the flamenco body by william washabaugh

8/11/2019 The Flamenco Body by William Washabaugh

1/17

The Flamenco BodyAuthor(s): William WashabaughReviewed work(s):Source: Popular Music, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Jan., 1994), pp. 75-90Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/852901.

Accessed: 25/04/2012 11:47

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2/17


3/17

76

William

Washabaugh

on-screen

interviews.

Generally

speaking,

three-quartersof

each

programme

con-

sists

of

musical

exemplifications

by a

featured

artist.

The

remaining

quarter

con-

sists

of

voice-over

commentaries

and

interviews

conducted

by

Jose

Maria

Velazquez.

Nearly half

the

programmes

focus on

individual

artists,

most

of

whom

are

singers.

Four

programmes

eature

guitarists;

no

programmes

n

this

series

explore

flamenco

dance,

although

subsequent

television

documentaries,

produced

on

the

heels

of this

series do

focus

attentionon

flamenco

dancers.

Besides

those

Rito

programmes

which

focus

on

artists,

some

fourteen

focus

on

specific

flamenco

forms,

providing

overviews of

the

genesis

and

development

of

those

forms.

Seven

programmes

are

focused

on

geographical

regions

and

on

the

manner

in

which

regional

characteristics

have

influenced

flamenco

song.

Finally,

the

series

includes

a

number

of

miscellaneous

programmes

on

distinctive

aspects of flamenco, including elderly singers, very young singers, the role of

wine

in

the

flamenco

tradition,

the

contributionsof

Manuel de

Falla

and of

Feder-

ico

Garcia

Lorca,

the

diffusion

of

interest in

flamenco

beyond

southern

Spain,

Christmas

events,

flamenco

festivals,

etc.

The

problem

The

voice-over

commentaries

and

the

interview

segments

of the

Rito

programmes

provide

viewers

with

instruction

in

the

rudiments

of

cante.

Generally

speaking,

they

portray

cante

as a

deeply

spiritual

practice.

Such

instruction

would

be

convin-

cing and the lesson in flamenco spiritualitywould be persuasive except for one

condition,

namely,

the

activity of

bodies.

Like

a

key

that

fits all

the

tumblers

of a

lock

except

one,

the

Rito

commentaries

fail

to

unlock

the

complexity of

cante

because

they

ignore,

or

repress,

the

raw

and

edgy

flamenco

body.

This

essay

will

contend

that

the

flamenco

body

is

central,

not

incidental,

to

flamenco

song,

and

that

without

an

appreciationof

the

body

there

can

be

no

real

appreciation

of

cante.

The

argument

will

begin

with

a

summary

of

the

Rito

commentaries

on

cante.

This

summary

will

be

followed

by a

review

of

two

major

conceptions

of

musical

activity in

Western

society.

When

we

compare the

sum-

mary

of

Rito

commentaries

with

the

major

Western

conceptions

of

music,

we

discover that, generally speaking, bodies are

everywhere

portrayed

as

incidental

and

marginal to

song.2

Rito

and

flamenco

ogy

The

commentaries

and

interviews of

the

Rito

programmes

encourage

viewers

to

think

of

cante

as a

contemplative

activity.

The

series

presents

canteas

heartfelt

song

and

soul-stirred

music.

For

example,

in the

introduction

to

a

programme

on

the

form

called

Siguiriyas,

he

narrator

nforms

viewers

that

'The

themes of

Siguiri-

yas refer to the most profound feelings of the Andalusian Gitanocommunityon

the

history

of

their

personaland

dramatic

existence

....

They are

expressed

in a

most

elemental

and

direct

form

without

artistic

and

literary

presence'

(Los

temas

del

cante

Siguiriyas

e

refieren

los

sentimientos

mas

profundos

e

ese

pueblo

gitano

andaluz

a la

historia

de

su

existencia

personal

dramatica

...

estan

expresadas

e

la

forma

mas

elemental

directa in

pretensiones

rtfsticasy

literarias).

Similarly the

commentary

surrounding

the

musical

performances

of

Manuel

Agujetas

tells


4/17

The lamenco

ody

77

The

wo

sistersFernanda

Bernarda

e

Utrera.

Photo

by Peter

Holloway)


5/17

78 William

Washabaugh

viewers that 'Thesong of

Agujetas grows out of the

whole lived

world of feeling,

from

the

experience of infancy, right

through to the everyday

customs of this

neighbourhood (Elcantede

Agujetas e desprende e todoel

mundovivientedel sentimi-

ento,desde a infancia,hastadentrode lascostumbres e estebarrio).

The 'feelings' to which

these

commentaries refer are said to

have arisen

through chronic collective

trauma and through

communal

experiences of pain

which

extend over

long periods of time.

Individuals, it is said, have

the seer-like

capabilityof

resurrecting hose

social and historical

experiences and of expressing

the

emotions which those

experiences

have generated. For

example, the pro-

gramme devoted to Pepe

Nunez el de la Matrona

displays the street

scenes that

Matrona took in as

he walked

through Sevilla. The

musical backdrop to these

scenes

consists of

Matrona'srendition of

'Soleares'. ubsequently, the

interviewer

asks Matrona, 'The

other day we were

walking the

streets of Seville. What did

you feel as we were walking there?' (El otrodfa estuvimos n Sevilladandoun paseo

por as calles. Que'

intio' ntonces uando

staba'mosaseando

orallf?)Pepe responds,

'Joy

and sadness'

(alegrfa triste), hus

implying that the feelings

produced during

Matrona's walk are

the same feelings

which dominate Matrona's

song. The joy

and sadness of

Matrona's Soleares' re the

conscious

feelings that flood over him

as he

walks the streets of

Sevilla.

The collective

historicalfeelings which

a singer resurrects, are

supposed to

be

elemental, authentic, and

sincere. Cante hould be

unsullied by

commercialism

and unaltered by

considerations of

popularity. The Rito

commentariesrepeatedly

stress the

importanceof sincerity

and purityin cante.For

example, the Ritonarrator

introduces the programmeon E1Perrate n this way: 'Success or acknowledgement

by the public at

large for an artist, is

greatly influenced

by social circumstances

and by the

aesthetic taste of the era. In

the case of

E1 Perrate de Utrera, his

expressive forms, canonical and

pure, remain unknown

or known

only by a small

number of

aficionados and

artists, while the tendency of

the public leans towards

the

threatricaland the folkloric.

In this programme, E1

Perrate, who has survived

in some manner

the conditions described

above, offers

us without adulteration,

the distinctive

styles of the

Sevillian zone of Utrera' (El

exito o reconocimientoor

parte

del gran

publicopor un artista se

influyenpoderosamenteor las

circunstanctas

socialesy el gusto este'tico e la e'poca.En el caso de El Perratede Utrera,

us

formas

expresivasma's

ano'nicas purasquedaron n el

olvidoo tan solo parauna

minorfades

aficionados artfstas,

ya que a tendencia el

publico ntonces e vertfahacia

al teatro al

folklore.

En esteprograma l

Perrate ueen algunamanera a

mantenido

igencia,por as

circumstanciasntes

senaladas, osofrece in

ningunaadulteracio'n,os

estilospropios e

la zona

sevillanade Utrera).

The Rito

interviews, like the Rito

commentaries, emphasise the

importance

of

sincerity in cante.For

example, the Rito nterviewer

asks Pepe el de la Matrona

whether anyone

can 'invent' a new form of

cante. The presumption

seems to be

that

invented songs are artifices

and therefore less

sincere than are

songs sung

from memory. In another session, the interviewer asks Jose Pansequito whether

it is

true that singing in clubs

destroys a singer (se

hablade que tablao,de alguna

manera,

stropea l

cantaor). n other words,

the 'unnatural'setting of a

tablao aints

the purity and

sincerity of the singer's

soulful message.

In

general, the

Ritoprogrammes

characterisecanteas an

expression of per-

sonal and historical

feeling presented with

candour and sincerity.

Unsurprisingly,

this same

portrayal

dominates scholarly writings

about flamenco, i.e. 'fla-


6/17

The

amenco

body

79

Guitarist

l

Ingles

and

singer

Paco

Gil,

fiom

the

lamenco

ance

ompany

aleo,

performing

uring

a

our

of

Britain.

Photo

by

Robert

Holloway)


7/17

80

William

Washabaugh

mencology'.3

For

example,

Felix

Grande

(1992)

cites F.

Garcia

Lorca

approvingly:

'the

singer

has a

profound

religious

appreciation

of the

song' (el

cantaor

iene

un

profundo

entimiento

eligioso el

canto).

Ricardo

Molina

says

that a

singer

is a

'solitary

hero'

(he'roe

olitario)

who

paves the

way for

the

emergence

of 'a

new being', with

a

substantial

union of

body and

soul'

(un

nuevo

ser,

como la

unio'n

ustancial

de

cuerpoy

alma)

(1981,

p. 15).

Singing,

in this

account, is a

contemplative

act.

This

contemplative act

requires of

cantaores

hat

they

establish

appropriate

moods

(Hecht

1968)

and

set

their

minds to

the

task of

cutting

through

supeficial

layers

of

experience to

reachan

inner

core of

emotion.

A

number

of

flamencologists

have

argued

that the

emotions

of

flamenco

song

transcend

the

personality

and

the

individuality

of the

singer.

They

are

aspects of

human

'primary

processes'.

They are

universals of

the

human

collective

uncon-

scious (cf.

Molina

1985;

Quinones

1982;

Serrano

and

Elgorriaga

1991).

Arrebola

(1991, p. 15) says that 'flamencois universal, and at the same time Andalusian

and

Spanish,

because of

its

profound

human

inspiration and

by

reason

of

the

elemental

force

by

which it

directly

expresses

radical

problems,

needs

and

experi-

ences

common

to

all

human

beings' (El

f amenco

s

universal, l

tiempo

que

andaluz

y

espanol,

debido

su

inspiracio'n

rofundamente

umana

y

porla

fuerza

elemental

on

que

directamente

xpresa

problemas

adicales

el

hombre,

entimientos

preocupaciones,

deseos

experiencias

omunes

todos

os seres

humanos).

Quinones

writes of

cante

hat

'its basic

content

manifests a

simple

elemental

force

which

makes

it

accessible

to

all

men'

(Sus

con en

dos

primarios

on

de

una

elemen

alidad

imple

que o

hace

asimilable

a

todos os

hombres)

1982).

Thatsimple elemental force, accordingto these flamencologists, is conveyed

in

cante

with

sincerity

above

all else

(Grande

1992;

Molina

1981).

That

sincerity

of

song

is, for

its

part,

driven

by

the

power of

duende.

Duende,

according

to

Grande,

refers

to the

singer's

radical

concentration

ensimismado)

n

memories,

resulting in

liberation

and a

return

to

innocence:

With

flamenco

we

endure a

transformation:

here is

introduced

into

daily life,

the site

of

our

identity, an

exalted

aesthetic

atmosphere,

which

is the

place of

liberation.

One

can

summarize t

in a

word:

communion. In

flamenco,

the

shadow, the

sorrow,

the being,

the

memory and

the

mystery of

cante

enter into

communion . . .

rescuing

identity

from

the

daw of

Time

and

History,

and

revisiting

transcendent

ntimacy,

the

paradise of

innocence.

(El flamenco . . sutrimosuna transformacion:e introduce n lo cotidiano, l lugar de nuestra

identidad,

na

atmosfera

ste'tica

upretna-gue

s el

lugar

de la

liberacion.

o

gue

sucede

puede

er

dichocon

una

palabra

recisa:

s la

palabra e

communion. n el

flQmenco,a

sombra, l

dolor,el

ser, la

memoria

el

misterio el

cante,

entran

n

communion

...rescatarse de

la

identidad

e la

garra

del

Tiempo

de la

Historia,

regresar l

absoluto e

la

intimidad, l

parafso

e

la

inocencia).

(Grande 1992,

p. 85)

Thus

duende

unctions as

'a

singer's

hidden

faculty

for

introducing

us to

the

inef-

fable

so as

to draw

us

close

to the

ultimate

mystery

. . . '

(Insospechada

acultad

del

in

e'rprete

ara

hacernos

art

cipesde

lo

inefable

ara

approximarnosl en

gma

ultimode

lo

que

pretendfa

xpresar)

Caballero

Bonald

1975, p.

67).

Armedwith

this

spiritual

power, singers probe the limits of the human condition, 'sentimientos radicales

del

hombre'

(Molina

1981, p.

14).

They

sing of

life

lived

against

death

Fosephs

1983).

The

physical

presentation f

cante

The

problem

with this

portrayal s

that

it runs

headlong

into

the

jolting

physicality

of

the

Rito

exemplificationsof

cante.

The

comments on

profound

feeling,

collective


8/17

The

amenco

ody

81

memory,

and

sincerity

of

song

in

the

Rito

programmes

and

in

the

writings

of

flamencologists

may

be

instructive

and

valuable,

but

these

comments

are

helpless

at

best,

and

more

often

confusing,

in

the

face

of

the

physical

punch

of

the

recorded

examples

of

cante.

The

sheer

diversityof bodies of the Ritosingers is unsettling. Some flamenco

bodies

are

harsh

and

daunting,

some

are

languid

and

fluid,

some

are

old

and

stiff

and

barely

capable

of

uttering

a

sound,

some

are

portly

without

apology.

Some

bodies,

e.g.

young

Montoya

in

the

programme

devoted

to

children,

are

so

young

and

bright

and

smooth

as

to

seem

incapable

of

bearing

the

frightful

weight

of

the

sounds

they

emit.

But

even

more

unsettling

than

the

physical

diversity

of

singers

is

the

move-

ments

and

actions

which

those

diverse

bodies

produce.

When

Manuel

Agujetas,

La

Fernanda

de

Utrera,

Manuel

Soto

'Sordera',

and

Antonio

Mairena

sing,

their

fists are clenched and theirmuscles areraw

and

straining.

'The

hands

are

like

an

instrument

n

themselves,

which

extend,

join,

retract,

then

suddenly

punch,

as if

they

were

appendages

or

springs

responding

to

every

emphasis

and

inflection

of

the

voice'

(Woodall

1992,

p.

106).

Sometimes

these

singers

seem

to

be

doubled

over

in

pain,

as

if

they

had

just

had

the

wind

knocked

out

of

them.

At

other

times,

they

seem

to

be

caught

up

in

a

birthing

labour.

The

Rito

commentators

and

the

majority

of

flamenco

scholars

typically

respond

to

the

pained

body

of

a

singer

with

comments

about

the

meaning

of

the

singer's

pain.

As

such,

the

flamenco

commentaries

miss

the

mark.

They

fail

to

recognise

the

centrality

of

the

body

in

the

Rito

exemplifications.

They

fail

too

to

understandthatcantemightvery well operatebest when it communicatesnothing,

and

when

it

expresses

pain

that

has

no

meaning.

The

persistent

efforts

of

com-

mentators

to

attribute

meaning

to

what

has

no

meaning

might,

in

the

end,

only

serve

to

further

marginalise

the

bodies

which

singers

seem

bent

on

centralising.

The

Rito

commentators

end

up

marginalising

the

bodies

of

singers

because

they

generally

subscribe

to

Western

conceptions

of

music.

These

conventional

conceptions

of

music

are

longstanding,

and

they

have

been

at

work

marginalising

bodies

in

social

life

from

times

in

advance

of

the

emergence

of

flamenco

song.

In

other

words,

the

Rito

commentators,

together

with

the

flamencologists

on

whom

they

have

relied,

have

simply

followed

some

well

travelled

channels

of

interpreta-

tion. They have taken for grantedwhat most Westernershave taken for granted

before

them,

namely,

that

bodies

are

marginal

to

song.

This

essay

argues

that

cante

at

least

some

cante

resists

dominant

Western

musical

conventions

which

regard

the

body

as

marginal.

Cante

entralises

the

body

that

is

conventionally

marginalised

(cf.

Stam

1989,

p.

163).

This

resistance

to

the

conventions

of

Western

music

is

misunderstood

or ignored

in

the

Rito

commentar-

ies.

My

aim

is

to

respond

to

the

Rito

commentaries

by

unearthing

and

examining

the

historical

roots

of

the

Western

marginalisation

of

bodies

and

then

by

reflecting

on

the

central

role

of

the

body

in

cante.

Song

and

the

body

The

social

act

of

singing,

like

that

of

speaking,

is

variable

and

heterogeneous

. .

.

necessarily

and

unavoidably.

Singing

is

heteroglossic

and

irrepressibly

diverse

in

form

and

practice,

from

place

to

place,

and

from

person

to

person

(Bakhtin

1981).

The

variability

of

song

is

never

lost

in

any

society,

but

it

can

be

overshadowed

by

institutional

constraints

(Middleton

1989).

Specifically,

nstitutional

constraints

can


9/17

82

William

Washabaugh

encourage musical

uniformity while

discouraging

what

might

otherwise be a

musical

gallimaufry.

Variability s

institutionally

overshadowed and

discouraged in

surprisingly

concrete ways, as

Goffman llustrates n his discussion of the shaping of conversa-

tions

between

patrons and ticket

vendors at the

movies (1983).

The ticket

vendor's

box, with its

hole

strategically

placed for

speaking and

trading money,

stands

in

for

words,

channelling

conversationto

a speedy end.

The

architectureof

the ticket

booth is a

concrete

institutional

constraint

which

encourages patrons to

rush

for-

ward with a

curt

word, 'Two

please '

The

'official'

nstitutions in

the Middle

Ages

constrained song

and song

inter-

pretation,

streamlining

them through

concretedevices

along specific

paths.

Any

song

that

deviated from

those paths

was hidden

and

muted. However,

heterog-

lossic

song persisted

on the

margins of

sociallife.

Like the grass

that

grows persist-

ently in the cracksof a concretesidewalk, diverse songs continuallyarose to chal-

lenge

the

constraints of

officialdom

and to reassert

the

heteroglossia

of song in

particularand of

social life in

general (Bakhtin

1981).

Modern

Western social

life, no

less than

medieval life,

involves

tensions

between

mainstreamsocial

forces that

resolve

diversity into

uniformity

and coun-

tervailing

forces that

encourage

heteroglossia.

However, the

power of

mainstream

forces

has increased

during the modern

period

(Stallybrass

and White

1986). With

respectto

music, the

emergence

of the

performingstage -

and

subsequently

audio

and

video

recordings

(Corbett1990) -

is a primary

concrete force which

resolves

diversity into

uniformity.

The performingstage became a complex institution in the mid-nineteenth

century,

usurping all prior

aspects of

popular

musicand

redefining them

according

to its own

institutional

parameters

(Middleton 1989,

p. 13).

After 1850,

popular

performerswere

distinguished

from

audiences. Stars

became

highly-paidprofes-

sionals in

contradistinction to

amateurs.

New roles

were defined,

including

'coaches' who

trained the

professionals

to perform

properly, and

'claques' who

trained

audiences to

respond properly

(Attali 1987).

And in all

these

roles, uni-

formity

prevailed over

diversity.

By the end of

the

nineteenth

century, it was

very

difficult to maintain

an

awareness of

the diverse

range of

possibilities of

popular

song.

The

performing stage

generally

succeeded in

channelling

musical

activity

along

two paths.

First and on

the one

hand, the

stage played

up a

concept of

song which

had

been cultivated

in the

Roman Church,

and

which

subsequently

encouraged

universalist-communalist

nterpretations

of music.

Second

and on the

other hand,

the stage

played up a

concept of

song which

had been

cultivated

in

Protestantism,

and which

subsequently

encouraged

interpretations of songs

as

competitive

accomplishmentsof

individuals.

These two

narrow

channelsof

mutual

interpretation

came

to dominate

musical

activity by

the end of

the

nineteenth

century, and, I will

show, they

have

dominated

commentaries on

cante.

Communalong

Thefirst

channel

encouraged

socialrelations n

which

individuals gave

themselves

over to the

performanceof

traditionaland

transcendentally

ignificantroles.

Greg-

orianplain

chant

exemplifies this

formof song

in which an

individual's

behaviour

is

constrainedby

traditionalroles in

service to the

sacred.

Specifically,

plain chant


10/17

The

lamenco

ody

83

is

sung

by

a

group

in

a

monotone.

Unlike

polyphonic

music

which

highlights

the

distinctive

contributions

of

different

voices,

plain

chant

aims

to

eradicate

the

distinctions

between

individual

voices.

Chanters

are

to

blend

their

voices

so

com-

pletely

that

listeners

hear

one

voice

only.

Thus

the

attention

of

listeners

is

diverted

from

the heterogeneity of the singers. Moreover, plain chant is sung in such a

way

as

to

deny,

in

practice,

the

limitations

of

the

body.

In

contrast

to

singing

in

which

phrases

are

matched

to

the

lung

capacity

of

singers,

the

singing

of

plain

chant

proceeds

without

regard

to

breath

groups.

Chanters

are

advised

to

take

breaths

anywhere

but

at

phrase

junctures.

The

resulting

song

with

its

randomly

distributed

breathing

seems

to

be

a

single

endlessly

swelling

voice

unfettered

by

normal

bodily

requirements.

Listeners,

for

their

part,

are

encouraged

to

hear

a

disembodied

voice

rather

than

a

voice

constrained

by

physical

limitations.

By

the

nineteenth

century,

this

mode

and

model

of

musical

activity

was

secularised, that is, emptied of its religious significance.

Courtly

music

in

Britain,

France

and

Germany

was

celebrated

as

a

disembodied

music

whose

form

approx-

imated

the

structure

of

human

reason

(Barry

1987).

Romantic

writers

at

the

begin-

ning

of

the

nineteenth

century

embraced

this

music

as

a

vehicle

through

which

the

universal

spirit

might

express

a rationality

which

individual

bodies,

in

their

contingency

and

concreteness,

could

never

know:

'Unknown

to

me',

writes

Words-

worth,

'the

workings

of

my

spirit

thence

are

brought'

(Barry

1987,

p.

131).

This

characterisation

f

music

as

a

vehicle

for

tapping

an

invisible

and

univer-

sal

wellspring

of

meaning,

has

served

as

a

powerful

model

of

and

for

modern

social

relations.

According

to

this

model,

singers,

though

apparently

ndependent

of each other, are capableof being joined by abstractuniversalties. Songs operate

like

the

myths

described

by

Joseph

Campbell.

They

recover

the

abstract

universal

ties

which

invisibly

bind

humans

together.

A

singer

is

a

hero

who

searches

out

the

forces

in

'Mind-at-Large'

Campbell

1972)

thereby

joining

scattered

ndividuals

into

a

seamless

community.

Song,

understood

along

these

lines,

is

a

utopian

pro-

ject.

As

a

staged

spectacle,

it

seeks

to

draw

performers

and

audiences

together

to

form

a

perfect

unity.

This

'communal

song'

model

has

influenced

the

interpretation

of

cante

n

the

Rito

programmes.4

For

one

thing,

Rito

narrations

requently

characterise

lamenco

as

distinctly

communal

song.

The

anonymous

authoritative

narrator

n

the

pro-

gramme on Tangos, says: 'In Gitano celebrations, the festive song - Tangos,

Romances,

lborea's,

ulerfas

is

one

of

the

elements

which

lends

coherence

to

these

reunions.

Only

in

these

situations

of

communal

participation

s

there

produced

songs

with

such

an

abundance

of

freedom'.

(Dentro

de

las

celebraciones

itanas,

el

cante

estero

Tangos,

Romances,

Alborea's,

ulerfas

es

uno

de

los

elementos

ue

da

cohesio'n

estas

reuniones.

olo

en

estas

situationes

e

participacio'n

omunitaria

e

produce

el

cante

con

toda

argueza

e

libertad).

With

a similar

tone,

the

programme

on

Soleares

offers

this

comment

on

the

characteristics

of

the

Soleares

f

Alcala:

'The

principal

characteristic

of

Soleares

f

Alcala

is

that

.

. .

it

is

not

a

personal

but

a

popular

creationwith an unmistakable

mark'

(La

caracterfstica

rincipal

e

los

Soleares

e

Alcala

es

que

.

.

no

es

un

cante

de

creacio'n

ersonal

ino

popular

on

sello

propionconfundible).

More

striking

still

is

the

stylised

characterisation

of

communal

ties

in

the

programme

which

focuses

on

the

Christmas-time

estivities

in

the

family

of

Manuel

Soto

'Sordera'.

At

one

point

late

in

the

programme

the

family

is

singing

and

dancing

Bulerfas

when

suddenly

the

voice

of

La

Nina

de

los

Peines,

perhaps

the

most

renowned

of

all

cantaoras,

s

ghosted

in

over

the

sound

track

in

perfect

syn-


11/17

84 WilliamWashabaugh

chrony with the rhythm being played at this Soto family reunion. The suggestion,

which is advanced by this overlain sound track, s that communal celebrationsare

potent enough to revive ties to the past. The community that sings together, stays

together not only in the present but through time as well. In other words, cante

is an expression of universal emotions springing from communal memories which,

when unearthed, liberate singers from 'the claw of time and history'.

Competitiveong

Western song and music was institutionallychannelled along a second path which

also influences contemporary nterpretationsof cante. This second path assumes

song to be a competitive expression of individuality(cf. Turner1984, p. 174). Along

this channel, songs spring from individual artists for the purpose of validating

their personhood vis-a-visother individuals. A song is inscribed onto the singer's

voice and then sent out into the marketplace or competition and validation. There,

through that disembodied voice, the singer vicariously competes with others. The

vicarious competition of songs forms a community of sorts among singers. How-

ever, the communal relations realised through such song are indirect rather than

face-to-face,and they are marked by competition rather than unanimity.

The linkage between such competitive musical practice and Protestant theo-

logy is nicely illustrated in a recent film portraying the lives of St Colombe and

Marin Marais in the second half of the seventeenth century, Tous Les Matins du

Monde. This film (and not necessarily the actual behaviour of St Colombe and

MarinMarais)models and celebratesa mode of producing and interpretingmusic

which assumes individuals to be gifted, to one degree or another, and charged

with a moral responsibility for cultivating that gift. St Colombe, an ascetic

reformer, builds a hut off in the woods where he practices at his viol for fifteen

hours a day. So committed is he to his music that he forgets his child-carerespons-

ibilities. Viewers are encouraged to believe that the responsibility for developing

God-given musical talents supercedes any responsibility for cultivating physical

ties to others.

This mode of interpreting modern song as both symbol and carrierof per-

sonhood gained popularity at the same time as body-cosmetics, and for the same

reasons. 'Cosmeticpracticesare indicative of a new presentation of self in a society

where the self is no longer lodged in formal roles but has to be validated through

a competitive public space' (Turner 1984, p. 174). The actions of singing and of

putting on lipstick both serve the individual by enabling him or her to cultivate a

self which can compete in the marketplaceof public life.

The Rito interpretationsof cantebear numerous marks of influence from this

second channel of song interpretation.Pepe Marchenastruts about in natty dress,

with ascot, cigar, and a variety of stylish hats, singing for adoring audiences,

claiming to be a walking encyclopaediaof the art of flamenco (yo soy un enciclopedia

de las cosasdel arte). The question asked of him by Jose Maria Velazquez presup-

poses a world in which a distinctive talent like Marchena'smight well succeed in

the musical marketplaceand also validate personal worth: 'Can one speak of a style

created by Pepe Marchena?' Se puedehablar e un estilohechoporPepeMarchena?).

Marchenaresponds to this question saying that his distinctive style consists in his

improvements and advances of all things flamenco.

Similarly,Camaronde la Isla, who is presented in a recording studio rather


12/17

The

lamenco

ody

85

than

n

intimate

gatherings,

is

described

as

an

artist

bent

on

breaking

away

from

the

pack,

and

forging

new

canons

of

flamenco

art:

Nowadays

many

young

singers

set

their

sights

on

revising

the

traditions

of

flamenco

that

havepersistedup to the present. Perhaps

the

most

significant

of

these

is

Jose

Monge

Cruz

'E1

Camaron'.

He

has

revolutionized

the

established

canons. His very personal style is

distinct

rom

others

both

in

musical

form

and

expressivity.

Thus

Camaron

s

a

singer

who

has

captured

the

attention

of

the

most

important

record

companies.

His

recordings

are

as

successful

as

those

of

any

other

popular

singer.

(Hoy

en

dia

son

muchos

os

cantaores

ovenes

gue

intentan

enovar

as

fradiciones

lamencas

seguidas

asta

ahora.

Quiza'

l

ma's

ignificativo

e todos

ea

lose'

Monge

Cruz

'El

Camaro'n'.

l

ha

revolucionado

os

ca'nones

stablecidos.

u

estilo

muy

personal

e

distingue

de los

dema's,

anto

en

su

forma

musical

omo

expresiva.

or

eso

Camaron

s

un

cantaor

ue

ha

capEado

a

atencio'n

e

las

ma's

imporEantes

asas

de

discos.

Sus

grabaciones

uceden

on

la

misma

recuencia

ue

las

de

cualquier

cantante

e

las

u'ltimas

ias).

Hereagainis highlighted the idea thatpersonaltalentscanbe packaged

for

success

in

the

competitive

world

of

music

redounding

to

the

credit

of

the

artist.

The

idea

is

consistent

with

the

conception

of

'music

as

competition'.

On

the

whole,

Rito

encourages

viewers

to

adopt

one

of

two

modes

of

inter-

preting

cante.

Viewers

are

led

to

see

cante

as

a

communal

song

in

which

individual-

ity

is

submerged,

or

viewers

are

led

to

see

cante

as

an

individual

song

through

which

the

artist

breaks

free

of

a

stultifying

community.

With

either

mode

of inter-

preting

cante,

a

special

emphasis

is

placed

on

spiritual

ties

and

gifts.

That

special

emphasis

results

in

the

marginalisation

of the

singer's

body.

With

an

emphasis

on

spirits

rather

than

on

bodies,

the

Rito

programmes

are

generally unable to come to grips with the corporealpresence of singers in the

Rito

ilms.

Manuel

Agujetas,

Manuel

Soto

'Sordera',

Antonio

Mairena,

a

Fernanda

de

Utrera,

La

Perrata,

Maria

La

Sabina,

Diego

E1

Perote

and

Juan

Talega

are

singers

that

come

across

as

bodies

first

and

foremost.

Their

songs

do

not

merely

use

their

voices,

as

if

their

voices

were

instruments

of

song.

Their

songs

are

their

voices.

In

the

Rito

films,

the

songs

of

these

singers

are

their

bodies.

In

sum,

the

two

major

Western

paths

for

interpretation,

.e.

communal

song

and

competitive

song,

cannot

account

for

the

raw

and

edgy

physicality

of

the

Rito

exemplifications

of

cante.

Flamencologists

tell

us

that

cante

s

an

act

which

tran-

scends

the

physical

in

its

quest

to

reveal

universal

sentiments,

in

its

quest

to

liberate

the spirit. Or they tell us that singers are solitary heroes whose songs

spring

from

a

unique

combination

of

physical

strength,

personal

insight,

and

creat-

ive

genius.

But

neither

of

these

modes

of

interpreting

cante

helps

viewers

to

appreciate

the

raw

corporality

of

Rito

songs.

Neither

addresses

adequately

the

flamenco

body.

Cante

and

the

flamenco

body

Let

us

therefore

focus

on

the

flamenco

body.

The

remainder

of

this

article

will

arguethatthe flamencobody, when

caught

up

in

cante,

steps

outside

both

conven-

tional

Western

song

models.

We

can

begin

our

inquiry

into

the

flamenco

body

by

searching

out

the

origin

of

cante.

It

should

be

noted,

however,

that

this

search

for

flamenco

origins

-

is

quite

different

from

the

searches

for

ethnic

roots,

historical

precedents

and

genealogical

affiliations

which

have

prevailed

in

flamencological

literature.

Our

question

asks

about

the

forces

which

have

encouraged

cante

o

step

outside

of

the


13/17

86

William

Washabaugh

modern

Western song

conventions. It

asks

about the

social conditions

in

which

singers

began to

behave in ways

normally

suppressed in Western

social life.

With

its

focus on the

corporality

of cante, his

question

asks about

the origin of

a practice

rarely

associated

with Westernsong.

The

force which

prompts

the distinctive

practiceof

Flamencosingers is

frus-

tration

and failure.

Mitchell

(1988,

1990, 1991)has

outlined the

impact

of chronic

economic and

political

failures and

oppressions

which, starting

in the

sixteenth

century, robbed

Andalusians of

autonomy and gave

rise to

a culture of

victimage.

He has

documented

the

relationship between

the

historical

experienceof

failure,

and

the emergence

of

provincialisms,

he

scapegoating practices,

the

blood sports,

the

emotionalreligiosity

of Holy Week,

the

penitential

cofradias, he

pilgrimages,

etc.

Why does

frustration

and failure

breed the sort

of

practicewhich is

character-

istic of Andalusianculturein generaland of cante lamencon particular? suggest

that we

search for

an answer to

this question

in the

behaviour

of persons

caught

up in

bodily

failures.

Bodies

in pain turn

their attention

inward (Leder

1990). When in

pain,

indi-

viduals

truncate heir

customary

outgoing

(ecstatic)

attention, and begin

exploring,

feeling, and

exclaiming

about

internal

realities which, in

the

normal course

of

activity, are invisible

and,

for all

practicalpurposes,

absent. Bodily

failuresprompt

extended and

repeated

monologues of

self-examining

body-talk.

The

inwardly

directed,

self-examining

expressions

which

arise on

occasions

of pain

and death,

are

often

non-functional. Their

hallmark s their

uselessness.

Often enough, such expressions do not even seek out a listener. Consider, for

example, the radio

commentary

presented on the

occasion of the

crash of the

Hindenburg

dirigible, 6

May

1937:

I don't

believe .

. . I can't

even talk to

people whose

friends are

out there. It's a .

. . (sobs),

I can't

talk, ladies and

gentlemen, honest.

It's a laid-down

mass

of smoking

wreakage, and

everybody can hardly

breathe. I'm

sorry;

honest, I can

hardly breathe.

I'm

going to step

inside

where I

cannot see it.

Scotty, that's

terrible.

(sobs) I

can't. Listen, folks,

I'm going

to have

to stop for a

minute because

I've

lost my voice.

(as quoted in

Nichols

1991, p. 220)

The

Hindenburg

commentator

had

turned radically

nward. He

forsakes all

hope

of describing

the events

before

him. Instead

his words

serve to

bemoan his

own

failingstate.

His 'I can't

talk' is not

intended to

represent

anything or

even

express

anything. The

commentator's

emotional agitation is

so

great that he

has disen-

gaged himself

from

the essential

features of the

communication

process, even

from

the listener.

His

words are

directed to no one

in

particular nd

have no

identifiable

purpose to serve.

In their

uselessness, the

expressions of

bodies-in-pain

are

exceptional.

They

deviate from

the

institutionally

established

channels which

recommend

that

expressions serve

as 'conduits

of

meaning' (Lakoff

and Johnson

1980;

Lee 1992,

p. 80), that they be directed to a listener, and that they transfer some useful

information

or

sentiment from

the speaker to

the listener.

Stepping outside of

the

institutionally

recommended channels

for

expressing

themselves,

individuals in

pain

are often

oblivious to

listeners as

they focus

inward

and directtheir

attentions

to their own

bodies. They

deviate from

institutionally

approved modes

of

speaking.

The singers in

the Rito

programmes

behave in a

fashion

similar o

the Hinden-


14/17

The

lamenco

ody

87

burg commentator.

Like the

Hindenburg

commentator,

Manuel

Agujetas,

singing

Siguiriyas,

s

focused

inward.

His whole-body

expression

is devoted

to the

task of

presenting

internal

realities

which are

normally

held

aside and

assumed

to be

absent

from everyday

affairs.

Not

that his

self-presentations

are supposed

to

do

anything

or

even

mean anything.

They

are not.

Ratherthey

are

distinctively

non-

functional

and uninformative.

Like

the Hindenburg

commentator,

Agujetas

is

using his

expressive

force

to introduce

his

own

failed

body

into

the landscape

of

disasters

which

is Andalusia.

Cante

resists the

rules that

govern

conventional

communicative

expressions.

For

one thing,

the

cantaor

s

often surprised

by

what

comes

out

of his

mouth.

'Things

come

out

of

me that I

wasn't

expecting

would

come

out of

me' (me

salen

cosas que

yo no

esperaba

ue

me salieran

Jose

Menese

quoted

in

Angel

Caballero

(1981,

p. 172)).

Flamencologists,operatingwith understandingsthatare consistentwith con-

ventional

Western

conceptions

of music,

have

generally

failed

to

appreciate

the

uninformative

and

unintentional

nature

of such

cante

quejEo.

iaz

del

Moralcom-

plains

that

'therenever

appears

[in cante]

any rebellious

uprising,

any

revolution-

aryimpulse,

or any

urgency

for

political,

social

or economic

reform'

(no

aparece

or

ninguna

parEe

n brote

de rebeldia,

un impulso

revolucionario,

na ansia

de

redencio'n

polSica,

socialo

econo'mica

as

summarised

by

Molina

1985,p.

49).

Herrero

(1991,

p.

118)describes

cante

as 'hermetic'

song.

In contrast

to jazz,

flamenco

is

closed

off,

hidden,

introverted,

and

in danger,

therefore,

of

self-suffocation.

Gelardo

and

Belade

(1985)

contend

that Andalusian

flamenco

became,

over

the

past 150

years,

toothless. It lost the grit of resistanceand the bite of protest during the decadent

period

of the

cafe's

antantes

when, little

by little,

it was

sweetened

to please

the

tastes

of the

middle classes.

Earlier

song

involved

wrenching

accounts

of

life

in

prison,

but the

sweetened

moan

of the

cafe'

antante

ubstituted

the softer

themes

of

death and

mother

for the

gritty theme

of life

in the

prison

(ibid.,

p. 133).

In

sum, cante

quejEo

as

been

criticised

as

quietistic

and

self-indulgent.

Such

criticisms

take

for

granted

the

authority

of

dominant

Western

modes

of interpreting

song.

They fail

to see that

cantequejEo

s itself

a resistance.

They

fail

to understand

that

the 'uselessness'

of

cante s

its sharpest

challenge

to an

oppress-

ive institutional

order

which

demands

thatexpressions

be

communicatively

useful.

CantequejEoloods the floor with the 'wonder' of a failed body, leaving wit-

nesses

awestruck

and bewildered

(Greenblatt

1990,

pp.

161ff.),

raising

awareness

levels and

producing

exhilaration.

Cante

quejEo

ives

pleasure

rather

than

meaning

(Frith

1988,

p. 115;

Middleton

1989,

p. 261).

It is

a voice

music,

'the

materiality

of

the body

speaking

its mother

tongue'

(Barthes

1977,

p.

188). The

words

used

by

Barthes

(ibid.,

p.

181)

to describe

the

sounding

body

of a

Russian

church

bass

apply

equally

well to

the

sounding

body

of a cantaor:

Something

is there,

manifest

and stubborn,

beyond

the

meaning

of the

words,

their form,

the

melisma,

and

even the

style of

execution:

something

which

is directly

the

cantor's

body

broughtto your ears in one and the same movement from deep down in the cavities, the

muscles,

the membranes.

Commentators

may persist

in asking

about

the

meaning

of such

cante,

treat-

ing songs

as semantic

and

representational

expressions.

However,

the

persistence

is itself

oppressive

because

it pressures

cantaores

o

conform

to

conventional

and

normal

modes

of

musical

practice.

Like

the

persistent

search

of

psychologists

for


15/17

88

William

Washabaugh

meaning

and

information

in

expressions

of

sorcery

or

possession

or

ecstasy

(de

Certeau

1988,

pp.

250ff.),

the

search

for

meaning

and

information in

cante

effec-

tively

denies

the

Otherness

of

cantaores

nd

assimilates

their

voices to

mainstream

voices.

This

persistent

search

for

meaning

in

cante resolves the problematic

Otherness

of

the

cantaor

by

dissolving it

into

a

normality,

and

in

the

process

'stamping

out

the

popular

manifestations

of

the

body'

(Greenblatt

1990,

p.

79).

Cante

quejEo

esists

conventional

modes

of

musical

interpretation.

However,

that

is not

to

say

that

cante

quejEos

thereforea

general

tool

of

political

resistance.

It

would

be

dangerous

and

ultimately

oppressive

(Grossberg

1992, p.

94)

to

attribute

general

political

significance

to

cante

as

if it

were

an

'anti-structural'

orce

(Turner

1969),

or a

'tactic'

(de

Certeau

1984),

or

'a

countervailing

form

of

positive

body

awareness'

(Leder

1990,p.

153),

or a

'hidden

transcript'

of

resistance

(Scott

1990),

or,

as I

argued

under a

pseudonym

(Doe

1988, p.

220),

a

'languageof

resistance'.

Rather,cante, ike other popularmanifestationsof the body, is politicallyambigu-

ous

(Crowley

1989).

Its

political

valence is

negotiated

in

the

concrete

events of

presentation

and

uptake.

Televising

cante

The

negotiation of

the

general

value

of

cante

has

less

to

do

with

the

intrinsic

character

of

cante

quejEos

a

popular

manifestation

of

the

body,

than

with

the

juxtapositionof

cante

with

other

expressions.

Specifically

when

cante

s

put

together

with the

television

medium

in

the

Rito

programmes,

viewers

are

encouraged to

respond to canteas conventional song. The video medium reframescanteas con-

ventional

song,

and

the

Rito

commentaries

encourage

the

interpretation

of

cante

as

either

'communal'

r

'competitive'.

ante

on

television

comes

off as

normal

song.

Meaning

is

returned to

centre

stage.

Corporalitys

consigned

to

the

wings.

Reyn-

olds

(1990,

p.

82)

would

describe

this

process

as

a

sell-out

and

not

unlike

the

sell-out

of

'soul'

music.

Soul

was

once

- a

very

long

time ago

-

the

sound of

a

psyche

breaking

up,

shattered

by

desire

or

loss

- a

wracked

catharsis, an

ailing,

dejected

broken

sound,

essentially

tragic.

Today,

soul

has

become

a

token of

strength of

feeling,

of

strength

of

being.

Beige

popsters

take

a

vicarious

pride

in

the

slow

baptism

of

fire

that

their

chosen

genre

and its

protagonists

underwent.Beigevocalistsadmireand envy the blacks' forbeing morein touch with their

emotions,

their

bodies,

the

unfettered

gnorance

of

their

self-expression .

.

Beige

vocalists

attempt

to

constructan

erstaz

black

body

to

signify,

what?

Health

The

vocal

dexterity,

vigour

and

power of

the

soul

man

amount

to .

. .

passion

as

workout

In

our

culture,

which

sets

such

a

high

premium

on

self-enrichment,

he

robust,

emotive

and

expressive

aspects

of

soul

act as

a

sort

of

therapy,

helping us

to

'liberate'

ourselves

by

getting

back in

touch

with

ourselves,

opening

up,

unblocking,

becoming

more

functional

and

therefore

(it

runs)

more

free.

Conclusion

In the documentaryseries Ritoy GeografiaelCante, lamencosong is interpreted

and

portrayedas

meaningful

song.

cante s

presented

as

a

spiritual

journey

to

the

heart

of

the

human

condition.

This

handling

of

cante,

while

edifying,

fails

to

account

for

its

physicality.

Specifically,

he

singers in

the

Rito

programmes

advance

a

corporality

which

is

conventionally

consigned

to

the

margins

of

musical

experi-

ence.

The

intensity

and

diversity

of

singers'

bodies

overshadows

the

allegedly

spiritual

mission of

cante.


16/17

The

lamenco ody 89

In this

essay I have argued that

bodies occupy a central

rather han a marginal

place in the Rito examples

of cante.

The singer's words

and intentions suddenly

become

secondary, and the singer's

body,

sounding itself,

obtrudes into the

musical event,

wondrous and

awesome. As

such, cante s a site of

resistance to

conventional notions of

song, and, potentially at

least, to

conventionalmodels of

personhood.

Promising though

this 'marginocentric'

resistance

may be, the promise is

compromisedby the

filmic condition of cante n

the Rito

series. The presentation

of the Rito

films on television

reframes canteas conventional

song and

encourages

viewers to

ascribe

meaning and significance to

meaningless bodies.

Still in all, flamenco

song is a diverse and

shifting

experience. The document-

ary television

programmes of the Rito series

cannot put limits on

flamenco song

or

fix its place in human

affairs.

Viewers are constantly

revising their responses

to cante - and to each other through cante - with each viewing and with each

. .

muslca experlence

Endnotes

1

This article s part of a larger

project of under-

standing the Rito films. My

project of under-

standing these

films began with translations

of

the narrative

nd interview materials n the

Rito

programmesand

with analysesof the

objectives

towardswhichthe words and

images in the

Rito

films have been organised. But beyond the

focused activities of

translation and analysis,

this project nvolves

reconsiderationsof

ethno-

graphy, documentary ilm,

and flamencomusic

in the light of

contemporary ocial theory.

My

plan is to

publish the results of the project

n a

single volume.

My

thanks to Brook Zern, to

Professor

DieterChristensenof

ColumbiaUniversity,and

to the University

of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

Lib-

rary.Theircollaborationmade

it possible forme

to gain access to

Ritoy Geograffael Cante.Also

I

thank TimothyMitchell,

David Monroe,

and

especially

Catherine

Washabaugh or their sup-

port and

criticism.

2

The marginalisedrole of the

body in

conven-

tionalcommentarieson song

parallels he mar-

ginalised role of

the body in commentaries

on

drama.Specifically,

onventionalcommentaries

on Greek

ragedies, which

focus on spleens and

humours,

persist in

interpreting spleens as

emotions and bodily fluids as

states of

mind,

thereby marginalising the body

in Greek tra-

gedy

(Padel 1992).

3 Scholarlywriting on

flamencohas been labelled

'flamencologia', n

the wake

of

the landmark

book

Flamencologia (Gonzalez

Climent 1964).

These

'flamencological'writings

tend to be gen-

etic and classificatoryhistorieswith emphases

on the oral

traditions of Andalusia in general,

or on

the contributionsof

Gitanos, or on the

specific

contributionsof Andalusian provinces,

or on

the

musical influence of Hispano-

America.Some

contemporary nd comprehens-

ive

contributions o this literature

nclude Rios

Ruiz (1991),

Woodall (1992) and

the forthcom-

ing work of Timothy

Mitchell.

4

Interestingly, it has often been

said that cante

bears marks of

influence from Gregorianplain

chant.For example,the

Rito

programmeon the

form Tona's,

probably one of the

very earliest

programmes n the

series, implies such influ-

ence

in its presentation of plain

chant in the

audio

trackbehind

scenes that aim to depict a

formativeperiod of

flamenco.GermanHerrero

(1991,

p. 31),

Hipolito Rossy (1966, pp. 39ff.),

and

Jose CaballeroBonald(1975,p.

20) all make

explicitreference o

this influence,though none

of

these scholarsprovides

unambiguoushistor-

ical

documentation for the

linkage between

Gregorianchant and

cante.

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Economy of Music (Minneapolis)

Balchtin, Milchail.

1981. The Dialogic Imagination

(Austin,

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the flamenco body by william washabaugh

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