1 mm inv. -



Bibl.: -

xii. g 0,03 4,7 mm inv. -



Bibl.: -

xiii. g 0,03 3,9 mm inv. -


292

xiv - xvi Small fragments



Bibl.: -

xiv. g 0,02 7,9 mm inv. -



Bibl.: -

xv. g 0,01 4,2 mm inv. -



Bibl.: -

xvi. g less than 0,01 1,9 mm inv. -


293

METALWORK

Hooked Tags, silver

Hooked tag with two holed lugs and niello inlay on obverse: outer circle encloses inscription +DOMNO MA with inner circle enclosing a crude fleur de lis

Bibl.: De Rossi 1884, no. pp. 107-8; Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991; Owen-Crocker 2004, pp. 154-5

a. g 7,06 44,8 × 26 mm inv. 3779/836

Hooked tag with two holed lugs and niello inlay on obverse: outer circle encloses inscription RINO PAPA[e] (e formed by two cross-bars in A) with inner circle enclosing a crude fleur de lis

b. g 6,85 43,1 × 25,8 mm inv. 3779/837


Plate XIV

Viking Kingdom of York. Olaf Guthfrithsson (939-41) York. Penny showing a bird in flight (obverse, cat. no. 818)

Kingdom of Italy. Berengar I (915-24) Pavia. Denaro (obverse, cat. no. 825)


295

A virtute volens virtutis in alta migrare, Romuleum statuit concurrere gratis ad altar,

Scilicet ut veteris lustraret busta piacli, Augmentumque suis quiret conquirere votis

(“Volendo [Wilfrid] ascendere dalla virtù a maggiore virtùDecise di recarsi grato all’altare di Romolo,

Così da tergere ciò che rimaneva degli antichi peccati,E con le sue preghiere la vetta raggiungere”)

Frithegod di Canterbury (fl. 950 c.) Breviloquium vitae Wilfridi, cap. III (PL 133, col. 984C)

Introduzione

Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae fu rinvenuto l’8 novembre del 1883 nel corso degli scavi della rela-tiva area nel Foro Romano, nota anche come Casa delle Vestali. Il ripostiglio consisteva in almeno 830 monete, sebbene l’esatto totale originale rimanga lievemente in dubbio per la presenza di diversi piccoli frammenti (cat. nn. i-xvi). Non c’è invece alcun dubbio sul fatto che la stragrande maggioranza del con-tenuto del ripostiglio consista in monete inglesi del tardo IX secolo e della prima parte del secolo succes-sivo. Tutti i pezzi identificabili, eccezion fatta per sei, furono infatti coniati in Inghilterra tra gli anni ‘80 del IX e gli anni ‘40 del X secolo, a nome dei re anglosassoni compresi tra Alfred the Great (871-899) e suo nipote Edmund (939-946); pochi invece a nome di Plegmund, arcivescovo di Canterbury (890-923) o dei sovrani vichinghi di York. Le sei monete di provenienza non inglese (cinque argentee e una aurea: cat. nn. 825-830) provengono invece dai regni dei Franchi orientali e occidentali, dall’Italia settentrionale e dall’impero bizantino. Insieme alle monete erano presenti due fermagli a uncino di argento (cat. nn. a-b), molto probabilmente di manifattura inglese, che, fatto quasi unico per un ripostiglio altomedievale, recano un’iscrizione che fornisce un indizio molto forte sullo scopo dell’assemblaggio del tesoro e un ulteriore indizio per la sua datazione: un dono a papa Marino II (942-946). Il suo pontificato coincide del resto perfettamente con la datazione delle monete più tarde. Cronologicamente l’assemblaggio del ripostiglio può dunque essere collocato con certezza nel periodo tra il 942 e il 946 (presumibilmente dopo il 944), quando Marino era papa ed Edmund re di tutta l’Inghilterra; la sua deposizione a Roma probabilmente avvenne in questo lasso di tempo o forse poco più tardi.


IL RIPOSTIGLIO DELL’ATRIUM VESTAE NEL FORO ROMANOtraduzione di Alessio Fiore


296


In qualità di uno dei ritrovamenti più grandi e meglio conservati di monete inglesi del X secolo, il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è una fonte di grande importanza per la storia e la numismatica anglo-sassoni, anche per la presenza di un grosso nucleo di monete dell’epoca di re Æthelstan, ed è particolar-mente significativo poiché venne probabilmente assemblato nell’Inghilterra meridionale, mentre la gran parte dei tesoretti inglesi del X secolo hanno origini settentrionali. Inoltre il ripostiglio costituisce una preziosa e ben documentata testimonianza dello sviluppo dei rapporti monetari anglo-romani, come pure della storia e dell’archeologia romana del X secolo. Si tratta, da ogni punto di vista, di un ritrova-mento della massima importanza.

Scoperta, conservazione e studi

Le circostanze della scoperta del ripostiglio sono ben conosciute grazie a una dettagliata relazione scritta a distanza di pochi mesi da Giovanni Battista de Rossi (1822-1894) nelle Notizie degli scavi di antichità. Il te-sto si basa sulla sua personale esperienza negli scavi dell’Atrium Vestae, condotti sotto la direzione di Rodolfo Lanciani (1845-1929)1. Lanciani e de Rossi scrissero che il ripostiglio fu trovato sotto una larga pietra mentre stavano ripulendo la pavimentazione di un edificio altomedievale nell’angolo più a nord dell’antica Casa delle Vestali, circa 1,6 metri sopra il livello di calpestio dell’Atrium Vestae romano2 (fig . 1, p. 5). Al momento del rinvenimento il ripostiglio era contenuto in quella che de Rossi descrive come una ciotola di rozza terra cotta3. Questo contenitore non si è conservato, o almeno non può essere identificato. La sua forma e la sua origine non possono quindi essere ricostruite con certezza4. I due fermagli a uncino erano probabilmente le chiusure di una sacca o una borsa5, e un frammento di tessuto aderente a una delle monete apparteneva probabilmente alla sacca o al suo rivestimento interno (cat. n. 605). Tale frammento non è più conservato, ma può essere visto nelle fotografie precedenti alla pulizia della moneta (fig . 2, p. 6)6.

De Rossi e Lanciani si adoperarono immediatamente per garantire che il ripostiglio fosse pre-servato nella sua interezza, identificato e conservato per i futuri studi. Rimane uno dei pochi ripo-stigli dell’epoca completamente preservato e oggetto di forti attenzioni sia in testi di carattere scien-tifico sia in altri di carattere più divulgativo7. La notizia del ritrovamento trovò eco quasi immediato nella stampa. Solo due giorni dopo il ritrovamento la notizia fu riportata, insieme a entusiastiche speculazioni sulle circostanze relative alla deposizione del ripostiglio, nei quotidiani britannici8. La relazione di de Rossi sul ripostiglio, inclusa in quella più ampia di Lanciani sugli scavi dell’Atrium Vestae, fu pubblicata poco dopo, insieme a una lunga lettera in inglese scritta dallo stesso Lanciani che trovò spazio sulle pagine di The Athenaeum9. Il 10 dicembre 1885 il ripostiglio fu affidato dalla Direzione generale dei musei e scavi d’antichità del Regno al Museo delle Terme di Diocleziano10,

1 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, pp. 434-514.2 . . . Il tesoretto era nascosto a met . 1,60 sopra il piano antico, nell’ultimo angolo dell’Atrio delle Vestali, verso il Foro e verso l’odierna chiesa di s . Maria liberatrice, in una stanza costruita nel medio evo . . . (Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 493).3 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 487.4 La tipologia ceramica romana più conosciuta tra l’VIII e il X secolo è la Forum ware (v. in generale Mazzucato 1977, pp. 31-34 e figg. 51-57; Paroli 1992). Si occupa dei contenitori di Forum ware dell’epoca Mazzucato 1993, pp. 45, 64 e 67-69 (figg. 38 e 78). Bisogna tuttavia rilevare che la Forum ware è sempre pesantemente invetriata, il che sembra difficile da conciliare con la descrizione del contenitore (rozza terra cotta): bisognerebbe considerare altri tipi di ceramiche comuni in uso nella Roma del X secolo. V. anche Romei 2004.5 V. infra, pp. 328-329.6 Metcalf 1992, p. 66.7 Cfr. Toubert 1973, vol. 1, p. 559.8 Pall Mall Gazette (10 novembre 1883), p. 6; The Times (10 novembre 1883), p. 5; Birmingham Daily Post (12 novembre 1883), p. 4; The Belfast News-Letter (16 novembre 1883), p. 5; The Graphic (17 novembre 1883), p. 487; The Daily News (25 dicembre) 1883, p. 3. 9 The Athenaeum 2934 (19 gennaio 1884), pp. 95-96. Cfr. Cubberley 1988, pp. 151-154 (n. LIV).10 Come attestato da un documento firmato in quella data da Ettore de Ruggiero, direttore del Museo delle Terme di Diocleziano, oggi conservato con il ripostiglio presso il Medagliere del Museo Nazionale Romano.


297

Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae nel Foro Romano

dove era ancora visibile nel 189511. Oggi è conservato presso il Medagliere del Museo Nazionale Romano in Palazzo Massimo alle Terme.

De Rossi incluse nella sua prima pubblicazione un accurato elenco delle immagini e delle iscrizioni delle monete trovate. Comunicò poi rapidamente alle società erudite britanniche le notizie e i dettagli relativi al ritrovamento; una sommaria traduzione del suo lavoro fu pubblicata da Charles Francis Keary nel Numismatic Chronicle del 188412. Le ricerche sul tesoretto rallentarono decisamente nei decenni suc-cessivi. Charles Lewis Stainer, occupandosi, all’inizio del Novecento, di monete provenienti da Oxford, ottenne copie di pezzi significativi del tesoretto e dettagli relativi al loro peso13, mentre numerosi altri studiosi britannici riconobbero l’importanza del deposito per la comprensione della storia monetaria inglese del X secolo, pur facendo in apparenza riferimento solamente ai lavori di Keary e de Rossi degli anni ‘80 del XIX secolo14. Nuove ricerche furono condotte solo a partire dagli anni ‘70 del XX secolo, grazie a Christopher Evelyn Blunt (1904-1987). Il suo lavoro determinante del 1973 sulla monetazione di Æthelstan comprendeva un’appendice dedicata al tesoretto in cui erano corretti numerosi errori com-messi da de Rossi nel precedente catalogo15. La maggior parte delle monete non erano illustrate, ma, più o meno nello stesso periodo, il figlio di Blunt, Simon, aveva fatto una serie completa di fotografie e le aveva messe a disposizione di Blunt e dei suoi colleghi16.

Gli ultimi decenni sono stati caratterizzati da una forte attenzione nei confronti del tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae, visto come una fonte primaria per la numismatica del X secolo e, sempre di più, anche per la storia economica e monetaria della Roma dell’epoca. Christopher Blunt si è occupato del ripostiglio romano in un’importante panoramica sui ritrovamenti monetari anglosassoni in Ita-lia (un tema su cui è ritornato di recente Rory Naismith)17, e il contenuto del deposito campeggia anche nella grande opera sulla monetazione inglese del X secolo pubblicata nel 1989 dallo stesso Blunt insieme a Stewart Lyon e Lord Stewartby18. Per la prima volta gli studiosi integrarono il teso-retto dell’Atrium Vestae nella trattazione complessiva sulla storia monetaria anglosassone, anche se si avvertivano i limiti interpretativi dovuti alla mancanza di un catalogo illustrato integrale. Negli anni ‘80 Michael Metcalf cercò di colmare tale vuoto con un nuovo studio e catalogo del deposito. Il suo progetto non giunse a compimento, sebbene l’impareggiabile introduzione da lui scritta sia stata pubblicata separatamente nel 199219. I fermagli a uncino furono oggetto di un altro breve arti-colo di James Graham-Campbell, comparso nel 1991, unitamente a contributi di Elisabeth Okasha e Michael Metcalf20.

Da una prospettiva italiana ci si è invece avvicinati al deposito per riflettere sulla disponibilità di moneta nella Roma di metà X secolo. Pierre Toubert, Ermanno A. Arslan e Cécile Morrisson se ne sono occupati nel contesto della storia monetaria romana21, mentre Alessia Rovelli ha menzionato il tesoretto come una delle prime attestazioni di una più ampia circolazione dei denari pavesi22. Gli storici che si sono occupati dei rapporti tra Roma e l’Inghilterra hanno inoltre discusso il contesto e il significato del deposito: i loro contributi saranno trattati più avanti23.

11 Tesoroni 1895, p. 262; cfr. Van Deman 1909, p. 47.12 Keary 1884.13 Stainer 1904, pp. xlv e 2-4.14 Ad esempio, Hawkins 1887, pp. 134 e 139; Dolley, Metcalf 1961, pp. 82, 84, 87.15 Blunt 1974, pp. 141-155.16 Blunt 1974, p. 141. Gli autori dispongono di una delle copie di questo insieme di fotografie e ne hanno fatto uso nella preparazione di questo contributo.17 Blunt 1986, p. 161; Naismith 2014a.18 CTCE; v. anche Stewart 1988.19 Metcalf 1992.20 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991. Cfr. Okasha 1992, p. 53 (nn. 202-203).21 Toubert 1973, vol. 1, pp. 552-576; Arslan, Morrisson 2002, pp. 1276-1277.22 Rovelli 2012, p. 16 n. VIII; cfr. Toubert 1973.23 V. infra, pp. 319-324.


298


Il contesto del deposito: Roma e la Casa delle Vestali nel X secolo

Nella lunga relazione del 1883 di Lanciani sugli scavi dell’Atrium Vestae solo due sono le pagine dedicate all’impiego dell’area nel corso dei secoli successivi all’espulsione delle Vestali dalla loro antica sede, avvenuta sotto Teodosio I (379-395), e si ha l’impressione che la descrizione dell’ambiente in cui fu ritrovato il deposito sarebbe stata ancora più breve, se non fosse stato per la rilevanza del tesoretto. La ricostruzione del contesto archeologico in cui il ripostiglio venne alla luce è quindi assai problema-tica. Lanciani parla di una casa altomedievale collocata nella parte nord-orientale dell’Atrio, in una delle varie fasi di riutilizzo tardo-antico e altomedievale degli spazi della struttura classica24. Scrive che solo uno degli ambienti della Casa era stato oggetto di scavi al tempo della sua relazione25, e che questo era collocato 2,5 metri sopra il livello di calpestio dell’Atrio di epoca imperiale (per la sua collocazione, fig . 1, p. 5 e fig . 3, p. 8)26. I muri est e nord erano quelli della struttura antica e, addossata all’esterno del muro orientale usato dalla costruzione altomedievale, si trovava una aedicula che diversi archeologi dell’epoca e successivi hanno ritenuto potesse ospitare una statua di Vesta. Per contro Lanciani la identificò, pro-babilmente in modo corretto, come una delle tante edicole compitali (in onore dei numi protettori del focolare domestico) che si potevano trovare nelle strade di Roma (fig . 4, p. 9)27.

I muri sud e ovest furono attribuiti al IX o X secolo, e furono rinvenuti tre piedistalli, su cui origi-nariamente erano collocate statue di Vestali, poi reimpiegati come fondamenta del muro meridionale28. I muri medievali vennero distrutti – incautamente secondo Lanciani – nel 1884, ma l’autore non spe-cifica se ciò avvenne durante la campagna di scavi da lui diretta fino al 17 marzo del 1884 o in una fase successiva29. Dopo tale smantellamento tuttavia i tre piedistalli furono conservati in situ per qualche tempo, come dimostrano diverse foto dell’area risalenti al XIX secolo (figg . 5-7, pp. 10-11), tra cui quelle prese durante gli scavi del 1899 del sistema fognario dell’Atrio (fig . 8, p. 12)30. La ciotola di terracotta contenente il tesoretto fu trovata circa 90 cm sotto il livello della pavimentazione dell’edificio medievale, nascosta sotto una grande pietra, ma (come è stato di recente notato da Andrea Augenti) Lanciani non chiarì se l’occultamento del ripostiglio fosse avvenuto tramite uno scavo nella pavimentazione o prima della costruzione della casa. Ancora più preoccupante è il sospetto di Augenti che la datazione proposta da Lanciani per l’edificio sia stata suggerita dalla presenza dei due fermagli a uncino con il nome di papa Marino, trovati insieme alle monete31. Dal momento che non esistono resti materiali o fotografie della struttura, e che il contenitore in cui erano conservati monete e fermagli non può più essere identificato, rimangono scarsissime possibilità di gettare ulteriore luce sul contesto di rinvenimento del tesoretto32. Bisogna comunque aggiungere che l’ala occidentale dell’Atrium Vestae continuò ad essere occupata e abitata, almeno parzialmente, dopo il X secolo, come si deduce dalla presenza di un muro “con cortina in soli tufelli” databile al XII o XIII secolo al più tardi, come pure dalla presenza di numerosi frammenti ceramici medievali trovati nel corso degli scavi novecenteschi33.

24 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486; Coates-Stephens 1996, p. 249. Sui segni di attività tardoantica nell’estremità occidentale dell’Atrio v. inoltre Filippi 2001 e Filippi et al . 2004. 25 Non è chiaro se fossero stati trovati altri resti dell’edificio medievale, non inclusi nella relazione, o se questo potesse avere incorporato una parte più ampia della struttura antica. In alternativa la stanza trovata da Lanciani potrebbe essere stata una struttura a sé. Nelle sue pubblicazioni sugli scavi Lanciani parlò inizialmente di una stanza, ma in seguito si riferì a una piccola casa, dando quindi l’impressione (non verificabile) che nel frattempo non fossero state trovate altre stanze adiacenti di epoca medievale. Cfr. Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486, Lanciani 1888, p. 160 e Idem 1897, p. 233.26 Augenti 1996, p. 61 fornisce delle misurazioni lievemente differenti, affermando che l’ambiente del X secolo era 2 metri sopra il livello della pavimentazione dell’antica Casa delle Vestali (ed è stato seguito da Meneghini, Santangeli Valenzani 2004, p. 168).27 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486; cfr. Coarelli 1983, p. 266.28 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 486.29 Lanciani 1888, p. 161. Le date esatte dell’inizio e della fine degli scavi sono fornite dallo stesso Lanciani in una lettera del 29 marzo 1884: Cubberley 1988, p. 160. Per ulteriori indagini dell’epoca negli stessi siti si veda anche Jordan 1884 e Idem 1886. 30 Sisani 2004, p. 64.31 Augenti 1996, p. 139.32 Per commenti e una contestualizzazione v. Coates-Stephens 1996, in particolare p. 244.33 Augenti 1996, pp. 79-80 e la pianta della Casa delle Vestali a p. 23.


Plate XV

Viking Kingdom of York. Olaf Guthfrithsson (939-41) York. Penny showing a bird in flight (obverse, cat. no. 818)

Kingdom of Italy. Berengar I (915-24) Pavia. Denaro (obverse, cat. no. 825)


Plate XVI

Kingdom of Italy. Berengar I (915-24) Pavia. Denaro (reverse, cat. no. 825)

West Frankish Kingdom. Odo (888-97) Limoges. Denier (obverse, cat. no. 827)


299


Fin dal tempo della scoperta l’attenzione si è rivolta al legame tra il tesoretto e il papato, il che ha condizionato l’interpretazione del contesto di ritrovamento. I fermagli a uncino furono in un primo mo-mento identificati con le fibule pettorali della cappa di un funzionario papale (che poteva essere il pos-sessore dell’edificio in cui il ripostiglio venne deposto)34. La presenza di un alto ufficiale nell’area venne spiegata da de Rossi come una conseguenza della perdurante presenza della curia pontificia sul Palatino fin dai tempi di Giovanni VII (705-707) che, secondo il Liber pontificalis, cominciò la costruzione di un episcopium sopra (super) il sito occupato dalla vicina chiesa di Santa Maria Antiqua. Due tegoloni con impresso il nome Giovanni in greco vennero alla luce nell’Atrium Vestae, a poca distanza dal ripostiglio, e sono stati tradizionalmente letti come prova concreta della presenza dell’episcopium di Giovanni in quest’area35.

Più di recente l’identificazione dei fermagli a uncino con le spille di un funzionario papale è stata rifiutata e si è dimostrato che i due fermagli, presumibilmente di manifattura anglosas-sone, erano stati probabilmente usati per chiudere la sacca in cui le monete furono portate a Roma36. Inoltre l’ipotesi di una continua presenza pontificia sul Palatino o nei suoi pressi è stata smentita, dal momento che dopo un breve periodo all’inizio dell’VIII secolo la curia pontificia si spostò presso il Laterano e lì rimase37. L’unico legame tra quest’area del Foro, il Palatino e il papato dipende dall’identificazione di ciò che potrebbe essere stato un archivio pontificio nei pressi dell’Arco di Tito. Si tratterebbe dell’edificio indicato come Testamentum nell’itinerario di Einsiedeln, redatto intorno all’800; ancora più ipotetica è l’identificazione del Testamentum con la struttura definita come Cartularium nei Mirabilia urbis Romae del XII secolo e in altre fonti più tarde38. La presenza di questo edificio ha indotto Andrea Augenti a suggerire che la casa del X secolo dove fu trovato il tesoretto potesse essere la residenza del responsabile dell’archivio39, sebbene la sua collocazione così distante dall’Arco di Tito renda la tesi problematica. Sebbene si tratti indubbiamente di una possibilità da considerare, non c’è nulla per confermare o smentire che l’occultamento del tesoretto sia stato opera di un personaggio o di un’istituzione direttamente legata al papato. Un donativo monetario diretto al Papa sarebbe stato molto probabilmente usato, se il Liber pontificalis può essere d’aiuto, per fornire fondi per il sostentamento ecclesiastico40. L’occultamento di un simile tesoro, isolato ma apparentemente intatto, potrebbe indicare che que-sto non raggiunse mai il suo destinatario finale.

Un altro edificio che potrebbe avere avuto un qualche legame con il sito di ritrovamento del ripostiglio è la chiesa di Santa Maria Antiqua o, più nello specifico, il suo atrio, che conserva affre-schi datati al X e XI secolo, e che dal XII secolo divenne nota come chiesa di Sant’Antonio41. Dopo il terremoto dell’847 l’edificio sacro fu abbandonato, mentre le sue proprietà e il suo titolo di diaconia furono trasferite a Santa Maria Nova, sempre nel Foro Romano. Tuttavia gli affreschi dell’atrio sug-geriscono che almeno questa parte del complesso possa essere rimasta in uso anche dopo la metà del IX secolo. Nel 1987 John Osborne ha formulato l’interessante ipotesi secondo cui una comunità mo-nastica potrebbe avere usato l’atrio nel X e XI secolo come chiesa, basandosi proprio sulla presenza

34 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 487.35 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 494, dove si suggerisce che le tegole possano essere cadute dal Palatino giù per la scarpata che finiva presso la Casa delle Vestali.36 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991; Owen-Crocker 2004, pp. 153-155. V. infra, pp. 328-329.37 Augenti 1996, pp. 56-58 e 62; cfr. Meneghini, Santangeli Valenzani 2004, pp. 209-210.38 Itinerarium di Einsiedeln, c. 8 (ed. Valentini, Zucchetti 1940-1953, vol. 2, p. 196) e Mirabilia urbis Romae, c. 24 (ed. Valentini, Zucchetti 1940-1953, vol. 3, p. 57). La più recente trattazione di Rodríguez López sull’edificio (Rodríguez López 2005, in particolare pp. 321-326) è dubbiosa sull’identificazione del Testamentum con il Cartularium . V. anche Bison 2010.39 Augenti 1996, p. 62 nota 7 e pp. 72-73; v. anche Idem 1994, pp. 682-684 e la mappa a p. 673 per la possibile posizione del Cartularium. 40 Delogu 1988; Reuter 2000.41 Osborne 1987, p. 221.


300


di affreschi chiaramente posteriori al IX secolo. Questa comunità potrebbe essere stata responsabile dell’erezione di una copertura dell’atrio; un grande pilastro in mattoni trovato nel mezzo dell’atrio nel corso degli scavi del 1900 potrebbe appartenere a questa fase costruttiva, o a un periodo ancora successivo42. La possibilità che tale comunità avesse un qualche legame con il vicino edificio dell’A-trium Vestae può solo essere oggetto di speculazioni43.

Questa parte del Foro mostra comunque forti segni di occupazione nel IX e X secolo44. Riccardo Meneghini ha recentemente sottolineato la quantità di edifici antichi adattati e riutilizzati per una molteplicità di fini in tale fase. Edifici residenziali di qualità elevata comparvero nel Foro e nelle sue vicinanze verso la metà del IX secolo45. Le chiese, come pure gli edifici civili, si insediarono all’interno dei templi e dei monumenti classici. Oltre alla Casa delle Vestali e all’atrio di Santa Maria Antiqua, anche la vicina Basilica Giulia, ancora in piedi nell’alto medioevo, ospitava nella navata settentrionale un piccolo oratorio del IX secolo con pareti affrescate (noto come Santa Maria in Cannapara). I resti trovati in loco attestano inoltre la presenza di attività artigianali, inclusa forse la lavorazione di corde. Scavi più recenti tra la Basilica Giulia e il Tempio di Saturno hanno inoltre portato alla luce un altro edificio del X secolo collocato tra le arcate della Basilica46.

Questi rilievi sul livello di attività intorno alla Casa delle Vestali ci introducono al quesito centrale sulle circostanze che potrebbero avere portato all’occultamento del ripostiglio in questo sito. Nonostante la pessima reputazione della Roma del X secolo47, il quarto e quinto decennio del secolo furono infatti un periodo relativamente tranquillo48. All’epoca il princeps Alberico (932-954) aveva ormai respinto una serie di attacchi di Ugo di Provenza, che aveva sperato di recuperare il controllo di Roma dopo il matrimonio del 932 con la madre di Alberico, Marozia. Negli ultimi anni del governo di Alberico la minaccia più diretta alla città furono le incursioni ungare. Fu grazie a queste incursioni che un gran numero di monete occidentali – tra cui molte provenienti da Roma e dal resto dell’Italia – furono incluse nei ripostigli ungheresi del X secolo49. Ma l’attacco che più si avvicinò alla città avvenne nel 942, quando un gruppo di Ungari raggiunse Porta San Giovanni, prima di essere sconfitto e messo in fuga dai Romani50. La data è in ogni caso troppo precoce per il contesto del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae; il suo destinatario, Marino II, fu eletto papa nell’autunno di quell’anno, e consacrato l’11 novembre51. Le informazioni su Roma negli anni ‘40 del secolo X sono relativamente scarse, ed è del tutto possibile che un’incursione ungara non registrata o un conflitto interno abbiano portato all’occultamento del tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae52. Tuttavia, nono-stante de Rossi e altri studiosi abbiano indicato come causa i tumultuosi eventi politici e militari53, le possibilità dietro l’occultamento del tesoretto sono di fatto infinite, e in assenza di ulteriori dati archeologici o storici è impossibile sposare con un certo margine di sicurezza una più specifica tesi. Mentre la storia dell’assemblaggio e della destinazione del tesoretto può essere narrata con un buon grado di dettaglio, il vero motivo per cui esso fu nascosto non può che rimanere un mistero54.

42 Osborne 1987, p. 190 e pp. 219-223; per una fotografia del pilastro al tempo degli scavi, v. Augenti 1996, p. 67, fig. 33.43 Bisogna rilevare che sopravvivono decorazioni anche sui muri di uno stretto passaggio nel muro destro (ovest) dell’atrio di Santa Maria Antiqua, prodotte durante quest’ultima fase di occupazione della struttura. Osborne ipotizzò che la comunità monastica che forse all’epoca usava la chiesa potesse risiedere sul lato ovest dell’atrio; cioè sul lato opposto a quello più vicino alla Casa delle Vestali (Fig. 1): Osborne 1987, pp. 216-219.44 Serlorenzi, Maetzke 2001.45 Goodson 2010, in particolare p. 62.46 Meneghini, Santangeli Valenzani 2004, pp. 167-172.47 V. infra, pp. 329-330.48 Falco 1954, pp. 260-261; Arnaldi 1960; Wickham 2000; Idem 2013 (e Idem 2015).49 Bakay 1999, p. 543; Fusconi 2012.50 Fasoli 1945, pp. 174-175; Arnaldi 1960, p. 650.51 I riferimenti alle fonti relative alle esatte date del suo pontificato sono forniti in Zucchetti 1920, p. 167, nota 3. Cfr. Piazzoni 2008.52 Bakay 1999, p. 544. Nel 947 gli Ungari raggiunsero la Puglia, ma il percorso seguito non è noto, sebbene sembri improbabile che siano passati da Roma o nelle sue vicinanze: Fasoli 1945, pp. 179-180. Sulla cronologia degli attacchi ungari v. anche Schulze 1984.53 Cfr. Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 493; Gregorovius 1885, pp. 39-40; Metcalf 1992, pp. 77-78. 54 Su questo punto v. Bogucki 2005.


301


Il contenuto del ripostiglio

Le 830 monete identificabili nel ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae possono essere catalogate per sovrano, tipo o monetiere, così come segue:

N. CATALOGO REGNO AUTORITÀ TIPO ZECCA* MONETIERE N.

ESEMPLARI

1 Inghilterra Alfred (871-899)

Monogramma di Londra Londra - 1

2 “ “ Two-Line / Horizontal [Wessex] Æthelræd 1

3-4 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornmær 2

5 “ “ “ Canterbury Deorweald 1

6 “ “ “ [incerta] Ecgwulf 1

7 “Edward the

Elder(899-924)

Two-Line / Horizontal [midlands orientali] Adalbert 1

8-13 “ “ “ [Kent] Æthelferth 6

14-31 “ “ “ [Wessex] Æthelræd 18

32-37 “ “ “ [Kent/Wessex] Æthelstan 6

38-48 “ “ “ [Wessex] Æthelwulf (I) 11

49 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Æthelwulf (II) 1

50 “ “ “ [midlands sudorientali] Agnes 1

51 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Badda 1

52 “ “ “ [Londra] Beagræd 1

53-59 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beagstan 7

60 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Beornheard 1

61-64 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornhere 4

65-66 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornræd (?) 2

67 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornweald 1

68-69 “ “ “ [Wessex] Beornwulf 2

70 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Bonus Homo 1

71 “ “ “ [Wessex] Clip 1

72 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Coenbeorht 1

73-74 “ “ “ [Wessex] Deora 2

75-77 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Deormod 3

78-83 “ “ “ [Wessex/Londra] Deorweald 6

84 “ “ “ [Kent] Dryhtweald 1

85 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Eadmund 1

86 “ “ “ [Wessex] Eadwulf 1

87-89 “ “ “ [Londra] Ealhlaf (?) 3

90-93 “ “ “ [Wessex] Ealhstan 4

94 “ “ “ [Wessex] Eardwulf 1

* Tra parentesi quadre le presunte zecche non indicate sulle monete.


302



ESEMPLARI

95 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Earnwulf (?) 1

96 “ “ “ [Wessex] Ecglaf 1

97 “ “ “ [Kent] Eicmund 1

98 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Eoformund 1

99-109 “ “ “ [Wessex] Frithubeorht 11

110-112 “ “ “ [Wessex/Londra] Garheard 3

113 “ “ “ [Londra] Garwulf 1

114-117 “ “ “ [Wessex/Londra] Grimweald 4

118 “ “ “ [midlands sudorientali] Gundbert 1

119 “ “ “ [incerta] Heardbeorht (?) 1

120 “ “ “ [Wessex] Heathubeald 1

121 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Heremod 1

122 “ “ “ [Wessex] Landbeorht 1

123-124 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Landuc 2

125 “ “ “ [midlands sudorientali] Mægenheard 1

126 “ “ “ [Londra] Manna 1

127 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Oda 1

128 “ “ “ [Wessex] Oslac 1

129 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Pastor 1

130-131 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Pitit 2

132 “ “ “ [incerta] Reinferth (?) 1

133-146 “ “ “ [Wessex] Reinulf 14

147 “ “ “ [Wessex] Rihard 1

148-149 “ “ “ [Wessex] Samsun 2

150-152 “ “ “ [Wessex] Sprov 3

153-154 “ “ “ [incerta] Thorlakr 2

155-164 “ “ “ [Wessex/Londra] Tila 10

165 “ “ “ [midlands orientali (?)] Tuda 1

166-171 “ “ “ [Kent] Wealdhelm 6

172 “ “ “ [midlands sudorientali] Weard 1

173 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Willuf 1

174-175 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Winegar 2

176-180 “ “ “ [Wessex] Wulfheard 5

181 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Wulfræd 1

182 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Wulfsige 1

183-194 “ “ “ [incerta] [irregolare] 12

195 “ “ “ [incerta] [incerto] 1

196-197 “ “ Bust Diademed [Londra] Beagræd 2



303



ESEMPLARI

198 “ “ “ [Londra] Beagstan 1

199 “ “ “ [Londra] Deorweald 1

200 “ “ “ [Londra] Eadwulf (?) 1

201-202 “ “ “ [Londra] Ealhlaf (?) 2

203 “ “ “ [Londra] Garheard 1

204 “ “ “ [Londra] Grimweald 1

205 “ “ “ [Londra] Igere 1

206 “ “ “ [Wessex] Landbeorht 1

207 “ “ “ [Londra] Leofhelm 1

208 “ “ “ [Londra] Si(ge)gar 1

209 “ “ “ [Londra] Tila 1

210 “ “ “ [Wessex] Wulfræd 1

211-213 “ “ “ [East Anglia] [irregolare] 3

214 “ “ Exceptional [midlands occidentali] Boiga 1

215 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Eadmund 1

216 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Oswulf 1

217-218 “ Æthelstan (924/5-939) Two-Line/ Horizontal [Chester] Abba 2

219 “ “ “ [Hertford/Maldon] Abonel 1

220-223 “ “ “ [Kent/Sussex] Ælfheah 4

224 “ “ “ [Wareham] Ælfræd 1

225 “ “ “ [Londra] Ælfstan 1

226-227 “ “ “ [Londra/Kent] Æthelferth 2

228-229 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Æthelsige 2

230 “ “ “ [Winchester] Æthelwulf 1

231-232 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Are 2

233 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Arnulf (?) 1

234-235 “ “ “ [Londra] Beagræd 2

236 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Belci 1

237 “ “ “ [Londra] Beorhtric 1

238 “ “ “ [Londra] Beorhtweald 1

239 “ “ “ [Londra] Beorngar 1

240-241 “ “ “ [Chester] Beornheard (?) 2

242 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Beornhyge 1

243 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Burghelm 1

244 “ “ “ [Shrewsbury] Coenbeorht 1

245 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Cynewulf 1

246-247 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Dominic 2

248-249 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Dryhtweald 2



304



ESEMPLARI

250 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Durand 1

251-253 “ “ “ [Chester/Shrewsbury] Eadmund 3

254-255 “ “ “ [Londra/Wessex] Ealhlaf (?) 2

256 “ “ “ [Oxford] Eardwulf 1

257-259 “ “ “ [Londra] Earnwulf 3

260 “ “ “ [Shrewsbury] Eoformund 1

261 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Fram 1

262-263 “ “ “ [Southampton] Frithubeorht 2

264-266 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Fugol 3

267 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Fulrad 1

268-269 “ “ “ [Londra] Garwulf 2

270-272 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Gota 3


274-277 “ “ “ [Canterbury] “Herebeau” 4

278 “ “ “ [Gloucester] Heremod 1

279 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Hildebeorht 1

280 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Hrothheard 1

281 “ “ “ [Londra] Igere 1

282 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Incgelbert/Engelbert 1

283-284 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Inga 2

285-288 “ “ “ [Chichester] Iohann 4

289-290 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Klakkr 2

291-294 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Landuc 4

295 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Leofhelm 1

296 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Litelman 1

297 “ “ “ [incerta] Mæthelbeorht/Æthelbeorht 1

298 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Manna (I) 1

299 “ “ “ [Londra] Manna (II) 1

300-303 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Nother 4

304-315 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Oda 12

316-317 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Oswulf/Ásulfr 2

318 “ “ “ [Chester] Paulus 1

319-320 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Pitit 2

321-322 “ “ “ [Winchester] Reinulf 2

323-324 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Rihard 2

325 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Sigebrand (?) 1

326-327 “ “ “ [Oxford] Sigeland 2

328 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Sprohene (?) 1



305



ESEMPLARI

329-330 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Stefanus 2

331 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Thorlakr 1

332 “ “ “ [Chester] Tiotes 1

333 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Uf(l)ebeorht 1

334-337 “ “ “ [Londra/Canterbury] Wealdhelm 4

338 “ “ “ [Stafford] Wigmund 1

339 “ “ “ [Lewes] Wilebeald 1

340 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Wilric 1

341-351 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Winele 11

352 “ “ “ [Chester] Wulfgar 1

353-354 “ “ “ [Winchester] Wulfheard 2

355 “ “ “ [Wareham] Wulfsige 1

356 “ “ “ [Wessex] Wulfstan 1


362 “ “ Circumscription / Two-Line ibrido [incerta] Rihard 1

363 “ “ Two-Line / Circumscription ibrido Hertford Abonel 1

364 “ “ “ Londra Ealhlaf (?) 1

365 “ “ “ Londra Igere 1

366 “ “ “ Londra Wulfhelm 1

367-368 “ “ “ Oxford Sigeland 2

369 “ “ Circumscription (con zecca) Bath Beorhtwulf 1

370 “ “ “ Bath Herewis 1

371 “ “ “ Bridport (?) Wihtwulf 1

372 “ “ “ Canterbury Æthelferth 1

373-374 “ “ “ Canterbury Æthelsige 2

375 “ “ “ Canterbury Manna 1

376 “ “ “ Canterbury Torhthelm 1

377-379 “ “ “ Chester Abba 3

380 “ “ “ Chester Beornheard 1

381-382 “ “ “ Chester Cnapa 2

383-386 “ “ “ Chester Eadmund 4

387-388 “ “ “ Chester Efrard 2

389 “ “ “ Chester Mægenræd 1

390 “ “ “ Chester Mældomen 1

391 “ “ “ Chester Martin 1

392-393 “ “ “ Chester Oslac 2

394-395 “ “ “ Chester Pauleus 2



306



ESEMPLARI

396 “ “ “ Chester Salc(es) 1

397-398 “ “ “ Chester Sigeferth 2

399-400 “ “ “ Chester Weard 2

401 “ “ “ Chester Wulfstan 1

402 “ “ “ Chichester Iohann 1

403 “ “ “ Derby Boiga 1

404 “ “ “ Derby Si(ge)gar 1

405 “ “ “ Exeter Abun 1

406-409 “ “ “ Exeter Reinald 4

410 “ “ “ Langport Beorhthelm 1

411 “ “ “ Langport Wynsige 1

412-414 “ “ “ Leicester Thorstein 3

415 “ “ “ Londra Æthelræd 1

416-417 “ “ “ Londra Beagræd 2

418 “ “ “ Londra Beorhtric 1

419 “ “ “ Londra Ealhlaf (?) 1

420 “ “ “ Londra Heahwulf (?) 1

421-423 “ “ “ Londra Igere 3

424 “ “ “ Londra Leofhelm 1

425 “ “ “ Nottingham Æthelnoth 1

426 “ “ “ Oxford Ingelri 1

427-428 “ “ “ Oxford Mathelweald 2

429 “ “ “ Shaftesbury Æthelwine 1

430 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Beorhthelm 1

431 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Coenbeorht 1

432 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Ecgheard 1

433 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Eoformund 1

434-435 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Frotger 2

436 “ “ “ Shrewsbury Wulflaf 1

437 “ “ “ Southampton Eadgild 1

438-439 “ “ “ Stafford Eardwulf 2

440 “ “ “ Stafford Wihtmund 1

441 “ “ “ Totnes (?) Beorhtwulf 1

442 “ “ “ Warwick (?) Manthegn (?) 1

443-444 “ “ “ Winchester Æthelwulf 2

445 “ “ “ Winchester Amelric 1

446-459 “ “ “ York Ragnaldr 14

460-461 “ “ “ “Derby” [irregolare] 2

462-466 “ “ “ “Londra” [irregolare] 5



307



ESEMPLARI

467 “ “ Circumscription (senza zecca) [incerta] Reinhere (?) 1


474 “ “ Circumscription / Bust Crowned ibrido [Oxford/Wallingford] Æthelmund 1

475 “ “ “ [incerta] Cyneweald 1

476-483 “ “ Bust (con zecca) Canterbury Ælfric 8

484-487 “ “ “ Canterbury Æthelsige 4

488-490 “ “ “ Canterbury Torhthelm 3

491 “ “ “ Hertford Abonel 1

492 “ “ “ Lewes Eadric 1

493-494 “ “ “ Londra Ælfstan 2

495-503 “ “ “ Londra Ælfweald 9

504-509 “ “ “ Londra Beagræd 6

510-518 “ “ “ Londra Beornheard 9

519-522 “ “ “ Londra Ealhlaf (?) 4

523-528 “ “ “ Londra Grimweald 6

529-531 “ “ “ Londra Igere 3

532-537 “ “ “ Londra Leofhelm 6

538 “ “ “ Londra Manna 1

539-540 “ “ “ Londra Wulfhelm 2

541 “ “ “ Maldon Abonel 1

542 “ “ “ Norwich Bardel 1

543 “ “ “ Norwich Eadgar 1

544-546 “ “ “ Norwich Giongbeald 3

547-548 “ “ “ Norwich Hrothgar 2

549-551 “ “ “ Norwich Manna/Manticen 3

552-554 “ “ “ Norwich Manticen 3

555-556 “ “ “ Oxford Eardwulf 2

557-559 “ “ “ Oxford Uthelric 3

560 “ “ “ “SMRIE” Eadbeald 1

561 “ “ “ Wallingford Æthelmund (?) 1

562-563 “ “ “ Wallingford Beornweald 2

564-566 “ “ “ Winchester Æthel(hel)m 3

567 “ “ “ Winchester Amelric 1

568-570 “ “ “ Winchester Leofric 3

571 “ “ “ Winchester Otic 1

572-574 “ “ “ Winchester Rægenulf 3

575 “ “ “ York Æthelferth 1



308



ESEMPLARI

576-577 “ “ Bust (senza zecca) [incerta] Ælfheah 2

578-580 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Æthelferth 3

581 “ “ “ [Shaftesbury] Æthelwine 1

582-583 “ “ “ [Wallingford] Beornweald 2

584 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Bus 1

585 “ “ “ [Wessex] Ceolhelm 1

586 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Deorweald 1

587 “ “ “ [Dover] Folcræd 1

588 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Fredard 1

589 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Fulrad 1


591 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Herric 1

592 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale (conii Canterbury)] Hunric 1

593-598 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale (conii Londra/Wessex)] Leofing 6

599 “ “ “ [Inghilterra sudorientale (conii Canterbury)] Manning 1

600 “ “ “ [Inghilterra sudorientale (conii Londra)] Sigewulf 1

601-603 “ “ “ [York] Sielan 3

604 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Smala 1

605 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Torhthelm 1

606 “ “ Church [incerta] Wilsige (?) 1

607 “ Æthelstan / Edmund

Æthelstan Bust / Edmund Two-Line

ibrido[Southampton] Eadgild 1

608 “ “

Edmund Two-Line / Æthelstan Circum-

scription o Bust ibrido (con zecca)

Chester Faro 1

609 “ “ “ Wallingford Beornweald 1

610 “ Edmund (939-946) Two-Line / Horizontal [Hertford/Maldon] Abonel 1

611 “ “ “ [incerta] “Adeau” 1

612 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Ælfheard 1

613 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Ælfric 1

614-624 “ “ “ [Londra] Ælfstan 11

625-627 “ “ “ [Londra] Ælfweald (I) 3

628 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Ælfweald (II) 1

629 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Ælfwine 1

630 “ “ “ [Winchester] Æthelhelm (I) 1



309



ESEMPLARI

631 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Æthelhelm (?) (II) 1

632-634 “ “ “ [Oxford/Wallingford] Æthelmund 3

635-636 “ “ “ [Shaftesbury] Æthelwine 2

637-641 “ “ “ [Stafford] Amund/Æthelmund 5

642-643 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Are 2

644-646 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Arnulfr 3

647-648 “ “ “ [Bedford] Baldwin 2

649-651 “ “ “ [Londra] Beagræd 3

652 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Beagwulf 1

653-655 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Beorhtræd 3

656-657 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Beorhtwig 2

658-672 “ “ “ [Londra] Beornheard 15

673-679 “ “ “ [Wallingford] Beornweald 7

680-684 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Deorhelm 5

685-688 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Deorweald 4

689 “ “ “ [Chester] Deorwulf 1

690-691 “ “ “ [Huntingdon] Dudig 2

692 “ “ “ [Southampton] Eadgild 1

693-695 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Eadmund 3

696-698 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Eadræd 3

699 “ “ “ [Stafford] Eardwulf 1

700 “ “ “ [Hereford] Ecgbeorht 1

701 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Einhard/Ginard 1

702 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Eoforwulf 1

703-704 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Faraman 2

705 “ “ “ [Dover] Folcræd 1

706-708 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Fugol 3

709 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Gota 1

710 “ “ “ [Bedford] Grimr 1

711-717 “ “ “ [Londra] Grimweald 7

718 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Gundferth 1

719 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Heathubeald 1

720 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Herebeald 1

721-722 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Hereman 2

723-724 “ “ “ [Wallingford] Heremod 2

725-728 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Hunsige 4

729 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Ildeomert 1

730 “ “ “ [York] Ingelgar 1



310



ESEMPLARI

731 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Landwulf 1

732 “ “ “ [Londra] Leofhelm 1

733-737 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Leofing 5

738-741 “ “ “ [Winchester] Leofric 4

742 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Litelman 1

743-747 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Manna 5

748-752 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Mannel 5

753 “ “ “ [Winchester] Martin (I) 1

754-755 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Martin (II) 2

756 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Ondres 1

757 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Osferth/Ásfrithr 1

758 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Osmund/Ásmundr 1

759-760 “ “ “ [Northampton] Osweald 2

761 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Oswulf/Ásulfr 1

762-763 “ “ “ [Derby] Othelric 2

764-765 “ “ “ [Winchester] Otic 2

766 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Reingrim 1

767-772 “ “ “ [Exeter] Reinald 6

773 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Re(in)theres 1

774-775 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Rodbert 2

776-777 “ “ “ [Inghilterra meridionale] Siademan 2

778 “ “ “ [Derby] Sigeweald 1

779 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Stefanus 1

780 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Waringod 1

781-783 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Wigheard 3

784 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Wiglaf (?) 1

785 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Wihthelm 1

786 “ “ “ [Malmesbury] Wulfric 1

787 “ “ “ [midlands occidentali] Wulfstan 1


792 “ “ Bust (con zecca) Bedford (?) Boiga 1

793 “ “ “ Norwich Elact/Klakkr 1

794 “ “ “ Norwich Giongbeald 1

795-796 “ “ “ Norwich Hrothgar 2

797 “ “ Bust (senza zecca) [East Anglia] Erconbald 1

798-800 “ “ “ [East Anglia] Fredard 3

801 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Gis 1

802 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Iedulf 1



311



ESEMPLARI

803-804 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Telia 2

805-806 “ incerta [irregolare] Two-Line / Horizontal [incerta] [irregolare] 2

807-812 “ “ Circumscription [incerta] [irregolare] 6

813 “ incerta [danneggiata] Two-Line / Horizontal [incerta] [incerto] 1

814-815 “ Arciv. Plegmund Two-Line / Horizontal [Canterbury] Æthelferth 2

816-817 “ “ “ [Canterbury] Sigehelm 2

818 VichinghiOlaf

Guthfrithsson (939-941)

Raven [York] Æthelferth 1

819-820 “ “ Circumscription [York] Hrodulf 2

821 “ “ “ [Derby] [incerto] 1

822 “Sihtric

Sihtricsson (ca. 942-943)

Circumscription [York] Hrodulf 1

823 “Olaf

Sihtricsson (941-944)

Two-Line / Horizontal [midlands orientali] Arnulfr 1

824 “ “ “ [midlands orientali] Nother 1

825 Italia Berengario I (915-924) “ Pavia - 1

826 “Ugo di Arles e Lotario II (931-947)

“ Pavia - 1

827 Franchi occidentali

Odone (888-897)

o dopo“ Limoges - 1

828 Impero ottoniano

Ottone I (936-973) “ Strasburgo - 1

829 Bavaria Berthold I (938-947) “ Regensburg “Het” 1

830 Impero bizantino

Theophilus (829-842) “ Costantinopoli - 1

Come si può vedere dal catalogo e dalle immagini, una parte significativa delle monete sono rotte o in frammenti, e, in seguito al processo di pulizia, alcuni esemplari prima tenuti insieme solo dalle incro-stazioni si sono spaccate in più parti.

Il ripostiglio nel suo contesto inglese

Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae fu assemblato in una fase in cui la dinastia iniziata in Wessex con Egbert (802-839) aveva esteso il suo potere su gran parte dell’attuale Inghilterra. La Mercia e il Wessex – regni autonomi almeno dal VII secolo – furono progressivamente integrati alla metà del IX secolo, e



312


Alfred the Great fu riconosciuto come sovrano di entrambi i regni. Al tempo della sua morte egli fu de-scritto dall’Anglo-Saxon Chronicle come “re su tutto il popolo inglese tranne per la parte sotto il dominio danese” (cyning ofer eall Ongelcyn butan ðæm dæle þe under Dena onwalde wæs)55. Suo figlio Edward the Elder (insieme a sua sorella e al marito di questa, Æthelflæd ed Æthelred, sovrani di Mercia) mossero guerra ai Vichinghi nei primi decenni del X secolo, conquistando l’East Anglia e le midlands orientali. Il successore di Edward, Æthelstan, portò York e il resto della Northumbria sotto il dominio inglese, e affermò la sua supremazia sugli altri sovrani del nord e dell’ovest dell’isola. Questa vasta formazione politica fu scossa dopo la morte di Æthelstan da un nuovo attacco vichingo, che portò alla perdita della Northumbria e delle midlands orientali, ma entro il 942 Edmund riuscì a riconquistare lo Yorkshire fino a Dore, mentre nel 944 riprese la stessa York56.

Lo sviluppo della monetazione seguì in modo molto stretto questa graduale espansione delle fortune della dinastia del Wessex57. Pennies d’argento con il nome del re e del funzionario re-sponsabile della loro produzione (“monetiere”) erano stati alla base della monetazione inglese dall’VIII secolo. Sebbene le monete fossero coniate nell’VIII e IX secolo a nome di diversi sovrani, tutti i territori a sud dell’Humber condividevano gli stessi standard di peso e metallo, e i ripostigli trovati mostrano che erano usate in modo intercambiabile58. Dai tempi di Æthelwulf in Wessex (839-858) e Berhtwulf in Mercia (840-852) le valute dei due regni si erano avvicinate sempre di più sotto il profilo amministrativo, e così, alla metà degli anni ‘60 del IX secolo, sotto Æthelred I (865-871), il tipo monetario della Mercia, prevalente, fu adottato anche in Wessex. A partire da questo momento una comune monetazione unì i due regni, e dopo l’880 circa Alfred era menzio-nato come re sia nelle zecche della Mercia, come Londra, Oxford e Gloucester, sia in quelle del Wessex a sud del Tamigi59.

Il riconoscimento del dominio del re della dinastia del Wessex attraverso la moneta fu uno dei primi segni del nuovo regime a comparire dopo le conquiste territoriali ai danni dei Vichinghi all’ini-zio del X secolo60. Edward, Æthelflæd ed Æthelstan si avvantaggiarono dell’esistenza di professionalità locali, e parecchi monetieri attivi sotto il dominio vichingo produssero monete in nome di Edward ed Æthelstan61. Sebbene un’unità di base prevalesse in tutto il regno sotto lo stesso re e gli stessi standard di peso e purezza fossero sostanzialmente osservati ovunque, la natura progressiva dell’espansione mi-litare del Wessex lasciò significative tracce nell’organizzazione monetaria regionale. Segmenti diversi del regno facevano uso di differenti modelli iconografici e organizzativi62. Sotto il profilo monetario, l’Inghilterra a sud di Oxford e Londra costituiva un’unità relativamente omogenea (anche se il set-tore settentrionale aveva storicamente guardato più verso la Mercia che verso il Wessex), con alcune differenze in certi periodi tra il sud-est e il Wessex, o tra specifiche zecche. Le midlands occidentali, corrispondenti al nord-ovest del vecchio regno di Mercia, differivano generalmente per alcuni pic-coli particolari dai vicini meridionali e orientali: ad esempio, sotto il profilo iconografico, piccole rosette sostituirono le croci dai tempi di Æthelstan. Tuttavia, intorno alla metà del regno di Edward le zecche di quest’area si differenziarono in modo più netto da quelle meridionali con l’inserimento di una rilevante serie di motivi iconografici sul rovescio63. Anche l’East Anglia aveva tratti peculiari, in particolar modo nell’aderenza a un’iconografia caratterizzata dalla presenza del busto. Le midlands orientali – talvolta definite come il Nord-Est dai numismatici, con riferimento alla loro posizione nel regno sotto Edward the Elder – si distinguevano per il loro conservatorismo sotto il profilo iconogra-

55 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s .a. 900 (ed. Plummer 1892, vol. 1, pp. 91-92; trad. Whitelock, Douglas, Tucker 1961, p. 58).56 Per un resoconto generale di questo processo v. Keynes 1999; Stafford 1989.57 Naismith 2014 b.58 Naismith 2012, pp. 203-229.59 Blackburn 1998 e Idem 2003.60 Naismith 2014 b.61 Blackburn 2001 e Idem 2006, pp. 205-208.62 Blunt 1974, p. 114; Naismith 2014 b.63 V. infra, p. 314.


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fico e le peculiari caratteristiche di stile, come pure per i nomi dei monetieri. York (l’unica zecca a nord dell’Humber) era strettamente connessa alle midlands orientali, ma può esserne distinta per i periodi segnati dal dominio vichingo.

Questi settori monetari del regno condividevano una serie relativamente ristretta e molto ravvici-nata di motivi iconografici nel periodo 880-973, e vi furono a volte dei tentativi di imporre un maggior grado di uniformità tipologica. Fino al regno di Æthelstan vi fu una generalizzata aderenza a un qualche tipo del cosiddetto Two-Line o Horizontal type (fig . 9, p. 26). Introdotto sotto Alfred, intorno all’880, sia in Wessex sia in Mercia, questo tipo mostrava il nome del sovrano intorno a un cerchio interno con-tenente una croce sul dritto, e la leggenda a due linee con il nome del monetiere sul rovescio, con vari ornamenti sopra e sotto. Non fu l’unico tipo monetario usato negli ultimi anni del governo di Alfred – Londra, ad esempio, usò nei primi anni ‘80 un tipo caratterizzato da un affascinante ritratto con mo-nogramma (fig . 10, p. 27) – ma divenne il tipo dominate su un’ampia sezione del territorio grazie al suo uso generalizzato nel Wessex, nelle midlands occidentali e nei territori orientali recentemente conquistati da Alfred e da Edward the Elder. Il tipo Two-Line/Horizontal continuò a essere coniato in almeno alcune parti dell’Inghilterra fino agli anni ‘70 del X secolo. Al suo fianco esistevano altri due principali tipi monetari, entrambi introdotti sotto Æthelstan, come apparenti tentativi di uniformazione generalizzata all’intero regno64. Il primo è il tipo detto Circumscription, così chiamato perché sia il nome del sovrano sul dritto sia quello del monetiere sul rovescio sono tracciati intorno a un cerchio interno (fig . 11, p. 27). Il secondo è il tipo detto Bust Crowned, con al dritto l’iscrizione con il nome del re collocata intorno a un busto coronato, mentre al rovescio, in circolo, si trova il nome del monetiere (e spesso anche quello della zecca) (fig . 12, p. 27)65. Ma sotto Edward e nei primi anni di Æthelstan furono sporadicamente coniati anche tipi con un diadema invece della corona.

Questi tre tipi monetari dominarono l’Inghilterra nel periodo coperto dal ripostiglio dell’Atrium Ve-stae. I tipi Circumscription e Bust Crowned di Æthelstan furono largamente usati durante il suo regno (con l’importante eccezione delle midlands orientali) ma non sopravvissero alla sua morte, eccezion fatta per il Bust Crowned nell’East Anglia. Il regno di Edmund, come quello di Edward the Elder, risulta dominato dalle monete Horizontal/Two-Line. Tuttavia, all’interno di questo schema generale, si coglie una mag-gior complessità locale. Il minuzioso studio sulla monetazione di Edward the Elder condotto da Stewart Lyon ha mostrato come dettagli minori, quali l’orientamento della croce centrale e la forma del margine esterno, possano veicolare importanti informazioni sulla cronologia e sull’attribuzione geografica66. Hugh Pagan ha esplorato nel dettaglio le implicazioni di differenze analoghe durante il regno di Edmund67. Il tipo Bust Crowned di Æthelstan è stato invece analizzato a fondo da Michael Metcalf. La maggioranza dei pennies di tale tipologia appartengono all’ultima parte del suo regno – probabilmente alla seconda parte degli anni ‘30 del X secolo (sebbene ci siano alcuni esempi, con il sovrano che indossava un diadema invece della corona, coniati precedentemente). Metcalf ha rilevato un importante contrasto nella distri-buzione tra i tipi Circumscription e Bust Crowned contenuti nel ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae: i primi risultano coniati da parecchie zecche diverse, con una lieve prevalenza di quelle principali; quelli del se-condo tipo mostrano invece un netto incremento della percentuale di monete battute dalle grandi zecche, come Canterbury, Londra e Winchester. Metcalf è stato anche in grado di utilizzare le diverse strutture stilistiche delle monete per suggerire possibili centri di distribuzione dei conii. Le principali fonti di conii dell’Inghilterra meridionale erano probabilmente Canterbury, Londra e Winchester. Quelli dello stile di Canterbury includono sia stampi “rozzi” che “raffinati”, forse prodotti dallo stesso artigiano in momenti diversi (figg . 13 a-b, p. 28). I conii associati in modo ipotetico con Winchester (fig . 14, p. 29) sono i più

64 Blunt 1974, pp. 46-51.65 Michael Metcalf (Metcalf 1992, p. 70) ha suggerito che la percentuale relativamente alta del tipo Bust Crowned di Æthelstan nel ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae non sia casuale, bensì il risultato di una selezione effettuata a fini propagandistici.66 CTCE, pp. 20-96.67 Pagan 1995. Pagan è stato inoltre così gentile da condividere con gli autori del presente studio i risultati della sua più recente ricerca sulle differenze stilistiche nell’Inghilterra meridionale, i risultati della quale sono incorporati nelle attribuzioni del catalogo.


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numerosi e diffusi, dal momento che erano talvolta impiegati non solo a Canterbury e Londra, ma anche a Southampton, Wareham, Lewes e in altre località. Oxford, Wallingford e, nel caso di un conio, Win-chester facevano uso di una varietà lievemente differente di questo stile “di Winchester” (fig . 15, p. 29), prodotta in (o per) questo particolare insieme di zecche. Nella stessa Winchester una più tarda variazione del tipo Bust Crowned inscriveva il busto del re all’interno di un cerchio e faceva uso di un titolo regio più lungo (fig . 16, p. 29). I conii londinesi del tipo con il busto furono probabilmente prodotti più tardi di quelli usati a Winchester e Oxford, e furono largamente impiegati dai monetieri della città, come pure da quelli attivi a Hertford e Maldon, e, su scala più ridotta, a Canterbury (fig . 17, p. 29)68.

Alcune peculiarità regionali risultano più rilevanti delle piccole variazioni stilistiche che caratterizzano la monetazione con busto incoronato di Æthelstan. Sotto Edward i busti con diadema furono in qualche misura preferiti a Londra; per contro nelle midlands occidentali, per qualche ragione, l’iconografia con busto incoronato non si affermò durante il regno di Æthelstan, mentre le midlands orientali rimasero capar-biamente attaccate al tipo Horizontal/Two-Line per tutta la durata del regno, evitando sia il Bust Crowned sia il Circumscription. Forse il più notevole distacco dalla norma venne dalle midlands occidentali, nella parte centrale del regno di Edward the Elder, con i tipi detti Exceptional o Ornamental. Questi conservarono l’i-conografia del dritto che era diventata tipica entro il 910 circa – il nome del re intorno a un cerchio interno contenente una croce – ma recavano una serie di eleganti motivi iconografici, insieme con il nome del monetiere, sul rovescio. Alcune monete mostrano edifici come una chiesa, una fortezza o una porta; altre ancora motivi floreali, uccelli o la mano di Dio. L’emissione di questi notevoli tipi monetari cessò entro l’ul-tima parte del regno di Edward, ed essi possono essere in qualche modo associati al periodo in cui la sorella di questi, Æthelflæd, sovrana dei Merciani, governava autonomamente quel territorio (911-918)69. Pochi sono gli esempi presenti nel ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae, a causa del suo forte sbilanciamento a favore dell’Inghilterra meridionale, ma una delle tre monete di tipo “ornamentale” del tesoretto (cat. nn. 214-216) è uno spettacolare esempio del tipo a “torre” o “reliquiario” (fig . 18, p. 30).

L’organizzazione delle zecche dietro questo elaborato sistema monetario era cresciuta in modo piuttosto rapido nei decenni successivi all’880 circa70. Negli anni ‘70 dovevano essere attive solo due zecche principali in territorio inglese: Canterbury e Londra, entrambe grandi centri di produzione di moneta per secoli. Tuttavia un piccolo numero di pezzi risalenti ai regni di Alfred e di Edward the Elder, con riportato il nome della zecca, mostrano che all’inizio del X secolo erano attivi anche altri siti, come Bath, Exeter, Gloucester, Oxford e Winchester. Le monete vichinghe dell’epoca, molte delle quali battute a imitazione dei tipi inglesi, indicano il nome delle zecche nel tardissimo IX secolo e nella prima parte del X; tra queste Leicester, Lincoln, Norwich, la rinata York e (forse) Great Shelford presso Cambridge. Le nuove zecche erano associate con i boroughs: centri fortificati con funzioni am-ministrative e urbane, attribuite già alla fondazione o sviluppate in una fase successiva71. Tuttavia la maggior parte delle monete prodotte nel periodo coperto dal ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae non recano il nome della zecca in cui furono coniate, ma solo quello del re e del monetiere. Solamente durante una parte del regno di Æthelstan (quando i tipi Circumscription e Bust Crowned erano ancora circolanti) l’inserimento dei nomi delle zecche divenne standard, dimostrando che ne erano attive almeno 37, da Exeter e Dover nel sud, a York e Chester nel nord. Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è il più grande e diversificato singolo ritrovamento di monete di Æthelstan: vi sono rappresentate ben 26 zecche, alcune delle quali estremamente rare (fig . 19, p. 31). Queste zecche cittadine ospitavano da uno a una dozzina e più di monetieri. Le attribuzioni dei pezzi precedenti e successivi si basano su monetieri in attività in una particolare zecca sotto Æthelstan; altri sono stati assegnati in modo ipotetico basandosi su affinità stilistiche con monetieri conosciuti. Ne segue tuttavia che in molti casi non è possibile individuare il monetiere, ma solo una regione o il centro che probabilmente forniva i conii. Per questa ragione nel

68 Metcalf 1992, pp. 80-89.69 CTCE, pp. 34-43.70 Blunt 1974, pp. 42-45; CTCE, pp. 255-263.71 Naismith forthcoming (in preparazione).


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catalogo alcune monete sono attribuite solamente a una regione o a uno stile, il che significa che fu-rono battute utilizzando conii associati con quell’area o centro.

Il corpus pervenutoci di monete coniate in Inghilterra nel periodo 880-970 risulta dominato dai ripostigli dell’Inghilterra settentrionale72. I più rilevanti sono quelli di Cuerdale (Lancashire, 905-910 circa), che conteneva all’incirca 7500 pezzi73; Chester (trovato nel 1950 e risalente al 965), con 546 o più monete74, e Tetney (Lincolnshire, 965 circa), con 420 monete75. Ci sono altri, più ridotti, ritrovamenti provenienti dal Lincolnshire, Shropshire e aree ancora più a nord. I ripostigli trovati nell’est e nel sud sono invece, in confronto, pochi. Una rilevante eccezione è costituita da quello di Morley St Peter (Nor-folk, 925 circa), che conteneva quasi 900 monete76. I singoli ritrovamenti hanno riequilibrato almeno in parte lo sbilanciamento nord-sud. Più della metà dei ritrovamenti di monete di quest’epoca proviene dall’East Anglia o dall’Inghilterra meridionale77. Questi pezzi, e i vari ripostigli, forniscono immagini molto diverse della circolazione monetaria dell’Inghilterra del X secolo. Alcuni dei ripostigli, in parti-colare, danno l’impressione di una circolazione fortemente localizzata. Il Tetney hoard era dominato da monete delle midlands orientali, con alcuni pezzi da York, ma nessuno dal sud, dall’East Anglia o dalle midlands occidentali, mentre tre quarti del Morley St Peter hoard consisteva di pezzi dell’East Anglia coniati durante l’ultima parte del regno di Edward the Elder. Alcuni dei piccoli ripostigli meridionali mostrano un’analoga composizione locale, come quelli di Londra (Cannon Street station, 935 circa)78, Amesbury (920 circa)79 e “Hampshire” (970 circa)80. Tuttavia altri risultano piuttosto differenti. Quelli di Londra (Threadneedle Street, 945 circa)81, Kintbury (Berkshire, 960 circa) e Bath (Somerset, 955 circa)82 consistono in tutto o in larga parte di monete provenienti da regioni diverse dell’Inghilterra meridionale; lo stesso vale per un ripostiglio trovato a Shrewsbury (Shropshire, 910 circa), nelle midlands occiden-tali83. I ritrovamenti di pezzi singoli supportano un’interpretazione di una circolazione differenziata a seconda delle zone, con aree molto isolate e altre dove circolavano monete coniate in zone diverse. Il Lincolnshire – il territorio del ripostiglio di Tetney – sembra essere stato caratterizzato in questa fase da una circolazione molto locale, dal momento che tutti i singoli ritrovamenti effettuati fino al 2012 in questa contea (tranne uno) risultano coniati nelle midlands orientali o in Northumbria. Tuttavia i ritrovamenti singoli nel resto delle midlands orientali (Bedfordshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Northamptonshire e Rutland) sono significativamente differenti, con rilevanti presenze di esemplari del sud e delle midlands occidentali. Altrove i ritrovamenti singoli tendono a essere dominati da monete locali, come nelle midlands occidentali e in Northumbria (e in quest’ultima praticamente tutte le mo-nete non di origine locale provengono dalle midlands orientali, subito a sud); in East Anglia e nel sud (specialmente nel sud-est) le monete locali sono meno dominanti, mentre c’è una varietà più articolata di monete esterne. Nel complesso la circolazione monetaria nell’Inghilterra del X secolo era molto più localizzata che in quella dell’XI, ma con forti diversità di intensità a livello regionale. Tali differenziazioni sono importanti per comprendere la probabile origine e il contesto del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae84.

Lasciando da parte l’esemplare aureo coniato a Costantinopoli nella prima metà del IX secolo e i cinque pezzi argentei del X secolo provenienti dall’Europa continentale85, il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae

72 CTCE, pp. 248-254. Per un elenco, v. Checklist.73 Checklist n. 87 (Williams 2011b).74 Checklist n. 144 (Pagan 2012, pp. 17-26).75 Checklist n. 141 (Walker 1945; Gunstone 1981).76 Checklist n. 107 (Clough 1980).77 Naismith 2014b, pp. 62-68.78 Checklist n. 117a (Stott 1991, p. 323).79 Checklist n. 104 (Robinson 1984).80 Checklist n. 171c (Lessen 2003).81 Checklist n. 126 (Stott 1991, pp. 322-323).82 Checklist nn. 136 e 140 (su entrambi v. Blunt, Pagan 1975).83 Checklist n. 89 (Robinson 1983).84 Naismith 2014b. Cfr. Molyneaux 2015, pp. 123-141; Bruand 2002, pp. 155-184 su un cambiamento analogo nella monetazione nel regno dei Franchi occidentali del IX secolo.85 Per un’analisi dei quali v. infra, pp. 326-327.


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consiste di pennies inglesi battuti tra l’880 e il 950 circa: si va dai pezzi con il monogramma di Londra e dai tipi Horizontal/Two-Line di Alfred, passando per le principali tipologie dei regni di Edward ed Æthelstan, per arrivare a Edmund. Le proporzioni dei pezzi battuti nei singoli regni sono mostrate nella fig . 20 (p. 32). Il regno di Edmund, anche se rappresentato da meno pezzi rispetto a quello di Æthelstan, ha la più alta percentuale di monete in rapporto alla durata – probabilmente anche più di quanto suggerito dai dati riportati nella fig . 21 (p. 33), dal momento che il tesoretto fu assemblato poco prima della sua morte86.

Un ampio arco cronologico non costituisce tuttavia un’eccezione per i grandi ripostigli inglesi dell’e-poca. Le vecchie emissioni non erano regolarmente rimosse dalla circolazione, e continuavano a passare di mano in mano per decenni insieme ai pezzi più recenti; il risultato è la lunga “coda” che caratterizza il tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae. Per fornire solamente un esempio simile, il ripostiglio di Chester (1950) comprende analogamente monete di Alfred ed Edward the Elder, come pure di sovrani più recenti87.

Un’altra analogia con il ripostiglio di Chester è la relativa diversità geografica che caratterizza il tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae. Circa il 41% delle monete del tesoretto di Chester era di produzione locale (midlands occidentali) (fig . 22, p. 34). Non sorprende che il gruppo più cospicuo dei pezzi provenga da questa regione, anche se non arriva a coprire la maggioranza delle monete inglesi contenute nel tesoretto.

È significativo che la proporzione delle monete prodotte nelle midlands occidentali rimanga all’in-circa la stessa per tutti i diversi regni ben rappresentati nel ripostiglio di Chester; lo stesso vale per le proporzioni di monete prodotte nelle midlands orientali e nell’Inghilterra meridionale (fig . 23, p. 34). L’insieme delle monete contenute in questo deposito rappresenta quindi, in altre parole, il contatto con un variegato panorama monetario per un periodo prolungato: esso apparteneva a un individuo o a un gruppo probabilmente localizzabile nelle vicinanze di Chester, dove i pezzi delle midlands occidentali erano ben rappresentati, ma con facilità di accesso a monete dell’est e soprattutto del sud del paese. Non tutti i ripostigli erano così: sia a nord sia a sud si possono trovare tesoretti in cui le monete erano in gran parte locali o l’esatto contrario, a suggerire che la proporzione tra i vari tipi dipendeva da fattori micro-regionali, funzionali oppure dal livello sociale; certi luoghi, certe persone o certi impieghi potevano cioè essere legati a insiemi monetari diversi da altri. Il tesoretto di Chester (1950) fornisce quindi un importante parallelo al tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae, ricordandoci che sebbene un paniere diversificato di monete non fosse necessariamente la norma, non era neppure qualcosa di eccezionale.

Sotto certi versi sia il ripostiglio di Chester (1950) sia quello dell’Atrium Vestae ne richiamano un terzo: quello del Vaticano, un altro dei tesoretti romani di origine inglese, assemblato intorno al 925 (fig . 24, p. 35)88. Questo ripostiglio (costituito in gran parte da monete coniate sotto Edward the Elder) conteneva soprattutto pezzi meridionali, che rappresentano all’incirca l’80% del totale, sebbene le midlands orientali e occidentali siano ben rappresentate, rispettivamente con il 5% e il 7% delle monete.

Il modello suggerito da questi ritrovamenti è quello di una circolazione dominata dalla produzione regionale, ma aperto alla presenza di pezzi prodotti in altre parti del regno. Il panorama geografico of-ferto dal ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è più vicino a quello di Chester (1950) nella sua relativa articola-zione, sebbene – come accade anche per il tesoretto del Vaticano, anche se in misura diversa – la bilancia penda a favore dell’Inghilterra meridionale. Nel complesso, le monete attribuibili al sud costituiscono circa il 60% del contenuto del ripostiglio (fig . 25, p. 36). Seguono le midlands orientali (14%) e quelle occidentali (10%)89, con presenze più ridotte per l’East Anglia (intorno al 3%), York (2%) e midlands sudorientali (1%).

La divisione per regno non mostra particolari peculiarità regionali associate a fasi specifiche (fig . 26, p. 37). I pezzi meridionali hanno un peso particolarmente rilevante tra quelli databili al regno di Edward the Elder, ma solo perché in quel periodo le midlands orientali dovevano essere ancora portate sotto il

86 Per un grafico analogo v. Metcalf 1992, p. 66.87 La proporzione di monete più antiche è anzi in qualche misura superiore rispetto al ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae: Metcalf 1986, pp. 147-149.88 Per i dettagli relativi alla scoperta di questo ripostiglio v. supra, pp. 296-300.89 Sebbene la bassa proporzione di pezzi con legame di conio per il dritto o per il rovescio tra le monete delle midlands occidentali possa indicare un interscambio monetario più frammentato tra nord e sud: Metcalf 1992, pp. 70-71.


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controllo inglese, e quindi iniziarono a contribuire alla coniazione solo negli ultimissimi anni del regno, mentre York continuava a rimanere indipendente. La distribuzione geografica delle monete prodotte durante l’epoca di Edward, Æthelstan ed Edmund indica un prolungato accesso a pezzi coniati in tutto il regno.

Rimane da considerare ciò che il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae ci può dire sulla sua datazione, sulla sua origine e sul suo contesto inglese di assemblaggio. La datazione relativamente precisa, tra il 942 e il 946, fornita dalle monete e dai fermagli può essere ulteriormente circoscritta alla parte conclusiva di questo periodo. Un indizio in tal senso è dato dal fatto che nel tesoretto la presenza dei monetieri di Edmund è relativamente elevata. Blunt, Stewart e Lyon, ad esempio, elencano 94 diversi monetieri del regno che producono monete del tipo “HT1” (Horizontal/Two-Line, con tre croci e tre globetti a trifoglio sul verso), cioè di quello più comune all’epoca nell’Inghilterra meridionale90. Di questi solo 32 non sono rappresentati nel ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae (senza tenere conto di quelli che probabilmente erano già attivi durante il regno di Æthelstan), il che ci porta a pensare che il tesoretto sia stato assemblato intorno all’inizio dell’ultimo terzo del regno (e quindi verso il 943/944)91. Tuttavia questo non è che l’indizio più debole in tal senso. Uno ben più forte a favore di una datazione al 944 (o successiva) viene dalla presenza di un pezzo coniato in nome di Edmund dal monetiere Ingelgar, noto per essere successivamente stato al servizio dei governanti vichinghi di York (cat n. 730). Potrebbe quindi essere stato coniato dopo la conquista di York e della Northumbria da parte di Edmund nel 944, anche se rimane l’esile possibilità che Ingelgar abbia lavorato in qualche zecca a sud dell’Humber per Edmund, per poi spostarsi a York.

D’altra parte si può sviluppare ulteriormente l’argomentazione relativa alla probabile origine ge-ografica del ripostiglio. Il dato che colpisce di più – e che lo differenzia da tutti i grandi ritrovamenti monetari del X secolo su suolo inglese – è la prevalenza di monete provenienti dal sud. È dunque lì che va cercata la sua origine. Molti pezzi, sulla base delle conoscenze attuali, possono solamente essere at-tribuiti genericamente al meridione, ma c’è una significativa percentuale di monete di tutti i regni la cui origine può essere attribuita con più o meno certezza a una specifica parte di questa regione – se non a una particolare zecca o a un gruppo stilistico i cui conii provenivano da Londra, Winchester, Canterbury o da un altro centro. Il Wessex risulta dominante per quanto riguarda il regno di Edward (46% di tutti i pezzi presenti nel ripostiglio), ma ciò deve in gran parte riflettere le peculiari circostanze dell’inizio del X secolo, in cui l’attività di zecca collassò sia a Londra, sia a Canterbury, per poi riprendersi lentamente92; le due zecche, infatti, coprono rispettivamente solo il 10% e il 9% delle monete di Edward presenti nel tesoretto. Londra in particolare recuperò il suo ruolo sotto Æthelstan ed Edmund, che rappresentano rispettivamente il 18% e il 21% di tutti i pezzi del ripostiglio; il Wessex, per contro, cadde al 12% e 16%93. Inoltre si può osservare una notevole serie di pennies con legami di conio per il dritto e/o per il rove-scio tra le monete londinesi dei regni di Æthelstan ed Edmund: sei pezzi usciti dallo stesso conio per il probabile monetiere londinese Ælfstan, e dieci per il suo collega Beornheard, per menzionare solo due personaggi attivi durante il regno di Edmund (cat. nn. 614-622 e 661-671)94. Insiemi di monete di questo tipo costituiscono probabilmente gruppi coniati in sequenza e rimasti in seguito uniti; cioè monete non separate dalla consueta circolazione95. Il fatto che il fenomeno interessi tanti pezzi, e in particolare le mo-nete più recenti comprese nel deposito, induce a ipotizzare con forza una connessione tra il ripostiglio e i monetieri attivi a Londra.

Londra è dunque il più probabile centro di origine del ripostiglio. Entro il quinto decennio del X secolo la città era già un centro commerciale e monetario di un certo rilievo. In loco erano state coniate monete inglesi quasi ininterrottamente dal VII secolo. I dati archeologici e numismatici

90 CTCE, pp. 123-125.91 A una conclusione analoga, seppure attraverso un percorso lievemente differente, si giunge in CTCE, p. 214.92 CTCE, pp. 29-32, pp. 44-45 e pp. 47-51; Lyon 2001, pp. 76-77.93 Cfr. Metcalf 1992, p. 73.94 Cfr. Metcalf 1992, p. 71.95 Metcalf 1992, pp. 67-69; v. anche Idem 2006, pp. 367-371 e pp. 386-388, e Moesgaard 2006, p. 411.


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indicano una importante fase di ripresa negli anni ‘80 del IX secolo e un’interruzione dell’attività di coniazione durante il decennio successivo, mentre il terzo decennio del X secolo fu caratterizzato da una rinnovata preminenza in quest’ambito96. In un codice legislativo di quest’epoca si afferma che ben otto erano i monetieri in città: più di quelli di qualsiasi altro centro menzionato, sebbene tale testo citi solo una parte delle sedi di monetazione, tutte in Wessex, tralasciandone quindi alcune del settentrione (come Chester), note per essere state di dimensioni analoghe, se non superiori97. Altri dati relativi alla circolazione monetaria a Londra e nei suoi dintorni risultano compatibili con la distribuzione geografica dei pezzi presenti nel tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae. Un piccolo ripostiglio lungo il Tamigi (915 circa) conteneva tre imitazioni del tipo Horizontal/Two-Line di Edward the Elder, forse provenienti dall’East Anglia, due St Edmund Memorial pennies sicuramente battuti nell’Inghilterra orientale e un St Peter penny dalla York vichinga98; un altro ripostiglio trovato a Threadneedle Street (945 circa) comprendeva due pennies meridionali, due dalle midlands orientali e un’imitazione di origine incerta (forse anche questa dalle midlands orientali). Allargando un po’ la prospettiva geografica, risulta ugualmente interessante per il suo contenuto miscellaneo il piccolo ripostiglio di Plumpton (940 circa), nell’East Sussex, contenente solo due pezzi dall’Inghilterra meridionale e altrettanti dalle midlands orientali e da quelle occidentali99.

In breve, i dati relativi alla varietà di monete confluite nei ripostigli e nei singoli ritrovamenti dall’In-ghilterra meridionale sono tali da non consentire di considerare il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae come un caso così eccezionale; in altre parole, nel tentare di spiegare il suo contesto di assemblaggio, si dovrebbe cercare di tenere aperte varie opzioni. Ci sono gruppi di monete con legame per il dritto o per il rovescio che forniscono utili indicazioni riguardo all’origine del ripostiglio, e il tasso di uscita dalla circolazione delle vecchie coniazioni appare comparativamente basso, il che suggerisce l’ipotesi che si tratti di un tesoro “di risparmio”100. Tuttavia tra gli esemplari più antichi si riconosce un minore numero di associazioni di conii e risulta inoltre difficile individuare specifici insiemi di monete che potrebbero essere stati aggiunti in un particolare momento. In altre parole, se il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae rappresenta il frutto di una tesaurizzazione da risparmio, questa deve essere stata opera di qualcuno che aveva accesso a monete provenienti da tutto il regno. Per questa ragione esso è stato talvolta identificato con una somma raccolta sotto gli auspici dell’arcivescovo di Canterbury, o proveniente dal tesoro regio: enti con interessi ad ampio raggio101. Ma, in alternativa, si può pensare che esso costituisca un esempio significativo di una tranche del contante effettivamente circolante nell’Inghilterra meridionale, forse a Londra. Le monete più vecchie so-pravvivono perché, ovviamente, erano ancora in circolazione, anche se nel complesso erano in condizioni meno buone degli esemplari più recenti; da qui forse il più elevato tasso di scarto di questi pezzi a favore di monete più recenti rilevabile in alcuni (anche se non in tutti) dei ritrovamenti di più ridotte dimensioni102. Inoltre, sebbene la dimensione del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae sia atipica tra i tesoretti pervenutici, i riferimenti a pagamenti e raccolte di fondi legati ai pellegrinaggi dimostrano che somme ancora maggiori potevano regolarmente passare di mano103. Non si dovrebbe esitare nel riconoscere la possibilità di un tesoretto di oltre 800 pezzi composto da valuta circolante. Bisogna sottolineare ancora una volta che il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae probabilmente non è l’unico ritrovamento di questo tipo. Il ripostiglio di Chester (1950) ha un profilo cronologico analogo, compresa una coda di monete risalenti ai regni del tardo IX secolo. Entrambi i tesoretti potrebbero essere stati estratti in blocco dalla moneta circolante da un individuo o da una istituzione in grado di raccogliere centinaia di pennies.

96 V. supra, nota 93. Cfr. Naismith 2013a.97 II As., capp. 13-18 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, pp. 158-159; trad. Whitelock 1979, p. 420).98 Checklist n. 93b (Blunt, Stewart 1994, pp. 34-35).99 Thomas, Archibald 2013, pp. 428-434.100 Metcalf 1992, p. 72.101 Metcalf 1992, p. 67. 102 Un esempio di un piccolo ripostiglio che contraddice questa tendenza è quello di Plumpton, nel Sussex (deposto intorno al 940), che includeva tre pennies di Edward, due di Æthelstan e uno di Edmund: Thomas, Archibald 2013, pp. 428-434.103 Si veda inoltre Naismith 2013b. V. infra, pp. 322-323.


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Un versamento al papato?

Nel giro di due giorni dalla scoperta del ripostiglio, Shakespeare Wood – uno scultore che fungeva da corrispondente da Roma del Times di Londra – aveva già ipotizzato che “il denaro fosse il tributo, o Peter’s Pence, inviato dagli Anglosassoni a Roma”104. Negli anni successivi l’ipotesi è stata ripresa da nu-merosi studiosi105. Il Peter’s Pence, noto in italiano come “obolo di San Pietro”, è il nome medievale – mai usato in epoca anglosassone – del censo versato annualmente dall’Inghilterra al papato come segno di pia devozione. Una connessione con il papato potrebbe essere proposta (come di fatto è avvenuto) per molti dei numerosi depositi di monete inglesi trovate a Roma o lungo la strada che vi conduceva106, ma l’indizio primario nel caso specifico del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è costituito dal paio di fermagli d’argento con il nome di papa Marino II (cat. nn. a-b)107. Sembra assai probabile che il ripostiglio fosse originaria-mente contenuto in una borsa o una sacca appositamente preparata per essere consegnata al Pontefice in persona. La tesi che costituisse un’offerta per il papato risulta quindi molto solida. La domanda a cui rimane da rispondere è quale fosse la relazione tra il tesoretto e i vari tipi di donativi inglesi al papato avvenuti nel X secolo. Il Peter’s Pence aveva tra questi un ruolo importante, ma emerse pienamente solo negli anni ‘40 del secolo, e non è certo l’unica possibilità da valutare: donativi e pagamenti a Roma assun-sero forme diverse nel corso del tempo, ed è opportuno ricapitolare brevemente tali sviluppi.

I donativi dall’Inghilterra anglosassone a Roma possono essere fatti risalire al VII e VIII secolo, e au-tori medievali posteriori come Guglielmo di Malmesbury, Ruggero di Wendover e Matteo di Parigi videro in questi versamenti le prime forme del Peter’s Pence108. Tuttavia fino al X secolo si trattava probabilmente di doni occasionali da parte di singoli sovrani con speciali legami con Roma. L’epitaffio composto per Cædwalla, re dei Sassoni occidentali (685-688), dopo la sua morte a Roma ricorda che egli vi era arrivato dona gerens, e Beda afferma che un re della Mercia che finì i suoi giorni a Roma, Coenræd (704-709), si era personalmente dedicato alla distribuzione di elemosine in città109. Non ci sono tuttavia dati a favore dell’i-stituzione di un regolare donativo da parte di nessuno dei due sovrani. Offa, re di Mercia (757-796), giunse significativamente vicino all’istituzione di un donativo annuale di 365 mancusi aurei a San Pietro. Così egli stabilì in un sinodo del 786 cui parteciparono legati papali; il donativo fu effettivamente versato negli anni successivi, come emerge da una lettera di papa Leone III al successore di Offa, Coenwulf, in cui gli si chie-deva di mantenere tale usanza, ma non sappiamo quale fu la risposta del sovrano inglese110. Sappiamo invece di ulteriori doni regi a Roma ai tempi di Æthelwulf, re del Wessex (839-858), che visitò la città nell’855: il Liber pontificalis contiene un dettagliato resoconto dei suoi munifici donativi111, e Asser ricorda che nel suo testamento il re stabilì che ogni anno dovessero essere portati a Roma 300 mancusi, e lì divisi in tre parti: una per le luminarie di San Pietro, una per quelle di San Paolo fuori le Mura e una per il Pontefice stesso112. Non è chiaro se le sue volontà fossero poi rispettate. Il figlio di Æthelwulf, Alfred the Great, visitò due volte, ancora bambino, Roma, la prima nell’853 e la seconda due anni dopo, con suo padre113, e mantenne in se-guito un forte sentimento di devozione nei confronti di San Pietro e del papato. Entro l’883 al più tardi decise il versamento di pii donativi a Roma (facendo probabilmente uso di speciali grandi monete d’argento)114, e l’Anglo-Saxon Chronicle registra per il resto degli anni ‘80, con cadenza annuale, viaggi a Roma di ealdormen

104 The Times (10 novembre 1883), p. 5. L’identità di Wood non è fornita da questo resoconto, ma può essere ricostruita da altre fonti (Morison 1939, p. 363).105 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, pp. 490-493; Keary 1884, pp. 227-232; più recentemente Blunt 1974, p. 141 e Metcalf 1992, pp. 77-78.106 Naismith 2014a.107 V. infra, pp. 328-329.108 Loyn 1992, pp. 241-258. Guglielmo di Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum II.109 (ed. e trad. Mynors, Thomson, Winterbottom 1998, vol. 1, pp. 158-159); Matteo di Parigi, Chronica majora (ed. Luard 1872-1883, vol. 1, p. 360); Ruggero di Wendover, Flores historiarum (ed. Coxe 1841-1844, vol. 1, pp. 256-257).109 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum V.7 e 19 (ed. Colgrave, Mynors 1969, pp. 473-474 e pp. 516-517). Cfr. Sharpe 2005 sull’epitaffio di Cædwalla.110 Ed. Dümmler 1895, pp. 188-189 (n. 127).111 Liber pontificalis, Benedetto III.34 (ed. Duchesne 1886-1892, vol. 2, p. 148; trad. Davis 1995, pp. 186-187).112 Asser, De rebus gestis Ælfredi, c. 16 (ed. Stevenson 1959, pp. 14-16; trad. Keynes, Lapidge 1983, p. 73).113 Keynes 1997.114 Dolley 1954.


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(ufficiali regi di ceto aristocratico), vescovi e abati, che portavano con loro somme di denaro115. Nell’889 si afferma in modo esplicito che quell’anno non si inviarono donativi, il che implica che l’abitudine era ormai divenuta regolare. Inoltre, per la prima volta, questi donativi sono descritti come inviati per conto sia del re sia del popolo del Wessex116. Non si può sapere per quanto tempo tale uso si mantenne dopo l’890. L’unico dato a favore del suo mantenimento dopo la morte di Alfred è il Chronicon di Æthelweard, un’opera del tardo X secolo, che afferma che un’ulteriore serie di versamenti effettuati dal populus e dal Re fu consegnata a Roma da Plegmund, arcivescovo di Canterbury (890-923), nel 908117.

È solo con la seconda metà del X secolo che disponiamo di dati più chiari a favore di qualcosa che assomiglia al successivo fenomeno del Peter’s Pence118; cioè di un tributo regolare raccolto (insieme a vari altri censi ecclesiastici) da singoli nuclei familiari attraverso la struttura diocesana inglese e successivamente inviato a Roma. Il primo possibile riferimento ad esso è nelle leggi di Edmund, in un passaggio sulle de-cime119, ma il cruciale lemma Romfeoh (il denaro di Roma) – uno dei tipici termini anglosassoni per indi-care il tributo da versare a Roma – compare solo in una versione più tarda del codice legislativo (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 201) inserita in un insieme di testi strettamente legati a Wulfstan, arcivescovo di York (1002-1023), mentre altre copie dello stesso testo usano il più vago termine ælmesfeoh (denaro delle elemosine)120. Può quindi darsi che si tratti di un’interpolazione dell’inizio dell’XI secolo, e non di un riferimento autentico a pagamenti regolari nel regno di Edmund. Probabilmente la prima fonte attendibile ad attestare l’incipiente Peter’s Pence è un breve trattato anonimo noto agli studiosi come Romscot. Esso afferma che il Romgesceot (il versamento a Roma) doveva essere dato prima del mezzogiorno della festa di San Pietro (29 giugno); in caso contrario la multa sarebbe stata di 60 scellini, mentre il Rompenincg (il penny di Roma) avrebbe dovuto essere versato per un importo dodici volte superiore. Questo breve passo è conservato in un manoscritto delle leggi di Alfred e Ine (London, British Library, Cotton, Nero A.1), copiato intorno ai tempi della conquista normanna, ed è inserito tra la rubrica e il testo principale delle leggi di Alfred. Patrick Wormald l’ha interpretato come un adattamento di una legge del re Ine relativa al pagamento del church scot, forse incorporata nel testo principale delle leggi da una posizione marginale più vicina alla sezione specifica delle leggi di Ine. Non è chiaro quando ciò sia avvenuto, ma dal momento che le pene sono più lievi di quelle tipiche delle leggi di Edgar, il Romscot è probabilmente databile in un qualche momento tra i regni di Alfred ed Edgar (959-975)121. Il primo riferimento datato con chiarezza re-lativo a tributi per Roma si trova in un codice legislativo emanato durante il regno di quest’ultimo sovrano, forse già nel periodo 959-962122. Come nel caso del Romscot, il punto principale è che entro il giorno di San Pietro ciascun nucleo familiare deve pagare un penny – l’espressione usata è heorðpæning (hearth-penny) e si ritiene che il “focolare” (hearth) sia una metonimia per la famiglia. Chi non pagava entro quella data doveva portare personalmente il penny mancante, insieme ad altri trenta, a Roma, ritornando con una rice-vuta (swutelunge) del viaggio effettuato; avrebbe poi pagato al suo ritorno una multa al re di 120 scellini123 . I recidivi avrebbero dovuto intraprendere più viaggi e pagare multe più salate. Le norme così severe di Edgar non furono mantenute nella legislazione successiva: in particolare, l’ingiunzione ai rei di portare di persona il penny mancante a Roma – una pena appropriata ma quasi comica – venne generalmente meno, anche se la ritroviamo in una omelia associata all’arcivescovo Wulfstan124. Una serie di altri codici legislativi e omelie

115 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s .a. 883-890 (ed. Plummer 1892, vol. 1, pp. 79-83; trad. Whitelock, Douglas, Tucker 1961, pp. 50-53).116 Loyn 1992, pp. 253-254.117 Ed. Campbell 1962, p. 52.118 Per il contesto v. Tinti 2010.119 I Em, cap. 2 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, pp. 184-185).120 Wormald 1999, pp. 206-210.121 Wormald 1999, p. 227 e pp. 368-369.122 Keynes 2008, pp. 11-12.123 II Eg, cap. 4.1-2 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, pp. 198-199). Cfr. ed. Napier 1883, p. 116n (n. XXIII).124 Napier 1883, p. 311 (n. LXI); Whitelock 1973, pp. 242-243. Bisogna tuttavia notare che nel manoscritto attraverso cui è stata tramandata questa omelia, l’arcivescovo stesso glossò l’ingiunzione di recarsi personalmente a Roma aggiungendo le parole uel sende, facendo quindi riferimento alla possibilità di inviare il pagamento invece che di portarlo a Roma di persona: v. Keynes 1986, p. 94. In generale Wulfstan non era molto favorevole nei confronti dei pellegrinaggi a Roma e, a differenza degli arcivescovi di Canterbury della tarda epoca anglosassone e di alcuni dei suoi predecessori e immediati successori a York, non sembra esservisi recato di persona per ricevere il pallio: Tinti 2014a.


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risalenti all’epoca di Æthelred II (978-1016) e di Cnut (1016-1035) redatti o influenzati dal prolifico arcive-scovo Wulfstan si basano su questo modello: un codice del 1008 di Æthelred, ad esempio, è il primo a pre-cisare che la pecunia Romana doveva essere versata ai vescovi (pontifices)125; altri testi omiletici menzionano il medesimo metodo di pagamento, aggiungendo in un caso che ciascun episcopato doveva poi versare il suo contributo nelle casse dell’arcivescovo di Canterbury126; mentre diverse fonti reiterano l’importanza di effettuare il versamento del Romfeoh o Rompæning entro il giorno di San Pietro127.

Versamenti a Roma e a San Pietro continuano a essere menzionati nell’Inghilterra della tarda epoca anglosassone, in documenti scritti dopo la morte di Wulfstan, avvenuta nel 1023128. Una lettera del 1027, scritta da Cnut ai suoi sudditi inglesi, chiede ai vescovi di custodire e mantenere la fede del regno, e in par-ticolare il pagamento, sia in città sia in campagna, dei denarii quos Rome ad Sanctum Petrum debemus129; inoltre un codice anonimo redatto nell’Inghilterra settentrionale, e noto come Northumbrian Priests’ Law, influenzato da Wulfstan ma probabilmente composto dopo la sua morte, sottolineava la necessità che cia-scun Rompæni fosse pagato entro il giorno di San Pietro130. Un documento di metà XI secolo afferma che a Bury St Edmunds ogni famiglia doveva versare al cellerario dell’abbazia un penny il giorno di San Pietro131; inoltre, un elenco di pagamenti del Romescot dovuti dalle chiese del Kent orientale, copiato ai tempi di Lan-franco, arcivescovo di Canterbury (1070-1089), sembra risalire almeno al 1053132.

Questa, a grandi linee, è la storia dei riferimenti anglosassoni al Peter’s Pence e ai suoi predecessori. Il dato chiave ai fini della nostra indagine è che donativi regolari a Roma in nome del re e del popolo presero il via sotto Alfred, ma anche che la creazione di strutture stabili e formalizzate per la raccolta dei versamenti non dovrebbe risalire che alla seconda metà del X secolo. Datando agli anni ‘40 di quello stesso secolo, il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae si colloca nel bel mezzo di questo periodo di elaborazione, ed è ben lungi dall’essere l’unico ritrovamento di moneta anglosassone dell’epoca a Roma. Pennies inglesi datati a partire dall’inizio dell’VIII secolo sono stati trovati intorno a Roma e in altre località italiane poste lungo il percorso utilizzato dai pelle-grini. Ma i ritrovamenti di monete anglosassoni in Italia si concentrano soprattutto in due periodi: tra il tardo VIII e l’inizio del IX secolo (circa 770-850); e verso la metà di quello successivo (circa 920-970). In queste fasi le monete inglesi costituiscono una delle componenti più rilevanti di tutti i ritrovamenti italiani, in particolare a Roma e nei suoi dintorni. Tra questi si segnalano diversi grandi ripostigli del X secolo, compresa una raccolta di oltre 500 pezzi deposta intorno al 925 e trovata durante la costruzione della stazione radio del Vaticano, verso il 1928, e un ripostiglio contenente quasi 100 monete, probabilmente risalente al 950 circa e trovato a Roma nel 1846 o negli anni precedenti133. Un ulteriore piccolo gruppo di pezzi inglesi dell’epoca, conservato presso il Medagliere del Museo Nazionale Romano, rappresenta probabilmente un altro ripostiglio. Un penny di Æthelstan è stato inoltre rinvenuto negli scavi del Palazzo della Cancelleria134.

L’improvvisa e rilevante mole di ritrovamenti monetari inglesi a Roma risalenti alla metà del X se-colo può essere vista di per sé come un segnale del fatto che le donazioni, quale che fosse la loro forma, si stessero intensificando e strutturando. Il pagamento di un tributo, sempre più istituzionalizzato, a Roma deve essere considerato come il contesto, possibile ma non necessario, della loro raccolta, ma il Romfeoh o Peter’s Pence del tipo ricordato per la prima volta in modo chiaro sotto Edgar è solo una parte della lunga storia di donativi dall’Inghilterra anglosassone a Roma. Nel X e XI secolo gli arcivescovi di Canter-bury si recavano regolarmente a Roma per ricevere di persona il pallio e, in quell’occasione, era previsto

125 VI Atr, cap. 18 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, pp. 252-253).126 Ed. Napier 1883, pp. 116, 118n e 208 (nn. XXIII e XLIII). Cfr. Keynes 2007, pp. 177-179. 127 V Atr, cap. 11.1, VIII Atr, cap. 10-10.1 e I Cn, cap. 9-9.1 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, p. 240, p. 265 e pp. 292-293); ed. Napier 1883, p. 116 e p. 311 (nn. XXIII e LXI).128 V. in generale Barlow 1979, pp. 294-297.129 Cn. 1027, cap. 16 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, p. 277).130 Northu., cap. 57.1 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, p. 384). Wormald 1999, pp. 396-397.131 Ed. Robertson 1939, pp. 220-221 (n. CXIX).132 Douglas 1944, pp. 14-15.133 I dettagli relativi a questi e altri ritrovamenti sono forniti in Naismith 2014a e Blunt 1986. Sul ripostiglio del Vaticano v. in particolare O’Donovan 1964. Sul contesto economico, sociale e monetario della Roma del X secolo, v. Wickham 2013 (e Idem 2015), cap. 3.134 Metcalf 1992, pp. 79-80 (cfr. Bertoldi 1997, pp. 83-84); Munzi 2009, n. 71.


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un pagamento135. Nel 1027 Cnut dovette intervenire personalmente presso il papa per limitare gli esborsi richiesti136. La datazione del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae non è compatibile con alcuna visita arcivesco-vile per la ricezione del pallio a noi nota137, ma ci sono tracce di molti altri chierici e (soprattutto) laici che portavano con sé denaro per spese e/o donazioni138. Chiunque, dai re ai più umili livelli della società, poteva recarsi a Roma in pellegrinaggio, recando un’offerta per San Pietro e il suo successore. Già nel 762 un thegn (aristocratico) di nome Dunwald vendette una tenuta fondiaria pecuniam illius pro anime eius salute ad limina apostolorum Rome cum aliis perferre desiderans139 . Due testamenti redatti nel Kent di inizio IX secolo registrano le disposizioni effettuate da due ricchi personaggi relative al finanziamento di pellegrinaggi ed elemosine a Roma: Æthelnoth e sua moglie stabilirono che se fossero partiti per il suðfor (pellegrinaggio nel sud) la loro terra ad Eythorne sarebbe stata acquistata dal vescovo140, mentre Abba dispose che chiunque gli fosse succeduto nei suoi beni avrebbe dovuto fare sì che 2000 denarii fossero inviati a San Pietro141. Alfred, ealdorman del Surrey nella seconda metà del IX secolo, stabilì nel suo te-stamento che la sua vedova, Wærburh, portasse a San Pietro l’equivalente di due guildrigildi in denaro142, mentre un’altra donna merciana del tardo IX secolo vendette una tenuta a Marlcliff, nel Worcestershire, a un thegn per potersi recare in pellegrinaggio a Roma143. In epoca più prossima al tempo della deposi-zione del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae, un documento proveniente da Selsey, nel Sussex, ricorda che un laico di nome Wiohstan desiderava andare in pellegrinaggio a Roma con la moglie e il figlio e, per farlo, vendette una tenuta che possedeva a Up Marden, nel Sussex, a Wulfhun, vescovo di Selsey (930/931-940/943), per 2000 denarii e un cavallo144. Un altro laico di nome Ulf, morto intorno alla metà dell’XI secolo, lasciò con il suo testamento 4 marche in argento (equivalenti a 640 denarii) perchè fossero portati to Rome to sancte Petre (a Roma per San Pietro)145. Chiese o chierici di alto livello compaiono spesso in queste transazioni come compratori o prestatori, offrendo quindi il loro supporto finanziario e spirituale ai pellegrini, come del resto avveniva in altre regioni dell’Europa dell’epoca146. Le spese di viaggio per il pellegrinaggio romano erano anche previste negli statuti, risalenti alla prima metà del X secolo, di una confraternita di Exeter: i suoi membri si impegnavano a fornire 5 denari ciascuno per finanziare ogni membro che desiderava partire per il “pellegrinaggio del sud” (æt suþfore)147. Il pellegrinaggio, in altre parole, era un vero e proprio fardello. Significava spese e rischi, sia lungo il tragitto, sia presso la meta148. E proprio per questa ragione esercitava un forte fascino presso tutti i devoti, laici o chierici, ricchi o poveri che fossero. La donazione di appropriati beni materiali a San Pietro di Roma ne costituiva una compo-nente essenziale. Sembra anzi probabile che molti dei numerosi pellegrini che destavano l’ammirazione di Beda all’inizio dell’VIII secolo portassero già con loro denaro o altri doni per le elemosine (come quelli trovati nella Confessio di San Pietro)149. Può darsi che fosse questa la ragione per cui i pellegrini co-stituivano bersagli così ambiti per i briganti: diversi gruppi di sventurati pellegrini inglesi caddero nelle mani di predoni saraceni sulle Alpi, nel 921, 923 e 940150.

Come si colloca in questo quadro il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae? I fermagli a uncino suggeri-scono enfaticamente che si trattasse di un qualche donativo per il papato; si tratta di uno dei pochi tesoretti altomedievali di cui possiamo sapere con un buon margine di certezza lo scopo previsto (e il

135 Ortenberg 1999, p. 52; Tinti 2010, p. 164; Eadem 2014a.136 Cn. 1027, cap. 7 (ed. Liebermann 1903-1916, vol. 1, p. 276).137 Tinti 2010, pp. 169-171.138 Cfr. Naismith 2013b e Tinti 2014b. Sull’esperienza e la pratica del pellegrinaggio v. in generale Sumption 1975 e Birch 1998.139 S 1182 (ed. Kelly 1995, n. 12).140 S 1500 (ed. Brooks, Kelly 2013, n. 39A). 141 S 1482 (ed. Brooks, Kelly 2013, n. 70). 142 S 1508 (ed. Brooks, Kelly 2013, n. 96).143 S 222 (ed. B 537).144 S 1206 (ed. Kelly 1998, n. 16).145 S 1532 (ed. Crick 2007, n. 13).146 Bull 1993, pp. 213-215.147 Ed. Conner 1993, pp. 168-169; trad. Whitelock 1979, p. 605 (n. 137).148 Sugli aspetti pratici del pellegrinaggio a Roma, v. Birch 1998, pp. 38-71.149 Serafini 1951.150 Flodoardo di Reims, Annales, s .a . 921, 923 e 940 (ed. Lauer 1905, pp. 5, 19 e 75). Cfr. Dodwell 1982, pp. 152-154. V. anche infra, nota 217.


Plate XVII

Kingdom of Italy. Berengar I (915-24) Pavia. Denaro (reverse, cat. no. 825)

West Frankish Kingdom. Odo (888-97) Limoges. Denier (obverse, cat. no. 827)


Plate XVIII

Ottonian Empire. Otto I (936-73) Strasbourg. Denar (obverse, cat. no. 828)

Duchy of Bavaria. Berthold (938-47) Regensburg. Denar (reverse, cat. no. 829)


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fatto che lo scopo fosse un dono lo rende ancora più eccezionale)151. Nell’alto medioevo l’atto di donare spesso implicava il passaggio di mano di somme di denaro: l’idoneità a essere donato non era qualcosa legato al contenuto del dono, ma all’atto di presentazione dello stesso152. Per questa ragione il ripo-stiglio era contenuto in una sacca, molto probabilmente realizzata specificamente per questo scopo e di buona qualità, che trova dei paralleli nelle sacche di solidi aurei, inviate da un vescovo franco del VII secolo a vari prestigiosi destinatari, e in una coppa d’argento colma di monete, menzionata tra le disposizioni di un testamento inglese del X secolo153. Il proprietario (o i proprietari) del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae aveva(no) ogni ragione per credere che questo sarebbe stato accolto come un dono appropriato e gradito dal Pontefice. Non per questo esso deve essere considerato come una parte del Peter’s Pence. Il tesoretto è ben lontano da quello che si può ipotizzare come il pagamento annuale com-plessivo del Romfeoh, partendo dal presupposto di un penny per ogni nucleo familiare inglese. Entro il XII secolo il Peter’s Pence era divenuto un tributo fisso di 299 marche (47.840 denarii): una somma che costituiva probabilmente una riduzione rispetto ai tempi precedenti, anche se su questi ultimi non di-sponiamo di alcun dato numerico154. Anche una singola diocesi avrebbe – almeno in linea di principio – fornito un contributo decisamente maggiore del contenuto del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae. L’Essex e il Middlesex, che di fatto coprivano gran parte del territorio della diocesi di Londra, nel Domesday Book contenevano 3700 hides (nuclei familiari)155. In queste regioni sarebbe stata dunque raccolta una cifra quattro volte maggiore di quella del ripostiglio, e la diocesi del X secolo era in realtà ancora più grande, dal momento che comprendeva anche gran parte dell’East Anglia156. Ovviamente la presenza di molti avidi intermediari avrebbe ridotto, anche di molto, il totale di una donazione, dal momento in cui questa veniva richiesta dal re o dal vescovo, a quello in cui veniva effettivamente raccolta, e, in seguito, consegnata al Papa157. Inoltre il tesoretto potrebbe non costituire necessariamente il donativo nella sua interezza. Una parte avrebbe potuto essere stornata prima della sua deposizione, e si possono ipotizzare anche consegne separate e parallele. Basandoci sulle monete pervenuteci (e conteggiando il solidus aureo - cat. n. 830 - come un mancuso di 30 denarii) il valore complessivo del tesoretto sarebbe stato intorno agli 875 denarii, corrispondenti a 29 mancusi – presumibilmente 30 se si conteggiano anche i fermagli d’argento. Se si trattava solo di una parte di una somma più grande, potrebbe rappre-sentare approssimativamente un terzo di 11 lire (2640 denarii) in base al valore nominale, o – se mi-suriamo in base al peso e attribuiamo al solidus un valore dodici volte superiore a quello dell’argento158 – poco meno di un terzo di 10 lire (basate su un peso medio di 1,6 grammi per penny). Il testamento di Æthelwulf prevedeva tre distinti donativi, a San Pietro, a San Paolo fuori le Mura e al Pontefice: se questo era il modello seguito da chi raccolse il ripostiglio, potrebbero essere esistiti due altri donativi analoghi per contenuto e dimensioni, ciascuno dei quali forse fornito di un paio di fermagli con inciso il nome del destinatario.

Il Peter’s Pence non può essere escluso dal novero delle possibili origini del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae, ma se si trattava effettivamente di uno dei primi esempi di questo donativo, è improbabile che rifletta il versamento complessivo annuale del regno, o anche solo di una singola diocesi. Bisogna quindi considerare anche altre spiegazioni, ricordando che le donazioni private sono, se non altro, meglio at-testate del Peter’s Pence all’epoca intorno alla quale il tesoretto fu deposto. Sebbene decisamente consi-stente nel contesto dei ripostigli giunti fino a noi, e invece piccolo rispetto ai probabili versamenti del Peter’s Pence, il contenuto del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è comparabile a donazioni private effettuate in epoca anglosassone. Il dono di Ulf (640 denarii) è la più prossima tra queste; Abba legò invece a

151 Su denaro e doni v. Naismith 2012, pp. 259-267 e Idem 2013b; v. inoltre Davies, Fouracre 2010.152 Per paralleli moderni Zelizer 1994. 153 Testamento di Bertramno, vescovo di Le Mans (616) (ed. Weidemann 1986, pp. 45-46); S 1539 (ed. Whitelock 1930, pp. 10-15, n. 3).154 Lunt 1939, pp. 1-30.155 Darby 1977, p. 336.156 V. infra, p. 324.157 Brett 1975, pp. 168-173.158 Lyon 1969, pp. 207-209; McCormick 2001, pp. 338-339; Rovelli 1993, pp. 555-556.


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San Pietro 2000 denarii; Wiohstan, in Sussex, stanziò la medesima somma poco prima di partire per il pellegrinaggio con la famiglia, per coprire presumibilmente sia i costi di viaggio sia le elemosine. Tutti questi personaggi erano ricchi proprietari fondiari, ma restano comunque piuttosto oscuri al di fuori dei documenti in questione. Le donazioni della scala del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae non devono dunque essere state eccezionali.

Non c’è modo di determinare con un qualche margine di certezza il processo che portò il tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae dall’Inghilterra meridionale fino a Roma, ma la bilancia della probabilità, se si consi-derano datazione e valore complessivo, pende a favore di un donativo privato. Ci sarebbero potuti essere alcuni margini di possibile sovrapposizione tra il Romfeoh inviato dal re o da una diocesi e donazioni personali effettuate da personaggi di rilievo, come quelli incaricati di portare elemosine a Roma sotto Alfred ed Edward the Elder. Un ragionamento più fruttuoso è tuttavia quello di considerare quale tipo di donatore potrebbe celarsi dietro il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae. Un indizio in tal senso è fornito dalla composizione del tesoretto. Il suo contenuto è coerente con un assemblaggio nell’Inghilterra me-ridionale, e ci sono tracce di un ruolo particolarmente rilevante di Londra. Le dimensioni come pure la presenza dei due fermagli d’argento potrebbero inoltre indicare il coinvolgimento di un ente fornito di notevoli mezzi materiali e, probabilmente, culturali.

Questi dati convergono su un possibile candidato tra i personaggi noti che visitarono Roma in quel periodo: Theodred, vescovo di Londra (909/926-951/953). Egli spicca come uno dei personaggi più po-tenti e influenti del regno durante gli anni ‘30 e ‘40 del X secolo159. In questo periodo Theodred esercitava la sua giurisdizione oltre che sulla tradizionale diocesi londinese anche sulla sede di Dunwich, nell’East Anglia. Si potrebbe trattare di una situazione temporanea, legata agli sconquassi causati dalle invasioni vichinghe del IX secolo, ma Theodred possedeva personalmente ampi beni fondiari nell’East Anglia, e Abbone di Fleury, scrivendo nel tardo X secolo una Passio sancti Eadmundi, citò la sua devozione al culto di Sant’Edmund160. I dati più significativi relativi a Theodred sono forniti dal suo testamento, redatto tra il 942 e la sua morte (avvenuta tra il 951 e il 953) e proveniente da Bury St Edmund’s161. Sono elencati lasciti al re, alla cattedrale londinese di St Paul, alla sua famiglia e a altri personaggi, tra cui un certo nu-mero di chierici con nomi germanici, che, come lo stesso Theodred, potevano essere originari del Con-tinente. Ci sono numerosi lasciti monetari, incluse 200 marche auree al re, e almeno 75 lire suddivise tra vari destinatari. Ma soprattutto il testamento menziona una pianeta bianca e gialla þe ic on Pauie bouhte (“che io comprai a Pavia”). Nel X e XI secolo Pavia era un importante centro commerciale, dove si pote-vano vendere e acquistare beni di lusso di tutti i tipi, provenienti dall’Italia o dal Mediterraneo orientale. Si trattava di una meta per i commercianti inglesi, ma anche di una tappa obbligata lungo la strada per Roma per i pellegrini e i chierici come Theodred162. Non si può individuare con certezza la data della sua probabile visita a Roma: si sa solo che essa dovrebbe essere avvenuta in un qualche momento prima della stesura del testamento, scritto nel periodo 942-951/953; ad ogni modo, la data di deposizione del tesoretto cade proprio in questo lasso di tempo.

Ci devono ovviamente essere stati molti altri viaggiatori con le risorse sufficienti a mettere insieme il tesoretto dell’Atrium Vestae. Anche il viaggio di Theodred, come molti altri, è del resto noto grazie a una menzione casuale in uno dei relativamente pochi documenti privati di epoca anglosassone giunti fino a noi. Si tratta di un candidato plausibile per la datazione, la sua relativa ricchezza e preminenza, e il legame con Londra. Anche se è impossibile andare oltre il fatto che egli aveva i mezzi, il motivo e l’op-portunità, Theodred rimane comunque un esempio del tipo di personaggio che probabilmente portò il tesoretto a Roma, o come dono personale o da parte di una realtà istituzionale e territoriale.

159 Whitelock 1975, pp. 17-21; Kelly 2004, pp. 116-118.160 Abbo, Passio sancti Eadmundi, cap. 16 (ed. Arnold 1890-1896, vol. 1, pp. 20-22).161 S 1526 (ed. Whitelock 1930, pp. 2-5, n. 1; ed. Kelly 2004, pp. 225-228).162 Dodwell 1982, pp. 149-153; Ortenberg 1990, pp. 236-238; e Pelteret 2014.


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Le monete anglo-vichinghe

Sebbene si tratti di meno dell’1% del contenuto del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae, le sue sette monete anglo-vichinghe sono decisive per interpretare la complessa serie di coniazioni effettuate dai sovrani vichinghi in Inghilterra dopo la morte di Æthelstan, nel 939. Quello stesso anno York fu presa da Óláfr, figlio di Guthróthr, noto anche come Olaf Guthfrithsson: un membro della dinastia vichinga fondata da Ívarr, che durante il X secolo aveva interessi su ambo le sponde del Mare d’Irlanda163. Nel 940 fu rag-giunto da un suo parente di Dublino, anche lui chiamato Óláfr (m. 981; conosciuto con il patronimico Sigtrygsson o Sihtricsson, come pure con il soprannome irlandese di Cuarán). Tra il 940 e il 942 i so-vrani di York arrivarono a esercitare una qualche forma di controllo sulle midlands orientali; abbastanza perché Derby e forse anche altre zecche battessero moneta in nome di Olaf (fosse questo Guthfrithsson o Sihtricsson) invece che di Edmund. Nel 942 Edmund riprese il pieno possesso dell’area e, dopo un contrattacco vichingo contro Tamworth, l’anno successivo fu siglata una pace tra il re inglese e i sovrani di York. Quello stesso anno Edmund promosse il battesimo di Olaf Sihtricsson (Olaf Guthfrithsson era morto nel 941) e, dopo il 943, anche quello di un altro re di York, appartenente alla stessa dinastia, Rögn-valdr Guthrøtharson (Ragnald Guthfrithsson). Ambo i sovrani furono scacciati nel 944 da Edmund, che mantenne fino alla morte il pieno controllo di York, nonostante gli attacchi portati da Olaf Sihtricsson/Cuarán e da un capo vichingo di nome Eric negli anni ‘40, mentre la Northumbria non fu completamente conquistata dagli Inglesi fino al 954164.

Il dibattito sull’esatta cronologia e sul peso da attribuire alle singole fonti è ancora in corso e le mo-nete forniscono un contributo diretto quanto cruciale per comprendere l’esatto svolgimento degli eventi. La difficoltà con le monete sta nell’assegnare correttamente alcuni pezzi al sovrano corrispondente o al giusto periodo di governo, nel caso dei numerosi sovrani che rivendicarono contemporaneamente il trono di Northumbria nel periodo 939-954. L’importanza del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae sta nel con-tenere un piccolo gruppo di monete che possono essere datate con certezza al primo e più lungo periodo di controllo vichingo della Northumbria, tra il 939 e il 944, grazie alla cronologia fornita dal ripostiglio nel suo insieme165. Tra i pezzi anglo-vichinghi ve ne sono quattro che possono essere attribuiti, grazie a elementi stilistici e alla carriera dei monetieri menzionati, a York (cat. nn. 818-820 e cat. n. 822), mentre gli altri tre, in base agli stessi criteri, dovrebbero essere legati a Derby e a una zecca sconosciuta delle midlands orientali (rispettivamente cat. n. 821 e cat. nn. 823-824)166. Sei delle sette monete del ripostiglio furono coniate in nome del re Olaf (Anlaf o Onlaf in antico inglese). Convenzionalmente, si è attribuito il tipo a “Corvo” a Olaf Guthfrithsson e quello Circumscription a Olaf Sihtricsson/Cuarán, mentre gli esemplari di Two-Line/Horizontal prodotti a sud dell’Humber potrebbero appartenere all’uno o all’altro dei due sovrani. Una delle monete anglo-vichinghe del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae (cat. n. 822) è l’u-nico penny del tipo Circumscription a recare il nome del re Sigtryggr/Sihtric, e una delle sole tre monete coniate in suo nome sopravvissute. L’identità di questo sovrano – noto unicamente dalle sue monete – rimane oscura, ma le fonti irlandesi e lo stretto legame di queste monete con quelle degli altri sovrani di York inducono a pensare che fosse un membro della stessa dinastia regia a cui appartenevano entrambi gli Olaf e Ragnald167.

La presenza di un piccolo nucleo di pezzi anglo-vichinghi all’interno di un grande ripostiglio del X secolo di pennies inglesi non è certo eccezionale. Cinque monete analoghe furono trovate tra le oltre 500 del tesoretto di Chester (1950)168, due nel ripostiglio romano trovato nel 1846, insieme a 92 monete

163 Downham 2007.164 Questo resoconto si basa su Downham 2003; e Eadem 2007, pp. 107-112. Sotto molto versi esso accetta la ricostruzione fornita da Beaven 1918; se ne distanziano in modo più netto Sawyer 1995 e Woolf 1998.165 Dolley 1957-1958, p. 33 descrisse il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae come “molto probabilmente la fonte più cruciale per la datazione della coniazione dei re vichinghi di York per tutto il periodo successivo alla battaglia di Brunanburh”.166 Questa componente delle midlands orientali fu identificata in Dolley 1957-1958, pp. 50-53 e 73-75; e CTCE, pp. 216-219. 167 Dolley 1957-1958, pp. 69-70; CTCE, p. 211 e p. 213; Downham 2003, pp. 42-43.168 Pagan 2012, nn. 23-27.


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inglesi169 e infine una nel ripostiglio del Vaticano, composto di oltre 500 pezzi170. Questi pochi pezzi vi-chinghi suggeriscono uno sforzo consapevole di rimuovere tutti i pezzi non inglesi dalla circolazione, a cui sfuggivano solo poche monete.

Le monete di origine non inglese

I sei pezzi coniati al di fuori delle isole britanniche sono di origini diverse. Uno proviene dalla Francia occidentale (cat. n. 827), uno dalla Baviera (cat. n. 829), uno dalla Lotaringia (cat. n. 828) e uno dall’impero bizantino (cat. n. 830), mentre due sono denari pavesi (cat. nn. 825-826). Si tratta in tutti i casi di tipologie monetarie che circolavano largamente nell’Europa occidentale171. Le monete simili all’esemplare cat. n. 827, battute a Limoges in nome di Odone, re dei Franchi occidentali (888-898), sono moltissime, e continuarono a essere prodotte ben dopo la sua morte, fino al X secolo inoltrato. Esemplari di questo tipo sono stati trovati nel ripostiglio di Cuerdale (905-910 circa), in quello di Fécamp (980 circa), nella Confessio di San Pietro a Roma, e altrove172. Le monete d’argento di Regensburg coniate in nome dei duchi di Baviera, come quella di Berthold (938-947) del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae (cat. n. 829), e quelle di Strasburgo coniate in nome di Ottone I (936-973) (cat. n. 828) sono decisamente più rare, ma bisogna rilevare che pezzi battuti nelle zecche tedesche o lotaringe, come Colonia, Costanza, Magonza, Metz, Strasburgo, Verdun e Würzburg, sono stati trovati nei ripostigli di Cuerdale, Fécamp, “Galli Tassi” (964 circa), Langres (900-920 circa) e Rennes (920 circa)173. Monete del X secolo di Verdun e Worms sono state trovate anche nella Confessio di San Pietro174. Infine, i due denarii italiani (cat. nn. 825-826) si sarebbero potuti trovare in circolazione nell’Italia settentrionale dell’epoca (come pure nella stessa Roma)175, ma pezzi analoghi si possono anche trovare in ripostigli dell’Europa settentrionale, come Cuerdale, Chester (1950), Fécamp e Rennes176 e così pure tra i ritrovamenti singoli inglesi177.

Il solidus di Theophilus (829-842) (cat. n. 830; fig . 27, p. 46) risulta eccezionale sotto due diversi punti di vista: si tratta della moneta più antica del tesoretto e dell’unico pezzo aureo. L’oro era un bene raro e prezioso in Europa occidentale tra il IX e il X secolo e, quando era deposto in ripostigli, si tendeva a tenerlo separato dall’argento o, come in questo caso, compariva in quantità minime rispetto a quelle dell’argento178. Nono-stante ciò non ci sono ripostigli britannici del IX o X secolo contenenti monete d’oro, e solo alcuni includono oggetti aurei. Il ripostiglio noto come Vale of York, trovato nel 2007, conteneva un braccialetto aureo insieme a numerosi oggetti e monete d’argento, e così pure il ripostiglio di Ballaquayle, sull’isola di Man, trovato nel 1894, mentre i tesoretti di Beeston Tor (Staffordshire) e Talnotrie (Kirkcudbrightshire) contenevano un anello d’oro179. I ritrovamenti di monete auree in Europa occidentale risalenti al periodo tra VIII e XI secolo sono notevoli per la loro rarità180, ma il pezzo di Theophilus conservato nel ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae appartiene a una tipologia che godeva di una circolazione relativamente ampia e che esercitò una forte influenza stilistica

169 Blunt 1986, pp. 161-162.170 O’Donovan 1964, n. 27. Su questi tre ripostigli v. anche supra, pp. 315-317.171 La circolazione di monete inglesi e tedesche nell’Europa settentrionale e orientale è bene attestata, ma si tratta di un tema che travalica quello del presente lavoro e che inizia a essere percettibile su scala significativa solo diversi decenni dopo la metà del X secolo.172 Williams 2011b, pp. 284-285; Dumas 1971, pp. 250-253. Serafini 1951, p. 238 (nn. 128-134). V. anche il sommario elenco in Coupland 2011.173 Williams 2011b, pp. 284-285; Dumas 1971, pp. 280-285; Saccocci 2001-2002, p. 181; Gariel 1883-1884, pp. 131-132; Lafaurie 1965, p. 280. Ritrovamenti singoli inglesi includono EMC 1986, 0127 e 2005.0209; v. anche Blunt 1981 per una moneta ribattuta di Colonia, e Cook 1999, pp. 232-237.174 Serafini 1951, pp. 239-241 (nn. 195 e 251).175 Cfr. Rovelli 2012, n. VIII.176 Pagan 2012, n. 809; Williams 2011b, pp. 284-285; Dumas 1971, pp. 287-288; Lafaurie 1965, pp. 290-291; cfr. Coupland 2011.177 EMC 1995.0271 e 2003.0165.178 McCormick 2001. Il più antico ripostiglio di Ilanz (Svizzera) conteneva sia tremisses tosati, emessi da Carlo Magno e dai sovrani longobardi, sia denarii d’argento, ma venne deposto in un periodo di transizione dalla valuta aurea a quella argentea in Italia (Bernareggi 1977). Un’eccezione, per il suo contenuto in gran parte aureo, con poche monete d’argento, è il grande ripostiglio di Hoen, in Norvegia (Fuglesang, Wilson 2006).179 Ager 2011, pp. 127-128; Ager, Williams 2011, p. 136; Bornholdt Collins 2003, n. M6; Wilson 1964, pp. 120-121; Maxwell 1913, p. 15; cfr. Hinton 1978, pp. 150-158.180 McCormick 2001; sull’Inghilterra v. Blackburn 2007.


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per un lungo periodo. Solidi di questo tipo sono stati trovati a Porto Torres, in Sardegna, a Venezia e nell’em-porio vichingo di Hedeby181, e costituirono un modello per i monetieri di Magonza durante il regno dell’impe-ratore Enrico II (1002–1224)182. Sembra quindi del tutto plausibile che l’esemplare del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae, relativamente usurato, sia circolato in Europa occidentale per più di un secolo.

Queste sei monete potrebbero essere state aggiunte al lotto inglese a Roma o lungo la strada che vi con-duceva183. Anche se Limoges, Regensburg e Strasburgo erano al di fuori dei percorsi comunemente usati dai viaggiatori inglesi diretti in Italia184, i prodotti delle loro zecche sarebbero stati incontrati anche da chi sce-glieva un percorso più diretto. Tuttavia le caratteristiche generali del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae depongono a favore di un assemblaggio in terra inglese, effettuato con finalità molto specifiche185. I fermagli conservati nel tesoretto indicano che si trattava di una somma destinata al papato, e probabilmente non di una riserva di liquidità per affrontare il viaggio. Considerando la gamma di località in cui un viaggiatore proveniente dall’Inghilterra sarebbe dovuto passare (probabilmente nel corso di diversi mesi), con tutte le spese relative, è difficile credere che la quantità minimale di monete non inglesi del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae – meno dell’1 % del totale – rifletta il residuo di una somma usata per le spese generali di un simile viaggio. Ci sono dati significativi relativi a un certo numero di monete straniere circolanti in questo periodo in Inghilterra. I sovrani inglesi a partire dalla fine dell’VIII secolo adottarono misure piuttosto efficaci per escludere dalla circolazione le monete straniere, ma tali provvedimenti non ebbero mai un successo completo186. Specifici esempi di ritrovamenti di pezzi stranieri in Inghilterra sono stati segnalati nelle pagine precedenti, sia per quanto riguarda ripostigli sia per quanto riguarda ritrovamenti singoli. Il grande ripostiglio di Chester (1950), deposto intorno al 970 – che può essere paragonato, come abbiamo già visto, sotto diversi profili al ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae – conteneva tre pezzi del Continente (uno italiano e due battuti a Melle, in Aquitania) a fianco di 543 monete coniate a nome dei sovrani anglosassoni o vichinghi187. Degni di nota sono anche i sei pezzi stranieri (quattro da Colonia e due da Pavia) contenuti nel ripostiglio del Vaticano, risalente al 925 circa, che potrebbero avere alle spalle una storia simile alle monete non inglesi del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae188.

In breve, in un tesoretto inglese di oltre 830 pezzi, sei monete straniere non risulterebbero affatto sorpren-denti, indipendentemente dallo specifico luogo di ritrovamento e potrebbero facilmente aver formato parte dell’assemblaggio originario in Inghilterra. Anche il solidus aureo, sebbene non ci siano paralleli ritrovamenti inglesi di monete di Theophilus, è comunque paragonabile ad alcuni ritrovamenti di monete auree arabe, bizantine e carolingie dell’VIII e IX secolo189. Sono state ritrovate in Inghilterra anche monete bizantine in argento e in lega di rame del IX e X secolo190, e un donativo al papato sarebbe sicuramente stato un contesto più che appropriato per inserire una moneta aurea di pregio191. Il famoso dinar di Offa del tardo VIII secolo fu probabilmente prodotto con un fine analogo e potrebbe essere stato trovato proprio a Roma, mentre uno degli altri rarissimi pezzi monetari inglesi in oro (coniati al tempo di Edward the Elder) fu trovato a Lutry nelle im-mediate vicinanze di Losanna, in Svizzera192, che compariva tra i luoghi di sosta nell’itinerario dell’arcivescovo Sigeric per il suo viaggio tra Roma e l’Inghilterra, nel tardo X secolo193.

181 McCormick 2001, nn. A32, A38 e B21; ci sono inoltre ulteriori ritrovamenti di solidi di Theophilus effettuati nell’Europa orientale e sud-orientale.182 Kluge 1991, nn. 75-76; Dbg 1186.183 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991, pp. 221-222.184 Pelteret 2011.185 Un’ipotesi già formulata in Keary 1884, pp. 225-226.186 Cook 1999; Naismith 2012, pp. 206-207.187 Pagan 2012, nn. 807-809.188 O’Donovan 1964, p. 29.189 Blackburn 2007; Naismith 2010.190 L’unica moneta argentea pervenuta (un miliaresion di Giovanni I) fa significativamente parte del “Walbrook” hoard (1872) (deposto tra il 1066 e il 1074) (Checklist n. 261; Egan 2007, 115). Le monete bizantine in lega di rame del IX e X secolo includono pezzi di Basilio I (Georganteli 2012, n. 4), Leone VI (PAS DOR-0F6596), Romano I (Egan 2007, p. 115), Costantino VII con Romano I (PAS SUSS-940F95) e folles anonimi di classe A2 (Georganteli 2012, n. 5 e PAS CAM-064213). C’è una certa discussione sull’autenticità del ritrovamenti britannici di monete bizantine in rame, dal momento che queste monete furono spesso acquistate come souvenirs dai viaggiatori di epoca moderna (Boon 1991; per un parere più ottimistico v. Moorhead 2009 e Morrisson 2014) - ma ciò non varrebbe per le monete auree e argentee.191 Naismith 2012, pp. 112-114.192 Blackburn 2007, nn. B1 e B6.193 Ortenberg 1990, p. 239.


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I fermagli a uncino

Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è eccezionale per la presenza di un paio di fermagli a uncino con incisa un’iscrizione che fornisce un dato cruciale relativo alla natura originaria e allo scopo del tesoretto: un’offerta di qualche tipo a papa Marino II. L’iscrizione, divisa tra i due fermagli, recita +DOMNO MA/RINO PAPA+ (cat. nn. a-b). I due oggetti sono gli unici prodotti della metallurgia inglese a nominare un personaggio storico identificabile; si tratta inoltre dell’unico esempio pervenutoci di un’iscrizione anglo-sassone divisa tra due distinti oggetti. Sono fatti d’argento e consistono entrambi in una semplice piastra ovale con un paio di occhielli perforati a un capo, e un semplice uncino che spunta dall’altro. L’iscrizione è collocata tra il bordo interno e esterno della piastra ovale, con un semplice motivo fogliato trilobato al cen-tro; l’iscrizione, il motivo fogliato e i bordi sono tutti niellati. Il fermaglio con la prima metà dell’iscrizione è leggermente più largo e pesante e reca inoltre un disegno a forma di V composto da 17 globetti sul retro194.

La pubblicazione iniziale di questi due oggetti da parte di de Rossi e Lanciani li identificava come fibule della cappa di un funzionario papale; un dato cruciale nelle loro conclusioni relative all’identità del pro-prietario della casa sotto la quale il ripostiglio venne deposto195. Un più recente esame di questi due oggetti, da parte di James Graham-Campbell ed Elisabeth Okasha, ha tuttavia lasciato ben pochi dubbi sulla loro origine inglese196. Fermagli di questa forma potevano essere impiegati per una pluralità di scopi197, ma Gra-ham-Campbell e Okasha sostengono che in questo specifico caso la loro funzione più probabile era quella di essere usati come un paio di chiusure per un singolo oggetto – probabilmente una sacca o una bisaccia prodotta per contenere le monete (una tesi recentemente sostenuta anche da Gale Owen-Crocker)198. Due fermagli a uncino molto più semplici, ma di forma simile, sono stati trovati anche nel ripostiglio di Tetney (Lincolnshire) degli anni ‘70 del X secolo, e potrebbero essere stati usati in un contesto analogo199. Anche il tesoretto di monete anglosassoni comprato da un acquirente romano nel 1846 era accompagnato da una chiusura in argento, sebbene in questo caso si trattasse di un cursore per cinghia di forma differente200.

Borse o bisacce (marsupia) erano comunemente impiegate per conservare o inviare denaro, spe-cialmente dai viaggiatori, e per ragioni di sicurezza dovevano essere generalmente fornite di chiusure di questo tipo. Pier Damiani descrive un marsupium o folliculum usato per trasportare 24 solidi (cioè 288 denari) in moneta pavese da un paio di pellegrini lombardi diretti a Roma verso la metà dell’XI secolo201, e delle sacche fornite di etichette (cum brevicellis sigillatis) erano usate per distribuire donativi in moneta aurea nella Gallia del VII secolo202. Va detto che una borsa contenente il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae non avrebbe dovuto essere particolarmente grande o ingombrante: il peso complessivo di tutte le monete (intere o in frammenti) e dei fermagli a uncino è solo di kg 1,25 e la sacca destinata a contenerle sarebbe potuta essere piuttosto compatta (fig . 28, p. 49)203. Visto che i fermagli contengono di per sé l’argento equivalente a otto o nove pennies, ci sono buone probabilità che anche la borsa stessa fosse un oggetto di qualità; il contenitore appropriato per un dono al Pontefice che il proprietario avrebbe probabilmente porto con le sue stesse mani in un contesto cerimoniale.

Dopo la pulizia, è diventato chiaro che la “A” finale di PAPA sulla seconda fibbia ha due tratti oriz-zontali, invece di uno (fig . 29, p. 49). È presumibile che fosse intesa come una primitiva forma della legatura “Æ”, e ciò renderebbe l’iscrizione corretta sotto il profilo grammaticale. Se le cose stanno così, potrebbe essere stata la soluzione scelta per rimediare alla mancanza di spazio che rendeva impossibile

194 Questa descrizione è modellata su quella fornita da Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991, p. 222.195 Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, p. 487. V. supra, p. 299.196 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991. Sulla precedente interpretazione dei fermagli come fibule della cappa di un funzionario papale, v. Lanciani, de Rossi 1883, pp. 487-488.197 Graham-Campbell, Okasha, Metcalf 1991, pp. 223 e 225; cfr. Thomas 2009.198 Owen-Crocker 2004, pp. 154-155.199 Wilson 1964, p. 178 (nn. 86-87); Walker 1945, p. 81.200 Blunt 1986, p. 162; Wilson 1964, pp. 161-163 (n. 63).201 Ed. Reindel 1989-1993, vol. 4, p. 249 (Epistola 169).202 Testamento di Bertramno, vescovo di Le Mans (616): ed. Weidemann 1986, pp. 45-46.203 L’ampia gamma di forme e ornamenti tipici delle borse medievali è illustrata, sebbene per un periodo successivo, in Goubitz 2007.


Plate XIX

Ottonian Empire. Otto I (936-73) Strasbourg. Denar (obverse, cat. no. 828)

Duchy of Bavaria. Berthold (938-47) Regensburg. Denar (reverse, cat. no. 829)


Plate XX

Byzantine Empire. Theophilus (829-42) Constantinople. Solidus (obverse, cat. no. 830)


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incidere una nona lettera. Questa soluzione potrebbe essere il prodotto di un semplice errore, ma po-trebbe anche trattarsi del risultato di una scelta deliberata, fatta per non avere uno sbilanciamento troppo grande di lettere tra i due fermagli. La “A” con doppio tratto sembra piuttosto precisa e intenzionale; probabilmente non fu eseguita per errore e legature analoghe all’interno di lettere furono usate in codici manoscritti di prestigio come il Benedizionale di St Æthelwold (London, British Library, Additional 49598, 971-984)204. Tuttavia questo uso della “A” con doppio trattino per indicare “Æ” non trova riscontro in altre fonti epigrafiche o manoscritte205. Un’altra possibilità è che il caso dell’iscrizione fosse inteso come un ablativo piuttosto che come un dativo (forse sotto l’influenza delle formule impiegate nella documen-tazione pontificia), nel qual caso la lettera finale di papa sarebbe corretta – anche se la desinenza della parola non sarebbe appropriata rispetto al probabile contesto di donazione206.

Altri aspetti della composizione dell’iscrizione sui fermagli depongono a favore di un generale le-game con le bullae pontificie. La collocazione delle iscrizioni intorno a un circolo interno è genericamente paragonabile alle bullae papali dell’epoca, nelle quali, dal pontificato di Nicola I (858-867), il nome del Papa era collocato intorno a un circolo interno contenente un motivo floreale o cruciforme207. L’esatta formulazione dei termini sui fermagli sembra inoltre probabilmente legata alla pratica tipica della docu-mentazione pontificia dell’epoca: le bolle plumbee (ad esempio una di Leone VIII riprodotta da Serafini) come pure i più lunghi testi scritti usavano lo stile domnus … papa per il Pontefice208. Sembra dunque probabile che chi disegnò i fermagli fosse a conoscenza delle pratiche documentarie del papato dell’epoca e le considerasse il modello appropriato per la sua opera.

Conclusioni

Il X secolo era un tempo noto, con qualche ragione, come l’epoca oscura del papato; in parte per la mancanza di fonti in seguito alla cessazione, dopo l’anno 891, degli aggiornamenti al Liber pontificalis e in parte per la pessima reputazione di molti dei successori di Pietro attivi nel periodo209. La fortissima influenza dell’aristocrazia laica romana sul papato, e altri aspetti della vita politica ed ecclesiastica della città, sono stati tradizionalmente visti come la caratteristica saliente, e fortemente negativa, dell’epoca. Il potere di Alberico II su Roma e sul pontificato era forte, e apparentemente mai quanto durante il pon-tificato di Marino II: il cronista del tardo X secolo Benedetto di Sant’Andrea del Soratte affermò espli-citamente che Marino non audebat adtingere aliquis extro iussio Alberici principi210. Tale interpretazione della Roma del X secolo è stata influenzata fortemente dai netti giudizi e dai sordidi aneddoti forniti da autori come Benedetto e, soprattutto, Liutprando da Cremona211. Tuttavia letture alternative del papato dell’epoca e del suo ruolo nella vita della città risultano prevalenti nella ricerca storica contemporanea, basata su una percezione più costruttiva della Chiesa come fattore di integrazione dell’aristocrazia locale dopo che re e imperatori avevano cessato di visitare regolarmente Roma212, e sulla constatazione dell’ec-cezionale concentrazione di ricchezze e popolazione dell’Urbe per gli standard dell’Occidente altomedie-vale213. Alberico e la sua famiglia promossero la riforma monastica a Roma, invitando Odone di Cluny a fornire consigli e indirizzi214. Seppur limitata, nel X secolo l’influenza papale si faceva sentire in chiese e

204 V. in particolare le capitali sul f. 70r (Prescott 2002). 205 Ad esempio, Okasha 1971, pp. 126-127 (n. 138). 206 Questi spunti ed elementi di comparazione sono stati suggeriti da Michelle Brown, Jo Story e Ildar Garipzanov.207 Serafini 1910.208 Serafini 1910, p. 22 (Leo VIII n. 2) e tav. G, 3. Sui privilegi e le lettere di Marino II giunti fino a noi, v. ed. Zimmermann 1984-1989, vol. 1, pp. 172-191 (nn. 98-108).209 Offre una panoramica sulla storia dell’espressione “età oscura” (e di quella, a essa associata, del “secolo di ferro”) Zimmermann 1971, pp. 15-21. Sull’autorità papale all’inizio del X secolo, v. Herbers 2007, Arnaldi 1990, pp. 40-53 e Savigni 1992.210 Benedetto del Soratte, Chronicon (ed. Zucchetti 1920, p. 167). Cfr. Piazzoni 2008.211 Arnaldi 2005, pp. 23-43; Idem 1961, pp. 505-506; Sutherland 1988, pp. 36-41.212 Arnaldi 1961, pp. 496-497. 213 Wickham 2000. V. ora il suo nuovo importante lavoro Idem 2013 (insieme a Idem 2015).214 Arnaldi 1957, pp. 145-147, p. 153 e pp. 155-156; Idem 1961, pp. 503-507; Idem 2005, pp. 39-41; Rosé 2008, pp. 256-269; Hamilton 1962, pp. 46-60.


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corti ben lontane dalle Mura Aureliane215. Una delle ragioni principali per cui il gioco di potere romano si fece così duro risiede nel fatto che i premi in palio continuavano a essere molto appetitosi.

Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è una testimonianza di alcuni di questi premi. Nonostante le critiche degli autori dell’epoca al papato del X secolo, esso rimaneva un oggetto di rispetto e venerazione per gli Inglesi e un degno destinatario di atti di generosità e pietà. La donazione suggerita dal nome di Marino II sui fermagli del ripostiglio ricorda che l’oro e l’argento contenuti nelle sacche dei pellegrini continuavano a fluire verso Roma, alimentando la ricchezza del papato, proprio come il Liber pontificalis ricorda con grande accuratezza in relazione al IX secolo e alla fase ancora precedente. Riferimenti occasionali a visitatori di questo tipo possono essere trovati in altre fonti: oltre ai viaggiatori inglesi ricordati nelle cronache o nei documenti anglosassoni216, Flodoardo di Reims menziona pellegrini dalla Britannia e dalla Gallia diretti a Roma intorno alla metà del X secolo, talvolta depredati o bloccati sulle Alpi dalle incursioni saracene217, mentre il bavaro Ulrich, vescovo di Augusta (923–973), fu calorosamente accolto dallo stesso Alberico II quando giunse in pellegrinaggio a Roma218. Ci devono essere stati moltissimi tesori come quello dell’Atrium Vestae che finivano a Roma, la maggior parte dei quali presumibilmente impiegati – com’era intenzione dei donatori – a favore del papato e di altre istituzioni ecclesiastiche. Ciò che esattamente condusse al pecu-liare destino del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae rimane ignoto. Potrebbe essere stato nascosto, prima o dopo l’offerta al Papa, da un viaggiatore anglosassone o da un romano, forse, in seguito agli eventi politici di Roma del quinto decennio del X secolo. Le oscure circostanze del ritrovamento del ripostiglio nel 1883 non aiutano certo a riempire i numerosi spazi bianchi di questa storia. Si può comunque dire che il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae occupa il centro della scena sullo sfondo dei numerosi ritrovamenti di monete inglesi nell’Italia dell’epoca, evidenziando la forte attrazione ancora esercitata da Roma.

Il ripostiglio ci fornisce inoltre uno spiraglio verso l’altro capo di questo percorso: la sua raccolta in Inghilterra e il suo trasferimento in direzione di Roma. Il Peter’s Pence potrebbe essere stato una com-ponente di questa storia, ma così pure una donazione privata – forse portata da Theodred, vescovo di Londra, a metà strada tra un dono diocesano e uno personale. Theodred stesso aveva senza dubbio le risorse necessarie per raccogliere una simile somma e l’opportunità di portarla a Roma; aveva inoltre quegli stretti rapporti con Londra che caratterizzano in modo così netto il contenuto del ripostiglio. Non c’è dubbio sul fatto che deve essere stato un personaggio come Theodred a portare questo tesoro d’ar-gento, prezioso e accuratamente assemblato, in viaggio per l’Europa. E neppure sussistono dubbi sulle forti connessioni del ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae con l’Inghilterra meridionale, il che lo rende l’unico grande ripostiglio anglosassone del X secolo non dominato dalle monete dell’Inghilterra settentrionale. Sebbene i ritrovamenti di pezzi singoli abbiano già in qualche misura ridefinito il quadro della ricchezza monetaria dell’Inghilterra dell’epoca, il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae porta l’attenzione sulla diversità geo-grafica rilevabile in un insieme monetario raccolto nella parte meridionale del Regno.

Sotto una molteplicità di punti di vista, il ripostiglio emerge come uno dei più importanti ritrova-menti monetari anglosassoni di tutti i tempi. La sua posizione tra i tesori argentei è anzi unica, in quanto fornito di una precisa indicazione del suo scopo (anche se non è detto che quest’ultimo fosse stato rag-giunto al momento della sua sepoltura). Molti erano all’epoca i donativi in moneta, ma apparentemente il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae è l’unico tra quelli giunti fino a noi ad indicare chiaramente la sua precisa funzione. Esso, più di qualsiasi altro ritrovamento analogo, mostra con chiarezza le profonde motiva-zioni umane e le interazioni che dobbiamo immaginare dietro ogni singola moneta perduta o nascosta nel corso del “secolo di ferro”219.

215 Arnaldi 1957, pp. 148-149; Klinkenberg 1955. Sul sostegno papale ai Carolingi, tramite l’arcidiocesi di Reims, fino al quinto decennio del X secolo, v. Guillot 1987.216 V. supra, p. 322.217 Oltre agli annali citati sopra alla nota 150, sui pellegrini anglosassoni, v. anche Flodoardo di Reims, Annales, s .a. 936, 939 e 951 (ed. Lauer 1905, pp. 65, 74 e 132). 218 Gerardo, Vita S . Uodalrici episcopi, I, 14 (ed. Berschin, Häse 1993, pp. 214-217).219 V. supra, nota 209.


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Elenco delle Figure*

Fig. 1 (p. 5) - Mappa schematica della parte occidentale del Foro nell’alto medioevo, che mostra le principali strut-ture medievali dell’area in relazione ai monumenti classici (elaborazione grafica di Lacey Wallace)

Fig. 2 (p. 6) - Copia di una fotografia degli anni ‘70 del XX secolo della moneta cat. n. 605 prima della pulizia (foto Christopher Blunt)

Fig. 3 (p. 8) - Fotografia aerea risalente all’epoca degli scavi del 1883 (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 19/FR/VA)

Fig. 4 (p. 9) - L’edicola compitale dopo la sua ricostruzione tardo ottocentesca (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 12/FR/CV/E)

Figg. 5-6 (in copertina e p. 10) - L’Atrium Vestae in epoca di poco successiva agli scavi del 1883; si noti la posizione dei tre piedistalli usati come fondamenta nell’alto medioevo (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 13/FR/CV/A e 5/FR/CV/A)

Fig. 7 (p. 11) - L’Atrium Vestae in epoca di poco successiva agli scavi del 1883; si noti la posizione dei tre piedistalli usati come fondamenta nell’alto medioevo (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 15/FR/CV/A)

Fig. 8 (p. 12) - Fotografia risalente agli scavi del 1899 nella parte occidentale dell’Atrium Vestae, che mostra l’antico sistema fognario romano, oltre alla posizione dei tre piedistalli usati come fondamenta nell’alto medioevo (SSBAR, Archivio Fotografico, 16/FFR/CV/A)

Fig. 9 (p. 26) - Pennies del tipo Two-Line / Horizontal di Alfred the Great, Edward the Elder, Æthelstan ed Edmund (cat. nn. 3, 69, 275 e 680)

Fig. 10 (p. 27) - Penny con monogramma di Alfred the Great (cat. n. 1)

Fig. 11 (p. 27) - Circumscription penny di Æthelstan (cat. n. 443)

Fig. 12 (p. 27) - Bust Crowned penny di Æthelstan (cat. n. 492)

Figg. 13 a-b (p. 28) - Bust Crowned penny di Ælthestan di stile “rozzo” e “raffinato”, dai conii di Canterbury (cat. nn. 478 e 485)

Fig. 14 (p. 29) - Bust Crowned penny di Æthelstan, dai conii di Winchester (cat. n. 574)

Fig. 15 (p. 29) - Variante di Bust Crowned penny di Æthelstan, dai conii di Winchester, usati soprattutto a Oxford e Wallingford (cat. n. 559)

Fig. 16 (p. 29) - Variante dello stile di Winchester dell’iconografia Bust Crowned, con il busto interamente circoscrit-to da un cerchio interno (cat. n. 569)

Fig. 17 (p. 29) - Bust Crowned penny di Æthelstan di stile londinese (cat. n. 513)

Fig. 18 (p. 30) - Rovescio di un penny di Edward the Elder, con torre o reliquiario (cat. n. 215)

* Le figure sono riprodotte all’interno del testo in lingua inglese, alle pagine indicate in elenco.


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Fig. 19 (p. 31) - Mappa delle zecche attive sotto Æthelstan: i punti pieni corrispondono alle zecche rappresentate nel ri-postiglio dell’Atrium Vestae; quelli vuoti rappresentano le zecche note grazie ad altre fonti (elaborazione grafica di Lacey Wallace)

Fig. 20 (p. 32) - Percentuali di monete relative a ciascun regno presente nel ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae

Fig. 21 (p. 33) - Numero medio di monete per anno di ciascun regno tra le monete inglesi identificabili nel riposti-glio dell’Atrium Vestae

Fig. 22 (p. 34) - Percentuali relative ai luoghi di emissione delle monete inglesi appartenenti al ripostiglio di Chester (1950)

Fig. 23 (p. 34) - Percentuali dei luoghi di emissione delle monete inglesi appartenenti al ripostiglio di Chester (1950), relative a ciascun regno

Fig. 24 (p. 35) - Percentuali relative ai luoghi di emissione delle monete appartenenti al ripostiglio del Vaticano

Fig. 25 (p. 36) - Percentuali relative ai luoghi di emissione delle monete appartenenti al ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae

Fig. 26 (p. 37) - Percentuali dei luoghi di emissione delle monete inglesi appartenenti al ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae, suddivise per regno

Fig. 27 (p. 46) - Impero bizantino, Theophilus (829-842). Solidus, zecca di Costantinopoli (cat. n. 830)

Fig. 28 (in quarta di copertina e p. 49) - Moderna ricostruzione della sacca che un tempo avrebbe potuto contenere il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae (elaborazione grafica di Bob Naismith)

Fig. 29 (p. 49) - I fermagli a uncino in argento trovati con le monete (cat. nn. a-b)


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349

Minting authorities / Autorità emittenti

Byzantine EmpireTheophilus (829-42): 830

Duchy of BavariaBerthold (938-47): 829

EnglandÆthelstan (924/5-39): 217-606Æthelstan/Edmund: 607-9Alfred the Great (871-99): 1-6Edmund (939-46): 610-804Edward the Elder (899-924): 7-216Plegmund, Archbishop of Canterbury (890-

923): 814-17 Uncertain English Ruler: 813Uncertain Ruler (Irregular English Issues):

805-12

Kingdom of ItalyBerengar I as emperor (915-24): 825Hugh of Arles and Lothar II (931-47): 826

Ottonian EmpireOtto I (936-73): 828

Viking Kingdom of YorkOlaf Guthfrithsson (939-41) (?): 818-21Olaf Sihtricsson (941-4) (?): 823-4Sihtric Sihtricsson (942-3) (?): 822

West Frankish KingdomOdo (888-97): 827

Mint-places / Zecche

Named on Coins / Zecche indicate sulle moneteBath: 369-70Bedford: 792Bridport (?): 371Canterbury: 5, 372-6, 476-90 Chester: 377-401, 608Chichester: 402Derby: 403-4Exeter: 405-9Hertford: 363, 491Langport: 410-11Leicester: 412-13Lewes: 492Limoges: 827London: 1, 364-6, 415-24, 493-540Maldon: 541Norwich: 542-54, 793-6Nottingham: 425Oxford: 367-8, 426-8, 555-9Pavia: 825-6Regensburg: 829Shaftesbury: 429Shrewsbury: 430-6smrie: 560Southampton: 437Stafford: 438-40Strasbourg: 828Totnes (?): 441Wallingford: 561-3, 609Warwick (?): 442Winchester: 443-5, 564-74York: 446-59, 575

INDEXES INDICI


350


Stylistic and Other Attributions of Unnamed Mints / Zecche non indicate ma attribuite secondo criteri stilistici e di altro tipo

Bedford (?): 647-8, 710Canterbury (?): 613, 814-17 [see also “southern

England (Canterbury?)”]Chester (?): 689Chichester: see “southern England (Chichester?)”Constantinople: 830Derby (?): 762-3, 778, 821“Derby” (imitative): 460-1Dover (?): 705East Anglia: 211-13, 797-800East midlands: 7, 51, 60, 70, 95, 123-4, 127,

129-31, 165, 173-5, 231-3, 236, 242, 246-7, 250, 261, 264-7, 270-2, 279, 282-4, 289-96, 298, 300-17, 319-20, 325, 328-31, 333, 341-51, 584, 588-9, 591, 604, 642-6, 701, 703-4, 706-9, 742-7, 766, 779, 801-4, 823-4

East or West midlands: 606Exeter (?): 767-72Hereford (?): 700Hertford / Maldon (?): 610 [see also “southern

England (Hertford or Maldon?)”]Huntingdon (?): 690-1Kent: 8-13, 36-7, 84, 97, 166-71 [see also

“southern England (Kent/Sussex)”]Lewes: see “southern England (Lewes?)”London (?): 614-27, 649-51, 658-72, 711-17, 732

[see also “southern England (London?)”]“London” (imitative): 462-6London region: 52, 82-3, 87-9, 111-13, 117,

126, 163-4, 196-205, 207-9Malmesbury (?): 786Northampton (?): 759-60 [see also “southern

England (Northampton or Southampton?)”]Oxford/Wallingford (?): 632-4 [see also

“southern England (Oxford?/Oxford or Wallingford?)”]

Shaftesbury (?): 635-6 [see also “southern England (Shaftesbury?)”]

Southampton (?): 692 [see also “southern England (Northampton or Southampton? /Southampton?)”]

Southeast midlands: 50, 118, 125, 172

Southern England: 259, 611, 628, 652-7, 680-8, 696-8, 719-22, 725-8, 731, 733-7, 748-52, 758, 761, 774-7- Canterbury?: 227-9, 243, 248-9, 274-7,

335-7, 340, 576, 578-80, 586-7, 592, 599, 605

- Chichester?: 285-8- Hertford or Maldon?: 219- Kent/Sussex: 220-3- Lewes?: 339- London?: 225-6, 234-5, 237-9, 254, 257-

8, 268-9, 273, 281, 299, 334, 577, 590, 593-6, 600

- Northampton or Southampton?: 607- Oxford?: 256, 326-7- Oxford or Wallingford?: 474- Shaftesbury?: 581- Southampton?: 262-3- Wallingford?: 582-3- Wareham?: 224, 355- Wessex?: 255, 321-2, 356, 585, 597-8- Winchester?: 230, 353-4

Stafford (?): 637-41, 699Uncertain: 6, 119, 132, 153-4, 183-95, 297,

357-62, 467-73, 475, 788-91, 805-13Wallingford (?): 673-9, 723 [see also

“southern England (Oxford or Wallingford / Wallingford?)”]

Wareham: see “southern England (Wareham?)”Wessex: 2-4, 14-33, 38-48, 53-9, 61-9, 71, 73-

4, 78-81, 86, 90-4, 96, 99-110, 114-16, 120, 122, 128, 133-52, 155-62, 176-80, 206, 210 [see also “southern England (Wessex?)”]

Wessex / Kent: 34-5West midlands: 49, 72, 75-7, 85, 98, 121, 181-2,

214-16, 245, 280, 323-4, 612, 629, 631, 693-5, 702, 718, 729, 754-7, 773, 780-5, 787- Chester?: 217-18, 240-1, 318, 332, 352- Chester or Shrewsbury?: 251-3- Gloucester?: 278- Shrewsbury?: 244, 260- Stafford?: 338

Winchester (?): 630, 738-41, 753, 764-5 [see also “southern England (Winchester?)”]

York (?): 601-3, 730, 818-20, 822


351

IndexesThe Forum Hoard Il ripostiglio dell’Atrium Vestae Indici

Moneyers / Monetieri1

Abba - 217-18 (Chester?) - 377-9 (Chester)

Abonel- 219 (Hertford/Maldon?)- 363, 491 (Hertford)- 541 (Maldon)- 610 (Hertford/Maldon?)

Abun- 405 (Exeter)

Adalbert - 7 (east midlands)

“Adeau”- 611 (southern England)

Ælfheah (?)- 220-3 (Kent/Sussex)- 576 (Canterbury?)- 577 (London?)

Ælfheard- 612 (west midlands)

Ælfræd- 224 (Wareham?)

Ælfric- 476-83 (Canterbury)- 613 (Canterbury?)

Ælfstan - 225, 614-24 (London?)- 493-4 (London)

Ælfweald- 495-503 (London)- 625-7 (London?)- 628 (southern England)

Ælfwine - 629 (west midlands)

Æthelferth- 8-13 (Kent)- 226 (London?)- 227, 578-80 (Canterbury?)- 372, 814-15 (Canterbury)- 575, 818 (York)

Æthel(hel)m- 564-6 (Winchester)

Æthelhelm- 630 (Winchester?)

Æthelhelm (?) - 631 (west midlands)

Æthelmund- 474 (Oxford/Wallingford?)- 561 (Wallingford)- 632-4 (Oxford/Wallingford)

Æthelnoth - 425 (Nottingham)

Æthelræd - 2, 14-31 (Wessex)- 415 (London)

Æthelsige- 228-9 (Canterbury?)- 373-4, 484-7 (Canterbury)

Æthelstan - 32-3 (Wessex)- 34-5 (Wessex/Kent)- 36-7 (Kent)

Æthelwine - 429 (Shaftesbury)- 581, 635-6 (Shaftesbury?)

Æthelwulf - 38-48 (Wessex)- 49 (west midlands)- 230 (Winchester?)- 443-4 (Winchester)

Agnes- 50 (southeast midlands)

Amelric - 445, 567 (Winchester)

Amund / Æthelmund- 637-41 (Stafford?)

Are- 231-2, 642-3 (east midlands)

Arnulf- 233, 644-6, 823 (east midlands)

Badda- 51 (east midlands)

1 All names are given in normalised form, usually based on those used in SCBI 28 and 41. Tutti i nomi seguono generalmente la versione utilizzata in SCBI 28 e 41.


352


Baldwin- 647-8 (Bedford?)

Bardel- 542 (Norwich)

Beagræd- 52, 196-7, 234-5 (London region)- 416-17, 504-9 (London)- 649-51 (London?)

Beagstan- 53-9 (Wessex)- 198 (London region)

Beagwulf- 652 (southern England)

Belci- 236 (east midlands)

Beorhthelm- 410 (Langport)- 430 (Shrewsbury)

Beorhtræd- 653-5 (southern England)

Beorhtric- 237 (London?)- 418 (London)

Beorhtweald- 238 (London?)

Beorhtwig- 656-7 (southern England)

Beorhtwulf- 369 (Bath)- 441 (Totnes?)

Beorngar - 239 (London?)

Beornheard - 60 (east midlands) - 240 (west midlands) - 241 (Chester?)- 380 (Chester)- 510-18 (London)- 658-72 (London?)

Beornhere - 61-4 (Wessex)

Beornhyge - 242 (east midlands)

Beornmær - 3-4 (Wessex)

Beornræd (?)

- 65-6 (Wessex)Beornweald

- 67 (Wessex)- 562-3, 609 (Wallingford)- 582-3, 673-9 (Wallingford?)

Beornwulf - 68-9 (Wessex)

Boiga- 214 (west midlands)- 403 (Derby)- 792 (Bedford?)

Bonus Homo - 70 (east midlands)

Burghelm - 243 (Canterbury?)

“Bus”- 584 (east midlands)

Ceolhelm- 585 (Wessex?)

Clip- 71 (Wessex)

Cnapa- 381-2 (Chester)

Coenbeorht- 72 (west midlands)- 244 (Shrewsbury?)- 431 (Shrewsbury)

Cyneweald- 475 (uncertain)

Cynewulf- 245 (west midlands)

Deora- 73-4 (Wessex)

Deorhelm- 680-4 (southern England)

Deormod- 75-7 (west midlands)

Deorweald- 5 (Canterbury)- 78-81 (Wessex)- 82-3, 199 (London region)- 586 (Canterbury?)- 685-8 (southern England)

Deorwulf- 689 (Chester?)


353


Dominic- 246-7 (east midlands)

Dryhtweald - 84 (Kent)- 248-9 (Canterbury?)

Dudig - 690-1 (Huntingdon?)

Durand - 250 (east midlands)

Eadbeald - 560 (smrie)

Eadgar- 543 (Norwich)

Eadgild- 437 (Southampton)- 607 (Northampton or Southampton)- 692 (Southampton?)

Eadmund- 85, 215, 693-5 (west midlands)- 251-3 (Chester/Shrewsbury?)- 383-5 (Chester)

Eadræd - 696-8 (southern England)

Eadric- 492 (Lewes)

Eadwulf - 86 (Wessex)- 200 (London region)

Ealhlaf (?) - 87-9, 201-2 (London region)- 254 (London?)- 255 (Wessex) - 364, 419, 519-22 (London)

Ealhstan- 90-3 (Wessex)

Eardwulf- 94 (Wessex)- 256 (Oxford?)- 438-9 (Stafford)- 555-6 (Oxford)- 699 (Stafford?)

Earnwulf (?)- 95 (east midlands)- 257-8 (London?)

- 259 (southern England)Ecgbeorht

- 700 (Hereford?)Ecgheard

- 432 (Shrewsbury)Ecglaf

- 96 (Wessex) Ecgwulf

- 6 (uncertain)Efrard

- 387-8 (Chester)Eicmund

- 97 (Kent)Einhard/Ginard

- 701 (east midlands)“Elact”/Klakkr

- 793 (Norwich)Eoformund

- 98 (west midlands)- 260 (Shrewsbury?)- 433 (Shrewsbury)

Eoforwulf - 702 (west midlands)

Erconbald- 797 (East Anglia)

Faraman - 703-4 (east midlands)

Faro- 608 (Chester)

Folcræd- 587, 705 (Dover?)

Fram - 261 (east midlands)

Fredard- 588 (east midlands)- 798-800 (East Anglia)

Frithebeorht - 99-109 (Wessex)- 262-3 (Southampton?)

Frotger - 434-5 (Shrewsbury)

Fugol- 264-6, 706-8 (east midlands)


354


Fulrad - 267, 589 (east midlands)

Garheard- 110 (Wessex)- 111-12, 203 (London region)

Garwulf - 113 (London region)- 268-9 (London?)

Giongbeald - 544-6, 794 (Norwich)

Gis- 801 (east midlands)

Gota- 270-2, 709 (east midlands)

Grimr- 710 (Bedford?)

Grimweald - 114-16 (Wessex)- 117, 204 (London region)- 273, 590, 711-17 (London?)- 523-8 (London)

Gundbert - 118 (southeast midlands)

Gundferth - 718 (west midlands)

Heahwulf (?) - 420 (London)

Heardbeorht - 119 (uncertain)

Heathubeald- 120 (Wessex)- 719 (southern England)

“Hei”- 829 (Regensburg)

Herebeald- 720 (southern England)

Herebeau- 274-7 (Canterbury?)

Hereman- 721-2 (southern England)

Heremod- 121 (west midlands)- 278 (Gloucester?)- 723-4 (Wallingford?)

Herewis- 370 (Bath)

Herric- 591 (east midlands)

Hildebeorht- 279 (east midlands)

Hrodulf- 819-20, 822 (York)

Hrothgar- 547-8, 795-6 (Norwich)

Hrothheard- 280 (west midlands)

Hunric - 592 (Canterbury?)

Hunsige- 725-8 (southern England)

“Iedulf ”- 802 (east midlands)

Igere- 205 (London region)- 281 (London?)- 365, 421-3, 529-31 (London)

“Ildeomert” - 729 (west midlands)

Incgelbert / Engelbert- 282 (east midlands)

Inga- 283-4 (east midlands)

Ingelgar- 730 (York?)

Ingelri- 426 (Oxford)

Iohann- 285-8 (Chichester?)- 402 (Chichester)

Klakkr- 289-90 (east midlands)- 793 (Norwich)

Landbeorht- 122, 206 (Wessex)

Landuc- 123-4, 291-4 (east midlands)

Landwulf- 731 (southern England)


355


Leofhelm- 207 (London region)- 295 (east midlands)- 424, 532-7 (London)- 732 (London?)

Leofing - 593-6 (London?) - 597-8 (Wessex?)- 733-7 (southern England)

Leofric - 568-70 (Winchester)- 738-41 (Winchester?)

Litelman- 296, 742 (east midlands)

Mægenheard- 125 (southeast midlands)

Mægenræd- 389 (Chester)

Mældomen- 390 (Chester)

Mæthelbeorht/Æthelbeorht- 297 (uncertain)

Manna- 126 (London region)- 298 (east midlands)- 299 (southern England)- 375 (Canterbury)- 538 (London)- 743-7 (east midlands)

Manna/Manticen- 549-51 (Norwich)

Mannel- 748-52 (southern England)

Manning- 599 (Canterbury?)

Manticen- 552-4 (Norwich)

Manthegn (?)- 442 (Warwick?)

Martin- 391 (Chester)- 753 (Winchester?)- 754-5 (west midlands)

Mathelweald- 427-8 (Oxford)

Nother- 300-3, 824 (east midlands)

Oda- 127, 304-15 (east midlands)

Ondres- 756 (west midlands)

Osferth/Ásfrithr- 757 (west midlands)

Oslac- 128 (Wessex)- 392-3 (Chester)

Osmund/Ásmundr- 758 (southern England)

Osweald- 759-60 (Northampton?)

Oswulf- 216 (west midlands)

Oswulf/Ásulfr- 316-17 (east midlands)- 761 (southern England)

Othelric- 762-3 (Derby?)

Otic- 571 (Winchester)- 764-5 (Winchester?)

Pastor- 129 (east midlands)

Paulus- 318 (Chester?)- 394-5 (Chester)

Pitit- 130-1, 319-20 (east midlands)

Ragnaldr- 446-59 (York)

“Reintheres”- 773 (west midlands)

Reinald- 406-9 (Exeter)- 767-72 (Exeter?)

“Reinferth” (?)- 132 (uncertain)

Reingrim- 766 (east midlands)


356


Reinhere (?)- 467 (uncertain)

Reinulf- 133-46 (Wessex)- 321-2 (Winchester?)- 572-4 (Winchester)

Rihard- 147 (Wessex)- 323-4 (west midlands)- 362 (uncertain)

Rodbert- 774-5 (southern England)

Salc(es)- 396 (Chester)

Samsun- 148-9 (Wessex)

“Siademan”- 776-7 (southern England)

“Sielan”- 601-3 (York?)

Sigebrand (?)- 325 (east midlands)

Sigeferth- 397-8 (Chester)

Si(ge)gar- 208 (London region)- 404 (Derby)

Sigehelm- 816-17 (Canterbury)

Sigeland- 326-7 (Oxford?)- 367-8 (Oxford)

Sigeweald- 778 (Derby?)

Sigewulf- 600 (London?)

Smala- 604 (east midlands)

“Sprohene” (?)- 328 (east midlands)

Sprov - 150-2 (Wessex)

Stefanus- 329-30, 779 (east midlands)

Telia- 803-4 (east midlands)

Thorlakr- 153-4 (uncertain)- 331 (east midlands)

Thorstein- 412-14 (Leicester)

Tila- 155-62 (Wessex)- 163-4, 209 (London region)

Tiotes- 332 (Chester?)

Torhthelm- 376, 488-90, 605 (Canterbury)

Tuda- 165 (east midlands?)

Uf(l)ebeorht- 333 (east midlands)

Uthelric- 557-9 (Oxford)

Waringod- 780 (west midlands)

Wealdhelm- 166-71 (Kent)- 334 (London?)- 335-7 (Canterbury?)

Weard- 172 (southeast midlands)- 399-400 (Chester)

Wigheard- 781-3 (west midlands)

Wiglaf- 784 (west midlands)

Wigmund- 338 (Stafford?)

Wihthelm- 785 (west midlands)

Wihtmund- 440 (Stafford)

Wihtwulf- 371 (Bridport)

Wilebeald- 339 (Lewes?)

Willuf- 173 (east midlands)

Wilric- 340 (Canterbury?)


357


Wilsige (?)- 606 (east or west midlands)

Winegar- 174-5 (east midlands)

Winele- 341-51 (east midlands)

Wulfgar- 352 (Chester?)

Wulfheard- 176-80 (Wessex)- 353-4 (Winchester?)

Wulfhelm- 366, 539-40 (London)

Wulflaf- 436 (Shrewsbury)

Wulfræd- 181 (west midlands)- 210 (Wessex)

Wulfric- 786 (Malmesbury?)

Wulfsige- 182 (west midlands)- 355 (Wareham?)

Wulfstan- 356 (Wessex)- 401 (Chester)- 787 (west midlands)

Wynsige- 411 (Langport)


358


Plates / Tavole Fuori Testo

Plate I Kingdom of England. Alfred (871-99). London. London monogram penny (obverse, cat. no. 1)

Plate II Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924). London region . Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 198)

Plate III Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924). West midlands . Penny with a floral design around the moneyer’s name (reverse, cat. no. 214)

Plate IV Kingdom of England. Edward the Elder (899-924). West midlands . Penny with floral motifs above and below the moneyer’s name (reverse, cat. no. 216)

Plate V Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). Canterbury . Bust Crowned penny (obverse, cat. no. 480)

Plate VI Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). Canterbury . Bust Crowned penny (obverse, cat. no. 487)

Plate VII Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). York . Bust Crowned penny of York style (obverse, cat. no. 575)

Plate VIII Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). Southern England (Shaftesbury, Wessex dies?) . Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 581)

Plate IX Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). Southern England (Dover, Canterbury dies?) . Bust Crowned penny (obverse, cat. no. 587)

Plate X Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). East midlands . Bust Crowned penny of east midlands style (obverse, cat. no. 591)

Plate XI Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). Uncertain mint (York dies?) . Bust Crowned penny of east midlands style (obverse, cat. no. 603)

Plate XII Kingdom of England. Æthelstan (924/5-39). East or west midlands (?) . Penny with an architectural design (reverse, cat. no. 606)

Plate XIII Kingdom of England. Edmund (939-46). Norwich . Bust Diademed penny (obverse, cat. no. 793)

Plate XIV Viking Kingdom of York. Olaf Guthfrithsson (939-41). York . Penny showing a bird in flight (obverse, cat. no. 818)

Plate XV Kingdom of Italy. Berengar I (915-24). Pavia . Denaro (obverse, cat. no. 825)Plate XVI Kingdom of Italy. Berengar I (915-24). Pavia . Denaro (reverse, cat. no. 825)Plate XVII West Frankish Kingdom. Odo (888-97). Limoges. Denier (obverse, cat. no. 827)Plate XVIII Ottonian Empire. Otto I (936-73). Strasbourg . Denar (obverse, cat. no. 828)Plate XIX Duchy of Bavaria. Berthold (938-47). Regensburg . Denar (reverse, cat. no. 829)Plate XX Byzantine Empire. Theophilus (829-42). Constantinople . Solidus (obverse, cat.

no. 830)


VOLUMI EDITI

04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 359 14/07/16 16:07

Bollettino di Numismatica Nuova Serie

N. 51-52 – 2009 gennaio-dicembreLe monete romane provinciali della collezione De Sanctis Mangelli. Parte I – dall’Hispania alla Thracia

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on li

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 362 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 363 14/07/16 16:08

N. 7 – luglio 2013LA COLLEZIONE DI VITTORIO EMANUELE IIILa zecca di Milano Età carolingia - Da Carlomagno a Lotario I (773-855)

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 364 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 365 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 367 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 368 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 369 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 370 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 371 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 372 14/07/16 16:08

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04_catalogo 55_56 .indd 373 14/07/16 16:08

È vietata la riproduzione, con qualsiasi procedimento, della presente opera o di parti di essa, nonché la detenzione e la vendita di copie abusive della stessa. Ogni abuso verrà perseguito ai sensi di legge.

ISSN: 0392-971X Registrazione Tribunale di RomaEsemplare non cedibile n. 441/84 del 12 dicembre 1984


Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato S.p.A. - Salario Direttore SILVANA BALBI DE CARO(Finito di stampare nel mese di settembre 2016)

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